SOCIOLOGY OF SPORT JOURNAL. 1 9 8 6 . 3 , W
Winning is Not the Only Thing
Annelies Knoppers, Jayne Schuiteman
Michigan State University
Bob Love
Louisville, Kentucky
The purpose of this study was to explore the dimensionality, situation specificity, and magnitude of game orientation in teenagers across the independent variables of gender, athletic status (athlete, nonathlete) and ethnicity
(Anglo, Black, Hispanic). Subjects (N = 864) completed a Likert version
of Webb's Professionalization Scale (1969) in response to a description of
a recreational and of a competitive situation. Responses to questions pertaining to the importance of victory and of skill comprised a professional
orientation while questions focusing on fun and equity constituted a play orientation. The results indicated that game orientation was multidimensionaland
situation specific, and was mediated to some extent by ethnicity but not by
gender and athletic status. The discussion includes a focus on methodology
and instrumentation used in other studies pertaining to game orientation.
Game orientation, that is, the extent to which children value winning and
fair play, has been a topic of interest to many educators. This focus stems from
a growing concern that sport programs for young athletes emphasize winning
and pay only lip service to fun and fairness. An individual who values winning
ahead of playing fair is assumed to have a professional orientation. Conversely,
a child who places playing fair ahead of winning is judged to have a play orientation. The latter orientation is assumed to prevail in children's play (Webb, 1969).
A shift from a play to a professional orientation has been termed professionalization. The extent to which youth sport programs have served as a conduit for professionalization has been the focus of various researchers.
Game orientation was first assessed and examined by Webb (1969). His
scale asked children to rank-order the importance of winning, playing well, and
playing fair in a game. Webb developed a hierarchical schema based on the six
This study was funded by a grant from the College of Education, Michigan State
University. The authors wish to acknowledge the help of Judy Walton and Sara Watts
in collecting the data.
Direct all correspondenceto Annelies Knoppers, HPE Dept., 131IM Sports Circle,
Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI 48824.
44
Knoppers, Schuiteman, and Love
possible permutations of these rankings. This schema was anchored on one end
by play orientation and at the other end by professional orientation. Webb assumed that game orientation was a bipolar unidirnensional construct; that is, a
child possessed either a play or a professional orientation. Both Webb's scale
and schema have been the modal method in the research dealing with game orientation.
Since the publication of Webb's (1969) seminal work, investigators have
focused primarily on the relationship between professionalization and age, sport
involvement and gender. Specifically, professionalizationhas been shown to vary
positively with age and level of competitive sport involvement and also to vary
by gender. Thus older children-especially those in high school-males, and athletes have shown a greater degree of professionalization than younger children,
females, and nonathletes (Blair, 1985; Card, 1981; Kidd & Woodman, 1975;
Knoppers, Schuiteman, Shaw, & Love, 1985; Knoppers, Shaw, & Love, 1984;
Loy, Birrell, & Rose, 1976; Maloney & Petrie, 1972; Mantel & VanderVelden,
1974; McElroy & Kirkendall, 1980; Nicholson, 1979; Nixon, 1980; Petrie, 1971a,
1971b; Sage, 1980; Snyder & Spreitzer, 1979; Theberge, Curtis, & Brown, 1982).
A discussion of the explanations suggested by researchers for differences in game
orientation associated with the aforementioned variables can be found elsewhere
(Knoppers, 1985). However, all such explanations seemed to assume that a child
who has a professional orientation no longer places a high value on fun and fair
play Differences in game orientation, however, could also have been a function
of Webb's (1969) scale and schema. The Webb scale has been criticized for its
failure to define the context of "in a game" (Coakley, 1982; Knoppers, 1985),
for its assumption of the bipolarity of game orientation, and for its use of rank
ordering of the elements to quantify game orientation (Knoppers, 1985). Perhaps
children think that both winning and equity are important, and yet they have not
been able to express that valuation through the Webb scale. Knoppers (1985) therefore suggested that a Likert scale be used and that the context of the situation
for which the valuations are to be made must be clearly defined. Consequently
one of the purposes of this study was to investigate the dimensionality of game
orientation, that is, the extent to which a play and a professional orientation are
part of die same continuum. A second purpose of this study was to investigate
the extent to which game orientation is a stable or situation-specific construct;
that is, to what degree do game orientation scores vary with the type of situation?
The third purpose of this study focused on the cultural aspects of attitudes
toward winning. A comparison of game orientation scores revealed international
differences among Canadian and American college students (Petrie, 1971a, 1971b)
and among elite athletes from Japan, Hungary, Belgium, and Canada (Kokumu,
1982; Theberge et al., 1982). The extent to which such differences exist among
ethnic groups within one country such as the United States has received little scholarly attention.
According to Blauner (1972), minority ethnic groups are subject to internal
colonization; that is, they are expected to internalize the dominant values of the
colonizer's society. Yet, studies of children have shown that not all ethnic differences have disappeared. Knight and Kagan (1982) found that in contrast to Anglo children, Hispanic youngsters demonstrated more cooperative than competitive
WINNING
45
behaviors. Others (Hurstfield, 1978; Powers &Wagner, 1983; Willig, Harnisch,
Hill, & Maehr, 1983)reported that Hispanic, Black, and Anglo children differed
in self-image, body image, and attributions for success and failure. Greendorfer
and Ewing (1981) found that Black children placed a higher value on sport than
did Anglo children, while Hernandez (1977) found that non-Hispanic boys showed
a much stronger preference for sport participation than did Hispanics. In sum,
these studies show that assimilation into the colonizer's culture, that of the Anglo American, has been incomplete and that minority ethnic youngsters may differ
in the importance they attach to competition, success, and sport.
Sport involvement in the United States is assumed to serve as an integrative agent, not just in terms of the physical intermingling of ethnic groups
but also in terms of value orientation (Coakley, 1982; Snyder & Spreitzer, 1983).
In other words, athletes, regardless of ethnicity, purportedly learn to internalize
dominant Anglo values through their sport participation. If sport does have an
integrative function, one would expect the game orientation of minority and Anglo athletes to be similar and also different from nonathletes of the same ethnic
origin. In addition, one would expect the game orientation of nonathletes to be
a function of ethnicity. On the basis of the research cited earlier, a gender gap
would be expected within each ethnic group and among athletes and nonathletes.
The purpose of this study therefore was threefold: to examine game orientation in terms of (a) its dimensionality, (b) its situation specificity, and (c) its
magnitude in teenagers across the independent variables of gender, athletic status, and ethnicity. Aspects of the study focusing on the first two purposes were
grouped into substudy 1, while those related to the third purpose were dealt with
in substudy 2. The same population and data of Anglo, Black, and Hispanic
teenagers were used for both substudies. The data were part of a larger study
focusing on socialization into and through sport.
Methodology
Game orientation Scale
The game orientation scale used in this investigation consisted of descriptions of two contrasting scenarios. In the recreational scenario, subjects were asked
to imagine themselves playing in an informal sport game with friends and family. The competitive scenario asked subjects to visualize themselves as playing
in the state high school basketball championship. For each scenario, subjects were
asked to rate on five-point scales each of four elements of game orientation (Snyder
& Spreitzer, 1983). Specifically, subjects had to indicate how important they felt
it was to win, to play fair, to play well, and to have fun. The investigators quantified professional orientation as the sum of the responses to playing well and
winning, whereas play orientation consisted of the sum of the responses to having fun and playing fair. This procedure generated two professional and two play
orientation scores for each subject. The highest possible score for each orientation was 10. Scores higher than 7 were categorized as high while those less than
5 were labeled as low.
Knoppers, Schuiteman, and Love
46
A pilot test of the instrument revealed several properties. Test-retest reliability for the recreational scenario was .56, while that for the competitive setting
was .60. The values of Cronbach's alpha, denoting the extent of internal consistency, were -77 and .82, respectively. Results of the factor analyses indicated
that both scenarios produced similar constructs varying only in the amount of
explained variance. Further testing also indicated that answers were not confounded by the sequence of presentation of the two scenarios, F (l,38) = .078, p > .05.
Subjects
The subjects were drawn from nine high schools in Missouri and six in
Texas. The high schools were selected purposely to ensure that athletes and nonathletes of the three ethnic groups and both sexes were represented. Since the population of each school consisted of either Anglos and Blacks or Hispanics and
Anglos, the Anglo students served as a quasi-control group. That is, the scores
of Anglo students (n = 113) in Anglo-Black schools were compared to those (n
= 106) in the Anglo-Hispanic schools for all variables under consideration. No
significant differences were found, which meant that to some degree results were
not a function of geography.
Students were asked to volunteer for the study during physical education
classes, homeroom periods, and team practices. Informed consent procedures were
used. A total of 910 subjects completed the questionnaire, which was part of a
larger instrument focusing on cross-cultural sport socialization. Subjects were
classified according to race, gender, and athletic status. Only the responses of
those who completed useable questionnaires and who classified themselves as Anglo (n = 2 19), Black (n = 23 I), or Hispanic (n = 414) were used in this investigation. Athletic status was defined in a dichotomous manner, that is, whether
or not a student was currently or had been a member of a varsity sport team for
at least 1 year.
The investigators did not assume that those teenagers classified as nonathletes had never participated in competitive sport. The results of studies by Card
(1981), Maloney and Petrie (1972), and Webb (1969) had indicated that differences in game orientation with respect to athletic status did not become significant until the youngsters reached adolescence. In addition, this definition of athletic
status conformed to the one used by other investigators of game orientation, and
thus its use in the current study allowed the investigators to compare results with
respect to athletic status.
Substudy 1
Procedures
Two hypotheses based on Webb's schema guided this substudy. The first
hypothesis stated that the correlation coefficients between play and professional
orientation scores would be negative and that these orientation scores would be
mirror images of each other. Specifically, the data would verify Webb's schema
only if those who scored high (> 7.00) on one orientation would score low (<
5.00) on the other within the same setting, thus yielding negative correlations.
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The second hypothesis stated that there would be no significant difference between the two sets of play orientation scores or between the two sets of professional orientation scores across the two settings. Acceptance of this hypothesis
would mean that game orientation was a stable construct and was not dependent
on the two types of settings used in the study.
The purpose of this substudy was to examine the unidimensionality and
stability of game orientation, not to make conclusions about similarities or differences in game orientation across independent variables. Thus the levels of ethnicity (3), gender (2), and athletic status (2) were used to divide the total sample
(N = 864) into 12 groups. By comparing each group only to itself, the investigators reduced the amount of variability in orientation scores which might have
been a function of the independent variables. In essence, each analysis was replicated 11 times. The level of significance for this substudy was set at p Q .O1
to reduce the possibility of error due to the compounding of alpha.
Results
Table 1 presents the means and standard deviations for the two orientations in each of the two settings. As Table l indicates, mean play orientation scores
were higher than mean professional orientation scores in the recreational setting.
In the competitive scenario, however, the reverse occurred. In addition, the size
of the means indicated that none of the subgroups judged either orientation to
be unimportant; that is, there were no mean scores Q 5.00. A classification of
all the means @resentedin Table 2) indicated that in no instance were high scores
in one orientation accompanied by low scores in the other orientation. In fact,
seven of the pairs of scores in the competitive setting consisted of two high scores.
Similarly, all correlations between orientations (shown in Table 2) were positive, ranging from .14 to .71 in the recreational setting and .30 to .70 in the competitive setting.
The investigators examined the stability of each orientation across settings
with the use of the t test for dependent samples. The two mean professional orientation scores were compared for each group, as were the pairs of mean play orientation scores. As Table 3 indicates, all 12 groups showed a significant change
(p < .01) in their mean professional orientation scores while three groups showed
a significant change (p < .01) in play orientation.
Discussion
If the data in this study were to fit Webb's bipolar schema, the mean
scores of the two orientations had to be mirror images of each other and the correlations had to be negative. These conditions did not occur in either setting for
any of the 12 groups. The wide range of the coefficients, however, seemed to
indicate that degree of orientation may have been a function of the independent
variables, as will be explored in substudy 2. Overall, these data failed to confirm
that play and professional orientations were bipolar, mutually exclusive elements
of game orientation. A high valuation of one orientation did not seem to preclude
a similar valuation of the other. That is, these teenagers thought that the elements
of both orientations were important. These results do not mean, however, that
the concept of game orientation is bounded by only two dimensions. These data
Table 1
Means and Standard Deviations on Orientation Scores for 12 Subgroups
Recreation
Play
Ethnicity
Anglo
Anglo
Anglo
Anglo
Black
Black
Black
Black
Hispanic
Hispanic
Hispanic
Hispanic
Gender
Status
Athlete
Nonathlete
Athlete
Nonathlete
Athlete
Nonathlete
Athlete
Nonathlete
Athlete
Nonathlete
Athlete
Nonathlete
N
24
85
36
74
39
75
68
49
29
159
68
158
M
SD
Professional
M
SD
Competitive
Play
M
SD
Professional
M
SD
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Table 2
Classificationa of Mean Orientation Scores
and Their Correlations Within Setting
Ethnicity
Gender
Athlete
Nonathlete
Athlete
Nonathlete
Athlete
Nonathlete
Athlete
Nonathlete
Athlete
Nonathlete
Athlete
Nonathlete
Anglo
Anglo
Anglo
Anglo
Black
Black
Black
Black
Hispanic
Hispanic
Hispanic
Hispanic
aLow =
Status
< 5.00;
Recreation setting
Play Professional
r
.16
.15
.50
.42
.69
.71
.24
.71
.14
.61
.57
.64
High
High
High
High
High
High
High
High
High
High
High
Mod
Moderate = 5.00-7.00; High =
Mod
Mod
Mod
Mod
Mod
Mod
High
Mod
High
Mod
Mod
Mod
r
Competitive setting
Play Professional
High
High
High
High
High
High
High
High
High
High
High
High
.76
.51
.71
.57
.85
.72
Mod
High
Mod
High
High
High
.38 Mod
.64 High
.30 High
.72 Mod
.65 High
.67 Mod
> 7.00
Table 3
Between-Setting Comparisons
of Play and of Professional Orientation Scores (t values)
Play
VS
Ethnicity
Anglo
Anglo
Anglo
Anglo
Black
Black
Black
Black
Hispanic
Hispanic
Hispanic
Hispanic
Gender
Status
Athlete
Nonathlete
Athlete
Nonathlete
Athlete
Nonathlete
Athlete
Nonathlete
Athlete
Nonathlete
Athlete
Nonathlete
play
Professional
vs
professional
Knoppers, Schuiteman, and Love
50
showed only that for these subjects, game orientation was not a unitary concept
as posited in the Webb schema.
Not only was game orientation multidimensional, but the importance of its
dimensions were also situation specific. The mean play orientation scores for all
groups were higher in the recreational than in the competitive scenario. Comparison of these mean scores revealed that they were significantly different for
three groups while the difference for four other samples approached significance
(.01 < p < .05). This indicated that the stability of play orientation may have
been a function of other variables. The size of the means showed, however, that
the elements of play orientation were considered important by all groups.
In contrast, the mean scores of professional orientation changed significantly between settings for all 12 groups, with the highest scores occurring in
the competitive scenario. Thus the extent of the professional orientation of these
teenagers varied according to the situation. In addition, these findings suggested
that the nondescriptive phrase "in a game" used in the Webb scale may have
yielded data that masked variability due to the different settings used as frames
of reference by subjects. The Webb scale allowed subjects to imagine any setting
whereas in the current study the frames of reference were specific.
The possibility that professional orientation may be situation specific raises
other questions related to assumptions made by Webb (1969). He contended that
the sport world and adult workworld espoused similar values and that participation in the former prepared a child for the values of the latter. However, if the
extent of a youngster's professional orientation is more a function of the setting
than of the individual, then such a transfer may not necessarily occur. It is also
possible that the dominant values in only a few sport settings are congruent with
those of the adult workworld. The settings, if any, in which this occurs, and the
degree of value congruence and transfer, need to be further investigated.
In summary then, the results of this substudy indicated that these data did
not fit Webb's schema. These teenagers placed importance on both winning and
fairness, and the degree to which they did so was dependent on the scenario.
Substudy 2
Results
The purpose of this substudy was to examine each of the dependent variables of play and of professional orientation across the independent variables of
ethnicity, athletic status, and gender. The means and standard deviations for each
of the variables are shown in Table 4. Since this substudy focused on the properties of each orientation with respect to the independent variables rather than on
the relationship between orientations, and since the results of substudy 1 had indicated that the magnitude of each orientation varied from scenario to scenario,
the investigators conducted four separate 3 X 2 X 2 ANOVA analyses. The resultant F ratios are given in Table 5.
The ethnic effect was the only main effect significant in each analysis.
Subsequent post hoc analyses revealed that the means of the Hispanic sample consistently were significantly lower than those of Anglos and Blacks. An examina-
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Table 4
Means and Standard Deviations by Ethnicity, Gender, and Athletic Status
Ethnicity (n)
Setting
Orientation
Recreation
Play
Gender (n)
Status (n)
M Athlete Nonathl.
Anglo Black Hispanic F
(219) (231)
(414)
(411) (453) (264)
(600)
M
SD
Recreation Professional M
SD
Competitive Play
M
SD
Competitive Professional M
SD
Table 5
F Values of Orientation Scores Across Ethnic, Gender, and Status Variables
Recreation setting
Play
Professional
Competitive setting
Play
Professional
Interactions
Ethnic
Ethnic
Ethnic
Status
x
x
x
x
gender x status
gender
status
gender
.30
.39
3.83*
.08
1.03
.78
1.72
.31
.03
4.41 "
.39
1.06
.21
1.40
.95
5.95**
2.66
1.18
6.88**
2.95
4.1 1
3.44"
1.65
2.40
8.26'*
3.41
10.25'*
.40
Main effects
Ethnic
Gender
Status
tion of the means of all 12 subgroups indicated that Hispanic female athletes and
Hispanic male nonathletes consistently had the highest and lowest means, respectively. Thus the results may have been confounded by the variability within the
Hispanic sample. Consequently, the investigators analyzed the data separately
for each ethnic group, which resulted in a clearer picture of the data. Specifically, an athletic status X gender ANOVA was used to examine the orientation scores
for each ethnic group. The results are presented in Table 6.
Knoppers, Schuiteman, and Love
Table 6
F Values of Orientation Scores for Each Ethnic Group
Across Gender and Athletic Status
Setting
Orientation
Recreation
Anglo
Black
Hispanic
Play
Recreation
Anglo
Black
Hispanic
Professional
Competitive
Anglo
Black
Hispanic
Play
Competitive
Anglo
Black
Hispanic
Professional
Gender x status
Gender
Status
.lo3
.011
.544
2.150
.I65
1.830
.I06
.I14
.733
.367
.099
2.210
None of the interactions or main effects was significant @ > .05) for the
Black and Anglo samples. In contrast, although none of the interactions was significant for the Hispanic sample, the athletic status effect was significant (p <
.001) each time while the gender effect approached significance @ < .08)for
both sets of play orientation scores only. In both settings, Hispanic athletes had
significantly higher professional and play orientation scores than did nonathletes
while the mean play orientation scores of Hispanic females were higher than those
of Hispanic males.
Discussion
The results of this substudy indicated that the extent to which ethnicity
was a salient determinant of game orientation varied by ethnic group. The overall similarities between the Anglo and Black samples and dissimilarities of the
Hispanic sample were reflected in the pattern of results within each sample. Both
the Anglo and Black samples showed no significant differences in either play or
professional orientation across gender and athletic status in each setting. Hispanic athletes, however, scored significantly higher than nonathletes. In addition,
Hispanic female athletes and Hispanic male nonathletes had the highest and lowest
mean scores on both settings of all 12 subgroups.
These results were congruent with those of others who have examined
values and interests of Hispanic children. Hernandez (1977) found that, overall,
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53
Hispanic boys were less interested in sport participation than were non-Hispanic
boys. Zinn (1980) summarized the research findings on this topic by stating that
the interests and values of female Hispanics were closer to those of female Anglos, while those of male Hispanics were different from other ethnic groups. She
suggested that gender may take on a unique significance for male Hispanics.
If it can be assumed that the values of Hispanic teenagers were reflected more in that group's nonathletes than in its athletes, then it could be argued
that the sport experience played a part in mediating this gender significance and
socialized these Hispanic athletes into dominant American values. In other words,
athletics may have played a part in the internal colonization of these youngsters.
Conversely, it is also possible that Hispanic youths who have a high game orientation became athletes. Thus their high scores may have been more a function
of self-selection than of internal colonization.
These results should not be generalized to all Hispanics, however. The
Hispanic subjects in the current study lived in a border city and thus their cultural values may have differed from those who lived further north. In addition, the
investigators did not control for years of residence or generations of domicile
in the United States.
The lack of significant differences across both gender and athletic status
within each of the Black and Anglo samples for both orientations was unexpected. Most of the investigators cited earlier who have focused on professionalization have reported that athletes scored higher than nonathletes and males higher
than females, and that these differences did not become significant until adolescence (Card, 1981; Maloney & Petrie, 1972; Webb, 1969). The nature of this
study's instrument and the operational definition of athletic status may have been
partially responsible for lack of significant differences in this study. The situation specificity and Likert-type aspects of the scale may have tapped dimensions
of game orientation not measured by the Webb scale and which were learned
by all subjects at an earlier age through primary and secondary sport involvement. In other words, subjects in the nonathlete sample may have been involved
in competitive sport to some degree as spectators or participants when they were
younger, and thus perhaps learned which values had priority in the situations that
were specified in this instrument. Studies of the value orientations of young athletes and spectators as well as longitudinal investigations may help to clarify the
interactions, if any, between game orientation, age, and nature of sport involvement.
The findings of gender similarity in game orientation may also have been
a function of the situation specificity of the scale. Gilligan's (1982) theory of moral
development suggests that males learn to place priority on achievement and success and thus may view winning primarily in context of self rather than the situation. Thus the nonsituational aspect of the Webb scale may not have had much
effect on the scores of male subjects in previous studies of game orientation. Females, according to Gilligan, learn to stress caring and responsibility for others.
They also place a high value on success but do so knowing that such achievement
is usually at the cost of another person's loss. Thus in a nonspecific situation
as existed in the Webb scale, female subjects in the past research may have chosen equity over winning since the results and personal cost of winning were not
specified. Possibly then, previously reported differences in game orientation across
54
Knoppers, Schuiteman, and Love
athletic status and gender may have been more a function of the Webb scale than
of game orientation. In addition, the use of rankings in previous studies may have
exaggerated small differences in values. The lack of congruence of these results
with those of previous studies suggests the need for further research both in the
measurement and in the determinants of game orientation and its dimensions.
Summary
Together the two substudies indicated that game orientation is a complex
phenomenon and may be situation specific. The significance of the ethnic effect
for both orientations and settings in this study indicated that researchers who focus on this aspect of the sport experience should include race or ethnicity as an
independent variable. The results also showed that youngsters thought both orientations were important, and thus perhaps the concern that youngsters learn to value
only winning in sports may be somewhat alleviated by these data.
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