/ r f * * Robert 1. Cushman. The Independent Regulatory Commissions. Oxford University Press, Sew York. 1941. 780 p. As a member of the staff of the President's Com- f mittee on Administrative Management, Mr. Cushman, in 1936, prepared a highly interesting and controversial set of proposals for the reorganization of the independent regulatory commissions. She present volume is a report on the researches which Mr. Cushinan has pursued since the comples*&JU*1 tion of the President's Committee pepea?*, and purports to be largely independent of that document. I quote from the preface: "These also emerged from this endeavor (the studies for the President's Committee) a realization that little or nothing was known about the commissions as administrative agencies or about their relations to Congress or the President. . . It seemed clear that a wide and highly important area in the field of public administration lay almost entirely unexplored. . * It was accordingly suggested that I should undertake to direct a thoroughgoing and comprehensive study of the independent regulatory commissions if funds could be found to underwrite it. ... One of the « major conditions under which this work was undertaken, and a condition obviously essential to its permanent value, was thft it should be an objective and thorough research undertaking quite unrestricted by any a_ priori assumptions. Consequently the President's committee1 s proposal is dealt with, not as the culminating conclusion of the study, but as one of the steps in the development of ideas and proposals for dealing with the independent regulatory commission problem. 11 pp. vii-viii. One might, on the basis of this preface, expect to find in Mr. Cushman 1 s study a thorough analysis of the ^£e-*^?£< problems of the independent regulatory commissions -oulmina^ & i«g«> perhaps, JM a "body of findings regarding their proper organisation. With regard to findings, the reader will not be disappointed. He will find recommendations aplenty covering the proper degree of responsibility of the commissions to the courts, Congress, and the President; the separation of legislative, judicial, and other functions within the commissions; the effectiveness of the commissions -2- in long-time planning; and the staffing of the commissions. By coincidence or otherwise, these findings are in general agreement with the recommendations of the Presidentts Committee, though perhaps put forward in a somewhat less con- fifcent tone* CD BHgthom/^ numb er of these findings might be criticised for a regrettable lack of specificity. For example: "Fourth, it must be kept in mind that there is always danger of getting the planning function too far up in the eir by failure to keep the planners closely enough in touch with the administrators who will have to implement the plans." page 740. This tone of vague generality is especially characteristic of Mr. Cushman f s attitude toward judicial review of the independent regulatory commissions: "Judicial control over commissions and their corresponding accountability to the courts should be kept at a minimum. It should extend to questions of law and all isHues of ultra vires, and to the fairness and regularity of the procedure of the commissions in performing quaii- judicial work. It should not extend to determinations of fact which are supported by substantial evidence and under no circumstances should it extend to matters of policy." page 697 » Here is a doctrine which, if properly translated, pfiu-*^. could nntl efr the most ardent lew Dealer and which, if properly construed in all reasonableness, could hardly fail to jdijJftjSy the justices who concurred in the Ben Avon case. One would like to ask Mr. Cushman whether a question of constitutional fact is a question of fact* or of law, o^ u>*jy^ O<AC^-> £ &«# whether it involves an issue of ultra vires, °" "^ "substantial evidence", and "matters of policy." These terms serve merely to define the issue of judicial review f solve it. In no sense do they More puzzling even than the substance of Mr. Cushman's findings is the question of their source. were what mental process wa« the 665 pages of historical By material which make up the first portion of this volume translated into a set of recommendations of how things ought to "be? Chapters I through V are a recital of the legislative histories of the commissions consisting primarily of a digest of the arguments which were advanced, in and out of the halls of Congress, pro and con each legislative measure. Chapter VI is a matter- of-fact description of the position the courts have taken towards the commissions on the issues of separation of powers, delegation of powers, the President's power of removal, and judicial review. Chapter VII is a summary of Professor Fesler's largely descriptive studies of state regulatory commissions. Chapters VIII and IX 4« are a review of the literature on British regulatory agencies, with some attempt at appraisal of their results. The appraisal seems to be largely a summary of British opinion. Clearly none of these chapters, confined as they are almost entirely to legislative and constitutional history, can afford much "basis for an evaluation of the operations of the independent regulatory commissions. Presumably, then, Mr. Cushman's findings must be based upon the materials in Chapters X through XIII which make the last htndred pages of the volume. Mr. Cushman seems to -4concur in this view, for he says: n !Phe concluding part of the study is devoted to an analysis of certain basic problems relating to the independent regulatory commissions. In separate chapters are discussed the problems which, grow out of the independence of the commissions, the merger in them of several kinds of powers, their relation to the important taik of policy planning in the field, and their structure and personnel. In respect to each of these topics the experience in England and in this country is summarized, proposed changes are catalogued, and an effort is made to appraise the results of this complicated trial and error process and to venture some tentative conclusions." pp. 16-17. The only factual material which the reader was able to find in *k-ee«-ekep%ea?e-wee-afi-efittme?e*iefi the chapter on independence and responsibility was an enumeration of possible devices for enforcing responsibility to Congress, the President, and the courts, together with a few obiter dicta, supported by a minimum of examples much less evidence as to the effectiveness of these devices. This evidence, plus a large number of slightly disguised preferences ( n if Congress has the courage of its convietions, or of its emotions, it may employ a more brutal It and direct type of control over commission personnel. may resort to 'ripper legislation, 1 the simple device of abolishing an existing office b^ law and creating a new one page 676 in its place.") enable Mr. Cushman to set ?*« forth some conclxisions 1 : "A fair appraisal of the net results of Congressional control ... is that such control is neither continuous nor genuinely efficient." page 678. Another feat of legerdemain enables Mr. Cushman to proceed from 'conclusions' to 'recommendations. 1 Hot only has Congressional control been ineffective, but it -5will be ineffective; "They (Meriam and Sohmeckebier) have suggested that the standing committees of Congress ought to be provided with adequate permanent staffs which would permit them HHBr to carry on efficiently and continuously the task of supervising administration. The proposal unquestionably is e sound one, but there is little to support the hope that Congress will follow this excellent advice. The conclusion seems 4fiev4a%fele inevitable that legislative bodies are not capable of exercising effective control over administration t «*r«a? or even over their own special agencies t the independent regulatory Gommittees."^~k^. c (,*? 1 Quite aside from the dubiousness of the minor premise, Mr. Cushman would seem to have invented here a new mode of the syllogism: Major premse "They ought to." Minor premise "They won't." Conclusion- 3* They shouldn't." This example will serve to illustrate the deductive procedures whereby Mr. Cushman would hope to bridge the gap separating the Waa's of the historical past from the ought ' s of the legislative future. His discussions of the other policcy problems which he raises are equally unencumbered by factual evidence, and equally replete with unverified assumptions. By virtue of his assumption that court review is generally undesirable, he is able to^conolusively flMinTint>n*e the same conclusion. By accepting, without evidence, the undesirability of combining prosecutor and judge, he is able to show that an internal division of functions is desirable. 9?Throughout all this discussion *«**w*8 time and again'aN"wave of the future "t Jbith. These things not only should be, but they will be. Congress "is never likely to become competent, to hold them (fhe commissions) accountable. 11^ "We are moving steadily in the direction of keeping the courts more and more out of J f -6the prooesses of administration." page 694. "We shall continue to experiment with the internal segregation of functions within the commissions themselves in order to mitigate the evils of the prosecutor-judge combination." pages 725-726. Mr. Cushman has demonstrated again if indeed the proposition needed further demonstration that scholarship is no substitute for science in *fe-Aeal4Hg-w4$fe-a diagnosing and prescribing for our social institutions. Myself when young did eagerly frequent Doctor and Saint, and heard great Argument About it and about: but evermore Came out by the same Door as In I went. £4xt J
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