THE SANCTUARY AT EPIDAUROS AND CULT-BASED NETWORKING
IN THE GREEK WORLD OF THE FOURTH CENTURY B.C.
A Thesis
Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for
the degree Master of Arts in the
Graduate School of The Ohio State University
by
Pamela Makara, B.A.
The Ohio State University
1992
Master's Examination Committee:
Dr. Timothy Gregory
Dr. Jack Ba I cer
Dr. Sa u I Corne I I
Approved by
VITA
March 13, 1931
Born - Lansing, Michigan
1952 . . . . .
B.A. in Education, Wayne
State University, Detroit,
Michigan
1952-1956, 1966-Present
Teacher, Detroit, Michigan;
Rochester, New York;
Bowling Green, Ohio
1966-Present . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
University work in Education,
Art History, and Ancient
Greek and Roman History
FIELDS OF STUDY
Major Field:
History
Studies in Ancient Civi I izations:
Jack Balcer
i i
Dr. Timothy Gregory and Dr.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
VITA
ii
LIST OF TABLES
iv
CHAPTER
I.
I I.
I II.
IV.
PAGE
INTRODUCTION
1
ANCIENT EPIDAUROS AND THE CULT OF ASKLEPIOS
3
EPIDAURIAN THEARODOKOI DECREES
9
EPIDAURIAN THEOROI
21
EPIDAURIAN THEARODOKOI INSCRIPTIONS
23
VI.
AN ARGIVE THEARODOKOI INSCRIPTION
37
VII.
A DELPHIC THEARODOKOI INSCRIPTION
42
SUMMARY
47
v.
VIII.
END NOTES
49
BIBLIOGRAPHY
55
APPENDICES
A.
EPIDAURIAN THEARODOKOI INSCRIPTIONS AND TRANSLATIONS
58
B.
ARGIVE THEARODOKO I I NSCR I PT ION
68
C.
DELPHIC THEARODOKOI INSCRIPTION
69
D.
THEARODOKO I I NSCR I PT IONS PARALLELS
86
iii
LIST OF TABLES
PAGE
TABLE
1.
Thearodoko i
I nscr i pt ions Para I I e Is • • • • • • • • • • • •
iv
86
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
Any evidence of I inkage in the ancient world is valuable because
it clarifies the relationships between the various peoples of antiquity
and the dealings they had with one another.
Such I inkages may be
economic, political, social, rei igious, or cultural, and probably any
type of I inking wi I I have elements of several, or perhaps alI, of these.
This study considers a specific type of I inkage or communication
existing between the Asklepian Sanctuary at Epidauros and certain Greek
city states or poleis during the third and fourth centuries B.C.
It
deals with citizens (as wei I as resident aliens in some cases) in
Greek-speaking poleis, appointed sometimes by the home polis but most
often by Epidauros to act as hosts (thearodokoil for ambassadors
ltheoroi) sent from Epidauros to such poleis to announce the festivals
and games to be held at the Sanctuary of Asklepios near Epidauros and
to represent Epidauros officially at these poleis' rei igious festivals.
Several Epidaurian inscriptions wi I I be analyzed and their
contents used to comment upon the status and duties of the thearodokoi .
References to two "grande listes de Thearodokoi," one from Delphi
2
(found, in parts, late in the last century land one from Argos
!discovered in 1953 3 ) and a study of the accompanying commentaries are
used to amplify the Epidaurian inscriptions and to present a more
1
1
2
inclusive picture of the "messenger and host" system used by Epidauros
and other Greek rei igious sanctuaries to advertise cultic activities
throughout ancient Greece.
Finally, a discussion of the importance of
such information i I luminates one of the unifying elements in the ancient
Greek world and closes up some of the gaps in our historical knowledge
of that wor I d.
CHAPTER I I
ANCIENT EPIDAUROS AND THE CULT OF ASKLEPIOS
Ancient Epidauros, a Doric settlement situated in the northeast
Peloponnese, does not appear to have been one of the major Greek
.
po I e1s.
4
It lay between mountains to the west and the Saronic Gulf to
the east, on a relatively small area of land that probably could not
have supported a large population.
The pol is was unquestionably over-
shadowed by Athens, 50 kilometers to the northeast; Aegina to the east;
Corinth, 30 kilometers to the northwest; Argos to the west; and powerful
Sparta to the southwest.
Epidauros kept its political balance by means
of alI iances with more influential neighbors such as Sparta and Corinth.
The strength of these alI iances protected the pol is from
n~arby
Argos
(at least unti I 338 B.C. and the beginning of Sparta's struggle against
Phi I ip of Macedon}.
Epidauros seems to have been an oligarchic state, somewhat
similar to Sparta, where two Basi leis and a counci I (Gerousial ruled the
citizens who were represented by elected magistrates (Ephorsl.
would have been two basic levels to Epidaurian society:
peasants.
5
There
landowners and
Plutarch speaks of the Epidaurian xovtTiooEC, or dusty footed,
who must have been workers on the land (" . . . they were known by their
6
dirty feet when they came into the city" J.
directed the state.
One hundred landowners
Out of this group were chosen special magistrates
3
4
called "artynoi" to represent the landowners in state affairs.
7
Fishing
would have been a source of I ivel ihood and there was probably some
trading along the coast.
Bui I ding accounts from the fourth century show
that "Aiginetan was the currency most commonly used, Corinthian and
Athenian less frequently."
8
Ancient Epidauros was closely I inked with the renowned Sanctuary
of Asklepios about 9 kilometers southwest of the pol is.
This Sanctuary
had been originally, during the late Bronze Age, the site of an inland
settlement (inhabited at the same time as a settlement on the coastl,
where a hero cult developed that was based upon a hunting deity cal led
Maleatas.
Eventually, Apollo, the Greek god of music, prophecy, and
medicine, was brought (perhaps by Doric newcomers) to the same sacred
area.
Maleatas was incorporated into the Apollo cult and the god was
worshipped as Apollo Maleatas.
The early Sanctuary appears to have been
simply a sacred area on a hill with an altar for sacrifice.
Later it
was moved to the foot of the hi II, but st iII the site was I imi ted to an
altar that the earliest archaeological evidence places in the latter
part of the sixth century B.C.
9
By the early fifth century the cult of
.
. I y estab I.1shed a t Ep1dauros.
.
lO
Ask I ep1os
(son of Apo II ol had been f1rm
About 430 B.C. the Sanctuary dedicated to Apollo Maleatas and Asklepios,
by then a healing god in his own right, was "modestly laid out and then
recast on a much grander scale."
11
According to Burford's study of Sanctuary bui I ding accounts,
Epidauros took upon itself the guardianship of the Sanctuary and
directed affairs of a general nature, as wei I as the huge bui I ding
program that it had instituted.
Burford compares this control to that
5
of state officials. at Delphi, Delos, Corinth, and Athens, where the
Counci I and Assembly made alI major decisions, financial and otherwise,
which affected the Sanctuaries.
Certainly the thearodokoi and theoroi,
to be discussed later, were appointed by the Boule of Epidauros as is
evidenced by the phrase, '~Eoo~£ SouXat that invariably begins each
Epidaurian inscription referring to these positions.
This state control of Asklepios' Sanctuary continued as the cult
of Asklepios developed into an internationally important rei igious force
and as enlargement of the Sanctuary became necessary.
12
Burford points
out that the steadily increasing interest in the Asklepian cult was not
affected by, nor did it have any bearing upon, Epidaurian foreign
pol icy, or foreign states' political attitudes toward Epidauros.
Athens
was one of the first great poleis to accept Asklepios !420 B.C.), even
though it was most often an enemy of Epidauros, especially during the
Peloponnesian War.
god.
Asklepios does not seem to have been a political
As wi II be discussed later, Asklepios' interest was focused upon
the individual and the family, and any "Asklepian" activities of a
potentially political nature such as offering sanctuary to refugees of
foreign states, or freeing slaves, would be based upon that interest.
13
Therefore, though the devotion to Asklepios became part of a state cult
supervised and maintained by Epidauros, the pol is seems to have made its
alI iances, and entered upon financial dealings with other poleis independent of the steadily spreading aura of Asklepios.
Asklepios was one of many Greek gods.
14
A mortal king in th~
I I iad and a Thracian folk hero of physicians during the sixth century
B.C., Asklepios became a Panhel lenic healing god at Epidauros at the
6
beginning of the fifth century.
Two events further advanced the
acceptance of Asklepios and of Epidauros as a major cult site for the
god.
In 420 B.C., Asklepios was introduced into Athens by a certain
Telemachos, an Athenian advocate of Asklepios.
15
(Some scholars I ink
the acceptance of Asklepios by Athenians at this time to the suffering
Athens had undergone during the terrible Plague of 430 B.C. and its
interest in a new healing power.
16
l
Also, during the fifth century
B.C., the Delphic oracle, the most universally respected of Greek
.
. 17
oracles, confirmed Epidauros as the btrthplace
of the god Ask I eptos
"!l pkya xapJJ.a /3poToi<; {!>..o.uTwll 'AuiCA71'7f'tE
.,..a.u,ll.
011 cl>"A.f'YV'It<; htiCTEII EJI-OL t/HAOTI1n JJ.tryeiua
iJJ.epoeuua Kopc.>IIL<; EIIL Kpa11afj 'E.,..t.Savplf>·
and a sacred precinct was set aside at Delphi for Asklepios, who was to
be honored there as the "physician god" and son of Apollo.
Asklepian pub I ic rites at Epidauros and elsewhere were basically
the same as those of other Greek cults.
Celebrants walked in procession
to the Sanctuary of Asklepios singing hymns of praise (paeans!.
Purifi-
cation by means of ritual bathing prepared the worshippers for sacrificial ceremonies.
Banquets were set up for visitors.
And, as a major
part of the festivities, both athletic and artistic contests took place
and prizes were awarded to the victors.
18
The private aspect of Asklepian worship, however, demanded a set
ritual that had to be followed to obtain a cure for individual ailments
of various kinds, both physical and mental.
First a sacrifice was made.
Then purification was obtained by bathing in clear spring water.
In
some cases this seems to have been enough to elicit aid from Asklepios.
7
Most often, however, the sacrifice and purification were a prelude to
a ritual known as incubation.
During incubation the worthy suppliant
entered a smal I cubicle in a special bui I ding within the Sanctuary,
cal led the Abaton, for a night's rest.
While asleep the individual
received instructions by means of a vision as to what needed to be done
to achieve a cure.
Sometimes the vision would involve a dog or a snake
as a representation of Asklepios.
19
When one visits abaton cubicles
such as those that have been excavated at Pergamum's Asklepieion, one
can see holes in the cei I ings through which (it is conjectured) temple
doctor-priests may have whispered words of encouragement and advice to
the suppliant below.
Many testimonies have been found in the Sanctuary
at Epidauros that witness the amazing cures achieved in the name of
Asklepios.
20
Some of the less miraculous cures at the various Asklepieia
appear to have been based upon auto-suggestion.
Often treatments
involved sound practical measures such as exercise programs and various
intellectual activities that are used today in healing minds and bodies.
Walton cal Is Asklepian sanctuaries health resorts.
21
The benefits of
Asklepios' healing seem to have been avai I able to men, women, and
children and to the poor as wei I as the rich.
of luxury.
Smal I gifts were encouraged.
Asklepios was not a god
A cock was the most common
offering, but laurel, oak leaves, money, or almost anything was
accepted.
22
Inscriptions found at the site testify that suppliants came to
Epidauros from alI over Greece.
Asklepios' great power and the major
attribute that separated him from other gods lay in his perceived
8
I . 23
. .
concern for t he .1nd1V1dua
He had become a "personal" god, an
appealing deity when compared with the gods of formal state rei igions
(although he, too, was eventually given state recognition in cities such
as Athens [420 B.C.] and Rome [293-291 B.C.]l.
He was seen as standing
apart from the gods of Olympos and the gods of the dead and he was
"present among men."
24
His strength was to be based upon devotees who
had received help and wished to witness that fact in testimonies
contained in inscriptions found in Epidauros and other famous sanctuaries, such as those at Cos and Pergamum.
Grateful suppliants also
encouraged and helped to support the bui I ding of new sanctuaries in
their home poleis.
These sanctuaries would be set up and temples bui It
in Greece, Italy, Spain, Africa, Asia Minor, and on islands in the
Aegean and Mediterranean Seas.
CHAPTER I I I
EPIDAURIAN THEARODOKOI DECREES
When, from 1881-1887, Panagiotis Cavvadias excavated the
Sanctuary of Asklepios at Epidauros, he found many inscriptions relating
to the large-scale bui I ding program that had been carried on there in
the fourth and third centuries B.c.
25
and also inscriptions having to
do with temple affairs and official appointments.
Some of this
epigraphical material referred to a system of connections or I inks set
up between Epidauros, as guardian of an Asklepian Sanctuary, and other
Greek poleis.
Four such inscriptions had to do with thearodokoi and
give us insights into this office.
26
Three of these (273, 274, 275!
include the duties and status of these appointees and the fourth (243!
presents one of the itineraries followed by Epidaurian theoroi, which
includes the names of the various poleis and thearodokoi visited.
The three short inscriptions will be considered first.
27
These
alI follow the stoichedon style of writing and can most probably be
dated to the fourth or early third century B.c.
the set form
this period.
,~Eoo~£
SOUAQl
xa1
oa~wl
28
They all beginwith
used in formal decrees during
The three inscriptions are reproduced and translated
here.
9
10
:l-73. Stele ornee d'un fronton. II. 0'", iO. L. 0'", 35;
Lettrcs:
'II
y 'II a t a -; p ti 't o t),
~Eoo;£ ~oui,a.t 'IC~;.
o&fLwt
-:w·1 'Er.tc~up[wv 'fl"p;af'
K a.p~t"
a'tpa.•cv 'E• xa.-:a.to'J
o.vov itp6;t'IOV E:fLEV 'ta[ .;]
itO Ato; oo;~.; 'Er.too uptwv
xa.t t~po~cxov 'tC'J ~ axi,o.1ttOU x~t a.u-:cv xo:l
ixy6vo•J; X(lt EtfLEV a,•j.
oo;o!; ci 'tD,ua.v xa.i ciauAt a. v x~t EJL r.o/,£rr.wt ;ca.l
i.v dp~v(lt ul. x~-:21
1av X(ll :'.a.'t2 Oci'A(J.aaa.•1.
K cnti'Aoyo; ~ot)A.a; 'Apta•twv 'Ept),a.!.;.
. e ...
- .\
Hegistratos
The Counci I and demos of Epidauros decree Hegistratos of Kardia,
son of Hekataios, to be a proxenos of the pol is of Epidauros and a
thearodokos of Asklepios, both he and his offspring, and he is moreover
exempted from taxes and is granted immunity in war and in peace, both
on land and on the sea.
Aristion Eri lais is clerk of the Boule.
11
i74. Stele ornee d'un fronton.
Ep.
6111 , 09.
a celles du
n' 273.
H. \ 111 , 03; L. 0111 , 36;
Lettres scmbla.bles
[e,o,e~v~o~ Allf'4«x1r• Jo~.
• E.do~E po•JA.a~ ut hfLwt
.. . 0 ,
'E~tO!l'Jplwv • £01~'1~0'1
•:\ 'i.fLljpou .\!lfL'~nllvoy n:p6;,.,o., '~fLEV ui £1Epyi-:ct(v) -:!(;) n:o[~to]; d; 'E.n:~o[!lu]­
pi( w ]v ul G&ctpoSoxov -roii
'Aaxi.~n:to~ ui 111-rev xcx\
[ix ]'Yo.,c,'J; xcxl &tfLn ctoj~ot; chii..~tct v ul lia'JAt!lV
(x}z[t] ifL n:oAifLWt Ut h dpci •
..,~t. ul n t~ y!v x~\ n trz
Oi[i.~~ )actv ui n:podpin
h "!:o[t;] ciywat ':Ot; a2fLO •
'ltca;. Kn:ii..oyo; ~c,·J;..a~
.. ' - - .
Theophantos of Lampsakos
The Counci I and demos of Epidauros decree Theophantos of
Lampsakos, son of Almeros, to be a proxenos and euergetes of the pol is
of Epidauros and a thearodokos of Asklepios, both he and his offspring,
and he is, moreover, exempted from taxes and is granted immunity in war
and in peace, both on land and on the sea and he has privilege of the
places of honor belonging to the people .
. . is clerk of the Boule.
12
275. Fragment de stele brise en lw.ut ct it gauche.
[''Eoo~E ~ou ]A.a[ t xa ]'t OclfLW
[t 'E1tt0a~pt]wv [1tp]o~EVOV
[ttp.tv xal tu]tp[yi]tav -rlif~ 'ltoAto~ x}xi 6Eapo~6x[ ov]
[' Aax)-.amou <ll }iwva ~tf!EV­
[ .- - - tl>tM]ox~.mpo~
[au-rov xai] i( x)y6vou.; u't
. tXU'L ]ot.;~ Cl't£1\EtClV
. '"'
[E~fLEV
[xai aaui,1]av xed [ifL] 'ltoi.i[fLwt xai iv] Etpthat xai xa['ttl yav xai] X!X'LtX a~naaaav.
.
[Ka't&Aoyo}; ~ouA.a.;
[o cte'ira] 1\Id.. xtowv.
The Council and demos of Epidauros decree to be a proxenos and
euergetes of the polis of Epidauros and a thearodokos of Asklepios Phaon
Simen (--- son of Phi I lokypros, he and his offspring and he is moreover
exempted from taxes and granted immunity in war and in peace, both on
land and on the sea.
Melchidon is clerk of the Boule.
As can be seen, alI three decrees begin by naming the Boule !the
governing counci I l and the people of Epidauros !the Assembly! as
granting this particular honor.
The name of the recipient follows in
273 and 274, but comes after the title of npo~Evoc and EOEPYE<nc in 273.
Both titles of npo~Evoc and EUEPYE<nc are included in 274 and 275, but
npo~Evoc
is used alone in 273.
13
Liddell and Scott give the meaning of npof,;e:voc as a "pub I ic
guest or friend, made so by an act of the State, such as was the King
of Macedon to the Athenians; the word expressed the same relation
between a State and individual of another State, that E,;£voc expressed
between individuals of different States.
The npof,;e:voc enjoyed his
privileges on the condition of entertaining and assisting the ambassadors and citizens of the State that he represented, so that the
npof,;e:vo1 answered to our Consuls, Agents, Residents, though the npof,;e:voG
was always a member of a foreign State."
second closely related meaning:
29
(Liddel I and Scott give a
"patron, protector.")
The proxenos played a very specific and complex role in ancient
Greece.
The institution of proxenia had been, since the beginning of
the fifth century and still was in the fourth century, the "only point
of contact between individuals of one state and the law of another."
30
The proxenos might lodge nationals of the state that officially
recognized him, but he was also responsible for introducing them, if
necessary, to magistrates of his country.
as their patron before his courts.
31
In addition, he had to serve
Thus he needed to be a citizen of
the pol is in which he I ived, if he were to effectively act as proxenos
for citizens of another state.
A pol is would be fool ish indeed to
entrust its envoys to an individual with no official standing in the
pol is to be visited.
A proxenos might hold his bond with a foreign
state as inviolable even outside his own state and in times of peri I.
Charneaux mentions as an example of this the case of Thucydides of
Pharsala, an Athenian proxenos, who sacrificed himself for a group of
14
Athenians during a riot in Athens in 411 B.C., at the time of the rule
of the "Four Hundred."
32
Proxenoi were appointed by the foreign government in the case
of Athens and most other Greek poleis, or by the Basi leis or people of
the state that was to receive the foreign visitors, as in Sparta.
The
awarding of proxenia brought much honor to the recipient and was avidly
sought after, even though it usually entailed financial burdens of some
sort.
It was the custom in ancient Greece for states to honor service
to the state even though sometimes that service was demanded, as in
Athens where wealthy men were appointed to expensive pub I ic offices and
could get out of such positions only by challenging others as better
able to afford the honors.
33
Sometimes proxenia was granted to a
thearodokos as a form of appreciation for services rendered as a host
for rei igious envoys, as happened in the case of Kleolas, a Delphic
thearodokos of Stymphale in northern Arcadia.
34
Often proxenia took on
the privilege of honorary citizenship and usually such a position was
hereditary.
The institution of proxenia and its accompanying duties and
honors varied from pol is to pol is because the character of the poleis
themselves varied.
Some Greek city states were chiefly commercial
centers, others were politically aggressive, and sti II others were great
cult centers.
Epidauros would have needed to establish in friendly
poleis thearodokoi/proxenoi who could entertain and protect its
religious envoys, support Sanctuary development, and work for Epidaurian
interests and would have chosen individuals appropriate for this task.
Because of the unique position of a proxenos with regard to the
foreign state he represented, he was in a good position to work for
15
that state's interests, both economic and political, within his own
state, if he wished to do so.
Burford, in her discussion of the
extensive fourth century bui I ding program in the Sanctuary of Asklepios
at Epidauros, suggests that when the project was begun in 370 B.C.,
Epidaurians most probably looked first at contacts set up with proxenoi
and thearodokoi in other poleis to find the materials and workmen that
Epidauros needed.
These influential men must have helped with the great
project from the very beginning (Burford states that bui I ding accounts
make it clear that at every stage much of the material and ski I led labor
came from outside Epidaurosl.
Burford also points out that proxenoi
were often accorded the right of import (E{crayoyE1al and export
(t~ayoyE1al and tax exemption (~T(AElal, so might have been able to
35
guarantee duty- f ree expor t or .1mport o f goods t o and f rom Ep1. d auros.
Politically, because of their unique status with regard to
foreign states, proxenoi were most valuable to states involved in
conflicts of any kind and were often a part of some of the strategies
used to solve such conflicts.
When truces were renewed or peace was
desired, overtures were usually made by the proxenoi of the states
involved.
During the Peloponnesian War Lichas, Argive proxenos at
36
.
f or t he t wo po I e1s.
.
served as negotiator
Sparta,
proxenos initiated the conclusion of treaties.
Occasionally the
37
The term "proxenos" is sometimes included in thearodokia
decrees. 38
It is not known how many thearodokoi were also proxenoi.
Thearodokoi itinerary inscriptions contain the names of many individuals, but relatively few of these can be definitely I inked with
proxenia.
It is only in thearodokoi/proxenoi honorary inscriptions such
16
as those being discussed here !Cavvadias 273, 274, and 275! and in
proxenoi decrees, which name individuals already known to be
thearodokoi, that we can find evidence of individuals serving in both
capacities.
Most probably the two positions were often held by the same
individual.
This would have been especially true in the case of some
of the smaller, more obscure poleis named in itinerary inscriptions.
A thearodokos had no function other than to assure shelter and
means of transport to rei igious ambassadors or theoroi.
Thearodokoi did
not necessarily need to be citizens of the states being visited.
A
resident alien might just as easily provide a place to stay, food, and
transportation to ambassadors reporting on cultic affairs.
Delphic thearodokoi are known to have been foreigners.
39
J
!Several
Some
thearodokoi were probably asked by their home cities to assume the
responsibi I ity for rei igious ambassadors in the absence of any Sanctuary
appointees, or in cases where death or some other misadvanture had
caused an immediate need for a new thearodokos.
At important rei igious
centers, such as Athens and Delphi, where sometimes, especially during
festivals, there might be whole delegations of theoroi to care for and
where diplomatic relationships were of the utmost importance, prominent
and wealthy citizens who were perhaps already proxenoi would be chosen
by the foreign state to act as thearodokoi.
Although women might serve
as thearodokoi, they were probably the exception to the rule.
As
regards the thearodokoi inscriptions discussed below, there are no women
named in the Epidaurian I ists, only one in the Argive itinerary I ist,
and four in the long Delphic I ist.
Such women may have been chosen as
thearodokoi because of their wealth or their rank in society.
17
Kleopatra, queen of Epirus in 330 B.C., acted as thearodokos for her
state.
40
It is not known whether or not a thearodokos was paid or even
whether he received any of the special honors accorded to the
thearodokos who was also a proxenos.
A thearodokos, then, would be totally responsible for the
wei 1-being of any Epidaurian theoroi who might visit his state.
Men of
great influence became thearodokoi for Epidauros, for example Dion,
tyrant of Syracuse; Heketas, tyrant of Leontini; Tharyps, presumably a
member of the Mol ossian royal family; and Perdikkas of Macedonia.
These
names wi II appear in the Epidaurian thearodokoi itinerary I ists to be
discussed below.
In inscriptions 274 and 275, the title, £U£PYETnc, is also
conferred upon the individual honored.
Liddel I and Scott give for this
word the meaning "a well doer, benefactor" and a second, closely allied
meaning, "a title of honor of such persons as had done the state some
service."
This word seems to reinforce the term proxenos and probably
means that the person had given Epidauros (in this case) money or gifts
of some kind, perhaps donations of materials for the bui I ding of the
Sanctuary.
Such a person would be honored for services rendered in the
hope that such services might continue.
AI I three inscriptions include the words auTov xa1 txyovouc to
show that these honors stretch beyond the individual himself to his
offspring or progeny.
This bears out the comment above concerning the
often hereditary nature of such positions.
Burford discusses a possible
tie between a certain Athenian, Lamachos, involved in payments for
Pentelic marble received from Epidauros, who might have been an
18
Epidaurian proxenos in Athens sometime after 430 B.C., and a later
third-century Lamachos of Athens who was a witness of fines at
Epidauros, but who is not specifically described as a proxenos.
41
Charneaux refers more convincingly to Periandros of the Argive I ist of
thearodokoi as being the son of Aristion, who is mentioned in one of the
Epidaurian thearodokoi I ists I IG IV
2
1,95J, both men having been from
.
42
the area of Anac t or1on.
Both
,
&TElE~a
~
and &crulta, in times of war and peace and by land
and on the sea !another part of the set forml, are conferred upon these
thearodokoi/proxenoi.
The word &T(lEta means exemption from taxes
granted to those who deserved wei I of the state.
Decrees from the fifth
to second centuries show that proxenoi were often given tax exemption
status.
The word &crul\a means inviolabi I ity of suppliants.
'Acruy\a
must have provided security of persons and belongings under Epidaurian
law, in case of lawsuits and in times of confl let between Epidauros and
the proxenos' home city.
In inscription 274, npoEop\av EV To[\c] &ywcrt Tote oa~ocr1otc
!the privilege of [using] places of honor [in the theater or at the
games]J is a further distinction conferred upon this particular
thearodokos.
Front seats were always set aside for ambassadors and
other esteemed guests attending Sanctuary games and plays.
Not only
were these the best seats for viewing and hearing what went on, but they
were sometimes the most comfortable, as they were often bui It up to
resemble chairs.
These places were traditionally reserved for the
highest officials of the state and there would have been great honor
received by any individual granted the privilege of joining them.
19
AI I these thearodokoi/proxenoi decrees end with the words
KataAoyoc BouAaC, clerk of the Boule, and two of them name this secretary !273 and 275).
Cavvadias states that the KataAoyoc, chosen monthly
by the Boule out of Boule members, had the responsibi I ity of acting as
. t rar. 43
a sor t o f regts
Overseeing the inscribing of these decrees would
be a part of his job, which would probably also include attention to
financial matters and other Sanctuary affairs.
Similar inscriptions have been found since the earlier texts
were published and studied a hundred years ago.
The following
inscription !dated to the fourth/third century B.C. l published by W.
Peek in 1972 illustrates this.
44
20
446.
ASKLEPIEION, DECREE, 4th/3rd cent. B.C.?
[ f6oE£ I aouMiL )(Q.L Ed['IJWL -rwlv 'EnLEaupL- v
5
10
[<AN •• 3-4 •• ulax.ov ~LAL [nn)o
[ •••• )~ np6EEVOV
[dUEV) )(Q.L £"6Ep[yf-r)[av -cac1 n6>..L~ "tdc 'E(nLOaUOL1<AN MaL 8[£1a(po1[06'KOV -roO 'A1~[o1'
[oiJT:bv )(Q.L tKy~. 'MO.t 1
[dUE'V cWtOLC 6.-rfJ..ELav]
!MaL 6ou>..Cav )(Q.L tu no>..t I-
['IJWL )(Q.L tv £Lpiw.L )(Q.L )(Q.I1-.a. yerv )(Q.t )(Q."tc\ ~ 1 •
()(Q."tO).OyO, 13ouJ.a.c • • • 1
The Counci I and demos of Epidauros decree . . . machos
Phi I i [ pp ]o [.
. .]Ea to be a proxenos and euergetes of the city of
Epidauros and a thearodokos of Apollo he and his offspring, and he is
moreover exempted from taxes and is granted immunity in war and in
peace, both on land and on the sea.
. . . is clerk of the Boule.
This particular inscription honors an Epidaurian thearodoxos/
proxenos of Apollo (as mentioned earlier, Apollo, the father of
Asklepios, was also worshipped at Epidaurosl, but the form is basically
the same as that of the Asklepian thearodokoi/proxenoi decrees discussed
above.
An individual is named a proxenos and thearodokos by the
Epidaurian Boule or Counci I and the privileges accompanying the titles
are I isted.
These Epidaurian stelae were set out in the Sanctuary to
honor individuals for their support of Epidaurian Sanctuary affairs.
CHAPTER IV
EPIDAURIAN THEOROI
The institution of thearodokoi was based upon the use by Greek
cult centers such as Epidauros and Delphi of cultic messengers or
t h eoro1· 45
·
. or e I ected, as at T hasos
who were chosen by their
po I e1s
(where theoroi were magistrates
rei igious matters.
theoroi.
47
46
l, to represent them officially in
Women as wei I as men might be chosen to act as
Not only would these individuals attend rei igious festivals
held by other sanctuaries and offer sacrifices in the names of their
poleis, they also traveled to other friendly Greek poleis to garner
support for their own sanctuaries and to announce upcoming rei igious
festivals.
Thus a theoros worked for his cult as a type of rei igious
promoter.
As for the use of theoroi by Epidauros, Burford makes the point
that the Epidaurian festival
in honor of Apollo had been patronized by
outsiders as early as the late sixth century, so that it might be
inferred that Epidaurian theoroi were needed to advertise rei igious
celebrations from that time on.
48
We learn from a schol ion on Pindar
that contests inaugurated by the Epidaurian Asklepiadai (secular
49
. .
.
.
physiCians)
were cont1nued
by Ep1dauros
at f.1ve-year .1n t erva I s.
They
were held in the grove of Asklepios and were performed "nine days after
the festival of Poseidon at the Isthmus of Corinth, which was probably
21
22
held toward the end of Apri I ."
50
The Epidaurian contests included
·
.
52
box1ng
and the pancra t.1um 51 p I us r h apsod1es.
also held.
Money was given to the victors.
Probably foot races were
53
Epidaurian theoroi would have been sent out to Greek cities to
advertise the upcoming festival very early in the spring, or perhaps
during the fall of the preceding year, as most travel was suspended
during the winter months when adverse weather conditions made getting
about difficult.
During the fourth century these rei igious ambassadors
would very I ikely have reported on the new Sanctuary bui I ding program
and have encouraged interest in it.
Although Epidauros appointed
special commissioners to collect money and arrange for the procurement
of bui I ding materials,
54
theoroi would have been in a good position to
make the first approaches to wealthy individuals on the Sanctuary's
behalf.
Rei igious I inks already established between Epidauros and other
cities might be used to create relationships of a financial nature.
Delphi used its theoroi in this way,
55
as did other religious centers.
When theoroi represented Epidauros at the rei igious celebrations
of other poleis, they often attended in delegations.
Important cult
centers would have had great numbers of official visitors who would
expect to be housed, fed, and cared for.
Inscriptions attest to special
bui I dings having been put up for festival receptions tloT1aTop1al.
It
is reasonable to assume that with so many people in attendance at these
festivals, Epidaurian theoroi, although present to solemnly offer necessary homage to another pol is' god, might take advantage of the crowds
and quietly fit in some eulogizing of their own god, Asklepios, and the
Sanctuary at Epidauros.
CHAPTER V
EP I DAUR I AN THEARODOKO I ITINERARY I NSCR IPT IONS
One of the best ways to determine the extent of Epidauros' ties
with other poleis is to examine itineraries I isting the names of poleis
and thearodokoi to which Epidaurian theoroi might present themselves as
they traveled throughout the Greek world.
Itinerary inscriptions may be handled chronologically or geographically.
A geographical approach to information of this nature
seems to be best, since it is often difficult to pinpoint time periods
accurately.
Also, geographical material can give a map-1 ike orientation
that may serve to clarify the total picture for a reader.
Although at first glance such I ists may seem useful simply as
itinerary schedules for traveling theoroi, they can be valuable also as
evidence of communication patterns existing between a Sanctuary and
other Greek poleis.
In addition, where place names are joined to names
of wei 1-known thearodokoi, the itineraries can suggest information about
other unknown thearodokoi I isted in the same place, although a careful
study of erasures and additions to the inscription must be made when
using it in this way.
Where place names are not included to "confirm"
a thearodokos, and if patronymics are not used, very I ittle can be known
about the individual.
23
24
Often itinerary I ists are arranged by areas, so that they
present poleis' names in units which are sometimes labeled, thus
suggesting an idea of the political situations existing during the time
o f t h e spec .1 f.1 c .1 nscr .1 p t.1 on. 56
This information can be checked against
other evidence, such as other inscriptions
57
or I iterary testimonies.
Itinerary lists had the practical value of announcing officially the
poleis and persons to be visited by traveling theoroi.
But they also
confirmed the Sanctuaries' ties with other Greek poleis and honored the
thearodokoi of these poleis by pub I icizing their names.
The great
amount of epigraphical material devoted to the recognition of specific
individuals throughout ancient Greek history clearly points out the
importance of prestige and honor in the Greek ethic.
Thearodokoi not
receiving the benefits accorded to thearodokoi/proxenoi might still be
honored by Epidauros with the I isting of their names on stelae for alI
to see.
IG IV
thearodokoi .
2
1,94 and 95 are two geographical
58
I istings of Epidaurian
The first deals with thearodokoi in Megara, Thebes (and
other Boiotian cities), plus Thessaly, Macedon, and Thrace (including
Thasosl.
IG IV
2
1,95 is a I isting of Epidaurian thearodokoi in north-
western Greece and in Sicily and Italy.
So far no itinerary I ists have
been found that record Epidaurian thearodokoi in the Peloponnese or on
the Aegean Islands (except for Thasosl, or in Ionia.
It is known from
thearodokoi and proxenoi decrees in IG 1v 2 1,96 that the Asklepian cult
had become important in these areas by the fourth century B.C., so
perhaps stelae that recorded thearodokoi from such places have been lost
and may yet be recovered.
59
25
The editors
of~ IV 2 1,94 and 95 place the original material
on the two stelae within the period of time between c. 390 B.C. and
367 B.C.
This is possible because of the inclusion in the original
portion of Stela II ( IG 1v
2
1,95) of the name of Dion, the son of
Hipparinos and an historical personage, as thearodokos for Syracuse.
Dion was influential
in the court of Dionysius I during the period after
390 B.C., when Syracuse's difficulties with Carthage were settled for
a time and Sicily was divided into Carthaginian and Syracusan regions.
In 366 B.C., shortly after the death of Dionysius I, Dion was exiled by
Dionysius II and did not return to Syracuse until 357 B.C., when he
"liberated" the city.
Although he remained in power (with some diffi-
culty) until his death in 354 B.C., the three-year period of his "reign"
was neither stable enough nor long enough to make it I ikely that his
name would have been placed on an Epidaurian thearodokoi I ist at that
time.
An additional point:
Dion's lieutenant, Herakleides, is also
included in the inscription as a thearodokos for Syracuse.
appears just below that of Dion.
60
His name
Since Dion and Herakleides became
adversaries soon after Dion's return to Syracuse in 357 B.C.
(Herakleides was eventually assassinated by Dion), it is most doubtful
that their names would have been placed together on any such I ist
between 357 B.C. and 354 B.C., the year of Dion's death.
Thus the dates
of 390 B.C. and 367 B.C. seem firm, based as they are upon the known
history of the city of Syracuse. 61
As regards changes to the lists:
thearodokoi Aristomachos
62
and Klearchos
the additions of the
63
of Syracuse were obviously
made after 354 B.C. to provide replacements for Dion and Herakleides.
26
These additions must have been inscribed before the year 339 B.C., when
Hiketas of Leontini
64
died, as his name follows theirs.
The addition of the name of a thearodokos from Kassandreia
2
65
(former site of Potidaial on Stela I (~ 1v 1,95J
brings the terminus
date of the inscriptions down to 316 B.C. and probably later.
66
Kassandreia was founded by Kassander, son of Macedonia's governor,
Antipater (397-319 B.C.), after he took control of Macedonia in 316 B.C.
Thus we have for these thearodokoi inscriptions a time period
from around 390 B.C. to 316 B.C. or later, right down into He I lenistic
times--almost the span of a century.
The Epidaurian theoroi/
thearodokoi, messenger/host system was certainly in operation during
most of the fourth century B.C.
IG IV
2
1,95 (Stela Ill was found and published first and will
.
d f.1rs t . 67
be d1scusse
The names of the areas and poleis visited by
Epidaurian theoroi together with the thearodokoi appointed to receive
them are placed on the stone in two columns that overlap in some places.
Several erasures and some additions to the stone are evident.
When
Epidaurian thearodokoi died or for some other reason could not fulfi I I
their duties, changes to the stone would have been necessary.
Also,
when Epidauros established relationships with new Greek poleis, their
names and the names of their religious envoys would need to be added.
The original material on the inscription begins with the words
"Thearod6ko i 'ep 'Akarnan I an"; Thearodoko i to Akarnan i a.
This seems to
indicate the outermost I imits of the theoroi 's route, but in fact does
not, as from I ine 23 on, many poleis to the north of Akarnania are
I isted, and the I tal ian and Sici I ian poleis in the itinerary were even
27
further away from Epidauros.
The first poleis I isted are those to be
visited on the way to Akarnania:
Corinth (the only Peloponnesian pol is
on the route and perhaps a convenient stopping place), Delphi, Amphissa,
Oiantheia, Naupaktos, and Kaludon.
Corinth and Delphi were both important cult centers and sites
of Panhel lenic games.
Their appearance on this first I ist clearly
indicates the close relationship Epidauros had with at least two other
rei igious centers.
In alI probabi I ity, as Epidaurian theoroi were
welcomed at Corinth by Lukomedes and at Delphi by Damosthenes, so too
would the Corinthian and Delphic theoroi announcing their celebrations
in honor of Poseidon and Apollo be taken care of at Epidauros by
specific thearodokoi.
From Delphi the route turns northwest to Amphissa, then
southwest to Oiantheia near the coast, across to Naupaktos and Kaludon
and thus into Akarnania.
Oiniadae, near the mouth of the Archelaus River, and Stratos,
along the middle reaches of the Archelaus (I I. 9-10), begin the list of
Akarnanian cities.
Perhaps theoroi traveled in pairs, each taking a
specific route during parts of the journey so as to cover territory more
efficiently.
One theoros might have gone north to Delphi and Amphissa
and then across to Stratos, while the other visited the coastal cities
of Oiantheia, Naupaktos, and Oiniadae.
They may have divided up the
other Akarnanian cities (I I. 11-22) between them.
68
Epirus (I. 23l lay directly north of Akarnania, as did Kassope,
Pandosia on the Archeron River, Thesprotia, the island Corcyra, and
Chaonia across from Corcyra.
Unless the names are geographically out
28
of order, after the I isting of Molossia, the route looped south toward
Ambrakia and Argos Amphi lochia (I I. 32-33).
The cities in I ines 34-38
are all difficult to identify, unless Therminea !1. 36l may have been
ancient Thermon.
Lines 39-45 I ist Syracuse on the island of Sicily and the
southern Italian cities of Locri, Kroton, Thurii, and Laurentum (along
the Ionian coast) and Terina (on the Tuscany coast).
Of the forty-four place names to be found in the original
inscription, several were areas of peoples rather than single poleis,
namely Akarnania, Ambrakia, Thesprotia, Epiros, and Molossia.
Charneaux
makes the point that these were not unified countries at this time
69
. .
!39 0 -3 6 7 B.C. l b u t Ioose I y JOined
con f e d era t .1ons.
In the case of a
kingdom, theoroi might need only to know the monarch, as the king would
stand for the state.
70
When this inscription was written, however,
theoroi would visit different poleis I isted beneath specific headings
such as Akarnania and Epirus and the thearodokoi for each place would
need to be known.
Several of the thearodokoi named in the original inscription are
historical figures and they were all men of substance and power.
Tharyps (I. 31), the thearodokos for Molossia, may have been a
descendant of King Tharyps of the fifth century !430-390 B.C.), perhaps
a mem b er of th e roya I fam1.I y. 71
Dion !Sici I ian tyrant) and his
I i eu tenant, Herak I e ides ( I I . 39-40 l , have been discussed above.
The
money and material goods avai I able to these individuals would have been
important to Epidauros, especially at this time when the Asklepian
sanctuary was being enlarged.
None of the three is named proxenos in
29
the inscription.
To only one thearodokos is that title given:
Antandros (I. 18l, thearodokos for Torubeia in Akarnania.
As discussed
earlier, proxenia was often awarded to persons who had done a state some
special service.
In this case Antandros of Torubeia may have been
singled out from the other thearodokoi as proxenos because of his
particular generosity to the sanctuary at Epidauros.
Changes to the inscription were made in a second column,
beginning with the naming of additional thearodokoi for Italy.
and Metapontum (II. 47-50) are I isted for the first time.
Rhegion
Thuri i in
I ine 52 appeared also in the original portion of the inscription in
I ine 43.
Several names of thearodokoi were fi I led in where there had
been
before_ (II, ,?5,. £?3,_7\}_,. 76,_
non~
77,
81, 82, and 93J.
Ooe new
pol is, Limnaia, was added to the Akarnanian section of the itinerary in
I ines 56 and 57.
After the headings "in Sicily" and "Syracuse" are
I isted the names of the substitutes for Dian and Herakleides,
Aristomachos and Klearchos (II. 64-65), the city Leontini (dominated by
Syracuse) with its thearodokoi, Hiketas and Nikanoros (II. 66-68), and
Katana (also part of the Syracusan Empire) and its thearodokos Alkipos,
son of Markos (II. 71-72l.
Except for a second I isting of Epiros and the addition of
Zmarathos (an unknown Epirot pol is) along with their thearodokoi, the
rest of the entries (II. 78-86 and 90-92) are the names of the Sici I ian
poleis Messana, Gela, and Akragas and their thearodokoi.
are incomplete.)
(Lines 87-89
It is quite obvious how carefully Epidauros took note
of Sici I ian affairs.
By the early fourth century Syracuse had become,
through the efforts of the tyrant, Dionysius I (430-367 B.C. l, a great
30
mi I itary and commercial power.
The wealth of Syracuse was legendary.
The polis and the areas under its control (eastern Sicily, settlements
on both shores of the Adriatic, and the western coast of ltalyl would
have been an important source of support for the sanctuary at Epidauros.
There are twenty-one I ines (and two erasures) included in the Sici I ian/
Syracusan material and, in the additions alone, about half of the
entries have to do with Sici I ian poleis and thearodokoi.
took place in Syracuse after the death of Dionysius I.
Many changes
Petty tyrants
such as Dian tried unsuccessfully to assume total control and thus
opened the door to Carthage's aggression.
Not unti I Timoleon's
successful efforts toward peace with Carthage and the elimination of
Sicily's tyrants was the political situation in Sicily stabi I ized.
(Timoleon died c. 334 B.C.)
It would have been difficult but necessary to find out just
where to send news of Sanctuary affairs during this unsettled period.
Epidauros had to know which poleis would be able to welcome its theoroi
and which individuals could best take care of them.
As mentioned above,
the Sanctuary must have benefited greatly from its contact with the
wealth of Syracuse and other Sici I ian and I tal ian poleis.
With regard to the thearodokoi I isted in the additions,
Aristomachos and Klearchos have been discussed above, as has Hiketas.
The thearodokos from Katana, Alkipos, son of Markos, may have been the
son of a tyrant of Katana. 72
As is true in the original portion of the
inscription, most of the thearodokoi in the additions are unknown.
It is interesting to note that patronymics, which often accompanied names in official documents, were not used in the original
31
inscription, except in the case of the Syracusan thearodokoi, Dion and
Herakleides, and the thearodokoi for the southern I tal ian cities of
Thuri i and Terina.
inscription.
They appear more often in additions to the
The patronymic may have been used as a way of showing
respect for important individuals, as in the case of Dion, Herakleides,
and Alkipos of Katana.
However, other personages such as Aristomachos,
Klearchos, and Hiketas were not treated in this way.
Certainly it
sometimes helps with the identification of specific names such as
"Dion."
When we see "Hipparinou" (son of Hipparinosl following the
name, we are able to identify the person.
The poleis I isted
in~ IV 2 1,95 must have been responsive to
the Asklepian cult and interested in receiving and hearing from
Epidaurian rei igious ambassadors or theoroi.
In each of the cities
there was at least one thearodokos willing to act as host for the
theoroi.
Several of the hosts were wealthy and influential men.
The
area represented by these thearodokoi took in a large part of Greece and
Greater Greece--to the northwest as far as Chaonia and the Aous River
and directly west as far as Italy and Sicily.
For Epidaurian connections with northern Greece one must look
at IG IV
2
1,94 (Stela I l.
The first nine I ines ( lal route Epidaurian
theoroi to Megara and Athens, then on north to Thebes and Thespiae.
The
editors have fi lied in Koroneia and Orchomenos and the missing letters
for Lebadeia that follow.
All of these poleis are worthy of mention.
Megara was a land passage between the Peloponnese and central Greece.
By the time this inscription was prepared, it had recovered from the
Peloponnesian War (431-404 B.C. l and was prosperous once more--an
32
important city on the itinerary.
shrine since 420 B.C.
Athens had had its own Asklepian
A major cult site and the host for the great
Panathenaic celebrations, it must have been one of the most important
poleis on the Epidaurian theoroi's route north.
During the 360s B.C.,
Thebes' Epaminondas was the chief power in Greece because of his defeat
of the Spartan army in 371 B.C.
Thebes and the other Boiotian cities
on the I ist--Thespiae, Koroneia, Orchomenos, and Lebadeia--were cities
with which Epidauros would want to establish friendly relationships.
Lebadeia was the site of a shrine dedicated to Trophonius, an oracular
god of Boiotia.
This is another example of cult centers maintaining
steady contact through the offices of theoroi and thearodokoi.
With the
exception of Charik[les], thearodokos for Thebes, the names of
thearodokoi in Ia are incomplete or missing.
Most of lb is devoted to cities under Macedonian control.
begins, however, with poleis in Thessaly and Magnesia (II. 1-6).
It
Pydna
and Methane (II. 7-8), both Athenian poleis, were captured by Phi I ip II
of Macedon (king from 359-336 B.C.) in 356 B.C. and 354 B.C. respectively.
Potidaia, at the head of the Pallene peninsula, was destroyed
by Phi I ip I I in 356 B.C.
This gives us another date to use in assigning
a time period to the inscription.
There would have been no reference
made to Potidaia in an Epidaurian thearodokoi inscription after its
destruction.
In the absence of any attempts to erase the name, it must
be assumed that this part of the inscription belonged to the period
before 356 B.C.
Dikaia (I. 11) was located on the north Aegean coast.
This
pol is seems completely out of place in the itinerary unless here, too,
33
there may have been a sharing of poleis visited, as
in~
IV
2
1,95--one
theoros going to the farthest areas east and the other working his way
around the Chalcidice.
Kal indoia (I. 13! and Olynthos (I. 14! (destroyed by Phi I ip in
348 B.C.l were near the Toronaic Gulf.
The Apol Ionia I isted next may
have been situated in the northern Chalcidice.
In I ines 16-26 appear
many poleis that were part of the Chalcidice or east of it:
Arethusa,
Arki las (in Thrace near the Strymon River!, Amphipol is, then Stagiros,
Akanthos, Stoles, Aphutis, Skione, and Mende.
(I. 20! appear to have been part of Thrace.
Berga (I. 19! and Tragi Ia
Neapolis across from
Thasos, Abdera, Maroneia, and Ainos (II. 27-30! follow in geographical
order.
The original part of the inscription ends with Thasos (I. 31!
and Datos (I. 32!, which was possibly a colony founded by Phi I ip in
356 B.C.
Lines 35-55 in the second column are additions to the
inscription.
Petal ia (I. 35! may have been a Boitian pol is or perhaps
a smal I island near Euboea.
Macedonian pol is Ordaia.
Euordaias (I. 38! could have been the
Kassandreia (I. 41! has been discussed already
as a pol is founded by Kassander sometime after 316 B.C. and before his
death in 297 B.C.
It lay at the head of the Pal lene peninsula.
Ormenion (I. 44! may have been a pol is near the Pagasaetian Gulf.
thearodokoi are I isted for Ainos in I ines 46-50.
New
The additions end with
the I istings of Zeneas (I. 51} as a substitute for the Abderite
thearodokos named in I ine 28 of the original; Pythogonos (I. 52!, the
substitute for Anapsuxis in I ine 29; and the city Dorkal ion, which is
unknown, in I ine 54.
34
There are no thearodokoi designated as proxenoi in this
inscription and only four are accompanied by patronymics.
exclusively in additions to the original material
These appear
Ill. 36, 47, 49, and
55).
Perdikkas, thearodokos for Macedonia I I. 9l, is one of the most
interesting names in the inscription.
If this Perdikkas is indeed the
son of Amyntas Ill and the individual who ruled Macedonia alone from
368 to 359 B.C., we have more information to consider when placing the
first part of this particular Epidaurian inscription within a time
frame.
!The name Perdikkas appears in I ine 9. l
It is unlikely that
Perdikkas would have been I isted as thearodokos for Macedonia before
368 B.C., as his elder brother, Alexander, ruled before him upon the
death of their father, Amyntas Ill, in 370 B.C.
In naming royalty as
thearodokoi, Epidauros would surely have selected the supreme heads of
state whenever possible.
However, Perdikkas could have been designated
the Macedonian thearodokos anytime after 368 B.C. until his death in
359 B.c.
73
Thus, this part of the inscription could have been formu-
lated after 368 B.C., but before 356 B.C. and the destruction of
Potidaia !listed on line 12l, which has already been mentioned.
!As
noted earlier, the reference to Kassandreia in I ine 41 indicates that
additions to this stele were still being made in the latter part of the
fourth century. l
~ IV 2 1,94 shows clearly the Epidaurian concern at this time
with Macedonian affairs.
Macedon under Phi I ip II was extending its
boundaries to the south and to the north.
74
Athenian poleis were
captured, alI iances were made with the Chalcidian League and Thrace,
35
and eventually the Chalcidice and Thessaly were united under the
Macedonian royal mint.
Epidauros would have wanted to establish contact
with the new Macedonian power centers and Macedonian wealth.
Both IG IV
2
1,94 and 95 give direct evidence for a network
I inking the Sanctuary at Epidauros to many Greek poleis.
I ists forty-three poleis to be visited and IG IV
2
IG IV
2
1,94
1,95 I ists fifty.
Ninety-three official contacts are provided for by the inscriptions on
these two stelae.
By land and by sea (as would have been necessary for visits to
southern Italy and Sicily and certainly easiest when traveling from
Corinth to Delphi
ninety-three
75
( IG 1v
2
1,95), Epidaurian theoroi set out to remind
Greek poleis of the Festival to be held for the Panhel-
lenic god of healing, Asklepios, and most I ikely, at this time, to
gather support for Sanctuary developments.
76
Theoroi were well taken
care of and were sometimes placed under the protection of very powerful
thearodokoi, such as Perdikkas of Macedon ( IG 1v
Syracuse
(~
IV
2
2
1,94) and Dian of
1,95).
Theoroi would not have I imited themselves strictly to Epidaurian
sanctuary affairs in their conversations with people of other city
states.
They would have carried with them from one area to another news
and messages from places visited.
Certainly, as has been already
discussed, communication between theoroi and ttiearodokoi might cover
political, social, and economic issues, as well as cultic business.
Thus was formed a formidable network, carrying various types of
information and running from Epidauros to poleis in mainland Greece and
"Greater Greece" and from poI is to poI is and from poI e is back to
36
Epidauros.
The I inkage between peoples that such a system might bring
about is impressive, but it is even more so when one realizes that other
Greek sanctuaries had the same type of messenger/host system in operation during this period and that their networks overlapped the
Epidaurian network in many places.
A brief look at two such sanctuary
networks involving Argos and Delphi wi II illustrate this.
CHAPTER VI
AN ARGIVE THEORODOKO I I NSCR I PT I ON
In 1953, a partial list of Argive thearodokoi was found in Argos
and reported in "Ia Chronique des foui I les."
There was great interest
in the inscription because of its probable connection with the Panhellenic Nemean Games and also because it could be compared with other such
I i sts.
In 1961, a further inspection of the stela itself was done by
Pierre Charneaux in Argos.
He reported his findings in the article
"Liste Argienne de Thearodoque" (1966),
77
fully discussing earlier
studies of the inscription and adding his own commentary.
This article
is of great help in any use of the Argive material.
The inscription is a list of thearodokoi similar to those of the
Epidaurian inscriptions IG IV
2
1,94 and 95.
78
The stone is damaged and
letters have been fi I led in by various editors !Charneaux's article is
in part a discussion of these restorations).
The I ist dates from
c. 330 B.C. !this is based upon the appearance in the I ist of the name
"Kieopatra"--to be discussed below) and is one of a series of I ists of
citizens and thearodokoi placed in the agora of Argos, in the sanctuary
.
o f A po I I o L y k 1as.
thearodokoi
79
!For information concerning an important Argive
list from 323 B.C., seeS. Miller, "The Thearodokoi of the
Nemean Games,)"
80
37
38
The goddess Hera (worshipped at the Heraeum six miles north of
Argos) and her consort Zeus, to which the sanctuary of Nemean Zeus in
the northern Argo I id (area of Kleonai l was dedicated, had been
worshipped in the Argol id since early times.
In 573 B.C., the Nemean
Games in honor of Zeus became a Panhel lenic festival.
place every second and fourth year of each Olympiad.
Celebrations took
Since the Argive
festivals dedicated to Zeus and Hera took place between the middle of
June and the last days of July, theoroi would have been sent out in the
spring of the same year or the autumn of the preceding year (to avoid
winter weather) to carry their festival invitations to other Greek
.
po I e1s.
81
These theoroi would have been officially welcomed by the
thearodokoi listed in the inscription.
Charneaux connects the material in this inscription to
thearodokoi I ists from Epidauros and Delphi !the Delphic I ists wi II be
discussed below), noting the similar constructions of the names--first
the nominative, or "en" plus the dative, of the name of a country or
city (the dative alone was used for many names in IG IV
2
1,95 from
I ine 33 on) and then the names of one or more individuals.
Charneaux
points out that this type of reading is never met in the many I ists of
proxenoi and naturalized citizens that we have and so this must be a
I ist of thearodokoi .
82
Since there have been few Argive honorary
thearodokoi decrees discovered that belonged to this period, it is
difficult to positively identify most of the thearodokoi I isted, or to
connect them with particular honors such as proxenia.
However, there
are several names that can be identified or connected to thearodokoi
I inked with other sanctuaries and these wi II be discussed below.
39
The inscription is divided into two columns.
I ists thearodokoi in Asia Minor.
of Thasos (I. 20l
(I. 31l.
IG IV
2
1
The second column
One of these I ines names the island
which also appears in the Epidaurian ~ IV
2
1 94
1
The first column contains nine place names also to be seen in
1 1 95:
(Amphilochial
Anaktorion 1 Palairos (unknownl
1
1
Alyzia 1 Leukas 1 Argos
Ambrakia 1 Epiros 1 Corcyra 1 and Turbeion.
This is part
of an Akarnanian-Epirot itinerary similar to that I isted in IG 1v
2
1 1 95.
Argive theoroi traveled north to announce to certain poleis the
approaching Nemean Games.
Epidaurian theoroi represented the Asklepian
Sanctuary in exactly the same poleis.
Column one also I ists poleis from the Peloponnese and the island
Cephallenia 1 but these I ines (21-55) are damaged and only parts of the
names of the thearodokoi can be seen.
(As mentioned earl ier
1
the
Epidaurian itineraries make no reference to Peloponnesian thearodokoi. l
Column two is interesting because it I ists poleis in Asia Minor
(for which there are no Epidaurian thearodokoi references) and so
provides definite evidence for the existence of a Greek messenger/host
system operating in poleis along the coast of Asia Minor.
Argive
theoroi traveled from Klazomenai and Erythrai in Ionia south to ChiOS
Miletos 1 and lasos 1 visiting other poleis along the way.
1
The islands
Tenedos and Thasos in the north Aegean were also a part of this
itinerary.
It is important to take note of several of the thearodokoi
I isted in the inscription.
In this itinerary the thearodokos named to
receive the theoroi of Hera and Nemea at Anaktorian is Periandros.
Epidaurian thearodokos for Anaktorian in IG IV
2
1 95 is Aristion
1
1
The
son
40
of Periandros.
The dates of the two inscriptions (c. 360 for the
Epidaurian list and c. 330 for the Argive itinerary) make possible the
fact that the Argive Periandros was the son of the Epidaurian Aristion
(son of Periandros), the grandson having received, as was often the case
in ancient Greece, the name of his grandfather.
Thus, theoroi from
Argos and Epidauros, each summoning delegates to his own Sanctuary's
festivities, may have been welcomed by a family that was part of a
thearodokoi tradition passed from father to son (auTov xai lKyovoucl.
There wou I d have been great honor gained in being f i nanc i a I I y ab I e to
serve more than one sanctuary and in being I inked with several rei igious
cuI ts.
In I ine 10 of the Argive inscription the I isting for Ambrakia
carries the name [Ph]orbadas as thearodokos, the Phi being supplied by
the editor.
The Epidaurian IG 1v
for Ambrakia (I. 81).
2
1,95 I ists Korradas as thearodokos
It's possible that the Phi of the Argive
inscription should beaK and the Beta a Rho.
Perhaps here again we see
the hereditary nature of thearodokia in operation and have further
evidence of certain thearodokoi fami I ies acting as hosts for theoroi
from different Greek sanctuaries.
The name Kleopatra, thearodokos for Epiros (I. 11), was
mentioned earlier in connection with a date for the inscription.
Historically we know of a queen Kleopatra, daughter of Phi I ip II of
Macedon (king from 359-336 B.C.).
Married to Alexander I, king of
Molossia, in 336 B.C., she took over the area at his death in 330 B.C.
Epiros was under the control of the Molossians at this time, so it too
would have been part of her kingdom.
Olympias of Epiros, Kleopatra's
41
mother and the sister of Alexander of Molossia, was perhaps the real
power in these areas after her brother's death, but Kleopatra would have
been queen and Argive theoroi would have reported to her the Heraia and
Nemea of 329 B.C.
83
CHAPTER VI I
A DELPH I C THEARODOKO I I NSCR IPT I ON
A long Delphic thearodokoi inscription provides further evidence
for the impressive breadth and complexity of the theoroi/thearodokoi
network operating in Greece, not only in the fourth and third centuries,
but on into the second century B.C. as well.
84
In 1880, three fragments of a stele containing I ists of ancient
Greek poleis were found near the Athenian portico at Delphi.
name was followed by the name of one or more individuals.
Each pol is
As eight
other pieces of the original stone were discovered and joined together,
there appeared a great stele of Delphic thearodokoi, an itinerary for
Delphic theoroi, damaged, but perfectly legible in many places.
Parts of this itinerary differ in writing style.
85
When additions
to the inscription became necessary, various artisans used empty spaces
for I isting the names of the poleis and thearodokoi which would keep the
"t"
1 1 nerary curren t . 86
(This sometimes affected the geographic order
within the inscription.)
However, several features of the list serve
to unify the various sections.
First, the orientation is geographic
throughout (except for the additions) and cities are I isted under
definite headings such as "Boiotia" and "Peloponnesos."
"en" is used with the dative for all city entries.
In addition,
As mentioned
earlier, the use of the dative plus "en" also appears in parts of the
42
43
Argive and Epidaurian ~ IV
2
1,94 inscriptions.
used for certain cities in IG 1v
2
The dative alone is
1,95.
Plassart places this Delphic inscription in the first quarter
of the second century B.C. and supports his dating by referring to
specific decrees.
He I ists thearodokoi from the itinerary who also
appear in Delphic proxenoi decrees that can be placed within a definite
time period.
For ex amp I e, Xenon Xenonos, at Kassan dre i a ( I I I 77) , was
proxenos in 186 B.C., and Dionysios Legetos, at Elea (IV 68), was
proxenos in 179.
87
He also I ists three decrees that help to give a
"terminus post quem" for parts of the long itinerary.
this is a decree for Telesias d'Oisyme from 205/4 B.C.
One example of
Plassart points
out that Telesias must have been dead when the Macedonian portion of
this Delphic inscription was written.
His son Epigethes ("Telesiou")
is named as thearodokos for Oisyme (Ill 81) .
88
The I ist is from a later
period than either the Epidaurian or Argive itineraries, but it is very
much like them in form and content.
Thus it supports many of the points
made earlier concerning the institution of thearodokia.
There are relatively few thearodokoi in this long itinerary who
can be positively identified through the proxenoi decrees and I ists that
we have from the same period.
names.
89
Plassart discusses eight or nine of these
This isn't very many for such a long I ist.
Not only do Delphic proxenoi decrees help with the dating of the
inscription and the identification of a few of the thearodokoi recorded
in it, but they also make clear that at Delphi, as at Epidauros, the two
titles of thearodokos and proxenos were sometimes enjoyed concurrently
44
by persons deserving special honors because of their services to the
Sanctuary.
Four women are I isted in the itinerary as thearodokoi for Kos,
Kynaitha, Kleonai, and Opous.
of Athamanes (Ill 34).
One king can be identified:
Theodoros
In only four or five cases can evidence be found
that the formula "to him and his descendants" (which appears in
thearodokoi/proxenoi decrees) was followed I iteral ly.
In some cases
thearodokia was carried out in two different cities by members of the
same family; for example, the two sons of Krinias, Androsthenidas at
Tolphon and Aristomachos at Oiantheia; also the sons of Xenon, Herakleon
at Antigoneia and Xenon at Kassandreia; and, finally, sons of
Epikrates, [
]timos at Amphipol is and Antinikides at Phi I ippi.
Here
we see evidence of possible I inks formed between poleis through family
ties:
brothers serving as thearodokoi and upholding the family
tradition and honor in different localities.
As for the number of Delphic thearodokoi placed in each city,
there are about ninety-five examples of cities having two or more
thearodokoi and twice as many where thearodokoi acted alone.
There are
only a few examples of more than one thearodokos having been appointed
for a pol is in the Epidaurian and Argive inscriptions.
Certainly there
may have been reasons for I isting two or more hosts for particular
poleis on occasion--a need for particular services or a wish to honor
additional persons for financial support, or perhaps a desire to
reinforce ties with a particular state.
Delphi's status as the
Sanctuary for the Pythia of Apollo, the most respected oracle in ancient
Greece, may have made necessary more elaborate arrangements for its
45
theoroi.
Delphi's involvement with political prophecies, as wei I as
religious and moral questions, meant it held great power in its relationships with other states.
The Pythia might, by its pronouncements,
affect states' dealings with one another.
An example of this is its
support of Sparta during the Peloponnesian War.
In addition to its
status with regard to the Pythia, Delphi was the site of the Panhel lenic
Pythian games.
Theoroi would have been sent out to Greek poleis
everywhere to announce the games
~nd
to reaffirm ties !probably finan-
cial as wei I as rei igiousl between these poleis and the Sanctuary.
There would have been great honor involved in caring for these
messengers from Delphi and great expense as wei I, if the receptions were
to be impressive enough.
such a burden.
Several individuals might more easily assume
Which of the thearodokoi were engaged by Delphi or which
were simply appointed by their home poleis is not known.
Many of the poleis mentioned in the Delphic inscription are
paralleled in the Epidaurian and Argive itineraries.
first nine I ines in the Epidaurian ~ 1v
2
°
Four of the
1,94 11al contain polis names
also appearing in the Delphic inscription:
Thespeia, and Megara.
9
Koroneia, Orchomenos,
These same two inscriptions also have nine iden-
tical poleis I isted for Macedon and Thrace:
Homolion, Pydna, Bragi Ia,
Kassandreia, Amphipol is, Neapolis, Akanthus, Thasos, and Maroneia.
The Epidaurian ~ 1v
2
1,95, in its I istings for Akarnania and
Epiros, contains eleven pol is names also found in the Delphic
Akarnanian/Epirote itinerary:
Naupaktos, Kaludon, Stratos, Argos
IAmphilochial, Ambrakia, Kassope, Oiniadae, Photias, Oiantheia,
Amphissa, and Corcyra.
The Argive inscription matches these in four
46
places (in the entries for Argos, Ambrakia, Kassope, and Corcyral and
I ists Apol Ionia and Phoinika, as does the Delphic inscription.
Some of the Ionian cities in the Delphic I ist are also found in
the Argive inscription:
the island Kephal lenia.
Andros, lases, Kumai, Erythrai, Klazomenai, and
91
Re f e r en c e s t o t he I t a I i an a n d S i c i I i an c i t i e s o f Tar en t um ,
Lokr i , Rhegion, Thuri i, Katane, and Syracuse are found in both the
De I phi c inscription and the Epidaurian IG IV
2
1,95.
A search for thearodokoi names in the Delphic inscription that
appear in any of the other three inscriptions discussed produces just
one.
This might be expected since over a century separates the Delphic
inscription from the others.
Both IG IV
2
1,95 and the Delphic itinerary
I ist a certain "Leonteus" as thearodokos for Argos Amphi lochia.
Perhaps
"Leonteus" was a common name in Argos or just possibly this is one more
example of the office of thearodokos passing from one generation to
another in the same family.
Of the four itineraries discussed in this thesis, because of its
length, the Delphic inscription provides the best picture of the
multitude of large and small governmental units that might be linked
with a Greek sanctuary and with each other through their common interest
in and support of that sanctuary.
It also shows clearly that the insti-
tution of thearodokia was sti II flourishing (at least at Delphi) well
into the second century B.C.
CHAPTER VI I I
SUMMARY
There were many changes taking place in the ancient Greek world
of the fourth century B.C. which would alter that world forever.
Macedon, Alexander the Great, and the gradual dispersion of Greek
culture into non-Greek areas would neutralize the international power
of mainland Greece and its colonies.
However, rei igious ties within
ancient Greece would remain strong and relatively unchanged for several
centuries, as is evidenced by cultic decrees and itineraries that date
from the fourth century on into the second century B.C.
This inscrip-
tional material shows the network of communication that existed between
Greek sanctuaries, such as those at Epidauros, Argos, and Delphi, and
city states throughout Greece by means of the offices of heralds of the
great cult festivals and their hosts, the ancient theoroi and
thearodokoi.
Greek rei igious festivals were important meeting places.
Messengers carrying news of cult activities served as I inks
sanctuaries and large and smal I poleis.
betwe~n
They were respected alI over
ancient Greece and it was considered an honor to welcome and entertain
them.
Communication patterns set up by traveling theoroi provided a
kind of base upon which other relationships, economic and political as
wei I as social and cultural, might be continually formed and developed.
47
48
Considering the number of sanctuaries involved in the theoroi/
thearodokoi institution, the resulting network of communication must
have been intricate indeed and massive in scope.
Such a network, steadily serving as a sort of infrastructure for
alI that went on during the fourth century B.C., must be taken into
account in any study of the Greek world of this period.
END NOTES
1
Panayotis Cavvadias, Foui lies d'Epidaure (Athens: S. S.
Vlfstos, 1891). 2~3, 274, 275, and ~43, which is also pub I ished as~
IV 1504 and~ IV 1,95. The~ IV 1,95 edition wi I I be used, ~long
with a second important Epidaurian thearodokoi inscription,~ IV 1,94.
2
A. Plassart, "Liste delphique des thearodoques," BCH 45 (1921):
1-85.
3
Pierre Charneaux, "Liste argienne de thearodoques," BCH 90
( 1966) :156-239.
4
val. 6.
5
6
Realenzyklopadie der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft I,
"Epidauros," C. Phi I ippson, 46-51.
1bid., II, val. 3.
"Sparta," V. Ehrenberg, 1374-1453.
Plutarch, Moralia II, 291d (Greek Questions ll.
7
AI ison Burford, The Greek Temple Builders at Epidauros
(Liverpool: University Press, 1969), p. 15.
8
9
1bid., p. 16, n. 5.
R. A. Tomlinson, Epidauros (London:
10
11
Granada, 1983), p. 13.
1bid., p. 23.
Bur ford, p. 15.
12
See E. J. and L. Edelstein, Asclepius, 2 vols. (Baltimore:
The Johns Hopkins Press, 1945). See Vol. II for a full discussion
concerning the development of the cult of Asklepios.
13
14
Burford, pp. 17-18.
Edelstein and Edelstein.
15 1nscriptiones Graecae 11 2 , no. 4960a.
16
Burford, p. 20, n. 7.
49
50
17
Pausanias, Descriptio Graeciae II, 26, 7.
18
Edelstein and Edelstein, I I :210-11.
19
Sacred snakes in particular appear to have been used as
substitutes for the god, even outside Epidauros. When, in 420 B.C.,
Athens first accepted an Epidaurian snake from the Sanctuary, it was
welcoming Asklepios himself into the city.
2
see IG 1v 1,121-22 (second half of the fourth century B.C.)
for examples o-f-these cures.
20
21
AI ice Walton, Asklepios: The Cult of the Greek God of
Medicine (Chicago: Ares Publishers, Inc., 1979), p. 36.
22
Edelstein and Edelstein, I I :190.
23
see Andre-Jean Festugiere, Personal Rei igion among the Greeks
University of California Press, 1954).
(Berkeley:
24
WaIter Burkert, Greek ReI i g ion (Oxford:
1985) , p. 214.
25
Basi I B I ackwe I I,
see Burford.
26
The word "thearodokos" is not I isted in Liddel I and Scott's
Greek-Eng I ish Lexicon (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1978), but one meaning
of 9£wpoc is "an ambassador sent to consult an oracle or to present an
offering" and ooxoc can mean "receiver" (Liddell and Scott). 9£apoc is
the Doric form for 9£wpoc.
27c avvad1as.
.
28
There are no archaic letters used, so the stelae must have
been inscribed after 480 B.C. R. P. Austin, in The Stoichedon Style in
Greek Inscriptions (London: Oxford University Press, 1938), p. 66,
states that most stoichedon inscriptions from the Argol id come from the
shrine of Asklepios at Epidauros: " . . . the vogue of the style seems
to have been greatest in the 4th century." He identifies "a series of
decrees conferring the title of proxenos and thearodokos on various
individuals" as early third century material (pp. 67-68).
29
Liddel I and Scott.
30
Charneaux, pp. 23-24. For an earlier discussion of the institution of proxenia, see C. Phi II ipson, The International Law and Custom
of Ancient Greece and Rome (London: MacMi I ian and Co., 1911), chap. 6.
31
32
1 bid.
, p. 162.
1 bid.
, p. 162, n. 2.
51
33
Aristotle, Ath. Pol. 56, 3.
34
Claude Vatin, "Kieolas, Thearodoque de Stymphale," BCH 91
( 196 7 ) : 409 .
35
36
Burford, p. 37.
Thuc.
Pelop. War.
V:76.
Thuc.
Pelop. War.
V:59.
37
38
charneaux, p. 161, "so often there was a special decree which
confe2red the two titles at the same time upon the same person." See
~ IV
1,96 for examples of Epidaurian proxenoi/thearodokoi decrees.
39
40
L. Robert, R. Phi lol. 65 (1939) :154-56.
Charneaux, p. 157, I. 11.
41
42
Burford, p. 24.
Charneaux, p. 172.
43c avva d.1as, p. 102.
44
W. Peek, Neue lnschriften Epidauros (Berlin:
Verlag, 1972).
Academie-
45
original ly the word theoroi meant merely spectator. Thus,
theoroi were probably first spectators at special celebrations, which
in ancient Greece were usually of a rei igious nature.
46
Fran<sois Salviat, "Catalogues des theores de Thasos:
Objections and Responses," BCH 107 (1983) :185, n. 7. See also A. J.
Graham, "On the Great List 'C.)'"fTheori at Thasos," The Ancient World 5
(1982):103-121.
47
48
See L. Robert, "Les femmes theores
a Ephese,"
BCH 70 (1946):9.
Burford, pp. 21-22.
49 s h I . . P. d
co 1a 1n 1n arum, Ad Nemeas, I I I : 147 .
50T om I.1nson, p. 16.
51
Pindarus, Nemeae, V:95-97, and Schol ia in Pindarum, Ad Nemeus,
V:94b.
52
53
Plato, lon, 530A.
Ibid.
52
54T om I.1nson, p. 25.
55
1bid.
56
2
P. Cabanes, "Ep ire," REG 82 (1969 l: 116-20, 144-45 uses I G I v
1,94 and 95 to show the development of ethnic communities in Epirus.
57
Some of the names on Epidaurian thearodokoi I ists can be
paired up with honorary thearodokoi decrees, such as those discussed
above.
58
1nscriptions Epidauri (1929).
See Appendix A.
59
cos, in the Aegean Sea, and Pergamum, on the coast of Asia
Minor, would become the sites of the most important Asklelpieia of
He I lenistic times.
60
2
I G I v 1, 95, I . 40.
61
cambridge Ancient History (Cambridge, 1927-1930), vol. VI,
chaps. V, X.
62
63
64
65
1G IV
2
1,95, I. 64.
1bid. , I . 65.
I b i d . , I I • 66-6 7 .
2
I G I v 1, 94, I I . 41-43.
66
rwelve I ines follow the Cassandreia entry.
necessarily inscribed at the same time.
67
see Chap.
They were not
I, p. 2, n. 1.
68
The division of the route in Akarnania by Epidaurian theoroi
was first suggested by B. Haussoul I ier in "Torubeia ou Turbeion: Vi I le
d' Acarnanie," Rev. Phi I. 18 (1894) :155. L. Robert ("Vi lies de Carie
et d' lonie dans Ia I iste des thearodoques de Delphes," BCH 70 [1946]:
507-8) makes the point that itineraries, especially maritime trips,
probably varied according to circumstances of the moment, so that the
exact placement of a city on such a list may not have corresponded with
the actual order followed.
69
70
71
72
Charneaux, p. 181, n. 3.
1bid., p. 182.
1bid., p. 178.
1bid.
53
73
ulrich Wi lcken, Alexander the Great !New York:
and Company, 1967!, p. 27.
W. W. Norton
74
see Paul McKechnie, Outsiders in the Greek Cities in the
Fourth Century B.C. !London: Routledge, 1989!, pp. 48-51.
75
There were no doubt many more cities I inked to Epidauros in
this way. The Peloponnese and the rest of "Greater Greece" !the Aegean
islands and coastal Asia Minor! would ~ave been part of this rei igious
messenger/host institution. The IG IV 1,96 inscriptions provide
evidence of many such I inks.
-76Th is is not stated in the inscriptions, but as has been
discussed above, much of the material used for the Sanctuary bui I ding
program came from outside Epidauros and it's reasonable to assume that
solicitations were often made by traveling theoroi.
77
Charneaux, pp. 156-239.
See Appendix B.
78
For two of the first I ists of Argive thearodokoi discovered,
see "Inscriptions d'Argol ide," BCH !1889! :194-95.
79
Charneaux, p. 159.
80
stephen G. Mi I ler, "The Thearodokoi of the Nemean Games,"
Hesperia 57 !1988! :147-63.
In addition to discussing several paral leis
to the Argive inscription of 330 B.C., Miller presents an interesting
commentary on the relative dating of the two inscriptions.
81
For an article discussing theoroi sent to Argos from Aspendos,
see R. S. Stroud, "An Argive Decree from Nemea Concerning Apendos,"
Hesperia 53 !1984! :193-216.
82
Charneaux, p. 160.
83
see Cabanes, pp. 316-18, for a discussion of ~he changes which
took place in Epirus between 360 B.C. !Epidaurian IG IV 1,95} and
330 B.C. !Argive Inscription!.
-84
Plassart, pp. 1-85.
See Appendix C.
85
see G. Daux, "Note sur Ia I iste delphique des thearodoques,"
BCH 89 !1965! :658-64 concerning specific restitutions.
86
Plassart, pp. 39-40.
871b'ld., pp. 38-39. See also Charneaux, pp. 163-64 for a
discussion of Delphic thearodokoi and proxenoi I ists.
88
I b i d . , p . 41.
54
89
90
91
ibid.
see Appendix D for
Inscription parallels.
For a discussion of the Ionic cities I isted in this Delphic
inscription, see Robert, "Villes de Carie • . • ", pp. 506-523.
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
Austin, M. M.
Conquest.
The Hellenistic World from Alexander to the Roman
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981.
Austin, R. P. The Stoichedon Style in Greek Inscriptions.
Humphrey Mi I ford, 1938.
London:
Botsford, George Wi I I is, and Robinson, Charles Alexander.
History. New York: MacMi I lan and Co., 1969.
Hellenic
Burford, AI ison. The Greek Temple Builders of Epidauros.
University Press, 1969.
Liverpool
Burkett, Walter.
Cabanes, P.
Greek Rei igion.
"Epire."
Charneaux, Pierre.
150-239.
Basi I Blackwel I, 1985.
REG 82 (1969) :116-20, 144-45.
Cambridge Ancient History.
Cavvadias, Panayotis.
1891.
Oxford:
Vol. VI.
Cambridge, 1927-1930.
Foui lies d'Epidaure.
Athens:
S. S. Vlastos,
"Liste argienne de thearodoques."
BCH 90 (1966):
Daux, G. "Note sur Ia I iste delphique des thearodoques."
( 1965) :658-64.
Edelstein, E. J., and Edelstein, L.
The Johns Hopkins Press, 1945.
Asclepius.
2 vols.
BCH 89
Baltimore:
Festugiere, Andre-Jean. Personal Rei igion among the Greeks.
University of California Press, 1954.
Graham, A. J. "On the Great List of Theori at Thasos."
World 5 (1982) :103-121.
Haussoull ier, B. "Torubeia ou Turbeion:
Phi I. 18 (1894) :155-58.
Inscriptions Epidauri.
1929.
55
The Ancient
Vi lie d'Acarnanie."
"Inscriptions d'Argol ide," BCH (1889) :194-97.
Berkeley:
Rev.
56
2
lnscriptiones Graecae I 1 , no. 4960a.
lnscriptiones Graecae 1v
Liddel I and Scott.
1978.
Marouzeau, ed.
2
1,94 and 95.
Greek-English Lexicon.
L'Annee phi lologique.
Oxford:
Clarendon Press,,
1924-.
McKechnie, Paul. Outsiders in the Greek Cities in the Fourth Century
B.C. London: Routledge, 1989.
Mi I I er, Stephen G.
(1988) :147-63.
"The Thearodoko i of the Nemean Games."
Oxford Classical Dictionary.
Oxford:
Hesperia 57
Clarendon Press, 1987.
Pauly-Wissowa-Krol I. Realenzyklopadie der klassischen
Altertumswissenschaft. Stuttgart: Druckenmul ler, 1893-.
Pausanias. Description of Greece. Translated by W. H. S. Jones.
Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1978.
Peek, W. Neue lnschriften aus Epidaurus.
1972.
Berlin:
Akademie-Verlag,
Phi I ippson, C. The International Law and Custom of Ancient Greece and
Rome. London: MacMi I lan and Co., 1911.
Pindarus.
Nemeae, V:95-97.
Plassart, A.
Plutarch.
"Liste delphique des thearodoques."
BCH 45 (1921) :1-85.
Moralia II, 291d !Greek Questions ll.
Robert, L. "Vi lies de Carie et d' lonie dans Ia I iste des thearodoques
de Delphes." BCH 70 !1946) :506-525.
R. Phi lol. 65 !1939) :154-56.
Salviat, Franc;:ois. "Catalogues des theores de thasos:
Responses." BCH 107 (1983) :181-87.
Objections and
Stroud, R. S. "An Argive Decree from Nemea Concerning Aspendos."
Hesperia 53 (1984) :193-216.
Talbert, Richard, ed.
1984.
Tomlinson, R. A.
Atlas of Classical History.
Epidauros.
London:
London:
Granada, 1983.
Routledge,
57
Vat in, Claude.
408-410.
"Kieolas, thearodoque de Stymphale."
Walbank, F. W. The Hellenistic World.
Press, 1982.
Cambridge:
BCH 91 (1967):
Harvard University
Walton, AI ice. Asklepios: The Cult of the Greek God of Medicine.
Chicago: Ares Publishers, Inc., 1979.
Wi lcken, Ulrich. Alexander the Great.
Company, 1967.
New York:
Woodhead, A. G. The Study of Greek Inscriptions.
Press, 1959, 1981.
W. W. Norton and
Cambridge University
APPENDIX A
EPIDAURIAN THEARODOKOI IN1CRIPTIONS AND TRANSLATIONS
IG IV 1,94 AND 1,95
94
I a
ecAPOA6[Ko1]•
MirAPA • - •AeANAI' .6101 - 8AaAJ• XAPIK[AAe]
8c - •
8cen1Ai • .t.A - [KoP]"NCIA • nvt - ['OPXOJ."cN6e • - [ACIAA)!(A• - -)
(......,., ..... .,..,..,... ...,_, Bo..idil ,.n.r
I
~•
16
I
10
II
. . , . . _ ., l'irillonna,
n.-,.,_ ......).
~0.dNI9[N' - -]
iiiAPKAA["N' • -]
'AAPAKAC' £i'KPHTHC]
ri'PT(I)N' ~PKICit{AC)
AAPICA. ~PICTK.IN
"0M6NON' .t.(I)PidC
ntANA' .t.wTPIOC
Mcet:INA. no.-.hANTOC
MAKCAONiA' "EPAiKKAC
AiNCIA. £~80YI\OC
.t.iKAJA. NYN.6A(I)P0C
"OTCtAAIA. KAMIICPATHC
KMiNAOIA. "AYCANiAe
•o,.YN80C • 'APXUN
83
IIV
ICAIO
84
n cTAAIA • C•[~~~~Ni6Hc 7J IS!>Hc[A)· PXOY ·
MrNtAAoc N11cAHoPDc
t1 £+DP6AiAC
n+eoto..'. BoinAAroc }
"£1C.ANTOC
.H
ICACCAN6PCiAI'
KPiTw·
Tt~ocdNHC
~00,.,1\(I)NtA'
•£ninNOC
861\(I)N
'APKII\OC • 'ONHCAHAPOC
"'"•inoii.IC • "IAPAJ:
BiPrA • "NTI.ANHC
HOC
tH •op"fNiwl' ii»PYNit•
ICOC n4ptA,
~Pi80YCA •
58
~
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
59
20
.,., _
__,
TPMII\A. n"dHc
CTMIPA"
•AICANBOC • •£n1KPATHC
CT~AOC. AdKWN
..A.YTIC • 6t6rNHTOC
u
CKt~NA • C'noNc
MIN.a.A • ICN~nwN
NdnoNc· nve6AWPOC
•AaAHPA • £tPtAOXOC
1'\AP~NCIA' ?.NATY~IC
10
ATNoC' 91MJCTAr6PAC
9ACOC • •APTYciMC
OATOC. TiMNAPOC
_,
46
ATNOC. O!INOICAAC
CIIIAOdNOY
47
4tl
0AA61CPITOC
niiCICTP,(Toy
49
•£mtbtHe· "1\ICIMiN!YC
50
ZHNillc nftiOC
nve6rONOC nANTA(IC)-
51
&2
(11)riC
&3
OOI'ICAAIIIN. nveiiiN
I CriANOY
M
55
60
Original Inscription--Translation
Lines 1-9; 1-29
IG IV
2
1,94
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
Ia
Thearodo[koi]:
Megara:
Athens: Dio 1
Thebes: Charik[Tes]
The
Thespeia: -Da
[Koroneia: Pyth
[Orchomenos:
[Lebad]ei[a:
]
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
lb
Oxynio[n:
]
Pharkad[on:-- ]
Adrakas: Eukraites]
Gyrtone: Arkesi l[as]
Larissa: Aristion
Homol ion: Dorieus
Pydna: Damatrios
Methane: Polyphantos
Macedonia: Perdikkas
10
11
12
13
14
Aeneia: Euboulos
Dikaia: Nynphodoros
Potidaia: Kal I ikrates
Kal indoia: Pausanias
Olynthos: Ark on
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
Apol Ionia: Epixenos
Arethusa: Bolon
Arki los (Argi los): Onesandros
Amphipol is: Hiarx
Berga: Antiphanes
Tragi Ia: Peisies
Stagiros: (vacant, perhaps erasure)
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
Akanthos: Epikrates
Stoles: Leukon
Aphytis: Diognetos
Ski one: Sapo I is
Mende: Knopon
Neapolis: Pythodoros
Abdera: Eurulochos
Maroneia: Anapsuxis
61
Changes and Additions to the Inscription
Lines 30-55
IG IV
30
31
32
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
2
1,94
Ainos: Themistagoras
Thasos: Art us i I as
Datos: Timandros
Kleo
Petal ia: Si[monides?] son of Kles[a]
rchos
Menelaos Nikanoros
from Euordaias
Pythoion: Bouplagos
Ekphantos
in Kassandreia:
Timosthenes Kritonos
in Ormenion: Phrynis
kos Persa
46
47
Ainos: Deinolkes, son of
Phi I oxenos
48
49
Damokritos, son of
Peisistratos
50
Epitherses Alkimeneus
51
52
53
54
55
Zeneas Pythios
Pythogonos Panta[k]
[I ]eus
Dorkal ion Pythion, son of
Skymno
62
95
"JTAAiA•
8CAP066KOI io"~KAPNANiAN•
"PiinoN' "I\IC'AAI'IOC
K6PIN80C' J\YKGAA6HC
•lnniwNOC
6EA.oiC' 6AAOC8iNHC
MnAn6NTION •
.11\MIIIINOC
.AMiCCAI' ZCNOKPATHC
II
1-1
i
&8
J\vKMNN
.,~
4ni C IICCAiAC'
CYPAICoYCAIC •
I KwiAc [N]iKwNoc I
6S
£~P1noc· Ko1P6MXoe
""vziA·
I "'reioc
r6PrOY I
1-1
""CT61'1AXOC
ICMAI'XOC
J\cONTiNOIC '
•ldTAC
NldNOPOC
ToPtaaA • ..ANTAN6POC nP6•ENOC
70
1-1
KAdNI\1' 'A[A)ICinOC Ji'\,(pJCoy
J\cvd.e • T~PAAHC
AntiPoc· ICAC,.,Ac
nJ.J\AIPOC' J\c6NTIOC
~NAKT6PION' ""CTiwN ne,.,(N6'"
76 ZMPaeAJ' ·enhi(I)Koc N•K,(N.a.POY
'An. I p 0 e. r .....," ""ICT06,(1'10Y I
77
nAN60eiA' 616CZOTOC
K11ee""" • CKtnAe, ~PICT6AAAoe.
9EenPWTOi. nCT6AC. CiMAKoe
noiWN6e· 'A6MTOC
K6PKYPA • /'\NACMKi6Ae, •ANTIPH6AC
XAoNiA • .6.6PoToe
•
C IICI "i Ac • Mccc.(NA[I] •
"PTixiA • Cxi6Ae
•o~;~,(~I'!'OC •0AYIIIni06W•
Mol\oeeoi • 9APYT
POY
KoPP.(.a.Ac
81
~MBPAKiA•
T1111oriNHC
82
4r rt~AI'
•HPAICAiiAAC
•APr€1 • J\EONTdC
r AAYICOY, "nOll•
~KPlOWI' /'\YCTPWN
"'J:I[I]oc, McwN.
·vnwPEiAIC • TcicAN6Poc
~~·• • NOAC
9EPMINiiAI' •£xEMiNAC
- - c CiAA.U
CIICCAiAC'iN'AICP,(II>YMiAI · 4>11\0iTIOC
npocxtWI' 'AN6PYC
'
KAf[9c]
rANTI' 9£CTII\C ·1~(0)·
CYPAKOYCCAIC • .6.iwN •1nn11PiNov
I
u
10
50
51
OiNlAAAI' 1\Ainnoe.
CTPATOC • 9EonPoni6Ae.
ci>01TiA1• ~iCYPNOC
KoP6NTAI' ~~ioxoe, n~Mere
ME6iWN • ~PICTiWN
e+..P••ON. T AYPieKoe
•£xiNcoe • K6ewN
20
49
52
~CTAKoi •
16
47
48
90YPiOIC'
IA,(-NI
NAfnAJCToe• NiwN
•ArtMc J\tcwNoc
KMY6"N' ~~·liN nOAwPxOYI
TOMOY}
~ KAPN ANi A•
J\IIIINAiAI' 9wniNAC ""[c)-
I•"
10
46
...
ss
M
~
57
56
59
60
61
62
64
65
66
frl
68
69
71
72
7S
74
75
7R
79
00
8S
84
85
86
87
88
89
90
92
91
63
40
u
•HPAKAEiAAC AvctN.xov
•1 T AA i" c • AoKPOic • BtTaoc
KP6TCMfl• CWNIKOC ncievoc
80YPiOIC' «<IPAdAAC «<IAYMOY
T APAN,f • ~lm;1111N, 6.v,6nNoc I
TtPINA' MtruN :-.rHCJA.i.Mov.
Neal
98
64
Or i gina I Inscription--Trans I at ion
Lines 1-31
IG IV
2
1,95
4
Thearokokoi as far as Akarnania
Corinth: Lukomedes
De I phi:
Amphissa: Xenokrates
5
Oeantheia:
6
Naupaktos: Neon
Kaludon: (thearodokos added later)
1
2
3
7
Thearinos
8
9
10
11
12
Akarnania:
(thearodokos added later)
Oiniadai: Laippos
Stratos: Theopropidas
Photiai: Sisurnos
Koronta i: Axiochos, Pimphis
13
Medeon: Aristion
Astakos:
(thearodokos added later)
Euripos: Koiromachos
Thurreion: Tauriskos
Echineos: Koson
14
15
16
17
18
19
Torubeia: Antandros proxenos
Alyzia: !thearodokos added later)
23
24
25
26
Leukas: Timophrades
Palairos: Leontios
Anaktorion:
(thearodokos added later)
Epiros:
(thearodokos added later)
Pandosia: Dioszotos
Kassope: Skepas, Aristodamos
Thesprotia: Petoas, Simakos
27
28
29
30
Poionos: Admatos
Corcyra: Mnasalkidas, Antiredas
Chaonia: Doropsos
Artichia: Schidas
31
Molossia:
20
21
22
Tharyps
Korradas
65
Original
Inscription--Translation
Lines 32-45
IG IV
2
1,95
32
Ambrakia:
33
Argos:
34
35
Akripoi: Mustron
Uporeia: Teisandros
Therminea: Echemenes
Phuleia: Phi loitios
Proscheos: Andros
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
Timogenes
Leonteus
Syracuse: Dian son of Hipparinos
Herakleridas son of Lysimachos
Italy: Lokri Butios
Kroton: Sonikos Peithuos
Thurii: Phrasidas son of Phaul los
Tarentum: (thearodokos added later)
Terina: Megan son of Agesidamos
66
Changes and Additions to the Inscription
Lines 46-89
IG IV
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
(added to Naupactosl
(added to Kaludonl
(added to Akarnanial
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
(added to Astakosl
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
(added to Alyzial
71
72
73
74
75
77
78
80
83
84
85
86
87
88
89
(added to Anactorionl
Aristion, son of
Periandros 76
(added to Epirosl
2
1,95
Ita I y
Rhegion: Alkedamos
Hippionos
Metapontum:
Phi I emenos
(erasure)
Thur i i:
Damon
Agemos Lusonos
Theon, son of Polemarchos
in Limnaia: Thopinas,
son of Tolaos
Ar i [s]
Lukophron
Phi II os
In Sic i I y:
Syracuse:
Kal I ias [N]ikonos
(erasure)
Aristomachos
Klearchos
Leontini:
Hiketas
Nikanoros
(erasure)
Argeios, son of Gorgas
Catane: A[l]
kipos, son of Markos
Epiros Kasopas
ZMarathai: Epin( i lkos,
son of Nikandros
Geron, son of Aristodamos
Sicily: Messana:
Onasimos, son of Olympiodoros
from Gela:
Herakleidas
son of Glaukos, Apol
I on[ i ]os, Lukon
eo as
s sTT1ax
67
Changes and Additions to the Inscription
I ines 90-93
IG IV
90
91
92
93
2
1,95
Sic i I y:
gant i:
I added to Tarentum)
in Akra kle[us]
Thest i as Pi I [
Hippen, Damoxenos
] -
APPENDIX B
ARGIVE THEARODOKOI INSCRIPTION
I
1 [ ...'~ .~ .. )
I [~a.~]
II
r;nN
[' Ev KA]Cl~C?!!-[ &VCltc; · --------]
'AvcpL!Lt3w[ v
'Ev 'Epu6pCl!c; · 9[---------]
'Ev XEwL · 'laxi!L[Cl:X.oc;------1
'Ev T£wL · Euxi..n[ --------]
'Ev Ae6£3wL · 'E7tLxl[--------1
'Ev No-rEwL · 'E7tLXpCl[----- ---1
'Ev 'EcptawL · 'HpClx?-[--------1
'Ev nuytAOLc; . , AvCl~[- -------1
'Ev NCluA6IWL · TipUTClY[Lc; -----1
'Ev MClrnJaLClL · l::-rpCl-rol [-----1
'Ev MLM't'WL · 'AvrL7tClTp[-----1
'Ev"Av3pwL · '13(v)ci.31)c; ~LH----1
'Ev KEwL · 'Apx.t3Cl!LOc; vacal
'Ev Bpulle£wL · Tu3euc; NLxo[----1
'Ev MLA1J't'OUT£LI£L · *Cl[!-[------1
'Ev 'lci.awL · Tio~ClPXQ[c; ------)
'Er Ku!LClL · 'ApLa-roxpL't'9[c; ----1
[ ... ~~ ~ ... ) Yn [-----------------] 'AvCl~Clv8p£3Cl 'Ev Tevt3wL · Tiu6tClc; [-------]
'Ev 9ci.awL. · <llpo!Liveoc; >
[.. ~a.? .. Tio)A~O~[A]oc;
['Ev TieAo7to)yvci.[a)wL XClL KecpClAAClVLClL 'ApxehEAClc; Tip[o!Liveoc; -------]
une ligne i//iaib/e
KAij-rwp • BA9EAr[--------]
Cl>eveoc; · TeA£[--------------1
[ ... ~~ .1 ~ ••• )wv Eu-riA&oc;
[ ...c?.~ .. ) AIAYA.EIO[--]
l::-rU!Lcp(l)..o 'i · (- - - - - - - - --)
[ .. ~.? .. Joe; llpo)..cS:x.ou
'AAtCl · ACl[!-[- - - - --- - -- -]
[!?.?.] I. nATPA Kuljie)..(3ClL
2 [Me3E]wv · 'Aeu;r[ T]Ewv
3 ('AvClX't')~pLOV ' llep(Clv3poc;
4 [9uppeLo)y · Cl>uaxoc;
5 [TicXAClLp]o~ · ALoxi..ljc;
6 ['A)..u~£]~ · 'lmtoxpcl:rlJc;
7 [Tup)6eLov · 'ApLa-rwvu!Loc;
8 [Aeu]>,tci.c; · ACli:!'iVlJc;, TieL6tClc; TieL6wvE3Cl
9 ["Apyo ]c; · Aci.3Lxoc;
10 ['A!L6p)Cl[xEat) • [CI>)opoci.3Clc;
11 ["A1re ]Lpo~ · KA&o7tci.TpCl
12 [CI>oLv )£xCl · l::ClTUp!voc;, TiuAci.3Clc; 1 Kci.e1..Cl~
13 [KClaaw7t)at (?) · [ ..c?.~. J!AAI, AtaxpEwv Teu6pClv-roc;
14 ['A7to]A[A)wv(Cl · Aw[~.1 ]6eoc;
15 [.. ~a.? .. ] N [c?.2] NOI
16 [Kopx)upCl · NAI [-----]
17 [ ... ~a..1?... ) E00E [c? .2 ) EAI
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
68
2
3
4
5
o
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
APPENDIX C
DELPHIC THEARODOKOI INSCRIPTION
Colonne I.
!S
tO
I t5
£v I«Acr p.1v~ .1~0071f!O.; . . . . . . . . wv[ oc]
iv Kctp[1tl«as[i.«~] 'A~~a-roa-rp[«'toc] . "!p.ou . ~o.;
£v Xu-:oov;
•• - - -I
£v K£?"v[ 1i.«~ ]- - - - - -:uvto.;
iv A«'lt"'j6w[~J 'Ap~r.ox).-ii.; Ur.(i.~ci]v6ou fopiv Io'Ao~- - - - o~o.;
iv [T«p. ]uaw 8p«air.a; 9p«[ a]!« 'Aa"'tip.iv [8p]o(v]ot.e?--- iv ['A?]a[w]o«~? 'Ap~a-r«ro?«c 'Ap~a-r«yo?«
-·------- - - - - - - TPIAH ·
iv ••.... c.n I-:?~o;o.; 9Eo[ a-rp ]~-:ou
EY - -----iv E. A .•. KE .. ITO. Enl ... KA. NOY N~xi.«[cj
......... iv 'Apci.oc.n 'I1t .. mc 'A"(''ivopoc
--- -?
[iv J ••••• c.H I-:Clai.«v«e I[-:«a~Jcivu-ro~t
[iv .. A- w~ N£omo)o~p.o[.;)- - - - r£v] • liT I Ull~ 'Ar-:£p.Lo[ wpoc] NOY--?
...•......... ON .. A . • . In - -..•..•...• · • · · 07110 ~---:iv]
0 -l:APO~. 0-[£v] .•. ~~).i.w~ Eu6ou'Ao.; • ·-[llu ]6«yop2.
. . . nOl: .• OY ... NIOl:
.. · P ... ElY- - - £1t
' ' ['I] WY~Cl'l
,
T«C
EY X«AXLO~ . O'l"tp2.[ 'tO!t] - - K«f'AA.~xpti]-:£OC
0
0
20
0
o.
25
0
o ...
0
•
0
0
69
70
30
i·1
'Epc-r[p~~J E(~]x'Aci.o[ll;]--­
£v 'A67\v~~ (B? ~ ?lill>v KA1o - ·!v Ka:our.ll>~ E[v];£~ v- -- - :
EV •AvOl? ](a)~ 0 .... r- - - -- I
35
o
•
[i]v T . 0 ......... ALmu - - -.... MOI - - - - - - - .. A···O-------(Ev] KopT1 [~t~~ ]---- -- 1
I 4.0
I C (a) t
[!v] lou'Ato~ 'Apzo7- - - - [iv] K~~ Nr.xo!A---(a) NLXO(Iol\0[0~~?]-----­
[iv] 'AA (a)~ Bo- - - - - - -
.... v. n!'o------[£v]
•AJ.~xfa:p]va:7~[w~]---­
r£]1-' B~yu'ALoL; E----[£v] 'Ia:~~~ Mop. - - - - - iv Kvioc.H T~11-o~- - - -- 8coy-nl-ro[ u ?]- - iv Kcll.ivll>~ A6l}v- - - - iv Ka:AUVO(a)~ A6- - - iv Ka:ULmAL Ml)vo- - - iv Sca:vyH..o~ lla:v- - - iv Mui.a.~~ Do'AL-r- - - iv :E-rpa:-rov£xa:~ Da:- - - iv 'Avt[LO"Xcta:~]---- 1
I
20
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• . • . • . . • . • . • . . • . • . . •.••.. a:
• • • . • • • • . • . • . . . • • • • • . • &co;
I 55
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....•••.•..........• [a:]yci6ou
, , • , ••••••••••••••• , • ':li>VO~
••••••.•••••••••••.• fry_ou
I 60
...•..............
((lo]EVIO~
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• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • LW":Citt;
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·------ [,""J,g,gv. "~
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- - - - • 30 · · •
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---- [,]~l-1~11Yiy, "~
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--- ...
-- - - -f!.Ji~a~~=-v. "~
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- - - [~11,.3 ]Tio[~ )»'01 "~
- --- »v [~l»aJend3. "~
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- - [~ot.IL )g[,»]:t '-[~j
0 l (u) 0 I
• - - - -[~,~~ ]'-~)f "~
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na;,g31nQ
. ' ~113TI,1 ,XIX ~u . . . . . . . . .
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nol.p'(x»dg,
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~oM"Tinv ~odC'I29,gMo,[ v] · · · · · · · · ·
no~,,:U.IL'(uy, · no1TI,:t · · · ' · · · · · ·
' · ' · •' •' ' ' ' ' '
»1Tid3, ~od · · · · · · · · · • • · · • · ·
OL
~'-'?'('(O:U.V, ·nal.~OX039'
S9
1L
72
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I 100
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•• ,
. . . . . . • . . . . • . KczJ,A~~or.vou;
..........•. l. . AOil.A "Epp.czpx_o~
.~
E'uczyope~
,
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...•....•.•.•.•.. ~ 'A?'f.£Aitou
.
.
105
- -- - -- -- • • • . • • . • . • • . . • : uplwv DczpvitwLo~
....••..•..••••... CZ'T:LO'fl~
............ '1atpt8.,,~
............ p.vlou
i 40
TT~),t[p.Jitzou
, ,•
• • . , ••• , •••• -:o; EU'ltOA! p.o;
.•...••...•• [p. )or."/.o; "E?p.~=o;
..•••.....•.. o.; 8pcz~uxi..!ou;
.••.•.•.•.. [•El';cux-:o~
.•.••••.•.•• Zwti..ou
............. o.; 'Hpo86-:[ou1
I H5
--- (I i8
a i23
ont disparu dans Ia cassure) ---
. . . . . • . • • . • . . . . . •. 11 ~ Ac uxL'It·
[1to. ) • • • . . . . • i?u; AcuxL'It'lto;
i25
.••.••..• ['A1to ]AA.wv(o'fl~ 'A~• • • • • • ,
i30
• , , • Ia) \I
LO;
XCI
............ 01;
Colonne 11.
? • - OE .. 0 . 0 - - - - - ?
? -- AP .. OYIAIEIPOI'Al.A- -·?
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? - - NTONO- - - - - -?
5
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73
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[ E]Y - - - - • - • K- • - - - - - iv •&pe~(x)i.elwL - - - iv Xt&A[&twL] - --iv •l'ltYwL Ooa. A • . . .
.. II ... A · . NO . . . 10
T«; i1tt BoLw't[L:&Y x]e~t DeAo1tow«aov
iv Xe~Lpwvrie~L •~Q('rl)ve~pxo;
KuLa-Le~; 1:-:p ••• Y• •o:I
• I
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1v Opxol-"vwL - - - - iv •A1Lcip"twL - - - - iv [Kw }1tClt;'? · ---- - 6Clf.LOYf.xou
iv l:uxie~~ - - - - - iv 9£171t~:~L; K«Ht~ EueL-pav-:ou
iv Atyoriivo~ ·apClXleloe~[ ;)
iv De~y:~~ Dci't'pwv 6e~J.L[ o)yivEo;
'BpcixAn"tO; 6Loy[iv )eo; •• , ••••.•• ;
II 3t bis
Xe~pU.[ci ]ou
15
20
25
35
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55
iv [Mrylcipo~ ·&poowpo; 6[Lovu )a6owpo;
TLII-L· A ••••••.. wvo;
iv KA~O .•.• NLXOf.A.ClX[o;) .•. p:~tou
'A1t01loowpo; •••••.••• ov[o)u
iv l:LX[ u]wvL •Ape~'t( o; •Apci"tou ?] • • xie~; 6e~J.L68to; ••••••••..••••. J.Liivopo;
••.•.•••.•••....•• e~; Otwvi.oe~
....•..•...• AII:I 'AloL]I7't'of.Lcixou
•..•.•....••.... fU'Xo; NLxoJ.Lixou
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. . . . . . .. . .. . .. ; 'Aye~aLoci[ f.L) Cl[~)
... ,
, ..••.•••....• o; 'A pL7"t007lf.LOU
.•.•••••.•..•. (9? N?)eoxlio;
••.....•••.••.• 8euxuo71;
.•.••....••.• [' Ay )'Fl"'"'Cl"~oploe~
............. £0;
.•.•.••.••..•••• 71;
--- (i7 a 5i ont disparu dans Ia cassure) - -. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . (9eu j~po';~
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'A PXOf.LEY£o;
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L"'(LWL 'A'
pLr.e~vopo;
'ApLml'e~z.o; 'ArxuA'Aou
AtvLe~i.e~; K:a-:o6ou1ou Euou:liwv
'
•
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I
74
II 60
•Aplr.CEYopo.; 8tur.por.i.~Cl; EupuCl
iv Killlr.Cll..; ~plixwv At'lt';LvtX.;
~~xwv Eu6uo2:f-Lou. 'AjllaO,Clo; Ntoxpci:;-• 'A-rt_nwL
'
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.-t.ytCl;
<..uozou E":o~Otvopo;
to.;
65
£v Kuv:~i.6ClL 'ApLr.Cif-Lio:x ~Clf-LClrl~Ot;
• :IECl.;
• ._Clo;upo~
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'lEY AOUO'O-io; 'A'},X£';~
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iv OCltoL; 'Ap~r.06ou'Ao~
!v 8ti.ro:jaaClL ~Li.wv MoLai~~;
8pC~7U6ouA.o; Az-;Wr.Qu
TLf-LOiiY'II; AcifA-'ItOU
iv 'Hp!I~L 'hpoxlT.; .1wyiv£o; l'hxOf-LClJ.O.;
iv 'l"r.ivCl~ Ool.l:xpxo~ ~:xLYtCl
iv Tur.:r.vtLillo; TLf-LOAIIO~ l:Clx:jllou
K11Ali.r.p11-:o~ KCl6LptCl
'lEY 'A).~npCl~
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iv Ampdw•. ALf-LYCl1o; 'Avopi.Cl
iv ~l.lllalClL Kl!lEtvo.; Klnvop.2:xou
~uvULO; Oolu11lvou
iv ~oupiw~ 'Apla-;tXvopo~ M£r~A'Ao.;. 'Apzi.ll.;
iv Ol:~';Cl~Clt.; "l1t1twv 'Ay2:6wvo.;
'Ar.oll.wvio:~
70
75
80
iv ~p(EzL OuppLzo.; EtvotGxo~
Mo~a~{wv
'Avui.i.'l:~
l"a
I
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•
IV U'ltClf1L70'(LIILJ - • --- I
II 90
-------------1
--·--·------• • • • •
• • • • • • • • • • • • • •
,
ll'ltO~
• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • Cl":'£0;
- - - - (95 a i Ot ont disparu dans Ia cassure)
· · • • • • · · ....•..••••.• x,.oli:no;
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fiv) •• • . • • .
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75
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'·~?'[ -:Jo~iYT1 ; 'A";"T1 7~7&iv[ 1 ]o(;]
i-, T!(;t]2.~ 'Av:~?:i'l'll;
iv ll2.·,[-:~]vi2.~ r~l'oxr:i'"i; s~or.p2.-:~
i·, 'Eplof'[cJv~~ J0.£0f'tlv:\; T~l'oo:il'ou
U5
9j~Cl7Ul'[lJ'ni; D:~v:tvZpio:J
iv I-:ul'rnr., 1~ Tlli..'fiYT,; I£2.v6fJ;
"Eov~1mo; 'Ai.ceic.lvo;
e
h 41£YC~~ •Ap~7r.O; 'Aj~~WOOU
CS~ti..2.~o; 0/.nr.[ ijou
I
II 120
I
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£v Too6uvciw~ Euouu.ll(...,i]o2.;
Koa.-:uiou
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i·, 'I'w~!o ~
t25
t30
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[I]6cvol.ciou
iv Aa.cr~wv~ 'J£p~; 'A;cl.[ oJxou
Irp2.i:po; Do(J-ttlllou
iv 'Or~Ciuvt~ CSI(p Jouro; 41~/..~cr-ric.lvo;
iv Tp~>tia.~ [~)cvoml&ll[ .;] ----(iv T)a.v«yp2.~ - - - - - - - - - - -
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iv Kpa.vto~; .•.•.••.
8iwvo;
i[v :E)&l'a.~ K11i.i.l).a. 'Ar['X.c)f'6po'to[ u]
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iv Kp2.vto~ 'Aptr.wv l:2.>tupiwv
[lv Kcrpa.).i.]a.vtll~
t35
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Cllpuvi.wv T~l-'of':i'X.ou
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£v Z11xuv6w~ ~ou&o; 'A f'fcipco;
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£v KAECilYCl!; .M£v>two 'Ao...,i1t1tou
,.,.
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iv 'Opxof'cv<v>~~ K11rp~crl11;
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..
t50
76
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.
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iv D[ «p]wp[L«]L - - - iv 9LaOIXL AH - - - ti.pxou KA:71a ·_ - - - i[v Det]'A[i.~XVt]cLwL--­
~£Y~ 'E1n~p[ «'tO
t0
- - - -
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!v A •• (l:]&tvi'A;tf o~;] A· . NA
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• • • • • BA •••••.. MENA --- ? - - E-
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0 fc.l'tiX
JII 20
25
30
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Auxo~; ALO'ltou_ l':~!'L«tt 'ApLa-ro!'.ixou
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I
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l':<to!i.-:L1t1t0t;
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[iv] .... wL 'Hp - - - --- '
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1,95
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_ Aegean Islands
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Names of Cities
Argos, c. 330 B.C.
THEARODOKOI INSCRIPTIONS PARALLELS
TABLE 1
APPENDIX D
CD
0\
1.7
1.20
IIulSva
TpaytXcx
1.41
1.18
1. 27
1.22
1.31
1.29
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1.6
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Macedon and Thrace
b
Col. II 1.20
Col. I 1. 20
['Ano]XXwv\cx Col. I 1.14
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Ionian Sea
--
Argos, c. 330 B.C.
NCXUTIOX1"Wt
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1.6
1.7
Ka>.ulSwv
IV 1. 45
Col. IV 1. 44
Col. IV 1. 34
I II 1.91
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Mcx pw
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Ill 1.86
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Ill 1. 82
Ill 1. 78
'All~ (noXE[ t]
NECXTIOt
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Ill 1. 70
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Col. II 1.134
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De I phi , c. 175-200 B.C.
NCXUTICXK1"0C
Acarnania and Epirus
Epidauros, c. 360-355 B.C.
2
2
IG IV 1,95
IG IV 1,94
TABLE 1--Continued
(l)
-.J
Otav8Eat
'AudltOOl
1.9
1.11
1.5
otvtarSat
~OlTlOl
otaveeat
'A!-I!PtCCCtl (Phokisl1.4
I 1.16
I 1.3
I 1.5
I 1.6
I 1.7
[Kopx]upa.
'AvaK-roptov
[TiaAa.tp]oc
[A).ur,:e]a
[Tup]Be:tov
1. 28
1.22
1.21
1.19
1.18?
'Ava.KTOPl0\1
l1aAetlpOC
'A).ur,:ea
TopuBe:ta.
I 1.12
I 1.13
KopKupa
[~otv]'ixa.
[KacrowlT]a.
Kopxupa
~OlTletlC
IV 1. 81
IV 1. 76
IV1.72
IV 1.63
IV 1. 53
IV 1. 62
O{vtarSatc
~OlVl)(Ctl
IV 1. 51
Ka.crcrwlTat
'AI-IBPet)(tett
1.25
I 1.10
Kaccw1ra
['AI-IBP]O)(tet
IV 1. 50
IV 1.49
'"'Apye:t
1. 32
Co I. I 1.9
'AI-IBPetKta
'"'Apyoc
1.33
'"'Apye:t
IV 1.48
1:-rpa-rw1
Delphi, c. 175-200 B.C.
1.10
Argos, c. 330 B.C.
C-rpa-roc
Epidauros, c. 360-355 B.C.
2
2
IG IV 1,94
IG IV 1,95
TABLE 1--Continued
CD
CD
[Kop]t:JvEla
1.7
'"ApyEl-AEO\JTEUC
1.33
Names of Thearodokoi
'"ApyEl-AEO\JTEUC
Co I. IV 1. 49
1. 7
v
[Kopwv]Elal
Col.
IV 1. 99
L:upaxoucrcral
1.39
1.61
IV 1. 98
IV 1.135
IV 1. 89
IV 1. 87
Col. IV 1. 83
CupaKoucalc
?8up[pElWl]
Pny\w1
Aoxpo'lc
TapcnJT 1
Kcnava 1
1.52?
80UPlOlC
I 1.11
Co I. I 1.8
Delphi, c. 175-200 B.C.
1. 71
1.47
PnylO\}
['"AnE]lpOC
[AEU]KaC
Argos, c. 330 B.C.
Kcnavcn
1.41
AoKpotc
Sic i I y
1.44
TapcnJT 1
1. 23
'"ATIElPOC
Italy
1. 20
AEUKaC
Epidauros, c. 360-355 B.C.
2
2
IG IV 1,95
IG IV 1,94
TABLE 1--Continued
())
10
Argos, c. 330 B.C.
1.10
['AllBP]I';tc::ta[4>]opBaoac
'AllBPm::taKoppaoac
Tt)lOYE\)nc
1.81
1.82
('AvaK]Toptov-ITEptavopoc
Co I. I 1. 3
'AvaKTOPlOV-AptCT
1.22
ITEptavopov
Possible Connections
Epidauros, c. 360-355 B.C.
2
2
IG IV 1,94
IG IV 1,95
TABLE 1--Continued
Delphi, c. 175-200 B.C.
10
0