PRONOMINAL AFFIXES, THE BEST OF
BOTH WORLDS
THE CASE OF YURAKARÉ
Rik van Gijn
Radboud University Nijmegen
THE PRONOUN
PRONOUN--AGREEMENT CONTINUUM
diachronic change
anaphoric
pronouns
free elements
domain external antecedent
full range of case roles
agreement
markers
bound elements
domain-internal antecedent
limited range of case roles
sensitive to referential status
indifferent to referential status
often sensitive to semantic features
indifferent to semantic features
Dryer (2012) for pronominal subjects: “by far the most common [type]
(outnumbering all other types combined), is languages in which the normal
expression of pronominal subjects is by means of affixes on the verb.”
THE PRONOUN
PRONOUN--AGREEMENT CONTINUUM
diachronic change
anaphoric
pronouns
pronominal
affixes
free elements
domain external antecedent
full range of case roles
agreement
markers
bound elements
domain-internal antecedent
limited range of case roles
sensitive to referential status
indifferent to referential status
often sensitive to semantic features
indifferent to semantic features
THE PRONOUN
PRONOUN--AGREEMENT CONTINUUM
diachronic change
anaphoric
pronouns
pronominal
affixes
free elements
domain external antecedent
full range of case roles
agreement
markers
bound elements
domain-internal antecedent
limited range of case roles
sensitive to referential status
indifferent to referential status
often sensitive to semantic features
indifferent to semantic features
Dryer (2012) for pronominal subjects: “by far the most common [type]
(outnumbering all other types combined), is languages in which the normal
expression of pronominal subjects is by means of affixes on the verb.”
YURAKARÉ
Isolate
central Bolivia
ca. 2500 speakers
endangered
trinitario/
ignaciano
chimane
/moseten
polysynthetic
agglutinating
accusative alignment
head-marking
quechua
sirionó
yuki
YURAKARÉ
YURAKARÉ:: PRONOUNS
free prn
subject suf
object pref
1sg
sëë
-y
ti-
2sg
mëë
-m
mi-
3sg
ana/ati/naa
-
1pl
tuwa
-tu
ta-
2pl
paa
-p
pa-
3pl
anaw/atiw/naaw
-w
ma-
YURAKARÉ
YURAKARÉ:: PRONOUNS
free prn
subject suf
object pref
1sg
sëë
-y
ti-
2sg
mëë
-m
mi-
3sg
ana/ati/naa
-
1pl
tuwa
-tu
ta-
2pl
paa
-p
pa-
3pl
anaw/atiw/naaw
-w
ma-
mala-y
go.SG-1SG.S
‘I went.’
mala-m
go.SG-2SG.S
‘You went.’
mi-bobo-y
2SG-hit-1SG.S
‘I hit you.’
ti-bobo-m
1SG-hit;kill-2SG.S
‘You hit me.’
YURAKARÉ
YURAKARÉ:: PRONOUNS
free prn
subject suf
object pref
1sg
sëë
-y
ti-
2sg
mëë
-m
mi-
3sg
ana/ati/naa
-
1pl
tuwa
-tu
ta-
2pl
paa
-p
pa-
3pl
anaw/atiw/naaw
-w
ma-
mala-y
go.SG-1SG.S
‘I went.’
mala-m
go.SG-2SG.S
‘You went.’
mi-bobo-y
2SG-hit-1SG.S
‘I hit you.’
ti-bobo-m
1SG-hit;kill-2SG.S
‘You hit me.’
YURAKARÉ
YURAKARÉ:: PRONOUNS
bëjti
see:1SG.S
‘I see water.’
samma
water
ka-bëjti
samma
3SG-see:1SG.S
water
‘I see a river/lake.’
YURAKARÉ
YURAKARÉ:: APPLICATIVES
meaning
marker
applies to
involuntary comitative
ø
intransitives
voluntary comitative
vowel change
intransitives, transitives
benefactive
-n-
intransitives, transitives
malefactive
-la-
intransitives, transitives
goal
-y-
intransitives
cross-reference paradigm
voluntary comitative
1sg
ti-
1pl
ta-
1sg
të-
1pl
tu-
2sg
mi-
2pl
pa-
2sg
më-
2pl
pu-
3sg
ka-
3pl
ma-
3sg
ku-
3pl
mu-
YURAKARÉ
YURAKARÉ:: APPLICATIVES
direct object
tiya-y
ti-chata
eat-1sg.s
1sg-food
‘I ate my food.’
involuntary comitative
ka-mala-y
ti-chata
3sg-go.sg-1sg.s 1sg-food
‘I took my food.’ (lit. ‘I went with my food’)
THE PRONOUN
PRONOUN--AGREEMENT CONTINUUM
anaphoric
pronouns
pronominal
affixes
free elements
domain external antecedent
full range of case roles
agreement
markers
bound elements
domain-internal antecedent
limited range of case roles
sensitive to referential status
indifferent to referential status
often sensitive to semantic features
indifferent to semantic features
YURAKARÉ BOUND PRONOUNS
AND THE PRONOUNPRONOUN-AGREEMENT CONTINUUM
Criterion 1: morphological boundedness
Canonical agreement (Corbett 2006: 13)
Target (i.e. the agreement marker)
Bound > free
Inflectional marking (affix) > clitic > free form
YURAKARÉ BOUND PRONOUNS
AND THE PRONOUNPRONOUN-AGREEMENT CONTINUUM
Position
3
MAL
BEN
VC
2
DO
GO
IC
1
applicative
marker
ti-pi-n-dyuju=chi
1SG-IMP.PL-BEN-tell=FRS
‘Tell me!’
të-pë-yuda
1SG.VC-IMP.PL-help
‘Help me too!’
lacha
too
0
root
YURAKARÉ BOUND PRONOUNS
AND THE PRONOUNPRONOUN-AGREEMENT CONTINUUM
Criterion 2: binding domains
Siewierska (1999):
pronominal
agreement
Antecedent
outside binding
domain
ambiguous
agreement
Antecedent
inside or
outside binding
domain
syntactic
agreement
Antecedent
inside binding
domain
YURAKARÉ BOUND PRONOUNS
AND THE PRONOUNPRONOUN-AGREEMENT CONTINUUM
Argument type
total
‘dropped’
% dropped
S
472
295
62.5%
A
550
447
81.3%
P
285
164
57.5%
YURAKARÉ BOUND PRONOUNS
AND THE PRONOUNPRONOUN-AGREEMENT CONTINUUM
Criterion 3: case roles
“in the undisputable cases of verb agreement, we find that
normally only one case role can be indexed. This may be
the subject, or it may be the absolutive argument”
(Corbett 2003: 172).
YURAKARÉ BOUND PRONOUNS
AND THE PRONOUNPRONOUN-AGREEMENT CONTINUUM
POSTPOSITIONAL ENCLITICS
=tina
=la
=y
=chi
=jsha
comitative
instrument
locative
allative
ablative
YURAKARÉ BOUND PRONOUNS
AND THE PRONOUNPRONOUN-AGREEMENT CONTINUUM
Comitative =tina
na
DEM
yolojoto
armadillo
shunñe
man
a-ye=tina
3SG.P-sister=COM
a-sibë=y
3SG.P-house=LOC
‘That armadillo-man was in his house with his sister.’
yupa-ø-ya
a-mumuy
enter.SG-3=REP
3SG.P-all
‘He went in with all of his seeds.’
a-ballata=tina
3SG.P-seed=COM
li-tütü-ø
DEL-sit;be-3
YURAKARÉ BOUND PRONOUNS
AND THE PRONOUNPRONOUN-AGREEMENT CONTINUUM
Instrument/reason/path =la
Instrument
wissa-jti-ø=w=ya ana
a-dala
3SG.P-head
hit-HAB-3=PL=REP DEM
‘They hit his head with an ax.’
Reason
ati
katcha=la
ax=INS
a-bombo=la
shama-ø=w=ya
DEM
3SG.P-smoke=INS
die.PL-3=PL=REP
‘Our ancestors died because of its (the fire’s) smoke.’
Path
danda-ø=w=ya
kummë=la
tree=INS
go.up-3=PL=REP
‘They went up the tree.’
ta-ppë-shama=w
1PL-grandfather-FMR=PL
YURAKARÉ BOUND PRONOUNS
AND THE PRONOUNPRONOUN-AGREEMENT CONTINUUM
Locative postpositions
Stative locative =y
basu
tütü-ø
mesa=y
cup
sit;be-3 table=LOC
‘The cup is on the table.’
Directional =chi
juan=ja
mala-ø
go.SG-3
Juan=THM
‘Juan went to the river.’
adyum=chi
river=DIR
Ablative =jsha
juan=ja
otto-ø=ja
go.out-3=CE
Juan=THM
‘Juan went from his house.’
mala-ø
go.SG-3
a-sibë=jsha
3SG.P-house=ABL
YURAKARÉ BOUND PRONOUNS
AND THE PRONOUNPRONOUN-AGREEMENT CONTINUUM
Head vs. dependent marking
Head-marked
subject
direct object
benefactive
malefactive
goal
voluntary comitative
involuntary comitative
?
Dependent-marked
comitative
instrument
locative
direction
ablative
YURAKARÉ BOUND PRONOUNS
AND THE PRONOUNPRONOUN-AGREEMENT CONTINUUM
voluntary comitative
comitative
involuntary comitative
na
DEM
yolojoto
armadillo
shunñe
man
a-ye=tina
3SG.P-sister=COM
a-sibë=y
3SG.P-house=LOC
‘That armadillo-man was in his house with his sister.’
yupa-ø-ya
a-mumuy
3SG.P-all
enter.SG-3=REP
‘He went in with all of his seeds.’
a-ballata=tina
3SG.P-seed=COM
Topicality (Van Gijn 2005)
li-tütü-ø
DEL-sit;be-3
YURAKARÉ BOUND PRONOUNS
AND THE PRONOUNPRONOUN-AGREEMENT CONTINUUM
goal
benefactive
direction
ti-n-wita-m
1SG-BEN-arrive.SG-2SG.S
You came to me, arrived at my place.’
ANIMACY
pa-y-yajta-n-tu
2PL-GO-run;jump-INT-1PL.S
‘Let’s run to where you guys are!’
INVOLVEMENT
li-ma-ssë-p=chi
DEL-3PL-stand-2PL.S=DIR
YURAKARÉ BOUND PRONOUNS
AND THE PRONOUNPRONOUN-AGREEMENT CONTINUUM
malefactive
ablative
instrument
mi-la-bati
2SG-MAL-GO.INT:1SG.S
‘I am going to leave you.’
ANIMACY
a-shuye=la
ka-la-pëjta-jti-ø=ya (…)
kummë
tree
3SG.P-crown=INS 3SG-MAL-plant-HAB-3=REP
‘He placed the crown (of his head) against the tree.’
VERB SEMANTICS + TOPICALITY ?
YURAKARÉ BOUND PRONOUNS
AND THE PRONOUNPRONOUN-AGREEMENT CONTINUUM
Head-marked
?
Dependent-marked
subject
direct object
voluntary comitative
involuntary comitative
goal
benefactive
malefactive
comitative
direction
ablative
instrument
locative
YURAKARÉ BOUND PRONOUNS
AND THE PRONOUNPRONOUN-AGREEMENT CONTINUUM
benefactive ‘applicative’
recipient
addressee
beneficiary
external possessor
goal
locative
direction
‘to get X’
directional
postposition
goal ‘applicative’
benefactive ‘applicative’
maleficiary
external possessor
animate source
locative
source
ablative
postposition
YURAKARÉ BOUND PRONOUNS
AND THE PRONOUNPRONOUN-AGREEMENT CONTINUUM
HEAD
subject
direct object
benefactive
malefactive
goal
voluntary comitative
involuntary comitative
comitative
instrument
locative
direction
ablative
DEPENDENT
YURAKARÉ BOUND PRONOUNS
AND THE PRONOUNPRONOUN-AGREEMENT CONTINUUM
Criterion 4: referentiality & definiteness
Canonical free pronouns
are prototypically associated
with +referential and +definite
contexts.
Canonical agreement
is not sensitive to any
conditions, and the appearance
of agreement markers thus
does not depend on contextual
characteristics of the referent.
YURAKARÉ BOUND PRONOUNS
AND THE PRONOUNPRONOUN-AGREEMENT CONTINUUM
Definite vs. indefinite
ma-bëbë-ni
ti-sse=w
1SG-child=PL
3PL-search-INT:1SG.S
‘I am going to look for my children.’
ma-bëbë-ni
turibbinñu
parrot:PL
3PL-search-INT:1SG.S
‘I am going to look for some parrots.’
YURAKARÉ BOUND PRONOUNS
AND THE PRONOUNPRONOUN-AGREEMENT CONTINUUM
Non-referential/generic
kormena
ma-duya-jti-ø
bee
3PL-sting-HAB-3
‘A bee stings [people].’
otto-tu
tuwa
ele=jsha
ta-jti-w
go.out-1PL.S
1PL.PRN
ground=ABL
say-HAB-3PL
‘They say [it is said] that we came out of the ground.
YURAKARÉ BOUND PRONOUNS
AND THE PRONOUNPRONOUN-AGREEMENT CONTINUUM
Non-referential: universal quantification
lëtta-mash
nij
buyusa-jti-ø
one-MDG
NEG
kiss-HAB-3
‘No one kissed a woman.’
yee
woman
lëtta-mash
nij
one-MDG
NEG
‘No one knows things.’
bëshëë
stuff
ka-yle
3SG-know
YURAKARÉ BOUND PRONOUNS
AND THE PRONOUNPRONOUN-AGREEMENT CONTINUUM
Non-referential: universal quantification
ma-mmuy
shunñe=w
3PL-all
man=PL
‘All the men kissed the women’
nish
ma-buyusa-jti-w
3PL-kiss-HAB-3PL
ma-mmuy
ma-yle-jti
NEG
3PL-all
3PL-know-HAB
‘Not everyone knows about things.’
bëshëë
stuff
yee=w
woman=PL
YURAKARÉ BOUND PRONOUNS
AND THE PRONOUNPRONOUN-AGREEMENT CONTINUUM
Criterion 5: pragmatic status
Markedness of occurrence as focus
Zero
Clitic/bound
pronoun
Pronoun
[-stress]
Markedness of occurrence as topic
Van Valin 2005
Pronoun
[+stress]
Definite NP
Indefinite NP
YURAKARÉ BOUND PRONOUNS
AND THE PRONOUNPRONOUN-AGREEMENT CONTINUUM
Focused elements
tëtë-pshë=w=ri
ma-bobo-m=chi
what-thing=PL=RES.M
3PL-kill-2SG.S=FRS
‘What things did you kill?’
tëtë-pshë
ti-ja-n-wita-m
what-thing
1SG-3SG-BEN-arrive.SG-2SG.S
‘What did you bring us?’
YURAKARÉ BOUND PRONOUNS
AND THE PRONOUNPRONOUN-AGREEMENT CONTINUUM
Criterion 6: semantic co-occurrence restrictions
Siewierska (1999)
Nominal hierarchy
pronoun > noun
Person hierarchy
1st > 2nd > 3rd
Animacy hierarchy
human > animate > inanimate > abstract
Likelihood bound pronoun is used
YURAKARÉ BOUND PRONOUNS
AND THE PRONOUNPRONOUN-AGREEMENT CONTINUUM
Nominal hierarchy
pronoun > noun
l-ati=w
ma-wita=ya
REF-DEM=PL
3PL-arrive=IRR.SS
‘Those he brought and ate.’
ma-che-jti-ø
3PL-eat-HAB-3
ayma ma-che-ø
ta-ñuma-shama=w
fire
3PL-eat-3
1PL-mother-FMR=PL
‘The fire burned (ate) our ancestors.’
YURAKARÉ BOUND PRONOUNS
AND THE PRONOUNPRONOUN-AGREEMENT CONTINUUM
Person hierarchy
1st > 2nd > 3rd
ø-bobo-ø
‘He hits him.’
ma-bobo-w
‘They hit them.’
YURAKARÉ BOUND PRONOUNS
AND THE PRONOUNPRONOUN-AGREEMENT CONTINUUM
Person hierarchy
1st > 2nd > 3rd
ø-bobo-ø
‘He hits him.’
ma-bobo-w
‘They hit them.’
bound pronouns or
number oppositions?
YURAKARÉ BOUND PRONOUNS
AND THE PRONOUNPRONOUN-AGREEMENT CONTINUUM
Person hierarchy
1st > 2nd > 3rd
ø-bobo-ø
‘He hits him.’
ma-bobo-w
‘They hit them.’
bound pronouns or
number oppositions?
1. the ‘null elements’ do refer
2. ‘plural’ marking suggests
pronominal element
3. different forms and positions
YURAKARÉ BOUND PRONOUNS
AND THE PRONOUNPRONOUN-AGREEMENT CONTINUUM
Animacy hierarchy
human > animate > inanimate > abstract
ta-ñu
ma-bëjta=ya
awëwë-tu
3PL-see=IRR.SS cry-1PL.S
1PL-child:PL
‘Always when we see our children, we cry.’
chajtiya
always
petche=w
ma-bëjta=ya
amala=ya
ma-bobo-ta-ø=w=laba
3PL-see=IRR.SS come=IRR.SS
3PL-kill-HYP-3=PL=SBJV
fish=PL
‘Possibly, when they see these fishes, they will come to kill them.’
lëshie chishta=w
two
sieve=PL
‘I see two sieves.’
ma-bëjti
3PL-see:1SG.S
YURAKARÉ BOUND PRONOUNS
AND THE PRONOUNPRONOUN-AGREEMENT CONTINUUM
anaphoric
pronouns
Yurakaré
pronominal
affixes
agreement
markers
free elements
-
+
bound elements
domain external antecedent
+
+
domain-internal antecedent
full range of case roles
+/-
+/-
sensitive to referential status
-
+
indifferent to referential status
often sensitive to semantic features
-
+
indifferent to semantic features
limited range of case roles
YURAKARÉ BOUND PRONOUNS
AND ECONOMY
functions (Andrews 2007, Corbett 2006)
Free pronouns
reference (semantic features)
marking pragmatic status
case role receivers
Pronominal affixes
Agreement
hearer-friendly (repetition)
reference-tracking help
mark constituency
YURAKARÉ BOUND PRONOUNS
AND ECONOMY
reference
Navajo (Mithun 2003)
Three special sets of pronominal affixes
- generic reference,
- reference to unspecified participants
- ‘ambient’ (spatial reference)
YURAKARÉ BOUND PRONOUNS
AND ECONOMY
pragmatic status
Hungarian (Kenesei et al. 1998)
lát-om
see-DEF.1SG
‘I see my dog.’
a
the
lát-ok
see-INDEF.1SG
‘I see a dog.’
egy
a
kutyá-m-at
dog-1SG.P-ACC
kutyá-t
dog-ACC
YURAKARÉ BOUND PRONOUNS
AND ECONOMY
Marking constituency
Imbabura Quechua (Cole 1982: 41)
Juzi
muna-wa-n
José
want-1OB-3
'
Jose wants to help me. '
ayuda-y-ta
help-infinitive-acc
YURAKARÉ BOUND PRONOUNS
AND ECONOMY
Marking constituency
Yurakaré
[poyde dula]-y
can
make-1SG
‘I can make it.’
*poyde-y dula
YURAKARÉ BOUND PRONOUNS
AND ECONOMY
Marking constituency
Cavineña (Guillaume 2008: 730-1)
=tu-ke=ø
ensalada [jeke-wa=tibu]
ara-chine=ama
eat-REC.PAST=NEG =3SG-FM(=1SG-ERG) salad
fill.up-PERF=REAS
‘I did not eat the salad because I was full (lit. I had filled up).’
[e-ra
butseeju salon ina-ya=tibu]
=tu-ra=ø
1SG-ERG first.time rifle sit-IMPFV=REAS =3SG-ERG(=1SG-FM)
ejene-kware=ama
believe-REM.PAST=NEG
‘Because it was the first time I was using (lit. grabbing) a rifle, she (my
sister-in-law) did not believe me (when I had told her I had killed a deer).’
YURAKARÉ BOUND PRONOUNS
AND ECONOMY
functions (Andrews 2007, Corbett 2006)
Free pronouns
Pronominal affixes
Agreement
reference (semantic features)
+
+
hearer friendly (repetition)
marking pragmatic status
+
+
reference tracking help
case role receivers
+
+
mark constituency
YURAKARÉ BOUND PRONOUNS
AND ECONOMY
functions (Andrews 2007, Corbett 2006)
Free pronouns
Pronominal affixes
Agreement
reference (semantic features)
+
+
hearer friendly (repetition)
marking pragmatic status
+
+
reference tracking help
case role receivers
+
+
mark constituency
Dryer (2012) for pronominal subjects: “by far the most common [type]
(outnumbering all other types combined), is languages in which the normal
expression of pronominal subjects is by means of affixes on the verb.”
YURAKARÉ BOUND PRONOUNS
AND ECONOMY
functions (Andrews 2007, Corbett 2006)
Free pronouns
Pronominal affixes
Agreement
reference (semantic features)
+
+
hearer friendly (repetition)
marking pragmatic status
+
+
reference tracking help
case role receivers
+
+
mark constituency
optimal
THANK YOU