15th INTERNATIONAL PLANNING HISTORY SOCIETY CONFERENCE
MODERNIZING CHINESE CITIES: GUANGZHOU FROM
FROM
TREATY PORT TO METROPLIS
METROPLIS
CHEN YU
Address: Department of Architecture, National University of Singapore
e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected]
ABSTRACT
Through examining three waterfront spaces (Shisanhang, Shamian and Shaji) in
Xiguan (Western Suburbs), Guangzhou, this paper aims to portrait how a port city in
China was transformed from treaty port into metropolis. Đt shed light on the correlation
between the development of foreign settlements and municipal reforms in the early
20th century. After a Customs was established in Guangzhou in 1684, Shisanhang
(Thirdteen Factories) was developed by hong merchants to accommodate foreign
merchants during trading seasons. Đts hybrid architectural character indicates the
negotiation and tolerance reached among foreign tenants and Chinese landlords
under the stringent control of the Qing. The transformation of waterfront spaces in the
factory site shows how a sense of settlement grew in Shisanhang after the First
Opium War (1839-1842). Shamian (Sand Bank) was reclaimed and leased to the
British and the French as their concession in 1861. Đts planning shows the Western
community’s concerns about security, hygiene, social hierarchy, private investment,
and public interests in building a settlement in Guangzhou. These were largely
related to their experience in Shisanhang. Fundamental to the transforming of
Shamian into a model settlement was the establishment of foreigners’ land rights in
China by treaties and the systematic administration by the Municipal Council.
Shamian’s influence on the development of Chinese areas was not immediate, but
far-reaching. Despite its proximity to Shamian, Shajia (Sand Ground) remained its
traditional Chinese character until the opening of Shaji Road in 1925, as a result of
municipal reforms. The opening of Shaji Road and its alike were considered as an
efficient way of modernizing Guangzhou and establishing a new image of a Chinese
metropolis, which could compete with Shamian, a reminder of imperialism and a
representation of Western modernization.
INTRODUCTION
The First Opium War (1839-1842) was concluded with the signing of the Treaty of
Nanjing that led to the opening of the first five treaty ports in China, including
Shanghai, Ningbo, Fuzhou (Foochow), Xiamen (Amoy) and Guangzhou (Canton).
China’s modernization was started with the Chinese reluctant confrontation with
Western civilization in appearance of imperialism. Unique to this historical period
was China’s ability of retaining sovereignty and the continuity of her political,
economic and cultural systems. In some treaty ports, foreign settlements were
established to have their municipal administration independent from the Chinese. In
a sharp contrast to seemingly chaotic native areas, exotic and orderly foreign
settlements often created an image of Western modernity and its superiority over
Chinese culture. Concurrently, traditional Chinese urban landscape was blamed as
the indicator of China’s weakness in competing with Western powers. In the early
1
Cities, nations and regions in planning history
20th century, municipal reforms were initiated in many Chinese cities, which revealed
the Chinese desire for being modernized and also denoted the earliest Chinese
ideas of modern urban planning. It is not surprising to notice that treaty ports,
especially those with foreign settlements, distinguished themselves from other cities
in this nation-wide movement.
Located at the south coast of China and along the Pearl River, Guangzhou is a port
city with a long history that could be traced back to 214 BC. Its political significance
of being the capital city of the Province of Guangdong has established since Han
Dynasty (202 BC – 220 AD). Evolved over centuries, Guangzhou in late Qing
consisted of two adjacent components – the Inner (old) city and Outer (new) city.
The three quarters of the Inner city formed in the Song Dynasty (960 AD -1279 AD)
were merged in 1370; the Outer city was comparatively new as a result of the action
of enclosing commercial areas outside the southern gates of the old city in 1563.
Constrained by the Baiyunshan (White Cloud Mountain) on its north and the Pearl
River on its south, the City of Guangzhou, especially its mercantile areas, had
expanded southwards to take advantage of water traffic. Started in the early Qing,
the immediate areas outside the Western and eastern city gates were gradually
developed into commercial-cum-residential areas, which were known as Xiguan
(Western Suburbs) and Dongguan (Eastern Suburbs) respectively. By the early 20th
century, Guangzhou, as Ng Yong Sang believed, was ‘certainly the foremost
metropolis in South China.’1
The evolution of waterfront spaces in Xiguan exemplifies the modernization process
of Guangzhou from a treaty port to a metropolis in South China. The emergence of
Xiguan as a prominent commercial-cum-residential quarter was due to the privileges
granted to a specific group of merchants (hong merchants), who were semi-official
merchants monopolizing Sino-foreign trades for decades after one of the Qing’s
earliest four Customs was set up in 1684 in Guangzhou. The hong merchants were
allowed to develop a stretch of land along the estuary of Xihao (West Creek) to
lodge foreign businessmen during trading seasons. This quarter was called as
Shisanhang (Thirteen Hongs or Thirteen Factories). After the Qing closed the other
three Customs in 1757, Shisanhang became the only place for foreigners to trade
and reside in China until 1842. Unfortunately, this ‘Factory Site’ was burned down in
December of 1856 due to the clashes between the locals and Western community.
The Chinese authorities agreed to reclaim Shamian, a sand bank southwest of the
old Factory Site, for foreigners’ building of a new settlement in Guangzhou. This
artificial island was separated from Shaji (Shaki, or Sand Ground) by a 100-footwide canal (Shaji yong, Shaji canal, or the Canal). When the reclamation project was
completed in 1861, four fifth of the island was leased to the British and the rest to
the French in accordance with their quota of loss in the fire of Shisanhang. The
British immediately started to develop their concession through leasing out lots to
their nationals, and the French kept theirs undeveloped till 1889. At the turn of the
20th century, Shamian was already known as ‘perhaps one of the most delightful as
well as of the healthiest foreign settlements in the Far East.’2
1
Ng, Yong Sang, Canton, City of the Rams: A General Description and a Brief Historical
Survey, with Four Stories from Popular Cantonese Folk-Lore, Canton: M. S. Cheung, 1936, p.5.
2
Hurley, R. C., The Tourists Guide to Canton: the West River and Macao. Published by R. C.
Hurley, 1898, reprinted by Ch’eng Wen Pub., Taipei, 1973, p.9.
15th INTERNATIONAL PLANNING HISTORY SOCIETY CONFERENCE
While Shamian became an orderly settlement with gorgeous esplanade, the
northern embankment of the Canal on Shaji side was still in a vernacular scene with
shophouses built upon the water edge. In the 1920s, the Chinese authorities tore
down these houses and cleared Shaji area for building a promenade named as
Shaji Road (later renamed as 623 Road or June 23rd Road). Jointed with Xidi (West
Bank) at its eastern end and Huangsha Road at its Western end, Shaji Road was
flanked with Qilou style architecture3 along its northern side. Eventually it became
one of most modern streets in Guangzhou. This paper examines these three
waterfront spaces (Shisanhang, Shamian and Shaji) in Xiguan in order to explore the
correlation between the development of foreign settlements and municipal reforms
in the early 20th century.
SHISANHANG: BUILDING A QUARTER FOR ‘BARBARIANS’
BARBARIANS’
From its beginning, Shisanhang was planned and built to take advantage of water
traffic and existent commercial network. The factory site was around 1000-foot long
and 750-foot deep (later increased to 1000 feet). Its boundary was defined by
Shisanhang Street on its north, West Creek on its east, and the Pearl River on its
south. The Danish Factory formed the Western limit of the factory site. Within the
factory site, from east to west were two streets and one lane, namely, Hog Lane,
Old China Street, and New China Street. Although Shisanhang was an exclusive
quarter for foreign traders, local people were allowed to access the factory site
unless ban was raised by the Chinese Government in case of crisis.
Shisanhang was developed by hong merchants whose taste was no doubt very
Chinese in nature. As seen in the map of Shisanhang in 1840, factory building had a
narrow frontage with the width of 50 to 90 feet. Its extreme depth of up to 500 feet
was divided into five to eight units interconnected by courtyards.4 (Fig. 1) This kind
of layout shows high similarity to that of Zhutongwu (tube house, a typical
vernacular architecture in South China). As noticed in this map, the recorded
factories included the Creek Factory, the Dutch Factory, the British Factory, the
Fung tae Factory, the Old English Factory, the Swedish Factory, the Imperial
Factory, the Paou shun Factory, the American Factory, A Hong Merchants’ Factory,
the French Factory, the Spanish Factory, and the Danish Factory. Distinguished
from other factories, the British Factory had a width of around 120 feet, resulted by
the amalgamation of two adjacent lots.
3
Qilou is an architectural typology popular in South China and Southeast Asia, which has
colonnaded pedestrian path (also known as five-foot-way in British Malaya) at the street level.
4
Patrick, C., The Hongs of Canton: Western Merchants in South China 1700-1900, as Seen in
Chinese Export Paintings, English Art Books, 2009, p.6.
3
Cities, nations and regions in planning history
Figure 1: Ground Plan of the Factories at Canton by William Bramston, 1840. Source: Patrick, C.,
The Hongs of Canton: Western Merchants in South China 1700-1900, as Seen in Chinese Export
Paintings, English Art Books, 2009, p.7.
Although none of factory buildings survived today, their hybrid architectural
character could be witnessed in the paintings about Shisanhang. With the
permission of their Chinese landlords, foreign tenants could make certain
alternation to interior and façade of the factories, ‘according to their own taste and
convenience.’5 Consequently, Western architectural elements appear on façade of
factory building, having an average height of two storeys. Shisanhang looked exotic
and appealing in old Guangzhou. (Fig. 2)
Figure 2: A Regatta on the Pearl River, in front of the Factories, Thomas Daniell, 1785. Source:
Garrett, Valery M., Heaven is High, the Emperor Far Away: Merchants and Mandarins in Old Canton,
Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002, between p.98-99.
5
Ibid., p.34, 36.
15th INTERNATIONAL PLANNING HISTORY SOCIETY CONFERENCE
Shisanhang’s business nature was reflected in the development of its waterfront as
a means of uploading and downloading goods. In early days, factories were built
upon piles with direct access to the Pearl River, as seen in the Chinese export
paintings. (Fig. 3) Due to the silts problem, the bank of the Pearl River changed over
years. That contributed to the emergence of new waterfront scenes in the factory
site. For buildings like the Chinese Customs houses, they were occasionally moved
and reconstructed to be remained at the water edge for easy inspection of the river
traffic.6 More often, factories had to have their attached jetties extended to follow
the retreated water level. Gradually, silts filled up spaces around old piles and more
land was reclaimed from the river.7 The waterfront open space in the factory site
was increased from a strip of path into sizable squares.
Figure 3: The Hongs of Canton by Chinese Artist, c. 1770. Note: on the both sides of the painting the
Chinese houses were built on the piles over the water. Source: Patrick, C., The Hongs of Canton:
Western Merchants in South China 1700-1900, as Seen in Chinese Export Paintings, English Art
Books, 2009, p.40.
The newly-reclaimed land had been targeted by the locals and foreign sojourners
who claimed for their specific interests in using these spaces. Foreigners tended to
fence up it as a place for relaxing. On the contrary, the locals insisted on using it as
‘a regular venue for vendors and temporary stalls of all kinds.’8 In front of the central
factories between Old China Street and Hog Lane was the largest waterfront space,
known as the Factory Square (or the Esplanade). It had been used as an open air
market until the so-called American Garden was created thereon. After the fire of
1822, the East India Company also managed to extend their jetty and fenced up the
reclaimed land in front of their factory and converted it into the English Garden.
6
Ibid., pp.141-142.
Bridgman E. C. and Wiliams, S. W. (eds.), Chinese Repository, Reprinted by Tokyo: Maruzen
Co. Ltd., Vol.1, October 1832, p.213.
8
Patrick, C., The Hongs of Canton: Western Merchants in South China 1700-1900, as Seen in
Chinese Export Paintings, English Art Books, 2009, pp.101-103.
7
5
Cities, nations and regions in planning history
The creation of exclusive gardens in the factory site reflected the increasing Western
influence in China in the early 19th century. After the First Opium War, the relation
between China and Western powers was fundamentally changed. The
reconstruction of factories after the fire of 1843 indicated a sense of settlement
planning by the Western community and an aggressive development of waterfront
spaces. By July of 1845, a set of new structures were erected in front of factories in
the Western section of Shisanhang, extending almost to the river. At the same time,
recreational buildings like boathouses and clubhouse were also constructed along
the River. At the other end of the factory site, the British and Dutch factories were
rebuilt with ‘houses of a new and much improved order, extending quite down to the
river.’9
On 21 November 1843 the British Government rented a plot of land from the hong
merchants for 25-year tenure. Bounded on the east by West Creek, on the west by
Hog Lane, on the south by the Pearl River, and on the north by Shisanhang Street,10
the site was developed into a compound with a protestant church completed in
1848. (Fig. 4) This action symbolized ‘the changing status of the Westerners in
Canton’ 11 and signalled the establishment of a quasi-independent foreign
settlement in this port city. In 1852, the English and American Gardens were merged
to form a spatial recreation space for the Western community. Unfortunately, the
whole settlement was destroyed in the fire of 1856.
Figure 4: Guangzhou Factories. Source: The Urban Council, Collection of the Hong Kong Museum
of Art, Hong Kong: the Hong Kong Museum of Art, 1999, c1991, p.83.
SHAMIAN: PLANNING A CONCESSION FOR ‘INTRUDERS’
INTRUDERS’
The Qing was again defeated in the Second Opium War that broke out on 28
December, 1857. Guangzhou was occupied by the British and French allied forces
from 10 January 1858 to 21 October 1861, who set up the ‘Canton Commission’ to
control this city. Due to the demolition of Shisanhang, the need of a permanent
settlement became urgent for the Western community. The process of site selection
unveiled the extraordinary concern about the increasing tension between the local
and foreigners. Three sites had been proposed for the Chinese authorities’ and the
9
Chinese Repository, Vol.14, Feb. 1845, p.104; July 1845, pp.348-9.
FO 17/88: From Mr. Davis, 1844 July – August, pp. 230A – 231 A.
11
Patrick, C., The Hongs of Canton: Western Merchants in South China 1700-1900, as Seen in
Chinese Export Paintings, English Art Books, 2009, pp.196-97.
10
15th INTERNATIONAL PLANNING HISTORY SOCIETY CONFERENCE
Western community’s consideration, including the old factory site, Shamian, and a
piece of land on the Island of Henan on the south of the Pearl River. The idea
underlying the decision of reclaiming Shamian as a settlement was plain: Shamian
was a piece of sand bank exposed at low tide. Only a few liaomin (temporary
habitant with low social class) were living there, who did not have registration with
the local Government. They could be dismissed and relocated easily. Instead, the
old factory site and its surrounding were packed with native houses, whose
relocation may irritate the locals. More importantly, to reclaim a piece of guandi
(Government land) like Shamian may be costly, but definitely less controversial.12
Fundamental to the planning of Shamian was the establishment of foreigners’ land
rights in China after the First Opium War. Shamian was reclaimed by the Chinese
authorities at the total cost of $325,000,13 and subsequently leased to the British
and the French Governments. For example, the British Government received a
perpetual deed from the Chinese Government on 3 September 1861. That allowed
them to have full rights of developing the site ‘for such uses and purposes as they
shall see fit,’ provided ‘the yearly rent of One thousand five hundred Copper Cash
per Mow’ to be paid on due date.14 Hence, Shamian with a total area of forty four
acres was planned in line with the Western community’ concerns in Guangzhou.
Security was no doubt the key concern in planning of Shamian, which probably
arose from Westerners’ poor experiences in Shisanhang. The first was the risk of fire
due to its proximity to crowded native areas and flammable building materials used.
And the second was the locals’ uncontrolled accessibility to the factory site. After
18-month reclamation, Shamian was levelled up 5 to 6 feet above high water with
granite embankment. Its irregular oval shape had a length of 2,850 feet (from west
to east) and a width of 950 feet (from north to south) at its greatest breadth.
Prominently, a 100-feet-wide canal was constructed to isolate it from native areas.15
The only on land access points were two gated bridges - the British Bridge on the
north and the French Bridge on the east. Figure 5 records the original typography
before reclamation, from which an artificial island emerged. (Fig. 5)
12
FO 682/1992/25 C (1/2): Chinese Original of Inc. No. 1, in Desp. No. 18 of 1859.
The reclamation cost was deducted from the indemnity paid to the British and French. The
estimated cost of reclamation was $ 264,000. From: FO 682/1992/26d (1/2): Chinese Original
of Inc. No. 1, in Desp. No. 18 of 1859.
14
FO 678/1443: Canton: British Government Canton (Shameen), 1861.
15
Smith, H. S., Dairy of Events and the Progress on Shameen, 1859-1938, unknown
publishing place, 1938.
13
7
Cities, nations and regions in planning history
Figure 5: Map of Shamian, 1938. Showing the situations of Shamian before and after the
reclamation. Source: H. S. Smith, Dairy of Events and the Progress on Shameen, 1859-1938,
unknown publishing place, 1938.
To ensure a higher level of security, a ring road was planned around the island to
provide a buffer zone, and to serve as a pleasant walking space on peaceful days.
The stretch of the ring road over the canal side was named Canal Street, and that
along the south bank called as ‘the Bund.’ Besides tightening the control of on land
access, four landing places were arranged along the Bund to provide immediate
evacuation to armed vessels in case of emergency, although most of time they were
functioned as cargo and passenger terminal exclusive to the Concessions. From
east to west were the French Steps, the Consular Steps, Connaught Steps, and
Boat House Steps. (Fig. 6)
Figure 6: Canton Block Plan: Foreign Settlement of Shamien. Source: FO 678/2960: Shameen Head
Lease, 1861.
15th INTERNATIONAL PLANNING HISTORY SOCIETY CONFERENCE
The second evident concern in planning of Shamian was how to encourage private
investment on its development. Although being the solo tenant to the Chinese
Government, the British Government was unwilling to take any risk of building a
settlement at her full cost. Through leasing out land with a title of Crown Deed, the
British Government transferred their duties of paying annual rental to private
individuals. It is not surprising to notice that issues of affordability and flexibility were
underlined in the land allotment of Shamian.
Apart from the reservation for transport network, the land was subdivided into 80
rectangular lots and 2 irregular lots at the Western end of the concession. The
standard size of rectangular lot was 90 by 140.5 feet with an area of 12,645 square
feet. The largest one was the Lot No. 1 with a total area of 34,000 square feet.16 It is
noticeable that the size of concession lot was smaller than that of factory lot with an
area of 25,000 to 45,000 square feet each. Compared with the tube-like factory lot,
the proportion of the concession lot was appropriate for building garden house like
bungalow. While reserving 7 premier lots, the British Government put up the
remaining 75 lots for auction open to their nationals on 2 September, 1861. In two
days, 55 lots were sold out at the total value of $248,000.
The analysis of the selling prices of these lots and their distribution shows the
lessees’ concerns about security and hygiene in their bid for lots. In the first public
auction, the two adjacent rows of lots along the Bund received more bids and sold
out at the average rate of $0.443 per square feet. That was much higher than the
average rate of $0.28 per square feet applied to the two adjacent rows of lots along
the Canal. 17 Generally, the selling prices for lots facing the south were slightly
higher than those facing the north. The preference on the orientation of south in lot
selection was a predictable response towards Guangzhou’s semi-tropical climate.
By 1895, only six lots remained unsold. It is not surprising to note that all of them
were facing the north and the Canal. (see Fig. 6)
On top of the functionalistic aspects in planning of Shamian was another layer of
structuring urban space in a hierarchical way. Six lots (Lot Nos. 16, 17, 18, 33, 34,
35) reserved for the British Government’s use were located at the geographical
center of the island, having fantastic view of public garden and the Pearl River. The
plan of Shamian shows that two west-east boulevards (the Central Avenue and the
Front Avenue) and five north-south minor streets divided the whole island into 16
quarters with comfortable distance to each other. A further study of the plan reveals
that the width of pedestrian path varied in accordance with the size of associated
road. For example, the pedestrian path along the Central Avenue was 15 feet wide;
that along the Front Avenue (Garden Road) was 9 feet wide, that along the ring road
was 6 feet wide, and that along minor streets was only 3 feet wide. By 1865, a
pedestrian path network of 2.62 miles was completed.18
As mentioned before, foreigners’ activities were stringently controlled by the Qing in
the period of Shisanhang. Until the early 19th century, the English and the American
managed to create gardens in front of their factories for recreational purpose. At the
very beginning of planning Shamian, to reserve spaces for the public interests had
been considered. The southern stretch of land facing the Pearl River was planned
as a site for football ground, public gardens, and tennis court. Actually, the
16
FO 678/191: Canton: Lot No. 1 Sasson, Arthur, 1861.
Prices quoted here are all in Mexican Dollar unless indicated otherwise.
18
Smith, H. S., Dairy of Events and the Progress on Shameen, 1859-1938, 1938.
17
9
Cities, nations and regions in planning history
gardening cost on Shamian came from the ‘Canton Garden Fund,’ which was one
portion of the indemnity given by the Chinese Government for the demolition of the
American and English gardens in Shisanhang. The intention of building Shamian as
a foreign settlement was also evident in the British’s allocating the Lot No. 5 for
religious purpose, upon which a Protestant Church was built. This Church and the
British Consulate were the first buildings completed in Shamian as early as 1865.
In fact, by 1865, most of the lots leased out in 1861 remained undeveloped until an
authoritative committee was set up to work for collective interests, which was called
‘Committee of the renters of Land’ under the supervision of the British Consul. It was
replaced by the Shamian Municipal Council in 1871. Not only did the terms and
condition of the Crown deeds endow the Council the right of charging ‘taxes, rates,
duties and assessments’ upon estates within the administrative boundary; 19 the
Bye-laws of the British Concession also clearly stated that ‘the entire control and
management of the Bridges, all public buildings, sewers and drains within the
concession was vested in and belonged to the Council. They were responsible for
managing the streets, bunding, and jetties, and the laying out and repairing
thereof.’20 At the beginning of 20th century, Shamian presented ‘lovely’ scenery as
a photo taken by the Bobbs-Merrill Company in 1909 captured. (Fig. 7)
Figure 7: Lovely Shameen Island, where foreigners live, opposite native city of Canton, Pearl River,
South China, by the Bobbs- Merrill Company, 1909.
SHIJI ROAD: OPENING A MODERN ROAD FOR CANTONESE
CANTONESE
In the same year and by the same Company, a photo of Shaji on the other side of
the Canal was taken. On the right part of this photo, flourishing banyan trees and a
beautiful promenade could be seen. Opposite it was a row of two-storey houses
built upon the water edge, having narrow frontage and varied heights. The ground
floor of the houses was used as warehouse directly open to the Canal, along which
19
The duties and responsibilities of the Shamian Municipal Council were stated in the crown
deeds issued in 1880s.
20
Land Regulations of British Concession, Shameen, approved by H. B. M. Consul and Land
Renters at a Meeting held on the 25th September, 1871. As revised and approved by H. B. M.
Minister on the 4th December, 1899.
15th INTERNATIONAL PLANNING HISTORY SOCIETY CONFERENCE
sampans were lining up. (Fig. 8) The well-laid embankment of the Canal indicated
that this row of houses could only be constructed after the completion of
reclamation of Shamian in 1861. In other words, while Shamian was planned and
constructed in a Western way, the locals continued their traditional way of utilizing
waterfront space as they did in Shisanhang almost one century ago. Apparently, no
promenade formed on Shaji at that time.
Figure 8: Canal between native city and Shameen Island by the Bobbs-Merrill Company. 1909.
Showing Shamian on the right and Shaji on the left.
The first modern road in Guangzhou was initiated by Viceroy Zhang Zhidong in
1886. As a robust reformer in late Qing, Zhang envisioned building a modern road
around Tianzi Ferry (Sky Character Ferry). However, this vision was literally fulfilled
with the completion of a short stretch of 100-Zhang (around 330 meters)
embankment in a period of seventeen years. His successor and follower, Viceroy
Cen Chunxuan called for building Changdi Road (Long Beach Road) in 1903. This
road was completed on 5 Nov. 1912 to link with Dongsha Road (Eastern Sand
Road) at its eastern end, which was completed in 1907.21 This promenade was
planned to facilitate traffic between the emerging industrial centers at Xiguan and
Dongguan. However, it was abruptly ended at Xihaokou (Estuary of West Creek).
(See Fig. 8)
After the Canton Hankow Railway Station was built at Huangsha (Yellow Sand), a
new road was proposed across to Shaji area connect it with Changdi Road. This
road’s initial names was Shaji Road, but was renamed as 623 Road after ‘the
Incident of Shaji’ happened on 28 June 1925. This modern motor road officially
launched on 13 August 1926.22 It had 4300-foot length and 65-foot width (including
21
Su, D., Laocheng jishi: Guangzhou “minchu: kai malu (Stories of Old City: the Opening of
Roads in Guangzhou at the beginning of the Republican China),
360doc.com/…/161879_4861562.shtml, referred on 21 April 2011.
22
To support the protest of ‘Incident of Shanghai’ of 30 May 1925, a group of Chinese
marched along Shaji Road on 23 June 1925. When they stopped opposite the Victoria Hotel
(near the British Bridge), shots were fired. 52 Chinese were killed and 117 wounded in this
incident. A monument was established at the foot of the British Bridge in the same year.
1
Cities, nations and regions in planning history
15-foot-wide pedestrian path). Trees were planned to plant at intervals of 30 feet
along the road over the Canal side.23
Two photos taken during the Incident of Shaji show the situation of this road under
construction at that time. Figure 9 was taken towards Shamian, having the Canal
and Western style architectures as a backdrop. The British Bridge was seen at the
far right end. A wide road was laid but not paved yet. (Fig. 9) Showing the north side
of Shaji Road, Figure 10 captured a row of four-storey Qilou style buildings with fivefoot-way (the actual width was 15 feet) at their ground level. (Fig. 10) As early as
1912, Guangdong Police Force already regulated that shophouse built along
embankments and roads should reserve eight feet within its premise for building
Qilou to ensure smooth pedestrian flow.24 The photo also indicates that trees have
not been planted on Shaji Road in 1925. Instead, electric poles had been erected
along the Canal. On the right corner of the photo, verdant banyan trees on Shamian
implied the existence of a model settlement across the Canal. Later, 623 Road
became part of the Canton Bund - a symbolic representative of modern
Guangzhou. As the Chinese believed, it could compete with Shamian – ‘a reminder
of British Imperialism and a model of modernization.’25
In the early 20th century, Guangzhou was the nationalists’ base in China. Despite
endless fights among warlords and unstable social situation, ambitious politicians
managed to initiate municipal reforms in a frustrating manner. On 22 October 1918
Guangzhou Shizheng gongsuo (Guangzhou Municipal Committee) was set up to
‘mark the beginning of the municipality in its modern form.’26 On 25 February 1921,
Guangzhoushi zanxing tiaoli (Temporary Regulations of Guangzhou) was issued.
Meanwhile, Guangzhou Shizheng ting (Guangzhou Municipal Council) was
established. Sun Fo (son of Sun Yatsen) was appointed as the first mayor of the
Municipality. It was in the same year that Sun Yatsen publicized his plan of ‘Nanfang
dagang’ (Great Port in the South) that stressed on the importance of improving
infrastructure of Guangzhou, such as harbours, water traffic network, and railway
system, etc.27
However, constrained by limited resources and unstable social situation, urban
reforms in Guangzhou were undertaken in a piecemeal manner, despite the
Municipality’s efforts on making a series of comprehensive urban planning. 28
Literally, building motor road was considered as an efficient way of modernizing
Chinese cities. Urban reforms were simplified as grabbing opportunities for opening
motor roads in dense old city. Waterfront spaces and the city walls were targeted for
23
Guangzhou minguo ribao (Guangzhou Republican Daily), 13 August, 1926.
Junming, H., Qingmo liuxuesheng yu Guangzhou shizheng jianshe (Overseas Students in
Late Qing and the Municipal Constructions of Guangzhou), in Disici zhongguo jindai jianzhushi
yantaohui lunwenji (The Proceedings of the 4th Symposium of Modern Chinese Architectural
History), China Architecture and Building Press, 1993.
25
Virgil K. Y. L., Understanding Canton: Rethinking Popular Culture in the Republican Period,
New York: Oxford University Press, 2005, pp.50-53.
26
Yongsang, N., Canton, City of the Rams: A General Description and a Brief Historical
Survey, with Four Stories from Popular Cantonese Folk – Lore, Canton: M. S. Cheung, 1936, p.
18.
27
Yatsen, S., Jianguo fanglue (The International Development of China), 1922, (English
Translation) New York: G. P. Putnam, 1929.
28
Baihao, L., Li, H., Guangzhou jindai chengshi guihua lishi yanjiu (The Study of the Urban
Planning History of Modern Guangzhou).
24
15th INTERNATIONAL PLANNING HISTORY SOCIETY CONFERENCE
appropriate sites for building modern road due to their nature as government
properties. Being heavily criticized as an obstacle in modernizing city, the old city
walls losing defensive functions were demolished with little protest from the public.
Figure 9: Shaji Road on 23 June 1925. Source:
http://web.wenxuecity.com/BBSView.php?SubID=memory_best&MsgID=55256, referred on 15
June 2011.
Figure 10: Shaji Road on 23 June 1925. Showing the four-storey Qilou style buildings along the Shaji
Road that had not completed yet, and the Canal on the right hand side. Source:
http://web.wenxuecity.com/BBSView.php?SubID=memory_best&MsgID=55256, referred on 15
June 2011.
CONCLUSION: MODERNISING
MODERNISING CHINESE CITIES
Guangzhou as a port city in South China had once played crucial roles in Sinoforeign trades. Developed by hong merchants to accommodate foreign merchants
during trading seasons, Shisanhang was no double developed in a traditional
Chinese way. Some alternations to interior and façade appeared on the factory
buildings after foreign tenants sought permission from their Chinese landlords with
1
Cities, nations and regions in planning history
certain terms and conditions. Foreigners’ activities were strictly controlled and
confined within the boundary of Shisanhang. The transformation of waterfront
spaces in the factory site represents a piecemeal developing manner affected by
tricky Sino-foreign relation. The changing status of foreigners in China after the First
Opium War allowed them to rent land in treaty ports and to build houses in
accordance with their needs. The erection of the Protestant Church and the
formalization of two public gardens in 1840s represented the sense of building a
foreign settlement in Guangzhou.
The demolition of Shisanhang in the fire of 1856 led to the reclamation of Shamian to
being a site for new foreign settlement in Guanghzou. The analysis of the site
selection process, the spatial layout of the concessions, and the selling of
concession lots shed light on the Western community’s concerns about security,
hygiene, social hierarchy, and public interests in building a settlement in
Guangzhou. These were largely related to their living experience in Shisanhang. The
land allotment aimed to attract private investment, because the British Government
was unable to bear all the cost of building a settlement. Fundamental to the
transforming Shamian into a model settlement was the establishment of foreigners’
land rights in China by treaties and the systematic administration by the Municipal
Council for guarding public interests.
However, the achievements on Shamian were perceived as a reminder of
imperialism and a representation of Western modernization. Its impact on the
development of native areas was not immediate, but far-reaching. Despite its
proximity to Shamian, Shajia remained its traditional Chinese character for more
than half of a century. Shaji Road only took its shape in 1925 as a result of municipal
reforms when the opening of motor road was widely accepted by the Chinese elites
as an efficient way of modernizing city and enhancing their ability against
imperialism in the early 20th century.
Acknowledgements: This research was funded by the Start-up Grant, National
University of Singapore. Project Title: Land Rights and Urban Transformation of
Treaty Ports in China: Ningbo and Guangzhou (2010-2013).
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