Contents
Articles
Loyalty oath
1
McCarran Internal Security Act
5
House Un-American Activities Committee
7
Hollywood blacklist
13
Alger Hiss
34
Julius and Ethel Rosenberg
54
Joseph McCarthy
68
The Crucible
91
References
Article Sources and Contributors
101
Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors
104
Article Licenses
License
105
Loyalty oath
Loyalty oath
A loyalty oath is an oath of loyalty to an organization, institution, or state of which an individual is a member.
In this context, a loyalty oath is distinct from pledge or oath of allegiance. It is an affirmation by which a person
signs a legally binding document or warrant.
In the United States
Civil War and Reconstruction
During the American Civil War, political prisoners and prisoners of war were often released upon taking an "oath of
allegiance". Lincoln's Ten percent plan featured an oath to "faithfully support, protect and defend the Constitution of
the United States, and the union of the States thereunder" as a condition for a Presidential pardon. During
Reconstruction, retroactive loyalty oaths were proposed by Radical Republicans, which would have barred former
Confederates and Confederate sympathizers from federal, state, or local offices.
Truman era
Loyalty oaths were common during World War II. In support of Roosevelt's National Recovery Administration,
100,000 school children marched to Boston Common and swore a loyalty oath administered by the mayor, "I
promise as a good American citizen to do my part for the NRA. I will buy only where the Blue Eagle flies." Another
use of loyalty oaths in the United States was during the 1950s and 1960s. The Red Scare during the 1950s and the
Congressional hearings chaired by Senator Joseph McCarthy helped to sustain a national mood of concern about
communist agents and a fear such agents may injure the U.S. government through espionage or outright violence.
On March 21, 1947, concerned with Soviet subversive penetration and infiltration into the United States government
by American citizens who held oaths of allegiance to a foreign power during war time, President Harry S Truman
instituted a Loyalty Program, requiring loyalty oaths and background investigations on persons deemed suspect of
holding party membership in organizations that advocated violent and anti-democratic programs.
Typically, a loyalty oath has wording similar to that mentioned in the U.S Supreme Court decision of Garner v.
Board of Public Works, 341 U.S. 716.
"I further swear (or affirm) that I do not advise, advocate or teach, and have not within the period beginning
five (5) years prior to the effective date of the ordinance requiring the making of this oath or affirmation,
advised, advocated or taught, the overthrow by force, violence or other unlawful means, of the Government of
the United States of America or of the State of California and that I am not now and have not, within said
period, been or become a member of or affiliated with any group, society, association, organization or party
which advises, advocates or teaches, or has, within said period, advised, advocated or taught, the overthrow by
force, violence or other unlawful means of the Government of the United States of America, or of the State of
California. I further swear (or affirm) that I will not, while I am in the service of the City of Los Angeles,
advise, advocate or teach, or be or become a member of or affiliated with any group, association, society,
organization or party which advises, advocates or teaches, or has within said period, advised, advocated or
taught, the overthrow by force, violence or other unlawful means, of the Government of the United States of
America or of the State of California . . . ."
In Speiser v. Randall, 357 U.S. 513 (1958), the U.S. Supreme Court addressed the State of California's loyalty oath,
as required by a California law enacted in 1954, as a condition of exemption from property tax. In applying for
property tax exemption as a veteran of World War II, ACLU lawyer Lawrence Speiser had refused to sign the loyalty
oath. The court ruled that because the state required the claimant to show they are not advocating state overthrow
and hence are not criminals within the applicable laws, the loyalty oath requirement to obtain the tax exemption is
1
Loyalty oath
unconstitutional. The burden of proof for a criminal action rests on the state and not on the individual private citizen
[1]
.
1960s
The oaths were repeatedly challenged on grounds that they violated the principles of freedom of speech and freedom
of association. The United States Supreme Court avoided addressing these problems during the McCarthy Era.
During the 1960s, it began striking down such oaths on the basis of vagueness and undue breadth. In 1962 it struck
down a Florida requirement that teachers swear "I have not and will not lend my aid, support, advice, counsel or
influence to the Communist party". This decision was followed in 1964 by its lack of support for two oaths, one of
which required teachers to promote respect for the flag, reverence for law and order, and loyalty to the institutions of
the United States and the State of Washington. Arizona and New York teacher oaths affirming lack of association
with subversive organizations were struck down in 1966 and 1967.
New York Education Law Section 3002 requires that any ‘teacher, instructor or professor in any [state] school or
institution in the public school system … or in any school, college, university or other educational institution’ sign an
oath pledging support for the federal and state constitutions. The law does not apply to foreign nationals, but only to
United States citizens.[2] The law was enacted in 1934 in response to a nationwide campaign by the American
Legion.[3] The law was challenged by a group of 27 faculty members from Adelphi University in 1966 because the
oath constrained free speech, and because it selectively applied to faculty members but not staff. For unknown
reasons, Adelphi faculty had never been required to sign the oath until 1966 when a staff member in the New York
State Education Department discovered the oversight.[3] On January 22, 1968, after moving through the judicial
system, the United States Supreme Court affirmed an earlier District Court decision upholding the constitutionality
of the law.[4] This was the first occasion on which the Supreme Court evaluated the constitutionality of oaths of this
type. The last major loyalty oath case heard by the court was decided in 1972, when it upheld a requirement that
State of Massachusetts employees swear to uphold and defend the Constitution and to "oppose the overthrow of the
[government] by force, violence, or by any illegal or unconstitutional method".[5]
2000s
Republican party
Though not legally binding, the Republican National Committee (RNC) used both signed Loyalty Oaths and spoken
Loyalty Pledges as a requirement to attend certain 2004 re-election campaign speeches, a possible first in U.S.
election history.
During the 2004 presidential campaign, the campaign of George W. Bush routinely required all attendants at its
rallies to take what some have called a "loyalty oath". Those who refused to take the oath were not allowed to attend
the rally. The "loyalty oath" was actually a pledge of endorsement. These endorsements were used during some of
the campaign rallies in 2004. The Bush campaign asserted that the oath was valid because the president was
conducting a partisan campaign event. Opponents countered that the oath was intrusive to individual conscience,
somewhat fascist in nature and denied general public access to the president.[6][7][8]
To participate in the 2012 Republican Presidential Primary in Virginia, voters will be required to sign a form stating,
"I, the undersigned, pledge that I intend to support the nominee of the Republican Party for president."[9]
2
Loyalty oath
California
The California state constitution requires all state workers who are US citizens to sign a loyalty oath as a term of
employment.[10] On February 28, 2008, the California State University, East Bay fired Marianne Kearney-Brown, a
Quaker, for refusing to do so without inserting a reservation that her defense of the state and country would be done
"nonviolently."[11] She was reinstated a week later, when she agreed to sign the oath when accompanied by a
document prepared by the university that included the clarification "Signing the oath does not carry with it any
obligation or requirement that public employees bear arms or otherwise engage in violence."[12]
The text of that oath begins: "STATE OATH OF ALLEGIANCE I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will support
and defend the Constitution of the United States and the Constitution of the State of California against all enemies,
foreign and domestic; that I will bear true faith and allegiance to the Constitution of the United States and the
Constitution of the State of California; that I take this obligation freely, without any mental reservation or purpose of
evasion; and that I will well and faithfully discharge the duties upon which I am about to enter."
Ohio
In the March 2008 State of Ohio presidential primary, some people might have been required to sign a loyalty oath in
order to vote. Voters who wish to switch their party affiliation on Primary Election Day and who are challenged are
supposed to sign a statement "stating that the person desires to be affiliated with and supports the principles of the
political party whose ballot the person desires to vote."[13] The statement is signed under penalty of "election
falsification." If the challenged person refuses to sign the statement under penalty of election falsification, he is given
a provisional ballot.[14]
The Cleveland Plain Dealer, among others, thus describes the nature of the statement and effect of "election
falsification": Anyone who signs this loyalty oath, but doesn't intend to honor it, can be prosecuted for "election
falsification," a fifth-degree felony.[15]
The statute, however, describes the offense differently: "No person, either orally or in writing, on oath lawfully
administered or in a statement made under penalty of election falsification, shall knowingly state a falsehood as to a
material matter relating to an election in a proceeding before a court, tribunal, or election official, or in a matter in
relation to which an oath or statement under penalty of election falsification is authorized by law..."[16] Thus the
requirement is, arguably, more a statement of current intent than a loyalty oath's promise of future support.
Israel
Avigdor Lieberman proposed that Israel's citizens should sign a loyalty oath or lose their right to vote. In his The
Jewish Week article, Lieberman tried to explain his party's "no loyalty – no citizenship" campaign by writing:
"During Operation Cast Lead in Gaza, I was appalled by the calls for the destruction of the State of Israel and for
renewed suicide bombings that some Israeli Arab leaders called for at pro-Hamas rallies. Although 'responsible
citizenship' had always been part of our platform, I realized that this was a burning issue that had to take top
priority."[17] He explained his "responsible citizenship" platform and compared his position to the express policy of
nations around the world, saying: "In the U.S., those requesting a Green Card must take an oath that they will fulfill
the rights and duties of citizenship."[18]
On 10 October 2010 the Israeli cabinet approved a loyalty oath bill requiring all future non-Jews applying for an
Israeli citizenship to swear loyalty to Israel as a Jewish and democratic state.[19] However, on October 18, current
prime minister Netanyahu ordered Justice minister Ya'akov Ne'eman to extend Cabinet-level debate on the bill in
order to add amendments which make the loyalty oath universal to both Jewish and non-Jewish citizens of the state,
including Jewish immigrants who seek citizenship.[20] This inclusion of Jewish immigrants was supported by the
Anti-Defamation League.[21]
3
Loyalty oath
References
[1] SPEISER v. RANDALL, 357 U.S. 513 (1958) (http:/ / caselaw. lp. findlaw. com/ scripts/ getcase. pl?court=us& vol=357& invol=513)
[2] New York Education Law Section 3002 (http:/ / law. onecle. com/ new-york/ education/ EDN03002_3002. html)
[3] David Halberstam, "27 on Adelphi Faculty File Suit Challenging State Loyalty Oath" (http:/ / select. nytimes. com/ gst/ abstract.
html?res=F40811F73E5F137A93C2AA178AD95F428685F9& scp=2& sq=new york state loyalty oath& st=cse), New York Times, November
30, 1966, pg. 27.
[4] "JUSTICES UPHOLD A TEACHERS' OATH; Back State Law Requiring a Constitutional Pledge" (http:/ / select. nytimes. com/ gst/
abstract. html?res=F70D1FFF3E541A7493C1AB178AD85F4C8685F9& scp=10& sq=new york state loyalty oath& st=cse), New York Times,
January 23, 1968, pg. 21.
[5] Jethro Koller Lieberman (2005). A Practical Companion to the Constitution (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=OmA8a1Q9UekC&
pg=PA292& dq="loyalty+ oath"+ last& as_brr=3& client=firefox-a#PPA291,M1). University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-21280-0. .
[6] Milbank, Dana (http:/ / www. washingtonpost. com/ wp-dyn/ articles/ A31019-2004Jul31. html)
[7] Benke, Richard (http:/ / www. casperstartribune. net/ articles/ 2004/ 07/ 30/ news/ wyoming/ 63b4fcb928fe8e6987256ee10054e715. txt)
[8] Suellentrop, Chris (http:/ / www. slate. com/ Default. aspx?id=2108852)
[9] Cain, Andrew (December 29, 2011). "Va. GOP will require loyalty oath in presidential primary" (http:/ / www2. timesdispatch. com/ news/
virginia-politics/ 2011/ dec/ 29/ tdmain01-va-gop-will-require-loyalty-oath-in-presi-ar-1573870/ ). Richmond Times-Dispatch. . Retrieved
January 1, 2012.
[10] California Constitution (http:/ / www. leginfo. ca. gov/ const-toc. html), Article XX (http:/ / www. leginfo. ca. gov/ . const/ . article_20),
Section 3
[11] Quaker teacher fired for changing loyalty oath (http:/ / www. sfgate. com/ cgi-bin/ article. cgi?f=/ c/ a/ 2008/ 02/ 29/ BAQPVAUVO. DTL),
San Francisco Chronicle, February 29, 2008
[12] Pacifist Cal State teacher gets job back (http:/ / www. sfgate. com/ cgi-bin/ article. cgi?f=/ c/ a/ 2008/ 03/ 08/ BADRVG6CI. DTL), San
Francisco Chronicle, March 8, 2008
[13] Ohio Revised Code 3513.19 Challenges at primary elections (http:/ / codes. ohio. gov/ orc/ 3513. 19)
[14] Ohio Revised Code 3513.20 Effect of challenge to voter at primary (http:/ / codes. ohio. gov/ orc/ 3513. 20)
[15] "Parties shouldn't require loyalty oaths at the polls" (http:/ / www. cleveland. com/ editorials/ plaindealer/ index. ssf?/ base/ opinion/
1205224432165421. xml& coll=2). The Plain Dealer. 11 March 2008. . Retrieved 2008-03-25.
[16] Ohio Revised Code 3599.36 Election falsification (http:/ / codes. ohio. gov/ orc/ 3599. 36)
[17] Benhorin, Yitzhak (2009-02-26). "Lieberman: I back creation of Palestinian state" (http:/ / www. ynetnews. com/ articles/
0,7340,L-3678374,00. html). Ynetnews. . Retrieved 2009-03-04.
[18] "Lieberman: I support creation of viable Palestinian state" (http:/ / www. haaretz. com/ hasen/ spages/ 1067299. html). Haaretz. 2009-02-27.
. Retrieved 2009-03-04.
[19] (http:/ / www. ynetnews. com/ articles/ 0,7340,L-3967149,00. html)
[20] Chaim Levinson and Jonathan Lis (21:21 18.10.10). "Netanyahu wants loyalty oath bill to include Jews as well" (http:/ / www. haaretz. com/
news/ national/ netanyahu-wants-loyalty-oath-bill-to-include-jews-as-well-1. 319864). Ha'aretz. .
[21] "ADL Calls on Israeli Government to Extend Amendment to All Immigrants Seeking Citizenship" (http:/ / www. adl. org/ PresRele/
IslME_62/ 5869_62. htm). Anti-Defamation League. October 11, 2010. .
4
McCarran Internal Security Act
McCarran Internal Security Act
The Internal Security Act of 1950, 64 Stat. 993, also known as the Subversive Activities Control Act or the
McCarran Act, after Senator Pat McCarran (D-Nevada), is a United States federal law of the McCarthy era. It was
passed over President Harry Truman's veto. The anti-communist fervor was bi-partisan and only seven Democratic
senators voted to uphold the veto.[1]
Detail of Act
Its Title II was the Emergency Detention Act.[2]
It required Communist organizations to register with the United States Attorney General and established the
Subversive Activities Control Board to investigate persons suspected of engaging in subversive activities or
otherwise promoting the establishment of a "totalitarian dictatorship," either fascist or communist. Members of these
groups could not become citizens and in some cases were prevented from entering or leaving the country. Citizens
found in violation could lose their citizenship in five years. The act also contained an Emergency Detention statute,
giving the President the authority to apprehend and detain “each person as to whom there is a reasonable ground to
believe that such person probably will engage in, or probably will conspire with others to engage in, acts of
espionage or sabotage.”[3]
A key institution in the era of the Cold War, it tightened alien exclusion and deportation laws and allowed for the
detention of dangerous, disloyal, or subversive persons in times of war or "internal security emergency". The
Democratic-controlled Congress overrode President Harry S. Truman's veto to pass it.[4]
President Truman called it "the greatest danger to freedom of speech, press, and assembly since the Alien and
Sedition Laws of 1798,"[4] a "mockery of the Bill of Rights"[4] and a "long step toward totalitarianism".[4][5][6]
Role of earlier proposed legislation
Several key sections of the Act were taken from the earlier Mundt–Ferguson Communist Registration Bill, which
Congress had failed to pass.[7] In 1993, sections of the Act were ruled unconstitutional by the Supreme Court, as they
violated the 1st Amendment.[8] The Act modified the Espionage Act of 1917, by taking Title 18 793(d) and
modifying it slightly to create Title 18 U.S.C. § 793(e) [9].[10] Notably 793(e) was later used in several cases that did
not involve 'traditional espionage' but rather interactions with the media (or in AIPAC's case, lobbyists). These cases
included the Pentagon Papers Russo/Ellsberg case (1972), the Morison case (1985), the AIPAC case (United States
v. Franklin, 2005), the Thomas Andrews Drake case (2010), and the Bradley Manning case (2010),[11]
Use of Act by US military
The US military continues to use 50 USC 797, citing it in US Army regulation AR 190-11, to support that
installation commanders have authority to suspend the 2nd Amendment. The Act itself does not state this authority,
but it is interpreted in the same manner as the suspended portion codified as 50 USC 798.
An Army message known as an ALARACT (ALARACT 333/2011 DTG R 311939Z AUG 11) states "SENIOR
COMMANDERS HAVE SPECIFIC AUTHORITY TO REGULATE PRIVATELY OWNED WEAPONS,
EXPLOSIVES, AND AMMUNITION ON ARMY INSTALLATIONS." The ALARACT refers to AR 190-11 and
public law (section 1062 of Public Law 111-383, also known as the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal
Year 2011); AR 190-11 in turn cites the McCarran Internal Security Act (codified as 50 USC 797). The ALARACT
reference is a truncated version of the public law [12]. The full public law is worded in terms of which situations the
Department of Defense cannot regulate, as opposed to which they can.
5
McCarran Internal Security Act
Part repealing
Part of the Act has been repealed, for example by the Non-Detention Act of 1971. For example, violation of 50
U.S.C. § 797 [13] (Section 21 of "the Internal Security Act of 1950"), which concerns security of military bases and
other sensitive installations, may be punishable by a prison term of up to one year.[14]
The part of the act codified as 50 USC 798 has been repealed in its entirety[8] for violating the 1st Amendment.
Senator Karl Earl Mundt also introduced into the law an addition to Title 50 U.S.C. § 783 [15], criminalizing certain
people (such as government employees) from passing certain classified information to agents of foreign
governments. He claimed this was because of experiences with Alger Hiss, Elizabeth Bentley, HUAC, etc.[16] 18
U.S.C. § 798 [17] (the SIGINT statute) was not part of this Act, although it was passed around the same time. It
criminalized, under certain circumstances, the release of communications intelligence and cryptography info. [18]
Affected notable people
The bill revoked the passport of the renowned singer and actor Paul Robeson, preventing him from traveling outside
the United States.
References in popular culture
The 1971 pseudo documentary film Punishment Park speculated what might have happened if Richard Nixon had
implemented the McCarran Act against members of the anti-war movement, civil rights movement, the feminist
movement, and others. This causes America's prisons to quickly fill up with political prisoners. As a result, those
convicted of being domestic security risks are given a choice of sentencing by a citizen tribunal -- serving a full
prison sentence, or spending three days at the title facility located in the Mojave Desert.
References
[1] Steinberg, Peter, 'Right Thinking Americans', The Great "Red Menace": United States Prosecution of American Communists, 1947-1952
(London: Greenwood Press, 1984), p. 202
[2] Statement on Signing Bill Repealing the Emergency Detention Act of 1950 (http:/ / www. presidency. ucsb. edu/ ws/ index.
php?pid=3158#axzz1KPZd0thU), accessed May 15, 2011
[3] http:/ / etd. lsu. edu/ docs/ available/ etd-04072006-093608/ unrestricted/ Patenaude_thesis. pdf
[4] Harry S. Truman, Veto of the Internal Security Bill (http:/ / trumanlibrary. org/ publicpapers/ viewpapers. php?pid=883), Harry S. Truman
Library and Museum.
[5] http:/ / www. spartacus. schoolnet. co. uk/ USAinternal. htm
[6] http:/ / wadsworth. com/ history_d/ special_features/ ilrn_legacy/ wawc2c01c/ content/ wciv2/ readings/ truman6. html
[7] Everything2: The Nixon-Mundt Bill (http:/ / everything2. com/ title/ The+ Nixon-Mundt+ Bill) Retrieved 2012-04-10
[8] "50 USC 798" (http:/ / codes. lp. findlaw. com/ uscode/ 50/ 23/ I/ 798). Findlaw. .
[9] http:/ / www. law. cornell. edu/ uscode/ 18/ 793. html#e
[10] "New York Times Co. v. United States (No. 1873)" (http:/ / www. law. cornell. edu/ supct/ html/ historics/ USSC_CR_0403_0713_ZC4.
html#403_US_713fn4/ 9). White, J., Concurring Opinion, Supreme Court of the United States. .
[11] Russo & Ellsberg (http:/ / ftp. resource. org/ courts. gov/ c/ F2/ 455/ 455. F2d. 1270. 72-1021. html), Morison (http:/ / frank. mtsu. edu/
~lburriss/ morison. html), Franklin (http:/ / www. fas. org/ irp/ ops/ ci/ franklin0805. pdf), Drake (http:/ / www. ridenhour. org/ recipients_03i.
shtml), Manning (http:/ / www. haguejusticeportal. net/ Docs/ NLP/ US/ maning_additional_charge_sheet_redacted_02mar11. pdf)
[12] Public Law. "111-383" (http:/ / www. gpo. gov/ fdsys/ pkg/ PLAW-111publ383/ pdf/ PLAW-111publ383. pdf). section 1062. 111th
Congress. .
[13] http:/ / www. law. cornell. edu/ uscode/ 50/ 797. html
[14] United States Department of Defense DoD Directive 5200.8, "Security of DoD Installations and Resources", 25 April 1991 (http:/ / www.
dtic. mil/ whs/ directives/ corres/ html2/ d52008x. htm), retrieved August 26, 2005.
[15] http:/ / www. law. cornell. edu/ uscode/ 50/ 783. html
[16] http:/ / law. justia. com/ cases/ federal/ appellate-courts/ F2/ 317/ 546/ 391121/
[17] http:/ / www. law. cornell. edu/ uscode/ 18/ 798. html
[18] Edgar and Schmidt, 1973
6
McCarran Internal Security Act
External links
• The Full Text of the McCarran Internal Security Act (http://tucnak.fsv.cuni.cz/~calda/Documents/1950s/
Inter_Security_50.html) (from Charles University, Prague, Czech Republic)
• Department of Defense Instruction (http://www.dtic.mil/whs/directives/corres/pdf/520008p.pdf), December
2005 (from Defense Technical Information Center)
House Un-American Activities Committee
The House Committee on Un-American Activities (HCUA) or House Un-American Activities Committee
(HUAC)[1] (1947–1975) was an investigative committee of the United States House of Representatives. In 1969, the
House changed the committee's name to "House Committee on Internal Security". When the House abolished the
committee in 1975,[2] its functions were transferred to the House Judiciary Committee.
The committee's anti-Communist investigations are often confused with those of Senator Joseph McCarthy.[3]
McCarthy, as a U.S. Senator, had no direct involvement with this House committee.[4] McCarthy was the Chairman
of the Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations of the Government Operations Committee of the U.S. Senate, not
the House.
Precursors to the permanent committee
Overman Committee (1918)
The Overman Committee was a subcommittee of the Committee on the Judiciary chaired by Democratic Senator
from North Carolina Lee Slater Overman that operated from September 1918 to June 1919. The subcommittee
investigated German as well as Bolshevik elements in the United States.[5]
The Committee was originally concerned with investigating pro-German sentiments in the American liquor industry.
After World War I ended in November 1918 and the German threat lessened, the Committee began investigating
communist Bolshevism. Bolshevism had appeared as a threat during the First Red Scare after the Russian Revolution
in 1917. The Committee's hearing into Bolshevik propaganda, conducted February 11 to March 10 of 1919, had a
decisive role in constructing an image of a radical threat to the United States during the First Red Scare.[6]
Fish Committee (1930)
Congressman Hamilton Fish III, who was a fervent anti-communist, introduced on May 5, 1930, House Resolution
180, which proposed to establish a committee to investigate communist activities in the United States. The resulting
committee, commonly known as the Fish Committee, undertook extensive investigations of people and organizations
suspected of being involved with or supporting communist activities in the United States. Among the committee's
targets were the American Civil Liberties Union and communist presidential candidate William Z. Foster.[7] The
committee recommended granting the United States Department of Justice more authority to investigate communists,
and strengthening of immigration and deportation laws to keep communists out of the United States.[8]
McCormack-Dickstein Committee (1934–1937)
From 1934 to 1937, the Special Committee on Un-American Activities Authorized to Investigate Nazi Propaganda
and Certain Other Propaganda Activities, chaired by John W. McCormack (D-MA) and Samuel Dickstein (D-NY),
held public and private hearings and collected testimony filling 4,300 pages. Its mandate was to get "information on
how foreign subversive propaganda entered the U.S. and the organizations that were spreading it." The committee
was widely known as the McCormack-Dickstein committee.
7
House Un-American Activities Committee
The committee investigated and supported allegations of a fascist plot to seize the White House, known as the
Business Plot. It was replaced with a similar committee that focused on pursuing communists. Its records are held by
the National Archives and Records Administration as records related to HUAC.
It has been reported that while Dickstein served on this committee and the subsequent Special investigation
committee he was paid $1250 a month by the Soviet NKVD, which hoped to get secret Congressional information
on anti-Communist and pro-fascist; it is unclear whether he actually passed on any information.[9]
Dies Committee (1938–1944)
On May 26, 1938, the House Committee on Un-American Activities was established as a special investigating
committee, reorganized from its previous incarnations as the Fish Committee and the McCormack-Dickstein
Committee, to investigate alleged disloyalty and subversive activities on the part of private citizens, public
employees, and those organizations suspected of having communist or fascist ties.[10][11] It was chaired by Martin
Dies Jr. (D-TX), and therefore known as the Dies Committee.
In 1946, the committee considered opening investigations into the Ku Klux Klan but decided against doing so,
prompting known anti-black committee member John E. Rankin (D-MS) to remark, "After all, the KKK is an old
American institution."[12] Instead of the Klan, HUAC concentrated on investigating the possibility that the American
Communist Party had infiltrated the Works Progress Administration, including the Federal Theatre Project and the
Federal Writers' Project. In 1965–1966, however, the Committee did conduct an investigation into Klan activities
under chairman Edwin Willis (D-LA).[13]
The Committee also carried out a brief investigation into the wartime internment of Japanese Americans living on
the West Coast. The investigation primarily concerned security at the camps, youth gangs allegedly operating in the
camps, food supply questions, and releases of internees. With the exception of Rep. Herman Eberharter (D-PA), the
members of the committee seemed to support internment.
In 1938, Hallie Flanagan, the head of the Federal Theatre Project, was subpoenaed to appear before the committee to
answer the charge the project was overrun with communists. Flanagan was called to testify for only a part of one
day, while a clerk from the project was called in for two entire days. It was during this investigation that one of the
committee members, Joe Starnes (D-AL), famously asked Flanagan whether the Elizabethan playwright Christopher
Marlowe was a member of the Communist Party, and mused "Mr. Euripides" preached class warfare.[14]
In 1939, the committee investigated leaders of the American Youth Congress, a Comintern affiliate organization.
Standing committee (1945–1975)
The House Committee on Un-American Activities became a standing (permanent) committee in 1945.
Representative Edward J. Hart of New Jersey became the committee's first chairman.[15] Under the mandate of
Public Law 601, passed by the 79th Congress, the committee of nine representatives investigated suspected threats of
subversion or propaganda that attacked "the form of government guaranteed by our Constitution."
Under this mandate, the committee focused its investigations on real and suspected communists in positions of actual
or supposed influence in the United States society. A significant step for HUAC was its investigation of the charges
of espionage brought against Alger Hiss in 1948. This investigation ultimately resulted in Hiss's trial and conviction
for perjury, and convinced many of the usefulness of congressional committees for uncovering communist
subversion.[16]
8
House Un-American Activities Committee
Hollywood blacklist
In 1947, the committee held nine days of hearings into alleged communist propaganda and influence in the
Hollywood motion picture industry. After conviction on contempt of Congress charges for refusal to answer some
questions posed by committee members, the "Hollywood Ten" were blacklisted by the industry. Eventually, more
than 300 artists—including directors, radio commentators, actors and particularly screenwriters—were boycotted by
the studios. Some, like Charlie Chaplin, left the U.S. to find work. Others wrote under pseudonyms or the names of
colleagues. Only about ten percent succeeded in rebuilding careers within the entertainment industry.
In 1947, studio executives told the committee that wartime films—such as Mission to Moscow, The North Star, and
Song of Russia—could be considered pro-Soviet propaganda, but claimed that the films were valuable in the context
of the Allied war effort, and that they were made (in the case of Mission to Moscow) at the request of White House
officials. In response to the House investigations, most studios produced a number of anti-communist and anti-Soviet
propaganda films such as John Wayne's Big Jim McLain, Guilty of Treason (about the ordeal and trial of Cardinal
József Mindszenty), The Red Menace, The Red Danube, I Married a Communist, Red Planet Mars, and I Was a
Communist for the FBI, which was nominated for an Academy Award for the best documentary in 1951 and also
serialized for radio.[17] Universal-International Pictures was the only major studio that did not produce such a film.
Whittaker Chambers and Alger Hiss
In 1948, the committee heard testimony from former spy, and then foreign desk editor of Time magazine, Whittaker
Chambers, that numerous figures working for the federal government were in fact, communist agents. Some of the
people Chambers named had already died or left the country. Some refused to answer committee questions, citing
the Fifth Amendment, and one, Alger Hiss, denied all the charges. In his testimony before the commission, Hiss
made a number of false statements for which he was later convicted of perjury and imprisoned.[18]
Decline
In the wake of Senator McCarthy's downfall, the prestige of HUAC began a gradual decline beginning in the late
1950s. By 1959, the committee was being denounced by former President Harry S. Truman as the "most
un-American thing in the country today."[19]
In May 1960, the committee held hearings in San Francisco City Hall that led to the infamous "riot" on May 13,
when city police officers fire-hosed protesting students from UC Berkeley, Stanford, and other local colleges and
dragged them down the marble steps beneath the rotunda, leaving some seriously injured.[20][21] Soviet affairs expert
William Mandel, who had been subpoenaed to testify, angrily denounced the committee and the police in a blistering
statement which was aired repeatedly for years thereafter on Pacifica Radio station KPFA in Berkeley. An
anti-communist propaganda film, Operation Abolition,[22] was produced by the committee from subpoenaed local
news reports, and shown around the country during 1960 and 1961. In response, the Northern California ACLU
produced a film called Operation Correction, which discussed falsehoods in the first film. Scenes from the hearings
and protest were later featured in the award-winning 1990 documentary Berkeley in the Sixties.
The committee lost considerable prestige as the 1960s progressed, increasingly becoming the target of political
satirists and the defiance of a new generation of political activists. HUAC subpoenaed Jerry Rubin and Abbie
Hoffman of the Yippies in 1967, and again in the aftermath of the 1968 Democratic National Convention. The
Yippies used the media attention to make a mockery of the proceedings. Rubin came to one session dressed as a
United States Revolutionary War soldier and passed out copies of the United States Declaration of Independence to
people in attendance. Rubin then "blew giant gum bubbles while his co-witnesses taunted the committee with Nazi
salutes."[23] Hoffman attended a session dressed as Santa Claus. On another occasion, police stopped Hoffman at the
building entrance and arrested him for wearing the United States flag. Hoffman quipped to the press, "I regret that I
have but one shirt to give for my country," paraphrasing the last words of revolutionary patriot Nathan Hale; Rubin,
who was wearing a matching Viet Cong flag, shouted that the police were communists for not arresting him also.[24]
9
House Un-American Activities Committee
According to The Harvard Crimson:[25]
In the fifties, the most effective sanction was terror. Almost any publicity from HUAC meant the 'blacklist.'
Without a chance to clear his name, a witness would suddenly find himself without friends and without a job.
But it is not easy to see how in 1969 a HUAC blacklist could terrorize an SDS activist. Witnesses like Jerry
Rubin have openly boasted of their contempt for American institutions. A subpoena from HUAC would be
unlikely to scandalize Abbie Hoffman or his friends.
In an attempt to reinvent itself, the committee was renamed to the Internal Security Committee in 1969.[26]
The House of Representatives abolished the committee in 1975, transferring its functions to the House Judiciary
Committee.
Chairmen
During the various phases of its existence, the committee was chaired by:
Special Investigation Committee
• Martin Dies Jr., 1938–1944
House Committee on Un-American Activities: chairmen
•
•
•
•
•
•
Edward J. Hart (D-NJ), 1945–46
John Parnell Thomas (R-NJ), 1947–48
John Stephens Wood (D-GA), 1949–53
Harold Himmel Velde (R-IL), 1953–55
Francis Walter (D-PA), 1955–65
Edwin Edward Willis (D-LA), 1965–69
House Committee on Internal Security
• Richard Howard Ichord Jr., chairman 1969–1975
Among the notable members were:
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Richard Nixon
Gordon H. Scherer
Karl Earl Mundt
Felix Edward Hébert
John Elliott Rankin
Richard B. Vail
Donald L. Jackson
Jerry Voorhis
Robert F. Kennedy
The members during the 1947 Hollywood Ten hearings were Reps. Parnell (New Jersey), Nixon (California), Vail
(Illinois), John McDowell (Pennsylvania), and John S Wood (Georgia).[27] Robert E Stripling was the Chief
Investigator[28] and appears on many recordings and transcripts of those hearings.
10
House Un-American Activities Committee
References
Notes
[1] Although "HCUA" is for "House Un-American Activities Committee") is the abbreviation most often used. See, for example:
Kirschner, Don S. (1995). Cold War Exile: The Unclosed Case of Maurice Halperin. University of Missouri Press. pp. 7. ISBN 0826209890.
"The correct acronym for this committee is thus HCUA, but the committee is commonly known as HUAC..."
Some authors believe that "HUAC" was originally coined as a pejorative term, meant to suggest that the committee itself engaged in
"un-American activities", but the abbreviation is used by most current authors without any pejorative sense.(: See:
Smith, Blake (2003). Naming Names. Hill and Wang. pp. vii. ISBN 0809001837.
When the unabbreviated name is used, it is usually given as "House Committee on Un-American Activities".
[2] Frum, David (2000). How We Got Here: The '70s. New York, New York: Basic Books. p. 265. ISBN 0465041957.
[3] For example, see Brown, Sarah (2002-02-05). "Pleading the Fifth" (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 2/ hi/ americas/ 1801948. stm). BBC News. .
"McCarthy's House Un-American Activities Committee"
[4] Patrick Doherty, Thomas. Cold War, Cool Medium: Television, McCarthyism, and American Culture. 2003, page 15-6.
[5] Schmidt, p. 136
[6] p. 144
[7] Memoirs, pp. 41–42
[8] To Added Law for Curb on Reds The New York Times, November 18, 1930 p. 21
[9] Weinstein, Allen; Vassiliev, Alexander (2000-03-14). The Haunted Wood: Soviet Espionage in America&emdash;The Stalin Era. New York:
Modern Library. pp. 140–150. ISBN 0-375-75536-5.
[10] Finkelman, Paul (2006-10-10). Encyclopedia of American Civil Liberties (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=YoI14vYA8r0C&
pg=PA780). CRC Press. p. 780. ISBN 9780415943420. . Retrieved 25 May 2011.
[11] "House Un-American Activities Committee" (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20100529011543/ http:/ / www. nps. gov/ archive/ elro/
glossary/ huac. htm). Eleanor Roosevelt National Historic Site. National Parks Service. Archived from the original (http:/ / www. nps. gov/
archive/ elro/ glossary/ huac. htm) on 2010-05-29. . Retrieved 25 May 2011.
[12] Newton, p. 102 (http:/ / books. google. com. ph/ books?id=YSLCS7hg-DEC& pg=PA102)
[13] Newton, p. 162 (http:/ / books. google. com. ph/ books?id=YSLCS7hg-DEC& pg=PA162).
[14] Nightingale, Benedict (September 18, 1988). "Mr. Euripides Goes To Washington" (http:/ / query. nytimes. com/ gst/ fullpage.
html?res=940DE0DA153DF93BA2575AC0A96E948260& sec=& spon=& pagewanted=2). The New York Times. . Retrieved May 4, 2010.
[15] Walter Goodman, The Committee, New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1968
[16] Doug Linder, The Alger Hiss Trials – 1949–50 (http:/ / www. law. umkc. edu/ faculty/ projects/ ftrials/ hiss/ hiss. html), 2003.
[17] Dan Georgakas, " Hollywood Blacklist (http:/ / www. writing. upenn. edu/ ~afilreis/ 50s/ blacklist. html)", in: Encyclopedia Of The
American Left, 1992.
[18] [ |Chambers, Whittaker (http:/ / www. whittakerchambers. org/ )] (1952). Witness. Random House. ISBN 0-89526-571-0.
[19] Stephen J. Whitfield. The Culture of the Cold War. The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996
[20] "The Sixties: House Un-American Activities Committee" (http:/ / www. pbs. org/ opb/ thesixties/ topics/ politics/ newsmakers_4. html) at
PBS.org
[21] Carl Nolte (May 13, 2010). "'Black Friday,' birth of U.S. protest movement" (http:/ / articles. sfgate. com/ 2010-05-13/ news/
20896032_1_san-francisco-s-city-hall-protesters-staircase). San Francisco Chronicle. .
[22] " Operation Abolition (http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ magazine/ article/ 0,9171,894425-1,00. html)", Time magazine, 1961.
[23] Youth International Party (http:/ / www. bookrags. com/ Youth_International_Party), 1992.
[24] Jerry Rubin, A Yippie Manifesto (http:/ / www. montgomerycollege. edu/ Departments/ hpolscrv/ yippiemanifesto. html).
[25] The Harvard Crimson: Thomas Geogheghan, "By Any Other Name. Brass Tacks", February 24, 1969 (http:/ / www. thecrimson. com/
article. aspx?ref=494601), accessed Marcg 6, 2011
[26] http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=sFv1ZltBhR0C& pg=PA284& lpg=PA284& dq=%22un-american%22+ %2B+ %22internal+
security%22+ %2B+ renamed& source=bl& ots=Kml1KDZ96t& sig=GB55lvuY3BvMpNSSv8PmOlAOaO8& hl=en& sa=X&
ei=Zm3xTpvTO4O0gwft1-SCAg& ved=0CDAQ6AEwAjhG#v=onepage& q& f=false
[27] Dr. Steven Schoenherr. "HUAC Hearings 1947" (http:/ / history. sandiego. edu/ GEN/ 20th/ 1940s/ huac. html). University of San Diego
History Department. . Retrieved 2009-01-30.
[28] "Ghost at Work" (http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ magazine/ article/ 0,9171,799701,00. html). Time. 1949-01-24. .
11
House Un-American Activities Committee
Bibliography
• Schmidt, Regin (2000). Red Scare: FBI and the Origins of Anticommunism in the United States, 1919–1943
(http://books.google.com/?id=Fo1jblFR3BcC&pg=PP1). Museum Tusculanum Press. ISBN 8772895810,
9788772895819.
• Chambers, Whittaker (1952). Witness. Random House. ISBN 0-89526-571-0.
• Newton, Michael (2010). The Ku Klux Klan in Mississippi: a history (http://books.google.com/
books?id=YSLCS7hg-DEC). McFarland. ISBN 9780786446537.
Further reading
• Gladchuk, John Joseph (2006). Hollywood and Anticommunism: HUAC and the Evolution of the Red Menace,
1935-1950. Routledge. ISBN 0415955688.
• Bentley, Eric; Rich, Frank (2002). Thirty Years of Treason: Excerpts from Hearings Before the House Committee
on Un-American Activities, 1938-1968. Nation Books. ISBN 1560253681.
• O'Reilly, Kenneth (1983). Hoover and the Unamericans: The FBI, HUAC, and the Red Menace. Temple
University Press. ISBN 0877223017.
• Goodman, Walter (1968). The Committee: The Extraordinary Career of the House Committee on Un-American
Activities. Farrar Straus & Giroux. ISBN 0374126887.
• Donner, Frank J. (1967). The Un-Americans. Ballantine Books.
• Buckley, William F. (1962). The Committee and Its Critics; a Calm Review of the House Committee on
Un-American Activities. Putnam Books.
External links
• House.gov (http://artandhistory.house.gov/highlights.aspx?action=view&intID=198) HUAC - permanent
standing House Committee on Un-American Activities
• House.gov (http://artandhistory.house.gov/highlights.aspx?action=view&intID=169) HUAC - 1948 Alger
Hiss–Whittaker Chambers hearing before HUAC
• The National Laboratories and the Atomic Energy Commission in the Early Cold War (http://caliber.ucpress.
net/doi/pdf/10.1525/hsps.2001.32.1.145)
• Political Counterintelligence (http://www.icdc.com/~paulwolf/cointelpro/theoharris.htm) Subversive
Activities Control Board (SACB)
• "Operation Abolition", 17 Mar 1961 (http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,894425-1,00.html)
Time Magazine
• Bogart, Humphrey. "I'm no communist" (http://docs.google.com/View?docid=dg6n6657_103f7bsqj)
Photoplay Magazine, March
12
Hollywood blacklist
Hollywood blacklist
The Hollywood blacklist—as the broader entertainment industry blacklist is generally known—was the
mid-20th-century list of screenwriters, actors, directors, musicians, and other U.S. entertainment professionals who
were denied employment in the field because of their political beliefs or associations, real or suspected. Artists were
barred from work on the basis of their alleged membership in or sympathy toward the American Communist Party,
involvement in liberal or humanitarian political causes that enforcers of the blacklist associated with communism,
and/or refusal to assist investigations into Communist Party activities; some were blacklisted merely because their
names came up at the wrong place and time. Even during the period of its strictest enforcement, the late 1940s
through the late 1950s, the blacklist was rarely made explicit and verifiable, but it caused direct damage to the
careers of scores of American artists, often made betrayal of friendship (not to mention principle) the price for a
livelihood, and promoted ideological censorship across the entire industry.
The first systematic Hollywood blacklist was instituted on November 25, 1947, the day after ten writers and directors
were cited for contempt of Congress for refusing to give testimony to the House Committee on Un-American
Activities. A group of studio executives, acting under the aegis of the Motion Picture Association of America,
announced the firing of the artists—the so-called Hollywood Ten—in what has become known as the Waldorf
Statement. On June 22, 1950, a pamphlet called Red Channels appeared, focusing on the field of broadcasting. It
named 151 entertainment industry professionals in the context of "Red Fascists and their sympathizers"; soon most
of those named, along with a host of other artists, were barred from employment in much of the entertainment field.
The blacklist was effectively broken in 1960 when Dalton Trumbo, an unrepentant member of the Hollywood Ten,
was publicly acknowledged as the screenwriter of the films Spartacus and Exodus. A number of those blacklisted,
however, were still barred from work in their professions for years afterward.
Overview
Historical background
The Hollywood blacklist is rooted in events of the 1930s and the early 1940s, encompassing the height of the Great
Depression and World War II. During this era, long before the horrors of Soviet premier Joseph Stalin's rule became
common knowledge in the West, the American Communist Party attracted a large number of followers, many of
them young idealists in the field of arts and entertainment. The party was the primary force in the United States
fighting for the rights of poor people,[1] and was centrally involved in campaigns for improvement in welfare,
unemployment, and social security benefits.[2] Two major film industry strikes during the 1930s increased tensions
between the Hollywood producers and the unions, particularly the Communist-affiliated Screen Writers Guild.[3]
The American Communist Party lost substantial support after the Moscow show trials of 1936–38 and the
German-Soviet Nonaggression Pact of 1939. The U.S. government began turning its attention to the links, real and
imagined, between Hollywood and the party during this period. Under then chairman Martin Dies, Jr., the House
Committee on Un-American Activities (HUAC) released a report in 1938 claiming that communism was pervasive
in Hollywood. Two years later, Dies privately took testimony from a former Communist Party member, John L.
Leech, who named forty-two movie industry professionals as Communists. After Leech repeated his charges in
supposed confidence to a Los Angeles grand jury, many of the names were reported in the press, including those of
stars Humphrey Bogart, James Cagney, and Frederic March, among other well-known Hollywood figures. Dies said
he would "clear" all those who cooperated by meeting with him in what he called "executive session". Within two
weeks of the grand jury leak, all those on the list except for actress Jean Muir had met with the HUAC chairman.
Dies "cleared" everyone except actor Lionel Stander, who was fired by the movie studio, Republic Pictures, where
he was contracted.[4]
13
Hollywood blacklist
In 1941, producer Walt Disney took out an ad in Variety, the industry trade magazine, declaring his conviction that
"Communist agitation" was behind a cartoonists and animators' strike. According to historians Larry Ceplair and
Steven Englund, "In actuality, the strike had resulted from Disney's overbearing paternalism, high-handedness, and
insensitivity."[5] Inspired by Disney, California State Senator Jack Tenney, chairman of the state legislature's Joint
Fact-Finding Committee on Un-American Activities, launched an investigation of "Reds in movies". The probe fell
flat, and was mocked in several Variety headlines.[5]
The subsequent wartime alliance between the United States and the Soviet Union brought the American Communist
Party newfound credibility. During the war, membership in the party reached a peak of 50,000.[6] As World War II
drew to a close, perceptions changed again, with communism increasingly becoming a focus of American fears and
hatred. In 1945, Gerald L. K. Smith, founder of the neofascist America First Party, began giving speeches in Los
Angeles assailing the "alien minded Russian Jews in Hollywood".[7] Mississippi congressman John E. Rankin, a
member of HUAC, held a press conference to declare that "one of the most dangerous plots ever instigated for the
overthrow of this Government has its headquarters in Hollywood...the greatest hotbed of subversive activities in the
United States." Rankin promised, "We're on the trail of the tarantula now".[8] Reports of Soviet repression in Eastern
and Central Europe in the war's aftermath added more fuel to what became known as the "Second Red Scare". The
growth of conservative political influence and the Republican triumph in the 1946 Congressional elections, which
saw the party take control of both the House and Senate, led to a major revival of institutional anticommunist
activity, publicly spearheaded by HUAC. The following year, the Motion Picture Alliance for the Preservation of
American Ideals (MPA), a political action group cofounded by Walt Disney, issued a pamphlet advising producers
on the avoidance of "subtle communistic touches" in their films. Its counsel revolved around a list of ideological
prohibitions, such as "Don't smear the free-enterprise system ... Don't smear industrialists ... Don't smear wealth ...
Don't smear the profit motive ... Don't deify the 'common man' ... Don't glorify the collective".[9]
The blacklist begins (1947)
In October 1947, a number of persons working in the Hollywood film industry were summoned to appear before the
House Committee on Un-American Activities, which had declared its intention to investigate whether Communist
agents and sympathizers had been surreptitiously planting propaganda in U.S. films.[10] The hearings began with
several Hollywood professionals, including Walt Disney and Ronald Reagan, president of the Screen Actors Guild,
testifying that the threat of Communists in the film industry was a serious one.[11] Actor Adolphe Menjou declared,
"I am a witch hunter if the witches are Communists. I am a Red-baiter. I would like to see them all back in
Russia."[12] In contrast, several leading Hollywood figures, including director John Huston and actors Humphrey
Bogart, Lauren Bacall, and Danny Kaye, organized the Committee for the First Amendment to protest the
government targeting of their industry.[13]
Many of the film industry professionals in whom HUAC had expressed interest—primarily screenwriters, but actors,
directors, producers, and others as well—were either known or alleged to have been members of the American
Communist Party. Of the forty-three people put on the witness list, a total of nineteen declared that they would not
give evidence. Eleven of these nineteen were called before the committee. Members of the Committee for the First
Amendment flew to Washington ahead of this climactic phase of the hearing, which commenced on Monday,
October 27.[14] Of the eleven "unfriendly witnesses", one, émigré playwright Bertolt Brecht, ultimately chose to
answer the committee's questions.[15][16] The other ten refused, citing their First Amendment rights to freedom of
speech and assembly. The crucial question they refused to answer is now generally rendered as "Are you now or
have you ever been a member of the Communist Party?" In fact, each had at one time or another been a member;
most still were, while a few had been in the past and only briefly. These ten were formally accused of contempt of
Congress and proceedings against them began in the full House of Representatives.
In light of the "Hollywood Ten"'s defiance of HUAC—in addition to refusing to testify, many had attempted to read
statements decrying the committee's investigation as unconstitutional—political pressure mounted on the film
14
Hollywood blacklist
industry to demonstrate its "anti-subversive" bona fides. Late in the hearings, Eric Johnston, president of the Motion
Picture Association of America (MPAA), declared to the committee that he would never "employ any proven or
admitted Communist because they are just a disruptive force and I don't want them around."[15] On November 17,
the Screen Actors Guild voted to make its officers swear to a non-Communist pledge. The following week, on
November 24, the House of Representatives voted 346 to 17 to approve citations against the Hollywood Ten for
contempt of Congress. The next day, following a meeting of film industry executives at New York's Waldorf-Astoria
hotel, MPAA president Johnston issued a press release on the executives' behalf that is today referred to as the
Waldorf Statement.[b] The statement declared that the ten would be fired or suspended without pay and not
reemployed until they were cleared of contempt charges and had sworn that they were not Communists. The first
Hollywood blacklist was now in effect.
The list grows (1948–50)
The HUAC hearings had failed to turn up any evidence that Hollywood was secretly disseminating Communist
propaganda, but the industry was nonetheless transformed. The fallout from the inquiry was a factor in the decision
by Floyd Odlum, the primary owner of RKO Pictures, to get out of the business.[17] As a result, the studio would
pass into the hands of Howard Hughes. Within weeks of taking over in May 1948, Hughes fired most of RKO's
employees and virtually shut the studio down for six months as he had the political sympathies of the rest
investigated. Then, just as RKO swung back into production, Hughes made the decision to settle a long-standing
federal antitrust suit against the industry's Big Five studios. This would be one of the crucial steps in the collapse of
the studio system that had governed Hollywood, and ruled much of world cinema, for a quarter-century.
In early 1948, as well, all of the Hollywood Ten were convicted of contempt. Following a series of unsuccessful
appeals, the cases arrived before the Supreme Court; among the submissions filed in defense of the ten was an
amicus curiae brief signed by 204 Hollywood professionals. After the court denied review, the Hollywood Ten
began serving one-year prison sentences in 1950. In September 1950, one of the ten, director Edward Dmytryk,
publicly announced that he had once been a Communist and was prepared to give evidence against others who had
been as well. He was released early from jail; following his 1951 HUAC appearance, in which he described his brief
membership in the party and named names, his career recovered.[18]
The others remained silent and most were unable to obtain work in the American film and television industry for
many years. Adrian Scott, who had produced four of Dmytryk's films—Murder, My Sweet; Cornered; So Well
Remembered; and Crossfire—was one of those named by his former friend. Scott's next screen credit would not
come until 1972 and he would never produce another feature film. Some of those blacklisted continued to write for
Hollywood or the broadcasting industry surreptitiously, using pseudonyms or the names of friends who posed as the
actual writers (those who allowed their names to be used in this fashion were called "fronts"). Of the 204 who signed
the amicus brief, 84 would be blacklisted themselves.[19] There was a more general chilling effect: Humphrey
Bogart, who had been one of the most prominent members of the Committee for the First Amendment, felt
compelled to write an article for Photoplay magazine denying he was a Communist sympathizer.[20] The Tenney
Committee, which had continued its state-level investigations, summoned songwriter Ira Gershwin to testify about
his participation in the committee.[21]
15
Hollywood blacklist
A number of nongovernmental organizations
participated in enforcing and expanding the blacklist; in
particular, the American Legion, the conservative war
veterans' group, was instrumental in pressuring the
entertainment industry to exclude those of political
sympathies it disagreed with. In 1949, the Americanism
Division of the Legion issued its own blacklist—a
The May 7, 1948, issue of the Counterattack newsletter warned
roster of 128 people whom it claimed were participants
readers about a radio talk show that had recently expanded its
in the "Communist Conspiracy." Among the names on
audience by moving from the Mutual network to ABC: "Communist
the Legion's list was that of well-known playwright
Party members and fellow-travelers have often been guests on
Lillian Hellman.[22] Hellman had written or contributed
[Arthur] Gaeth's program."
to the screenplays of approximately ten motion pictures
up to that point; she would not be employed again by a Hollywood studio until 1966.
Another influential group was American Business Consultants Inc., founded in 1947. In the subscription information
for its weekly publication Counterattack, "The Newsletter of Facts to Combat Communism", it declared that it was
run by "a group of former FBI men. It has no affiliation whatsoever with any government agency." Notwithstanding
that claim, it seems the editors of Counterattack had direct access to the files of both the Federal Bureau of
Investigation and HUAC; the results of that access became widely apparent with the June 1950 publication of Red
Channels. This Counterattack spinoff listed 151 people in entertainment and broadcast journalism, along with
records of their involvement in what the pamphlet meant to be taken as Communist or pro-Communist activities.[23]
A few of those named, such as Hellman, were already being denied employment in the motion picture, TV, and radio
fields; the publication of Red Channels meant that scores more would be placed on the blacklist. That year, CBS
instituted a loyalty oath which it required of all its employees.[24]
HUAC returns (1951–52)
In 1951, with the U.S. Congress now under Democratic control, HUAC launched a second investigation of
Hollywood and Communism. As actor Larry Parks said when called before the panel,
Don't present me with the choice of either being in contempt of this committee and going to jail or
forcing me to really crawl through the mud to be an informer. For what purpose? I don't think it is a
choice at all. I don't think this is really sportsmanlike. I don't think this is American. I don't think this is
American justice.[25]
Parks ultimately testified, becoming however reluctantly, a "friendly witness", and found himself blacklisted,
nonetheless.
In fact, the legal tactics of those refusing to testify had changed by this time; instead of relying on the First
Amendment, they invoked the Fifth Amendment's shield against self-incrimination (though, as before, Communist
Party membership was not illegal). While this usually allowed a witness to avoid "naming names" without being
indicted for contempt of Congress, "taking the Fifth" before HUAC guaranteed that one would be added to the
industry blacklist.[26] Historians at times distinguish between the relatively official blacklist—the names of those
who (a) were called by HUAC and, in whatever manner, refused to cooperate and/or (b) were identified as
Communists in the hearings—and the so-called graylist—those others who were denied work because of their
political or personal affiliations, real or imagined; the consequences, however, were largely the same. The graylist
also refers more specifically to those who were denied work by the major studios but could still find jobs on Poverty
Row: Composer Elmer Bernstein, for instance, was called by HUAC when it was discovered that he had written
some music reviews for a Communist newspaper. After he refused to name names, pointing out that he had never
attended a Communist Party meeting, he found himself composing music for movies such as Cat Women of the
16
Hollywood blacklist
Moon.[27]
Like Parks and Dmytryk, others also named names to the
committee. Some friendly witnesses gave broadly damaging
testimony with less apparent reluctance, most prominently director
Elia Kazan and screenwriter Budd Schulberg. Their cooperation in
describing the political leanings of their friends and professional
associates effectively brought a halt to dozens of careers and
compelled a number of artists to depart for Mexico or Europe.
Others were also forced abroad in order to work. Director Jules
Dassin was among the best known of these. Briefly a Communist,
Dassin had left the party in 1939. He was immediately blacklisted
after Edward Dmytryk and fellow filmmaker Frank Tuttle named
him to HUAC in 1952. Dassin left for France, and spent much of
his remaining career in Greece.[28] Scholar Thomas Doherty
describes how the HUAC hearings swept onto the blacklist those
who had never even been particularly active politically, let alone
suspected of being Communists:
[O]n March 21, 1951, the name of the actor Lionel
Stander was uttered by the actor Larry Parks during
testimony before HUAC. "Do you know Lionel
Anticommunist tract from the 1950s, decrying the
"REDS of Hollywood and Broadway"
Stander?" committee counsel Frank S. Tavenner
inquired. Parks replied he knew the man, but had no
knowledge of his political affiliations. No more was said about Stander either by Parks or the
committee—no accusation, no insinuation. Yet Stander's phone stopped ringing. Prior to Parks's
testimony, Stander had worked on ten television shows in the previous 100 days. Afterwards,
nothing.[29]
When Stander was himself called before HUAC, he began by pledging his full support in the fight against
"subversive" activities:
I know of a group of fanatics who are desperately trying to undermine the Constitution of the United
States by depriving artists and others of Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness without due process
of law.... I can tell names and cite instances and I am one of the first victims of it.... [This is] a group of
ex-Fascists and America-Firsters and anti-Semites, people who hate everybody including Negroes,
minority groups and most likely themselves.... [T]hese people are engaged in a conspiracy outside all the
legal processes to undermine the very fundamental American concepts upon which our entire system of
democracy exists.[30]
Stander was clearly speaking of the committee itself.[31]
The hunt for subversives extended into every branch of the entertainment industry. In the field of animation, two
studios in particularly were affected: United Productions of America (UPA) was purged of a large portion of its staff,
while New York–based Tempo was entirely crushed.[32] The HUAC investigation also effectively destroyed
families. Screenwriter Richard Collins, after a brief period on the blacklist, became a friendly witness and dumped
his wife, actress Dorothy Comingore, who refused to name names. Divorcing Comingore, Collins took the couple's
young son, as well. The family's story was later dramatized in the film Guilty by Suspicion (1991), in which the
character based on Comingore "commits suicide rather than endure a long mental collapse."[33] In real life,
Comingore succumbed to alcoholism and died of a pulmonary disease at the age of fifty-eight. In the description of
historians Paul Buhle and David Wagner, "premature strokes and heart attacks were fairly common [among
17
Hollywood blacklist
blacklistees], along with heavy drinking as a form of suicide on the installment plan."[34]
For all that, evidence that Communists were actually using Hollywood films as vehicles for subversion remained
hard to come by. Schulberg reported that the manuscript of his novel What Makes Sammy Run? (later a screenplay,
as well) had been subject to an ideological critique by Hollywood Ten writer John Howard Lawson, whose
comments he had solicited. The significance of such interactions was questionable. As historian Gerald Horne
describes, many Hollywood screenwriters had joined or associated with the local Communist Party chapter because
it "offered a collective to a profession that was enmeshed in tremendous isolation at the typewriter. Their 'Writers'
Clinic' had 'an informal "board" of respected screenwriters'—including Lawson and Ring Lardner Jr.—'who read and
commented upon any screenplay submitted to them. Although their criticism could be plentiful, stinging, and
(sometimes) politically dogmatic, the author was entirely free to accept it or reject it as he or she pleased without
incurring the slightest "consequence" or sanction.'"[35] Much of the onscreen evidence of Communist influence
uncovered by HUAC was feeble at best. One witness remembered Stander, while performing in a film, whistling the
left-wing "Internationale" as his character waited for an elevator. "Another noted that screenwriter Lester Cole had
inserted lines from a famous pro-Loyalist speech by La Pasionaria about it being 'better to die on your feet than to
live on your knees' into a pep talk delivered by a football coach."[31]
The blacklist at its height (1952–56)
In 1952, the Screen Writers Guild—which had been founded two decades before by three future members of the
Hollywood Ten—authorized the movie studios to "omit from the screen" the names of any individuals who had
failed to clear themselves before Congress. Writer Dalton Trumbo, for instance, one of the Hollywood Ten and still
very much on the blacklist, had received screen credit in 1950 for writing, years earlier, the story on which the
screenplay of Columbia Pictures' Emergency Wedding was based. There would be no more of that until the 1960s.
The name of Albert Maltz, who had written the original screenplay for The Robe in the mid-1940s, was nowhere to
be seen when the movie was released in 1953.[36]
As William O'Neill describes, pressure was maintained even on those who had ostensibly "cleared" themselves:
On December 27, 1952, the American Legion announced that it disapproved of a new film, Moulin
Rouge, starring José Ferrer, who used to be no more progressive than hundreds of other actors and had
already been grilled by HUAC. The picture itself was based on the life of Toulouse-Lautrec and was
totally apolitical. Nine members of the Legion had picketed it anyway, giving rise to the controversy. By
this time people were not taking any chances. Ferrer immediately wired the Legion's national
commander that he would be glad to join the veterans in their "fight against communism."[37]
The group's efforts dragged many others onto the blacklist: In 1954, "[s]creenwriter Louis Pollock, a man without
any known political views or associations, suddenly had his career yanked out from under him because the American
Legion confused him with Louis Pollack, a California clothier, who had refused to cooperate with HUAC."[38]
During this same period, a number of influential newspaper columnists covering the entertainment industry,
including Walter Winchell, Hedda Hopper, Victor Riesel, Jack O'Brian, and George Sokolsky, regularly offered up
names with the suggestion that they should be added to the blacklist.[39] Actor John Ireland received an out-of-court
settlement to end a 1954 lawsuit against the Young & Rubicam advertising agency, which had ordered him dropped
from the lead role in a television series it sponsored. Variety described it as "the first industry admission of what has
for some time been an open secret—that the threat of being labeled a political nonconformist, or worse, has been
used against show business personalities and that a screening system is at work determining thesp [actors']
availabilities for roles."[40]
18
Hollywood blacklist
The Hollywood blacklist had long gone hand in hand
with the Red-baiting activities of J. Edgar Hoover's
FBI. Adversaries of HUAC such as lawyer Bartley
Crum, who defended some of the Hollywood Ten in
front of the committee in 1947, were labeled as
Communist sympathizers or subversives and targeted
for investigation themselves. Throughout the 1950s, the
FBI tapped Crum's phones, opened his mail, and placed
him under continuous surveillance. As a result, he lost
most of his clients and, unable to cope with the stress of
ceaseless harassment, committed suicide in 1959.[42]
Intimidating and dividing the left is now seen as a
central purpose of the HUAC hearings. Fund-raising
for once-popular humanitarian efforts became difficult,
and despite the sympathies of many in the industry
there was little open support in Hollywood for causes
such as the African American Civil Rights Movement
and opposition to nuclear weapons testing.[43]
19
The first Hollywood movie to overtly take on McCarthyism, Storm
Center appeared in 1956. Bette Davis "plays a small-town librarian
who refuses, on principle, to remove a book called 'The Communist
Dream' from the shelves when the local council deems it
[41]
subversive."
The struggles attending the blacklist were played out metaphorically on the big screen in various ways. As described
by film historian James Chapman, "Carl Foreman, who had refused to testify before the committee, wrote the
western High Noon (1952), in which a town marshal (ironically played by friendly witness Gary Cooper...) finds
himself deserted by the good citizens of Hadleyville (for which read Hollywood) when a gang of outlaws who had
terrorized the town several years earlier (for which read HUAC) returns."[44] Cooper's lawman cleaned up
Hadleyville, but Foreman was forced to leave for Europe to find work. Even more famously, Kazan and Schulberg
collaborated on a movie widely seen as justifying their decision to name names. On the Waterfront (1954) became
one of the most honored films in Hollywood history, winning eight Academy Awards, including Oscars for Best
Film, Kazan's direction, and Schulberg's screenplay. The film featured Lee J. Cobb, one of the best known actors to
name names. Time Out Film Guide argues that the film is "undermined" by its "embarrassing special pleading on
behalf of informers."[45]
After his release from prison, Herbert Biberman of the Hollywood Ten directed Salt of the Earth, working
independently in New Mexico with fellow blacklisted Hollywood professionals—producer Paul Jarrico, writer
Michael Wilson, and actors Rosaura Revueltas and Will Geer. The film, concerning a strike by Mexican-American
mine workers, was denounced as Communist propaganda when it was completed in 1953. Distributors boycotted it,
newspapers and radio stations rejected advertisements for it, and the projectionists' union refused to run it.
Nationwide in 1954, only around a dozen theaters exhibited it.[46]
Breaking the blacklist (1957–present)
A key figure in bringing an end to blacklisting was John Henry Faulk. Host of an afternoon comedy radio show,
Faulk was a leftist active in his union, the American Federation of Television and Radio Artists. He was scrutinized
by AWARE, one of the private firms that examined individuals for signs of Communist sympathies and "disloyalty."
Marked by the group as unfit, he was fired by CBS Radio. Almost alone among the many victims of blacklisting,
Faulk decided to sue AWARE in 1957.[47] Though the case would drag through the courts for years, the suit itself
was an important symbol of the building resistance to the blacklist.
The initial cracks in the entertainment industry blacklist were evident on television, specifically at CBS. In 1957,
blacklisted actor Norman Lloyd was hired by Alfred Hitchcock as an associate producer for his anthology series
Hollywood blacklist
Alfred Hitchcock Presents, then entering its third season on the network.[48] On November 30, 1958, a live CBS
production of Wonderful Town, based on short stories written by then-Communist Ruth McKenney, appeared with
the proper writing credit of blacklisted Edward Chodorov, along with his literary partner, Joseph Fields.[49] The
following year, actress Betty Hutton insisted that blacklisted composer Jerry Fielding be hired as musical director for
her new series, also on CBS.[50] The first main break in the Hollywood blacklist followed soon after: on January 20,
1960, director Otto Preminger publicly announced that Dalton Trumbo, one of the best known members of the
Hollywood Ten, was the screenwriter of his forthcoming film Exodus. Six-and-a-half months later, with Exodus still
to debut, the New York Times announced that Universal Pictures would give Trumbo screen credit for his role as
writer on Spartacus, a decision star Kirk Douglas is now recognized as largely responsible for.[51] On October 6,
Spartacus premiered—the first movie to bear Trumbo's name since he had received story credit on Emergency
Wedding in 1950. Since 1947, he had written or co-written approximately seventeen motion pictures without credit.
Exodus followed in December, also bearing Trumbo's name. The blacklist was now clearly coming to an end, but its
effects would reverberate for years to come.
John Henry Faulk finally won his lawsuit in 1962. With this court decision, the private blacklisters and those who
used them were put on notice that they were legally liable for the professional and financial damage they caused.
This helped to bring an end to publications such as Counterattack.[52] Like Adrian Scott and Lillian Hellman,
however, a number of those on the blacklist remained there for an extended period—Lionel Stander, for instance,
could not find work in Hollywood until 1965.[53] Some of those who named names, like Kazan and Schulberg,
argued for years after that they had made an ethically proper decision. Others, like actor Lee J. Cobb and director
Michael Gordon, who gave friendly testimony to HUAC after suffering on the blacklist for a time, "concede[d] with
remorse that their plan was to name their way back to work."[54] And there were those more gravely haunted by the
choice they had made. In 1963, actor Sterling Hayden declared,
I was a rat, a stoolie, and the names I named of those close friends were blacklisted and deprived of their
livelihood.[55]
Scholars Paul Buhle and Dave Wagner state that Hayden "was widely believed to have drunk himself into a
near-suicidal depression decades before his 1986 death."[55]
Into the 21st century, the Writers Guild pursued the correction of screen credits from movies of the 1950s and early
1960s to properly reflect the work of blacklisted writers such as Carl Foreman and Hugo Butler.[56] On December
19, 2011, the guild, acting on a request for an investigation made by his dying son Christopher Trumbo, announced
that Dalton Trumbo would get full credit for his work on the screenplay for the 1953 romantic comedy Roman
Holiday, almost sixty years after the fact.[57]
The blacklist
The Hollywood Ten and other 1947 blacklistees
The Hollywood Ten
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Alvah Bessie, screenwriter
Herbert Biberman, screenwriter and director
Lester Cole, screenwriter
Edward Dmytryk, director
Ring Lardner Jr., screenwriter
John Howard Lawson, screenwriter
Albert Maltz, screenwriter
• Samuel Ornitz, screenwriter
• Adrian Scott, producer and screenwriter
20
Hollywood blacklist
21
• Dalton Trumbo, screenwriter
Others
• Hanns Eisler, composer[58]
• Bernard Gordon, screenwriter[59]
• Joan Scott, screenwriter[60]
People first blacklisted between January 1948 and June 1950
(an asterisk after the entry indicates the person was also listed in Red Channels)
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Ben Barzman, screenwriter[61]
Paul Draper, actor and dancer*[62]
Sheridan Gibney, screenwriter[63]
Paul Green, playwright and screenwriter[64]
Lillian Hellman, playwright and screenwriter*[65]
Canada Lee, actor[66]
Paul Robeson, actor and singer[67]
Edwin Rolfe, screenwriter and poet[68]
• William Sweets, radio personality*[69]
• Richard Wright, writer[64]
The Red Channels list
(see, e.g., Schrecker [2002], p. 244; Barnouw [1990], pp. 122–24)
•
Larry Adler, actor and musician
•
Uta Hagen, actress and teacher
•
Ben Myers, attorney
•
Luther Adler, actor and director
•
Dashiell Hammett, writer
•
Dorothy Parker, writer
•
Stella Adler, actress and teacher
•
E. Y. "Yip" Harburg, lyricist
•
Arnold Perl, producer and writer
•
Edith Atwater, actress
•
Robert P. Heller, television
journalist
•
Minerva Pious, actress
•
Howard Bay, scenic designer
•
Lillian Hellman, playwright and
screenwriter
•
Samson Raphaelson, screenwriter and playwright
•
Ralph Bell, actor
•
Nat Hiken, writer and producer
•
Bernard Reis, accountant
•
Leonard Bernstein, composer and
conductor
•
Rose Hobart, actress
•
Anne Revere, actress
•
Walter Bernstein, screenwriter
•
Judy Holliday, actress and
comedienne
•
Kenneth Roberts, writer
•
Michael Blankfort, screenwriter[c]
•
Roderick B. Holmgren, journalist
•
Earl Robinson, composer and lyricist
•
Marc Blitzstein, composer
•
Lena Horne, singer and actress
•
Edward G. Robinson, actor
•
True Boardman, screenwriter
•
Langston Hughes, writer
•
William N. Robson, radio and TV writer
•
Millen Brand, writer
•
Marsha Hunt, actress
•
Harold Rome, composer and lyricist
•
Oscar Brand, folk singer
•
Leo Hurwitz, director
•
Norman Rosten, writer
•
Joseph Edward Bromberg, actor
•
Charles Irving, actor
•
Selena Royle, actress
•
Himan Brown, producer and director
•
Burl Ives, folk singer and actor
•
Coby Ruskin, TV director
•
John Brown, actor
•
Sam Jaffe, actor
•
Robert St. John, journalist
•
Abe Burrows, playwright and lyricist
•
Leon Janney, actor
•
Hazel Scott, jazz and classical musician
•
Morris Carnovsky, actor
•
Joe Julian, actor
•
Pete Seeger, folk singer
•
Vera Caspary, writer
•
Garson Kanin, writer and director
•
Lisa Sergio, radio personality
•
Edward Chodorov, screenwriter and
producer
•
George Keane, actor
•
Artie Shaw, jazz musician
•
Jerome Chodorov, writer
•
Donna Keath, radio actress
•
Irwin Shaw, writer
Hollywood blacklist
22
•
Mady Christians, actress
•
Pert Kelton, actress
•
Lee J. Cobb, actor
•
Alexander Kendrick, journalist and •
author
Ann Shepherd, actress
•
Marc Connelly, playwright
•
Adelaide Klein, actress
•
William L. Shirer, journalist
•
Aaron Copland, composer
•
Felix Knight, singer and actor
•
Allan Sloane, radio and TV writer
•
Norman Corwin, writer
•
Howard Koch, screenwriter
•
Howard K. Smith, journalist
•
Howard Da Silva, actor
•
Tony Kraber, actor
•
Gale Sondergaard, actress
•
Roger De Koven, actor
•
Millard Lampell, screenwriter
•
Hester Sondergaard, actress
•
Dean Dixon, conductor
•
John La Touche, lyricist
•
Lionel Stander, actor
•
Olin Downes, music critic
•
Arthur Laurents, writer
•
Johannes Steel, journalist
•
Alfred Drake, actor and singer
•
Gypsy Rose Lee, actress and
ecdysiast
•
Paul Stewart, actor
•
Paul Draper, actor and dancer
•
Madeline Lee, actress[d]
•
Elliott Sullivan, actor
•
Howard Duff, actor
•
Ray Lev, classical pianist
•
William Sweets, radio personality
•
Clifford J. Durr, attorney
•
Philip Loeb, actor
•
Helen Tamiris, choreographer
•
Richard Dyer-Bennett, folk singer
•
Ella Logan, actress and singer
•
Betty Todd, director
•
José Ferrer, actor
•
Alan Lomax, folklorist and
musicologist
•
Louis Untermeyer, poet
•
Louise Fitch (Lewis), actress
•
Avon Long, actor and singer
•
Hilda Vaughn, actress
•
Martin Gabel, actor
•
Joseph Losey, director
•
J. Raymond Walsh, radio commentator
•
Arthur Gaeth, radio commentator
•
Peter Lyon, television writer
•
Sam Wanamaker, actor
•
William S. Gailmor, journalist and radio
commentator
•
Aline MacMahon, actress
•
Theodore Ward, playwright
•
John Garfield, actor
•
Paul Mann, director and teacher
•
Fredi Washington, actress
•
Will Geer, actor
•
Margo, actress and dancer
•
Margaret Webster, actress, director and producer
•
Jack Gilford, actor and comedian
•
Myron McCormick, actor
•
Orson Welles, actor, writer and director
•
Tom Glazer, folk singer
•
Paul McGrath, radio actor
•
Josh White, blues musician
•
Ruth Gordon, actress and screenwriter
•
Burgess Meredith, actor
•
Irene Wicker, singer and actress
•
Lloyd Gough, actor
•
Arthur Miller, playwright
•
Betty Winkler (Keane), actress
•
Morton Gould, pianist and composer
•
Henry Morgan, actor
•
Martin Wolfson, actor
•
Shirley Graham, writer
•
Zero Mostel, actor and comedian
•
Lesley Woods, actress
•
Ben Grauer, radio and TV personality
•
Jean Muir, actress
•
Richard Yaffe, journalist
•
Mitchell Grayson, radio producer and
director
•
Meg Mundy, actress
•
Horace Grenell, conductor and music
producer
•
Lyn Murray, composer and choral
director
Others first blacklisted after June 1950
•
Robert Lewis Shayon, former president of radio and
TV directors' guild
Hollywood blacklist
23
[70]
•
Eddie Albert, actor
•
Lew Amster, screenwriter
•
Richard Attenborough, director and producer
•
Norma Barzman, screenwriter
•
Sol Barzman, screenwriter
•
Orson Bean, actor
•
Albert Bein, screenwriter
•
Harry Belafonte, actor and singer
•
[85]
Barbara Bel Geddes, actress
•
Ben Bengal, screenwriter
•
Seymour Bennett, screenwriter
•
Leonardo Bercovici, screenwriter
•
Herschel Bernardi, actor
•
John Berry, actor, screenwriter and director
•
Henry Blankfort, screenwriter
•
Laurie Blankfort, artist
•
Roman Bohnen, actor
•
[71]
•
Mickey Knox, actor
•
Lester Koenig, producer
•
Charles Korvin, actor
•
Hy Kraft, screenwriter
•
Constance Lee, screenwriter
•
Robert Lees, screenwriter
•
Carl Lerner, editor and director
•
Irving Lerner, director
•
Lewis Leverett, actor
•
Alfred Lewis Levitt, screenwriter
•
Helen Slote Levitt, screenwriter
•
Mitch Lindemann, screenwriter
•
Norman Lloyd, actor
•
Ben Maddow, screenwriter
•
Arnold Manoff, screenwriter
•
John McGrew, animator
•
Ruth McKenney, writer
Allen Boretz, screenwriter and songwriter
•
Bill Meléndez, animator
•
[102]
Phoebe Brand, actress
•
John "Skins" Miller, actor
•
John Bright, screenwriter
•
[86]
Paula Miller, actress
•
Phil Brown, actor
•
Josef Mischel, screenwriter
•
Harold Buchman, screenwriter
•
Karen Morley, actress
•
Sidney Buchman, screenwriter
•
Henry Myers, screenwriter
•
Luis Buñuel, director
•
Mortimer Offner, screenwriter
•
Val Burton, screenwriter
•
Alfred Palca, writer and producer
•
Hugo Butler, screenwriter
•
Larry Parks, actor
•
Alan Campbell, screenwriter
•
Leo Penn, actor
•
Charles Chaplin, actor, director and producer
•
Irving Pichel, director
•
Maurice Clark, screenwriter
•
Louis Pollock, screenwriter
•
Richard Collins, screenwriter
•
Abraham Polonsky, screenwriter and director
•
Charles Collingwood, radio commentator
•
[125]
William Pomerance, animation executive
•
Dorothy Comingore, actress
•
Vladimir Pozner, screenwriter
•
Jeff Corey, actor
•
Stanley Prager, director
•
George Corey, screenwriter
•
John Randolph, actor
•
Irwin Corey, actor and comedian
•
Maurice Rapf, screenwriter
•
Oliver Crawford, screenwriter
•
[135]
Rosaura Revueltas, actress
•
John Cromwell, director
•
Robert L. Richards, screenwriter
•
Charles Dagget, animator
•
Frederic I. Rinaldo, screenwriter
•
Danny Dare, choreographer
•
Martin Ritt, actor and director
[72]
[74]
[76]
[78]
[80]
[72]
[83]
[87]
[89]
[33]
[91]
[93]
[95]
[95]
[98]
[100]
[104]
[105]
[107]
[109]
[111]
[113]
[115]
[117]
[119]
[121]
[122]
[124]
[126]
[128]
[130]
[132]
[134]
[136]
[138][e]
[140][f]
[73]
[75]
[77]
[79]
[81]
[82]
[84]
[86]
[88]
[88]
[90]
[92]
[94]
[96]
[97]
[99]
[101]
[103]
[106]
[108]
[110]
[112]
[114]
[116]
[118]
[120]
[38]
[123]
[127]
[129]
[131]
[133]
[137]
[139]
[141]
Hollywood blacklist
24
[142]
•
Jules Dassin, director
•
[144]
Dolores del Río, actress
•
Karen DeWolf, screenwriter
•
Howard Dimsdale, writer
•
Ludwig Donath, actor
•
Arnaud d'Usseau, screenwriter
•
Phil Eastman, cartoon writer
•
Leslie Edgley, screenwriter
•
Edward Eliscu, screenwriter
•
Faith Elliott, animator
•
Cy Endfield, screenwriter and director
•
Guy Endore, screenwriter
•
Francis Edward Faragoh, screenwriter
•
Howard Fast, writer
•
John Henry Faulk, radio personality
•
Jerry Fielding, composer
•
Carl Foreman, producer and screenwriter
•
Anne Froelick, screenwriter
•
Lester Fuller, director
•
Bert Gilden, screenwriter
•
Lee Gold, screenwriter
•
Harold Goldman, screenwriter
•
Michael Gordon, director
•
Jay Gorney, screenwriter
•
[172]
Lee Grant, actress
•
Morton Grant, screenwriter
•
Anne Green, screenwriter
•
Jack T. Gross, producer
•
Margaret Gruen, screenwriter
•
David Hilberman, animator
•
Tamara Hovey, screenwriter
•
John Hubley, animator
•
Edward Huebsch, screenwriter
•
Ian McLellan Hunter, screenwriter
•
Kim Hunter, actress
•
John Ireland, actor
•
Daniel James, screenwriter
•
Paul Jarrico, producer and screenwriter
•
Gordon Kahn, screenwriter
[143]
[34]
[98]
[147]
[149]
[150]
[112]
[153]
[155]
[147]
[156]
[157]
[159]
[161]
[162]
[34]
[163]
[165]
[166]
[167]
[168]
[170]
[123]
[173]
[90]
[175]
[125]
[129]
[178]
[180]
[81]
[183]
[40]
[137]
[186]
[34]
[143]
•
W. L. River, screenwriter
•
Marguerite Roberts, screenwriter
•
David Robison, screenwriter
•
[146]
Naomi Robison, actress
•
Louise Rousseau, screenwriter
•
Jean Rouverol (Butler), actress and writer
•
Shimen Ruskin, actor
•
Madeleine Ruthven, screenwriter
•
Waldo Salt, screenwriter
•
John Sanford, screenwriter
•
Bill Scott, voice actor
•
[38]
Martha Scott, actress
•
Joshua Shelley, actor
•
[158]
Madeleine Sherwood, actress
•
Reuben Ship, screenwriter
•
Viola Brothers Shore, screenwriter
•
George Sklar, playwright
•
Art Smith, actor
•
Louis Solomon, screenwriter and producer
•
Ray Spencer, screenwriter
•
Janet Stevenson, writer
•
Philip Stevenson, writer
•
Donald Ogden Stewart, screenwriter
•
Arthur Strawn, screenwriter
•
Bess Taffel, screenwriter
•
Julius Tannenbaum, producer
•
Frank Tarloff, screenwriter
•
Shepard Traube, director and screenwriter
•
Dorothy Tree, actress
•
Paul Trivers, screenwriter
•
George Tyne, actor
•
Michael Uris, writer
•
Peter Viertel, screenwriter
•
Bernard Vorhaus, director
•
John Weber, producer
•
Richard Weil, screenwriter
•
Hannah Weinstein, producer
•
John Wexley, screenwriter
•
Michael Wilson, screenwriter
[145]
[146]
[111]
[148]
[150]
[151]
[152]
[154]
[138]
[118]
[160]
[127]
[111]
[86]
[164]
[90]
[98]
[98]
[169]
[171]
[129]
[107]
[174]
[113]
[176]
[177]
[118]
[179]
[181]
[182]
[184]
[180]
[185]
[187]
[188]
Hollywood blacklist
25
[189]
•
Victor Kilian, actor
•
Sidney Kingsley, playwright
•
Alexander Knox, actor
[191]
[190]
•
Nedrick Young, actor and screenwriter
•
Julian Zimet, screenwriter
[147]
[192]
Notes
a. The following transcript of an excerpt from the interrogation of screenwriter John Howard Lawson by HUAC
chairman J. Parnell Thomas gives an example of an alternative wording of the question and a sense of the tenor of
some of the exchanges:
Thomas: Are you a member of the Communist Party or have you ever been a member of the Communist
Party?
Lawson: It's unfortunate and tragic that I have to teach this committee the basic principles of
Americanism.
Thomas: That's not the question. That's not the question. The question is—have you ever been a member
of the Communist Party?
Lawson: I am framing my answer in the only way in which any American citizen can frame his answer
to...
Thomas: Then you deny it?
Lawson: ...a question that invades his...absolutely invades his privacy.
Thomas: Then you deny... You refuse to answer that question, is that correct?
Lawson: I have told you that I will offer my beliefs, my affiliations and everything else to the American
public and they will know where I stand as they do from what I have written.
Thomas: Stand away from the stand...
Lawson: I have written for Americanism for many years...
Thomas: Stand away from the stand...
Lawson: And I shall continue to fight for the Bill of Rights, which you are trying to destroy.
Thomas: Officer, take this man away from the stand.[193]
b. At least a couple of important recent histories incorrectly give December 3 as the date of the Waldorf Statement:
Ross (2002), p. 217; Stone (2004), p. 365. Among the many 1947 sources that make unquestionable the error,
there is, for example, the New York Times article "Movies to Oust Ten Cited For Contempt of Congress; Major
Companies Also Vote to Refuse Jobs to Communists—'Hysteria, Surrender of Freedom' Charged by Defense
Counsel; Movies Will Oust Ten Men Cited for Contempt of Congress After Voting to Refuse Employment to
Communists", which appeared on the front page of the newspaper November 26.
c. Blankfort gave cooperative, if uninformative, testimony to HUAC and was not blacklisted.[194]
d. Madeline Lee—who was married to actor Jack Gilford, also listed by Red Channels—was frequently confused
with another actress of the era named Madaline Lee.[195]
e. Four months after refusing to cooperate with HUAC, Dagget appeared again before the committee and named
names.[196]
f. In 1951, Dare appeared before HUAC, lied about having never been a Communist, and continued to work in the
entertainment industry. He was blacklisted two years later for his involvement in Meet the People, a 1939
theatrical production. Soon afterward, he recanted his earlier testimony and named names.[197]
Hollywood blacklist
References
[1] Goldfield (2004), p. 191.
[2] Cohen (2004), p. 165.
[3] Murphy (2003), p. 16.
[4] Ceplair and Englund (2003), pp. 156–57.
[5] Ceplair and Englund (2003), pp. 157–58.
[6] Johnpoll (1994), p. xv.
[7] Horne (2006), p. 174.
[8] Murphy (2003), p. 17.
[9] Cohen (2004), pp. 169–70.
[10] See, e.g., Schwartz, Richard A. (1999). "How the Film and Television Blacklists Worked" (http:/ / comptalk. fiu. edu/ blacklist. htm).
Florida International University. . Retrieved 2010-03-03.
[11] Cohen (2004), p. 167.
[12] Scott and Rutkoff (1999), p. 338.
[13] Ceplair and Englund (2003), pp. 275–79.
[14] Ceplair and Englund (2003), pp. 281–82.
[15] Dick (1989), p. 7.
[16] Schuetze-Coburn, Marje (February 1998). "Bertolt Brecht's Appearance Before the HUAC" (http:/ / www. usc. edu/ libraries/ archives/ arc/
libraries/ feuchtwanger/ exhibits/ Brecht/ HUAC. html). USC–Feuchtwanger Memorial Library. . Retrieved 2010-03-03.
[17] Lasky (1989), p. 204.
[18] Gevinson (1997), p. 234.
[19] Stone (2004), p. 365.
[20] Bogart (1948).
[21] Jablonski (1998), p. 350.
[22] Newman (1989), 140.
[23] Red Channels (1950), pp. 6, 214.
[24] Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. 7.
[25] Parish (2004), p. 92.
[26] Ceplair and Englund (2003), p. 387.
[27] Susman, Gary (August 19, 2004). "Goodbye" (http:/ / www. ew. com/ ew/ article/ 0,,684811,00. html). EntertainmentWeekly.com. .
Retrieved 2009-02-27. "Composer Elmer Bernstein Dead at 82" (http:/ / www. msnbc. msn. com/ id/ 5753311/ ). MSNBC.com (Associated
Press). August 19, 2004. . Retrieved 2009-02-27.
[28] Wakeman (1987), pp. 190, 192.
[29] Doherty (2003), p. 31.
[30] Quoted in Belton (1994), pp. 202–3.
[31] Belton (1994), p. 203.
[32] Cohen (2004), pp. 173–79.
[33] Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 21.
[34] Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. 250.
[35] Horne (2006), p. 134.
[36] Dick (1989), p. 94.
[37] O'Neill (1990), p. 239.
[38] Ceplair and Englund (2003), p. 388.
[39] Cohen (2004), p. 176.
[40] Doherty (2003), p. 236.
[41] Charity (2005), p. 1266.
[42] Bosworth (1997), passim.
[43] Cohen (2004), pp. 187–88; Ceplair and Englund (2003), p. 345.
[44] Chapman (2003), p. 124.
[45] Andrew (2005), p. 981.
[46] Christensen and Haas (2005), pp. 116–17 ("screened in only eleven theaters"); Weigand (2002), p. 133 ("arranged showings of the film in
only fourteen theaters").
[47] Faulk (1963), passim.
[48] Anderson (2007); Lumenick (2007b).
[49] Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. 30.
[50] Burlingame (2000), p. 74.
[51] Smith (1999), p. 206.
[52] Fried (1997), p. 197.
26
Hollywood blacklist
[53] Belton (1994), p. 202.
[54] Navasky (1980), p. 280.
[55] Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. 251.
[56] Weinraub (2000); "Corrected Blacklist Credits" (http:/ / www. wga. org/ subpage_writersresources. aspx?id=1958). Writers Guild of
America, West. July 17, 2000. . Retrieved 2010-03-03.
[57] Verrier (2011); Devall, Cheryl, and Paige Osburn (December 19, 2011). "Blacklisted Writer Gets credit Restored after 60 years for
Oscar-Winning Film" (http:/ / www. scpr. org/ news/ 2011/ 12/ 19/ 30417/ blacklisted-writer-gets-credit-restored-oscar-winn/ ). 89.3 KPCC. .
Retrieved 2011-12-20.
[58] Herman (1997), p. 356; Dick (1989), p. 7.
[59] Gordon (1999), p. 16.
[60] Ceplair and Englund (2003), p. 403; Goldstein (1999).
[61] Ceplair and Englund (2003), p. 401.
[62] Everitt (2007), p. 53.
[63] Navasky (1980), p. 88.
[64] Ward and Butler (2008), pp. 178–79.
[65] Newman (1989), p. 140.
[66] Horne (2006), pp. 204–5, 224; Goudsouzian (2004), p. 88.
[67] Gill (2000), pp. 50–52.
[68] Nelson and Hendricks (1990), p. 53.
[69] Cogley (1956), pp. 25–28.
[70] Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 188.
[71] Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 106.
[72] Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 28.
[73] Herman (1997), p. 356.
[74] Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 253.
[75] Korvin (1997).
[76] Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 159.
[77] Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 39.
[78] Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 146.
[79] Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 24.
[80] Faulk (1963), p. 7.
[81] Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. 86.
[82] Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. 150.
[83] McGill (2005), pp. 249–50; Ward (1998), p. 323; Cogley (1956), pp. 8–9.
[84] Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 53.
[85] Katz (1994), p. 106.
[86] Schwartz (1999).
[87] Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 50.
[88] Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. 130.
[89] Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 123.
[90] Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 37.
[91] Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. 42.
[92] Denning (1998), p. 374; Lumenick (2007b).
[93] Denning (1998), p. 374; Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. 108.
[94] Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. 110.
[95] Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 31.
[96] Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. 20.
[97] Cohen (2004), pp. 172–73178.
[98] Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 49.
[99] Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 142.
[100] Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 83.
[101] Cohen (2004), pp. 178–79, 186.
[102] Schwartz, J. (1999); Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. 50.
[103] Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 8.
[104] Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 2.
[105] Barzman (2004), p. 449.
[106] Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 110.
[107] Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 22.
[108] Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 78.
27
Hollywood blacklist
[109]
[110]
[111]
[112]
[113]
[114]
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[116]
[117]
[118]
[119]
[120]
[121]
[122]
[123]
[124]
[125]
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[127]
[128]
[129]
[130]
Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. 128.
Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. 26.
Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 6.
Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 7.
Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 17.
Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. 157.
Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. 22.
Navasky (1980), pp. 371–73.
Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 129.
Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. 45.
Katz (1994), p. 241.
Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 10.
Navasky (1980), p. 283.
Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. 73.
Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 13.
Faulk (1963), pp. 7–8.
Cohen (2004), pp. 172–76.
Denning (1998), p. 374; Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 20.
Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 11.
Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. 77.
Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 15.
Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 151.
[131]
[132]
[133]
[134]
[135]
[136]
[137]
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[139]
[140]
[141]
[142]
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[148]
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[152]
[153]
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[157]
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[159]
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[161]
[162]
[163]
[164]
Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. 247.
Sullivan (2010), p. 64.
Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 163.
Times (2008).
Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. 253.
Lumenick 2007a.
Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. 80.
Cohen (2004), p. 178.
Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 1.
Boyer (1996); Cogley (1956), p. 124.
Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. 18.
Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. 105.
Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 5.
Ramón (1997), p. 44.
Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. 88.
Lerner (2003), pp. 337–38.
Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. 83.
Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. 142.
Cohen (2004), pp. 178–81.
Navasky (1980), p. 282.
Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 55.
Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. 208.
Barzman (2004), p. 89.
Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 101.
Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. 137.
Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 14.
Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. 48.
Perebinossoff, Gross, and Gross (2005), p. 9; Kisseloff (1995), p. 416.
Faulk (1963), pp. 6–7.
Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 218.
Burlingame 2000), p. 74.
Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. xi.
Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 251.
Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. 63.
[165] Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 105.
[166] Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. 139.
[167] Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 16.
28
Hollywood blacklist
[168]
[169]
[170]
[171]
[172]
[173]
[174]
[175]
[176]
[177]
[178]
[179]
[180]
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[183]
[184]
[185]
[186]
[187]
[188]
[189]
Dick (1982), p. 80.
Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. 36.
Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 96.
Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. 91.
Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. 31.
Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 95.
Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. 175.
Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 164.
Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 47.
Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 141.
Cohen (2004), pp. 178, 181–83.
Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 90.
Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 18.
Navasky (1980), pp. 93–94.
Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 9.
Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. viii.
Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 209.
Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 66.
Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. 134.
Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. 111.
Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. vii.
Graulich and Tatum (2003), p. 115.
[190] Buhle and Wagner (2003a), p. 248.
[191] Zecker (2007), p. 106.
[192] Buhle and Wagner (2003b), p. 194.
[193] "HUAC Hollywood Investigation Testimony, October 1947: Unfriendly Witnesses—Howard Lawson (Screenwriter)" (http:/ / www.
authentichistory. com/ 1946-1960/ 4-cwhomefront/ 1-reactionism/ 19471000_HUAC_Hollywood_Testimony. html). Authentic History
Center. October 29, 1947. . Retrieved 2010-10-14.
[194] Navasky (1980), pp. 101–2.
[195] Cook (1971), p. 13.
[196] Cohen (2004), p. 179.
[197] Boyer (1996); Navasky (1980), p. 74; Cogley (1956), p. 124.
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•
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•
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Further reading
• Berg, Sandra (2006). "When Noir Turned Black" (interview with Jules Dassin), Written By (November) (available
online (http://www.wga.org/writtenby/writtenbysub.aspx?id=2247)).
• Bernstein, Walter (2000). Inside Out: A Memoir of the Blacklist. New York: Da Capo. ISBN 0-306-80936-2
• Briley, Ronald (1994). "Reel History and the Cold War", OAH Magazine of History 8 (winter) (available online
(http://www.oah.org/pubs/magazine/coldwar/briley1.html)).
• Georgakas, Dan (1992). "Hollywood Blacklist", in Encyclopedia of the American Left, ed. Mari Jo Buhle, Paul
Buhle, and Dan Georgakas. Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press (available online (http://www.
writing.upenn.edu/~afilreis/50s/blacklist.html)). ISBN 0-252-06250-7
• Kahn, Gordon (1948). Hollywood on Trial: The Story of the 10 Who Were Indicted. New York: Boni & Gaer
(excerpted online (http://www.cobbles.com/simpp_archive/huac_committee-of-five.htm)). ISBN
0-405-03921-2
• Leab, Daniel J., with guide by Robert E. Lester (1991). Communist Activity in the Entertainment Industry: FBI
Surveillance Files on Hollywood, 1942–1958. Bethesda, Maryland: University Publications of America (available
online (http://www.lexisnexis.com/documents/academic/upa_cis/1708_FBIFilesCommActsEntertain.pdf)).
ISBN 1-55655-414-1
• Murray, Lawrence L. (1975). "Monsters, Spys, and Subversives: The Film Industry Responds to the Cold War,
1945–1955", Jump Cut 9 (available online (http://www.ejumpcut.org/archive/onlinessays/JC09folder/
ColdWarFilms.html)).
• "Seven-Year Justice", Time, July 6, 1962 (available online (http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/
0,9171,940029,00.html)).
32
Hollywood blacklist
External links
• Albert Maltz's HUAC Testimony (http://wps.prenhall.com/wps/media/objects/108/110880/ch26_a5_d1.
pdf) transcript of the writer's testimony (preceded by excerpts of actor Ronald Reagan's testimony—see below for
link to complete Reagan transcript)
• "Congressional Committees and Unfriendly Witnesses" (http://www.writing.upenn.edu/~afilreis/50s/
congcomms.html) detailed examination of legal issues involved in HUAC proceedings by historian Ellen
Schrecker
• "McCarthy Era Blacklist Victims, Peace Groups, Academics, and Media File Amicus Briefs in CCR Case" (http:/
/ccrjustice.org/newsroom/press-releases/
mccarthy-era-blacklist-victims,-peace-groups,-academics,-and-media-file-amic) news release focused on 2009
brief filed by former blacklistees including Irwin Corey in Holder v. Humanitarian Law Project Supreme Court
free speech case
• Ronald Reagan's HUAC Testimony (http://www.twcnet.edu/cschutz/history-page/Consensus/
Reagan-huac-testimony.html) transcript of the actor's testimony of October 23, 1947
• "Seeing Red" (http://www.pbs.org/newshour/bb/entertainment/july-dec97/blacklist_10-24.html) transcript
of excerpts from PBS documentary The Legacy of the Hollywood Blacklist and interview by NewsHour
correspondent Elizabeth Farnsworth with two blacklisted artists, writer/producer Paul Jarrico and actress Marsha
Hunt
33
Alger Hiss
34
Alger Hiss
Alger Hiss
Alger Hiss testifying
Born
November 11, 1904
Baltimore, Maryland, United States
Died
November 15, 1996 (aged 92)
New York City, New York, United States
Education Baltimore City College high school
Johns Hopkins University
Harvard Law School
Spouse
Priscilla Fansler Hobson (1903–1984)
(m. 1929–1984)
Isabel Johnson (m. 1985–1996)
Children
Tony Hiss
Parents
Mary Lavinia Hughes
Charles Alger Hiss
Relatives
Bosley Hiss, brother
Donald Hiss, brother
Anna Hiss, sister
Mary Ann Hiss, sister
Alger Hiss (November 11, 1904 – November 15, 1996) was an American lawyer, government official, author, and
lecturer. He was involved in the establishment of the United Nations both as a U.S. State Department and U.N.
official. Hiss was accused of being a Soviet spy in 1948 and convicted of perjury in connection with this charge in
1950.
On August 3, 1948, Whittaker Chambers, a former Communist Party member, testified under subpoena before the
House Committee on Un-American Activities (HUAC) that Hiss had secretly been a Communist while in federal
service. Chambers had previously testified under oath that Hiss had never been a Communist or a spy, and Chambers
would admit, under oath, to other instances where he had committed perjury under oath. Called before HUAC, Hiss
categorically denied the charge. When Chambers repeated his claim on nationwide radio, Hiss filed a defamation
lawsuit against him.
During the pretrial discovery process, Chambers produced new evidence indicating that he and Hiss had been
involved in espionage, which both men had previously denied under oath to HUAC. A federal grand jury indicted
Hiss on two counts of perjury; Chambers admitted to the same offense but, as a cooperating government witness,
was never charged. Although Hiss's indictment stemmed from the alleged espionage, he could not be tried for that
crime because the statute of limitations had expired. After a mistrial due to a hung jury, Hiss was tried a second time.
In January 1950, he was found guilty on both counts of perjury and received two concurrent five-year sentences, of
Alger Hiss
which he eventually served three and a half years. Hiss maintained his innocence until his death.
Arguments about the case and the validity of the verdict took center stage in broader debates about the Cold War,
McCarthyism, and the extent of Soviet espionage in the United States.[1] Since Hiss's conviction, statements by
involved parties and newly exposed evidence have added to the dispute. Although in 2001, the New York Times
identified what it called a "growing consensus that Hiss, indeed, had most likely been a Soviet agent,"[2] eight years
earlier historian David Halberstam observed that many relevant files were and would continue to be unavailable,
including "ironically—even though the House Un-American Activities committee is long defunct—HUAC’s own
documents. These were sealed in 1976 for an additional fifty years. Until we have full access, the Hiss controversy
will continue to be debated."[3]
Early life and career
Hiss was born in Baltimore, Maryland, to Mary Lavinia Hughes, who came from an old Maryland family, and
Charles Alger Hiss, an executive in a wholesale dry goods company. When Alger was two years old, his father
committed suicide and his mother was obliged to rely on her inheritance and assistance from family members to
raise her five children. They lived in a Baltimore neighborhood described by biographer G. Edward White as one of
"shabby gentility". Though his childhood was shadowed by early loss, Hiss became a high performing and popular
student. (The family experienced two further tragedies when he was in his twenties: his elder brother Bosley died of
Bright's disease and his sister Mary Ann committed suicide.)[4] Hiss attended Baltimore City College (high school)
and Johns Hopkins University, where he was voted "most popular student" by his classmates and graduated Phi Beta
Kappa. In 1929, he received his law degree from Harvard Law School, where he was a protégé of Felix Frankfurter,
the future U.S. Supreme Court justice. During his time at Harvard, the famous murder trial of anarchists Nicola
Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti transpired, which ended in their conviction and execution. Like Frankfurter, who
wrote a book about the case, and many prominent liberals of the day, Hiss maintained that Sacco and Vanzetti were
convicted unjustly.
In 1929, Hiss married Priscilla Fansler Hobson, a Bryn Mawr graduate and grade school teacher. Priscilla,
previously married to Thayer Hobson, had a three-year-old son, Timothy. Hiss and Priscilla had known each other
before her marriage to Hobson. Hiss served for a year as clerk to Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr.,
before joining Choate, Hall & Stewart, a Boston law firm.
During the era of President Franklin Delano Roosevelt's New Deal, Hiss became a government attorney. In 1933, he
served briefly at the Justice Department and then became a temporary assistant on the Senate's Nye Committee,
investigating cost overruns and alleged profiteering by military contractors during World War I.[5] During this
period, Hiss was also a member of the liberal legal team headed by Jerome Frank that defended the Agricultural
Adjustment Administration (AAA) against challenges to its legitimacy. Because of intense opposition from
agribusiness in Arkansas, Frank and his left-wing assistants, who included future labor lawyer Lee Pressman, were
fired in 1935 in what came to be known as "the purge of liberals".[6] Hiss was not fired, but allegations that during
this period he was connected with radicals on the Agriculture Department's legal team were to be the source of future
misfortune.
In 1936, Alger Hiss and his younger brother Donald Hiss began working under Cordell Hull in the State Department.
Alger was an assistant to Assistant Secretary of State Francis B. Sayre (son-in-law of Woodrow Wilson) and then
special assistant to the director of the Office of Far Eastern Affairs. In 1944, Hiss was named Director of the Office
of Special Political Affairs, a policy-making entity devoted to planning for post-war international organizations, Hiss
served as executive secretary of the Dumbarton Oaks Conference, which drew up plans for the future United
Nations. In November 1944, Hull, who had led the United Nations project, retired as secretary of state due to poor
health and was succeeded by Undersecretary of State Edward Stettinius.
In February 1945, as a member of the U.S. delegation headed by Stettinius, Hiss attended the Yalta Conference,
where the Big Three, Franklin D. Roosevelt, Joseph Stalin, and Winston Churchill, met to coordinate strategy to
35
Alger Hiss
defeat Adolf Hitler and consolidate their alliance to forestall any possibility, now that the Soviets had entered
German territory, that any of them might make a separate peace with the Nazi regime. Negotiations addressed the
postwar division of Europe and configuration of its borders; reparations and de-Nazification; and the still unfinished
plans, carried over from Dumbarton Oaks, for the United Nations. Hiss, whose work at Yalta was limited to the
United Nations, drafted a memorandum arguing against Stalin's proposal (made at Dumbarton Oaks)[7] to give one
vote to each of the 16 Soviet republics in the U.N. General Assembly. Fearing isolation, Stalin hoped thus to
counterbalance the votes of the many countries of the British Empire, whom he anticipated would vote with Britain,
and those of Latin America, who could be expected to vote in lockstep with the United States.[8] In the final
compromise offered by Roosevelt and Stettinius and accepted by Stalin, the Soviets obtained three votes: one each
for the Soviet Union itself, the Ukrainian SSR, and the Byelorussian SSR.[9]
Hiss was secretary-general of the San Francisco United Nations Conference on International Organization (the
United Nations Charter Conference), which began on April 25, 1945, and then became the full director of the OSPA.
In 1946, he left government service to become president of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, where
he served until May 5, 1949, when he was forced to step down.
Accusation of espionage
On August 3, 1948, Whittaker Chambers, a former Communist Party member who had become fervently
anti-Communist, appeared before the House Committee on Un-American Activities (HUAC) to denounce Alger
Hiss. A senior editor at Time magazine, Chambers had written a scathingly satirical editorial critical of the Yalta
agreements,[10] Chambers asserted that he had known Hiss as a member of "an underground organization of the
United States Communist Party" in the 1930s.[11] The group, which Chambers called the "Ware Group", had been
organized by agriculturalist Harold Ware, an American Communist intent on organizing black and white tenant
farmers in the American South against exploitation and debt peonage by the cotton industry (Ware had died in 1935).
According to Chambers, "the purpose of this group at that time was not primarily espionage. Its original purpose was
the Communist infiltration of the American Government. But espionage was certainly one of its eventual
objectives".[12]As historian Tim Weiner, points out: "This was a crucial point. Infiltration and invisible political
influence were immoral, but arguably not illegal. Espionage was treason, traditionally punishable by death. The
distinction was not lost on the cleverest member of HUAC, Congressman Richard Nixon . . . . He had been studying
the FBI’s files for five months, courtesy of J. Edgar Hoover. Nixon launched his political career in hot pursuit of Hiss
and the secret Communists of the New Deal."[13]
Rumors had circulated about Hiss since 1939, when Chambers went to Assistant Secretary of State Adolf A. Berle,
Jr. and accused Hiss of having belonged to an underground Communist cell at the Department of Agriculture.[14] In
1942, Chambers repeated this allegation to the FBI. In 1945 two other sources appeared to implicate Hiss. In
September, 1945, a Belorussian cipher clerk for the Soviet Embassy named Igor Gouzenko defected from the Soviet
Union to Canada. Gouzenko reported that an unnamed assistant (or more precisely an "assistant to an assistant") to
U.S. Secretary of State Stettinius was a Soviet agent. Hoover assumed he was referring to Alger Hiss.[15] Three
months later (in December of 1945), Elizabeth Bentley, an American spy for the Soviet Union who served also as
courier between Communist groups,[16] told the FBI, as documented in the FBI Silvermaster File that, "At this time
Kramer told me that the person who had originally taken Glasser away from Perlo's group was named Hiss and that
he was in the U.S. State Department".[17] Bentley also said that the man in question, whom she called "Eugene Hiss"
worked in the State Department and was an advisor to Dean Acheson. In both cases (Gouzenko and Bentley), the
FBI decided that Alger Hiss was the likely match.[11][18] Hoover put a wiretap on Hiss's home phone and had him
and his wife investigated and tailed for the next two years.[19]
In response to Chambers's accusations, Hiss protested his innocence and insisted on appearing before HUAC to clear
himself. Testifying on August 5, 1948, he denied having ever been a Communist or having personally met
Chambers. Under fire from President Truman and the press, the Committee was reluctant to proceed with its
36
Alger Hiss
37
investigation against so eminent a man.[20] Committee member Richard Nixon, however, a Congressman from
California, who later described Hiss's demeanor that day as, "insolent", "condescending", and "insulting in the
extreme", wanted to press on.[21] Nixon had received secret information about the FBI's suspicions from John
Francis Cronin, a Roman Catholic priest who had infiltrated labor unions in Baltimore during World War II to report
on Communist activities and had been given access to FBI files.[11][22] Writing in a paper titled "The Problem Of
American Communism In 1945" Cronin wrote, "In the State Department, the most influential Communist has been
Alger Hiss.[23]
With some reluctance, the Committee voted to make Nixon chair of a subcommittee that would seek to determine
who was lying, Hiss or Chambers, at least on the question of whether they knew one another.[24]
Shown a photograph of Chambers, Hiss conceded that the face "might look familiar" and asked to see Chambers in
person. Confronted with him in person in a hotel elevator with HUAC representatives present, Hiss admitted that he
had indeed known Chambers, but under the name "George Crosley", a man who represented himself as a freelance
writer. Hiss said that in the mid-1930s he had sublet his apartment to this "Crosley" and had given him an old
car.[11][25] Chambers, for his part, denied on the stand ever having used the alias Crosley, though he admitted to
Hiss's lawyers in private testimony that it could have been one of his pen names.[26] When Hiss and Chambers both
appeared before a HUAC subcommittee on August 17, 1948, they had the following exchange:
HISS. Did you ever go under the name of George Crosley?
CHAMBERS. Not to my knowledge.
HISS. Did you ever sublet an apartment on Twenty-ninth Street from me?
CHAMBERS. No; I did not.
HISS. You did not?
CHAMBERS. No.
HISS. Did you ever spend any time with your wife and child in an apartment on Twenty-ninth Street in Washington when I was not there
because I and my family were living on P Street?
CHAMBERS. I most certainly did.
HISS. You did or did not?
CHAMBERS. I did.
HISS. Would you tell me how you reconcile your negative answers with this affirmative answer?
[27]
CHAMBERS. Very easily, Alger. I was a Communist and you were a Communist.
Chambers's statements, because they were made in a congressional hearing, were privileged against defamation
suits; Hiss challenged Chambers to repeat them without benefit of such protection. When, on the national radio
program Meet the Press, Chambers publicly called Hiss a Communist, Hiss instituted a libel lawsuit against him.
Chambers retaliated by claiming Hiss was not merely a Communist but also a spy, a charge he had not made earlier;
and, on November 17, 1948, he produced, to support his explosive allegations, physical evidence consisting of
sixty-five pages of re-typed State Department documents plus four in Hiss's own handwriting of copied State
Department cables. These became known as the "Baltimore documents." He claimed Hiss had given them to him in
1938 and that Priscilla had retyped them on the Hisses' Woodstock typewriter to pass along to the Soviets.[11] In their
previous testimony, both Chambers and Hiss had denied having committed espionage. By introducing the Baltimore
documents, Chambers admitted he had previously lied, opening both Hiss and himself to perjury charges. Chambers
also gave a new date for his own break with the Communist Party, an important point in his accusations against Hiss.
For over nine years, beginning September 1, 1939, he claimed to have quit the Party in 1937. Chambers now claimed
the actual date was 1938, the year of the Baltimore documents.[28][29]
On December 2, Chambers led HUAC investigators to a pumpkin patch on his Maryland farm; from a hollowed-out
pumpkin in which he had hidden them the previous day, he produced five rolls of 35 mm film that he said came from
Alger Hiss
Hiss in 1938, as well. While some of the film was undeveloped and some contained images of trivial content such as
publicly available Navy documents concerning the painting of fire extinguishers, there were also images of State
Department documents that were classified at the time. As a consequence of the revelation's dramatic staging, both
the film and the Baltimore documents soon became known collectively as the "Pumpkin Papers".[11]
Perjury trials and conviction
The grand jury charged Hiss with two
counts of perjury—it did not indict him for
espionage since the statute of limitations had
run out. Chambers was never charged with a
crime. Hiss went to trial twice. The first trial
started on May 31, 1949, and ended in a
hung jury on July 7. Chambers admitted on
the witness stand that he had previously
committed perjury several times while he
was under oath, including deliberately
falsifying key dates in his story. Hiss's
character witnesses at his first trial included
such notables as future Democratic
presidential candidate Adlai Stevenson,
Supreme Court Justice Felix Frankfurter,
Alger Hiss in Lewisburg Federal Penitentiary
and former Democratic presidential
(Photos courtesy of the Federal Bureau of Prisons)
candidate John W. Davis. President Truman
famously called the trial "a red herring"[30]
The second trial, under a new judge, lasted from November 17, 1949, to January 21, 1950.
At both trials, a key to the prosecution case was testimony from expert witnesses stating that identifying
characteristics of the typed Baltimore documents matched samples typed on a typewriter owned by the Hisses at the
time of his alleged espionage work with Chambers. The prosecution also presented as evidence the typewriter itself.
Given away years earlier, it had been located by defense investigators.
In the second trial, Hede Massing, an Austrian-born confessed Soviet spy who was being threatened with
deportation, and whom the first judge had not permitted to testify, provided some slight corroboration of Chambers's
story. She recounted meeting Hiss at a party in 1935.[29] Massing also described how Hiss had tried to recruit Noel
Field, another Soviet spy at State, to switch from Massing's ring to his own.[31]
This time the jury found Hiss guilty by an eight-to-four vote on both perjury counts. "That, according to one of
Hiss’s friends and lawyers, Helen Buttenweiser, was the only time that she had ever seen Alger shocked – stunned
by the fact that eight of his fellow citizens did not believe him."[32] According to Anthony Summers, "Hiss spoke
only two sentences in court after he had been found guilty. The first was to thank the judge. The second was to assert
that one day in the future it would be disclosed how forgery by typewriter had been committed."[33]
On January 25, 1950, Hiss was sentenced to five years' imprisonment.
At a subsequent press conference, Secretary of State Dean Acheson reacted emotionally, affirming, "I do not intend
to turn my back on Alger Hiss”. Acheson quoted Jesus in the Bible: “I was a Stranger and ye took me in: Naked, and
ye clothed me; I was sick and ye visited me, I was in prison and ye came unto me." Acheson's remarks enraged
Nixon, who accused him of blasphemy."[34] The verdict was upheld by the United States Court of Appeals for the
Second Circuit (case citation 185 F.2d 822), and the Supreme Court of the United States denied a writ of certiorari
(340 U.S. 948).
38
Alger Hiss
The case heightened public concern about Soviet espionage penetration of the U.S. government in the 1930s and
1940s. As a well-educated and highly connected government official from an old American family, Alger Hiss did
not fit the profile of a typical spy. Publicity surrounding the case thrust Richard M. Nixon into the public spotlight,
helping him move from the U.S. House of Representatives to the U.S. Senate in 1950, and to the vice presidency of
the United States in 1952. Senator Joseph McCarthy made his famous Wheeling, West Virginia, speech two weeks
after the Hiss verdict, launching his career as the nation's most visible anti-communist.
Incarceration
Although he had been sentenced to five years' imprisonment, Hiss served only three years and eight months in
Lewisburg Federal Prison. He was released from prison on November 27, 1954.
While in prison, Hiss acted as a voluntary attorney, advisor, and tutor for many of his fellow inmates.
Post-incarceration
After his release in 1954, Hiss, who had been disbarred, worked as a salesman for a the stationery company S.
Novick & Sons located in the Puck Building, 225 Lafayett St. in New York City. In 1957 he published In the Court
of Public Opinion, a book challenging in detail the prosecution's case against him, and maintaining the typewritten
documents traced to his typewriter had been forged. Hiss separated from his first wife, Priscilla, in 1959, though they
remained married until her death in 1984. The following year, he married Isabel Johnson, who had been living with
him since soon after they met in 1960.[35]
On November 11, 1962, following Richard Nixon's failed 1962 bid for governor of California, Hiss appeared in a
segment titled (prematurely) "The Political Obituary of Richard M. Nixon" on the Howard K. Smith: News and
Comment show on ABC television. His appearance led sponsors to withdraw from Smith's program when viewers
bombarded ABC with complaints about letting a convicted perjurer appear on the air. Smith's show was cancelled in
June 1963.[36] The five rolls of 35 mm film known as the "pumpkin papers" had been characterized as highly
classified and too sensitive to reveal and were thought until late 1974 to be locked in HUAC files. In 1975,
independent researcher Stephen W. Salant, an economist at the University of Michigan, sued the U.S. Justice
Department when it denied his request for access to them under the Freedom of Information Act. On July 31, 1975,
as a result of this lawsuit and follow-on suits filed by Peter Irons and by Alger Hiss and William Reuben, the Justice
Department released copies of the "pumpkin papers" that had been used to implicate Hiss. One roll of film turned out
to be totally blank due to overexposure,[37] two others are faintly legible copies of nonclassified Navy Department
documents relating to such subjects as life rafts and fire extinguishers, and the remaining two are photographs of the
State Department documents that had been introduced at the two Hiss trials.[38] A few days after the release of the
Pumpkin Papers, on August 5, 1975, Hiss was readmitted to the Massachusetts bar. The state's Supreme Judicial
Court overruled its Committee of Bar Overseers[39] and stated in a unanimous decision that, despite his conviction,
Hiss had demonstrated the "moral and intellectual fitness" required to be an attorney. Hiss was the first lawyer ever
readmitted to the Massachusetts bar after a major criminal conviction.[11]
In 1988 Hiss wrote an autobiography, Recollections of a Life. He maintained his innocence and fought his perjury
conviction until his death at age 92, when he died of emphysema on November 15, 1996, at Lenox Hill Hospital in
New York City.[40][41] His friends and family continue to insist on his innocence.
39
Alger Hiss
Later evidence, for and against
Testimony by Bullitt and Weyl
In 1952, former US Ambassador to France William C. Bullitt testified before the McCarran Committee (the Senate
Internal Security Subcommittee) that in 1939, Premier Édouard Daladier had advised him of French intelligence
reports that two State Department officials named Hiss were Soviet agents. Daladier, however, when asked about it
the next day, denied this.[42] Economist Nathaniel Weyl, a former Communist Party member "at large" who had
worked for the Department of Agriculture during the early days of the New Deal and who later became staunchly
anti-Communist, also appeared before the McCarran Committee. Weyl testified that in 1933 he had belonged to a
secret Communist Party unit along with Harold Ware and Lee Pressman, and he confirmed that Alger Hiss had also
attended meetings. Weyl's is thus the only testimony appearing to corroborate some of Chambers' allegations. Two
years earlier (in 1950), however, Weyl had written an anti-Communist book, Treason: The Story of Disloyalty and
Betrayal in American History, that did not mention the Ware Group. Moreover, in this book, published shortly after
Hiss's conviction, Weyl expressed doubt that Alger Hiss was guilty of espionage. Weyl referred to the Ware group as
a "Marxist discussion group."[29][43][44]
Questions raised about the typewriter in the motion for a new trial
At both trials FBI typewriter experts testified that the Baltimore documents in Chambers's possession matched
samples of typing done in the 1930s by Priscilla Hiss on the Hisses' home typewriter, a Woodstock brand. As early
as December 1948 the chief investigator for the Hiss defense, Horace W. Schmahl, set off a race to find Hiss's
typewriter.[45] The FBI, with superior resources was also searching for the typewriter, which the Hiss family had
discarded some years earlier. Nevertheless, Schmahl, was able to track it down first, and the Hiss defense introduced
it with the intention of showing that its typeface would not be a match for that on the FBI's documents. Surprisingly,
however, the typefaces proved to be an excellent match and seemed to confirm the FBI's evidence. Schmahl
subsequently changed sides and went to work for the prosecution.
After Hiss had gone to prison, his lawyer, Chester T. Lane, acting on a tip he had received from someone who had
worked with Schmahl that Hiss might have been framed, filed a motion in January 1952 for a new trial.[46] Lane
sought to show that (1) forgery by typewriter was feasible and (2) such forgery had occurred in the Hiss case.
Unaware that the feasibility of such forgeries had already been established throughout the War by the military
intelligence services which engaged in such practices, the Hiss defense sought to establish feasibility directly by
hiring a civilian typewriter expert, Martin Tytell, to create a typewriter that would be indistinguishable from the one
the Hisses owned. Tytell spent two years creating a facsimile Woodstock typewriter whose print characteristics
would match the peculiarities of the Hiss typewriter.[47]
To demonstrate that forgery by typewriter was no mere a theoretical possibility but had actually occurred in the Hiss
case, the defense sought to show that Exhibit #UUU was not Hiss's old machine but a newer one altered to type like
it. According to former Woodstock executives, the production date of a machine could be inferred from the
machine's serial number. The serial number on the Exhibit #UUU typewriter indicated that it would have been
manufactured after the man who sold the Hiss machine had retired from the company and the salesman insisted that
he sold no typewriters after his retirement. Decades later, when FBI files were disclosed under the Freedom of
Information Act, it turned out that the FBI had also doubted that the trial exhibit was Hiss's machine and for exactly
the same reasons; although the FBI expressed these concerns internally as the first trial was about to begin, the
public did not learn about the FBI's doubts until the mid-1970s.[48]
To explain why typing from Exhibit #UUU seemed indistinguishable from the typing on Hiss's old machine, Lane
assembled experts prepared to testify that Exhibit #UUU had been tampered with in a way inconsistent with
professional repair work to make it type like Hiss's old typewriter. In addition, experts were prepared to testify that
Priscilla Hiss was not the typist of the Baltimore documents.[49]
40
Alger Hiss
41
In summarizing the conclusions of the forensic experts he had assembled in his motion for a new trial, Lane told the
court, "I no longer just question the authenticity of Woodstock N230099. I now say to the Court that Woodstock
N230099 — the typewriter in evidence at the trials — is a fake machine. I present in affidavit form, and will be able
to produce at the hearing, expert testimony that this machine is a deliberately fabricated job, a new type face on an
old body. This being so, it can only have been planted on the defense by or on behalf of Whittaker Chambers as part
of his plot for the false incrimination of Alger Hiss."[50]
In July, 1952 Judge Goddard — expressing great skepticism that Chambers had the resources and know-how to
commit forgery by typewriter and would have known where to plant such a fake machine so it would be found —
denied Hiss's motion for a new trial. Professor Irving Younger wrote, "To leave the counterfeit Woodstock lying
about for the defense to pick up and examine would serve only to expose the whole scheme to the risk of
discovery—and for no reason."[11] Judge Goddard never entertained the possibility that the prosecution, or as some
now suggest, Military Intelligence (the CIC), not Chambers, might have planted the evidence.
In his 1976 memoir, former White House counsel John Dean states that President Nixon's chief counsel Charles
Colson told him that Nixon had admitted in a conversation that HUAC had fabricated a typewriter, saying, "We built
one on the Hiss case."[51] According to author Anthony Summers, "When Dean’s book was published, Colson
protested that he had 'no recollection of Nixon’s having said the typewriter was "phonied",' and Nixon himself
characterized the claim as 'totally false.' Dean, however, insisted that his contemporary notes confirmed that Colson
had quoted the president as he indicated and seemed serious when he did so."[52] Summers and others suggest that
Dean's version of events is plausible: "'Had Nixon asked the FBI to manufacture evidence to prove his case against
Hiss,' opined former FBI Assistant Director Sullivan, 'Hoover would actually been only too glad to oblige'. As to
whether Nixon would actually have gone as far as to frame Hiss," Summers notes that, "the later record includes
disquieting instances of forgery or planting false information."[53] Cold War historian John V. Fleming disagrees,
arguing that on the White House tapes Nixon never says anything that would have corroborated Colson's statement
to John Dean about forging a typewriter in the Hiss case. Fleming and others maintain that the indistinct phrase
during a conversation with John Dean that sounded to certain transcribers like "we made a typewriter" is actually a
reference to Hiss's legal team.[54] Throughout the tapes Nixon stresses how he had tried Hiss in the press, not the law
courts, because that's how these things were done:
We won the Hiss case in the papers. We did. I had to leak stuff all over the place. Because the Justice Department would not
prosecute it. Hoover didn’t even cooperate. . . It was won in the papers.I leaked out the papers. . . . I leaked out the testimony. I had
Hiss convicted before he ever got to the grand jury. . . . Go back and read the chapter on the Hiss case in [his book] Six Crises and
[55]
you’ll see how it was done. It wasn’t done waiting for the goddamn courts or the attorney general or the FBI.
According to Anthony Summers[56]:
The one substantive piece of information indicating typewriter forgery features the OSS and its chief, William Donovan. In late
1948, when the Hiss defense and the FBI began hunting for the Woodstock typewriter, a man named Horace Schmahl jointed the
defense team as an investigator. Schmahl had worked for either the OSS or army intelligence during the war, then joined the
Central Intelligence Group, which operated between the closedown of the OSS and the inception of the CIA. After his stint for the
[57]
Hiss side, Schmahl defected to the prosecution team..
Alger Hiss
Evidence of government misconduct
Based on Justice Department documents released in 1976, the Hiss defense filed a petition in federal court in July
1978 for a writ of coram nobis, asking that the guilty verdict be overturned due to prosecutorial misconduct. In 1982,
the Federal Court denied the petition, and in 1983 the U.S. Supreme Court declined to hear the appeal. In the writ,
Hiss's attorneys argued the following:
•
The FBI illegally withheld important evidence from the Hiss defense team, specifically that typewritten documents could be forged. Unknown
to the defense, military intelligence operatives in World War II, a decade before the trials, "could reproduce faultlessly the imprint of any
[58]
typewriter on earth."
•
With regard to the Woodstock No. 230099 typewriter introduced as Exhibit #UUU by the defense at the trial, the FBI knew there was an
[11]
inconsistency between its serial number and the manufacture date of Hiss's machine but illegally withheld this information from Hiss.
•
That the FBI had an informer on the Hiss defense team, a private detective named Horace W. Schmahl. Hired by the Hiss defense team,
[59]
Schmahl reported on the Hiss defense strategy to the government.
•
That the FBI had conducted illegal surveillance of Hiss before and during the trials, including phone taps and mail openings. Also that the
prosecution had withheld from Hiss and his lawyers the records of this surveillance, none of which provided any evidence that Hiss was a spy
[60]
or a Communist.
Federal Judge Owen, In denying Hiss's coram nobis petition, quoted verbatim two points made by Judge Goddard in
denying Hiss's appeal for a a new trial 30 years earlier, namely that "there is not a trace of any evidence that
Chambers had the mechanical skills, tools, equipment or material for such a difficult task [as typewriter forgery]",
moreover, "If Chambers had constructed a duplicate machine how would he have known where to plant it so that it
would be found by Hiss?"
Stephen Salant, whose FOIA requests had revealed to the public the contents of the "pumpkin papers", has
documented that Schmahl was a trained Army "spy-catcher" (as they called themselves), a special agent in the
Counter Intelligence Corps (CIC). While on the payroll of the Hiss defense and searching for Hiss's typewriter,
Schmahl confided to the FBI that his "present employment" in December 1948 was with Military Intelligence; his
claim has not yet been independently verified.[61][62] At the Military Intelligence Training Center, CIC agents
learned the rudiments of forgery how to detect it through the matching of typed samples to the typewriter that
produced them, etc.[63] During the 1940s the CIC's domestic surveillance of civilians was extensive but so covert that
it usually escaped notice. When detected, undercover CIC agents were often mistaken for FBI agents, since only the
Bureau was authorized to investigate civilians.[64] During the 1930s Army counterintelligence monitored another
suspected Communist connected to Chambers, Franklin Vincent Reno, a civilian employed at the Aberdeen Proving
Ground, who shortly afterwards passed information about Army weapons to Chambers.[65] It is not known if Army
counterintelligence monitored Chambers’ other associates, but when Hiss presided over the UN Charter Conference,
more than a hundred undercover CIC agents were in attendance.[66] Unlike the FBI, Military Intelligence had
extensive experience forging typed documents, since every agent behind enemy lines during World War II required
phony documentation to support his cover story. Moreover, with its special agent initiating the search for Hiss's
typewriter while disguised as Chief Investigator for the Hiss defense, Military Intelligence could have planted forged
evidence without arousing suspicion. Thus, the judges' reasons for disregarding forensic evidence of forgery do not
apply to Military Intelligence. In the future, some of the misconduct previously attributed to the FBI by Hiss and his
defenders may turn out to have been the work of Army counterintelligence.
42
Alger Hiss
43
Soviet archives
After the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, Alger Hiss petitioned General Dmitry Antonovich Volkogonov,
who had become President Yeltsin's military advisor and the overseer of all the Soviet intelligence archives, to
request the release of any Soviet files on the Hiss case. Both former President Nixon and the director of his
presidential library, John H. Taylor, wrote similar letters, though their full contents are not yet publicly available.
Russian archivists responded by reviewing their files, and in late 1992 reported back that they had found no evidence
Hiss ever engaged in espionage for the Soviet Union nor that he was a member of the Communist Party. However,
Volkogonov subsequently stated he spent only two days on the search and had mainly relied on the word of KGB
archivists. "What I saw gave me no basis to claim a full clarification", he said. Referring to Hiss's lawyer, he added,
"John Lowenthal pushed me to say things of which I was not fully convinced."[67] General-Lieutenant Vitaly Pavlov,
who ran Soviet intelligence work in North America in the late 1930s and early 1940s for the NKVD, provided some
corroboration of the initial report in his memoirs, stating that Hiss never worked for the USSR as one of his
agents.[68] In 2003, retired Russian intelligence official General Julius Kobyakov disclosed that it was he who had
actually searched the files for Volkogonov. Kobyakov stated:
After carefull study of every reference to Mr. A.Hiss in the SVR(KGB-NKVD)archives, and querring
sister services, I prepared an answer to Mr. J.Lowenthal that in essence stated that Mr. A.Hiss had never
had any relationship with the SVR or its predecessors.[68]
In 2007, Svetlana Chervonnaya, a Russian researcher who had been studying Soviet archives since the early 1990s,
stated that Hiss' name was absent from Soviet archives.[69] In May 2009, at a conference hosted by the Wilson
Center, Mark Kramer, director of Cold War Studies at Harvard University at the John F. Kennedy School of
Government, stated that he did not "trust a word [Kobyakov] says,"[70] At the same conference, historian Ronald
Radosh reported that while researching the papers of Marshal Voroshilov's in Moscow, he and Mary Habeck had
encountered two GRU (Soviet military intelligence) files that referring to Alger Hiss as "our agent".[71]
Noel Field
In 1992, records were found in Hungarian Interior Ministry archives in which self-confessed Soviet spy Noel Field
named Alger Hiss as a fellow agent. An American citizen from a Quaker family who had grown up in Switzerland,
Field attended Harvard and worked in the US Foreign Service from 1929 until 1936, when he left the State
Department for a job at the League of Nations in Geneva, helping refugees from the Spanish Civil War. During
World War II, Field, who never concealed he was a Communist, headed a Unitarian Services organization to aid
displaced persons in Marseille, before fleeing to Geneva, where he collaborated with Allen Dulles of the OSS (who
was based in Bern). In 1948, when the Hiss trials started, Field and his German wife were still living in Switzerland.
By 1949 Field was broke, having been fired from the U.S.-based Unitarian Services Committee for his Communist
associations. Wishing to avoid returning to the United States and possibly having to testify before Congress, Field
traveled to in Prague, hoping to be hired as a lecturer at the Charles University.[72] Instead, he was seized by Stalinist
security services from Poland and Czechoslovakia and secretly imprisoned in Hungary. Field was accused of having
organized an anti-Communist resistance network in Eastern Europe for the OSS during the war and later for the new
CIA[73] and was held for five years in solitary confinement.[74] Repeatedly interrogated under rigorous torture, Field
broke down and confessed to being "head of the U.S. Secret Service", under his controller, Allen Dulles, "the famous
pro-Nazi OSS spymaster".[75] In written statements and oral transcripts Field made in final months of his captivity
Field also refers four times to Hiss as a Soviet agent, for example: "Around the summer of 1935 Alger Hiss tried to
induce me to do service for the Soviets. I was indiscreet enough to tell him he had come too late." This agreed with
Hede Massing's assertion to US authorities in 1947 that when she attempted to recruit Noel Field for one Soviet spy
network (the OGPU), Field had replied that he already worked for another (the GRU). (Massing repeated this story
at Hiss's second trial when she testified that at a party at Noel Field's house in 1935 she had obliquely joked with
Hiss about recruiting Noel Field.[76]) In 1954, the Hungarian secret police released Field, exonerating him. He then
Alger Hiss
formally wrote to the Communist Party's Central Committee in Moscow stating for the record that the tortures he had
undergone in captivity had made him "confess more and more lies as truth." Hiss's defenders argue that Field's
implications of Hiss may well have been among of those lies.[67][77] In 1957, Field personally wrote Hiss a letter
affirming his belief in the latter's innocence and calling Hede Massing's dinner party story "the false testimony of a
perjured witness" and an "outrageous lie".[78]
Venona and "ALES"
In 1995, the CIA and the NSA for the first time made public the existence of the World War II Venona project,
which, beginning in 1948, had decrypted or partially decrypted thousands of telegrams sent from 1942 to 1945 to the
primary Soviet foreign intelligence agency—for most of that period, the NKGB—by its U.S. operatives. Although
known to the FBI, VENONA had been kept secret even from President Truman. One cable, Venona #1822,
mentioned a Soviet spy codenamed "ALES" who worked with a group of "Neighbors"—members of another Soviet
intelligence organization, such as the military's GRU. FBI Special Agent Robert Lamphere,[79] who supervised the
FBI's spy chasing squad, concluded that the codename "ALES" was "probably Alger Hiss".[80][81]
In 1997, Allen Weinstein, in the second edition of his 1978 book Perjury: The Hiss-Chambers Case calls the Venona
evidence "persuasive but not conclusive".[11] The bipartisan Moynihan Commission on Government Secrecy, chaired
by Democratic Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan, however, stated in its findings that year: "The complicity of Alger
Hiss of the State Department seems settled. As does that of Harry Dexter White of the Treasury Department."[82] In
his 1998 book Secrecy: The American Experience, Moynihan wrote, "Belief in the guilt or innocence of Alger Hiss
became a defining issue in American intellectual life. Parts of the American government had conclusive evidence of
his guilt, but they never told."[83] In their numerous books, Harvey Klehr, professor of political science at Emory
University, and John Earl Haynes, historian of twentieth-century politics at the Library of Congress, have mounted
an energetic defense of Lamphere's conclusion that ALES indeed referred to Alger Hiss.[84] National Security
Agency analysts have also gone on record asserting that ALES could only have been Alger Hiss.[85] The Venona
transcript #1822, sent March 30, 1945, from the Soviets' Washington station chief to Moscow,[81] appears to indicate
that ALES attended the February 4–11, 1945, Yalta conference and then went to Moscow. Hiss did attend Yalta and
then traveled to Moscow with Secretary of State Stettinius.[86]
Some, however, question whether Venona #1822 constitutes definitive proof that ALES was Hiss. John Lowenthal
pointed out the following:
•
ALES was said to be the leader of a small group of espionage agents but, apart from using his wife as a typist and Chambers as courier, Hiss
[87]
was alleged by the prosecution to have acted alone.
•
ALES was a GRU (military intelligence) agent who obtained military intelligence and only rarely provided State Department material. In
contrast, during his trial, Alger Hiss, an employee of the State Department, was accused having obtained only non-military information, and
the papers he was accused of having passed to the Soviets on a regular basis were non-military, State Department documents.
•
Even had Hiss been a spy as alleged, after 1938 he would have been unlikely to have continued espionage activities as ALES did, since in
1938 Whittaker Chambers had broken with the Communist Party and gone into hiding, threatening to denounce his Communist Party
colleagues unless they followed suit. Had Hiss been ALES, his cover would thus have been in extreme jeopardy and it would have been too
risky for any Soviet agency to continue using him.
•
Recent information provided by Alexander Vassiliev places ALES in Mexico City at a time when Hiss was known to have been in
[88]
Washington.
Lowenthal suggests that ALES was not at the Yalta conference at all and that the cable instead was directed to Soviet
deputy foreign minister Andrey Vyshinsky.[89] According to Lowenthal, in paragraph six of Venona #1822, the GRU
asks Vyshinsky to get in touch with ALES to convey thanks from the GRU for a job well done — which would have
been unnecessary if ALES had actually gone to Moscow, because the GRU could have thanked him there in
person.[78] Eduard Mark of the Center for Air Force History hotly disputed this analysis.[90] In 2005 NSA released
the original Russian of the Venona texts. At a symposium held at the Center for Cryptologic History that year,
44
Alger Hiss
intelligence historian John R. Schindler concluded that the Russian text of Venona #1822, shows that ALES was
indeed at Yalta: "the identification of ALES as Alger Hiss, made by the U.S. Government more than a half-century
ago, seems exceptionally solid, based on the evidence now available; message 1822 is only one piece of that
evidence, yet a compelling one."[91] Rebutting Lowenthal, John Earl Haynes and Harvey Klehr argued that:
•
None of the evidence presented at the Hiss trial precludes the possibility that Hiss could have been an espionage agent after 1938 or that he
had only passed State Department documents after 1938.
•
Chambers's charges were not seriously investigated until 1945 when Elizabeth Bentley defected, so the Soviets could in theory have
considered it an acceptable risk for him continue his espionage work even after Chambers's 1938 defection.
•
Vyshinsky was not in the U.S. between Yalta and the time of the Venona message, and the message is from the Washington KGB station
[92]
reporting on a talk with ALES in the U.S., rendering Lowenthal's analysis impossible.
An earlier Venona document, #1579, had actually mentioned "HISS" by name. This partially decrypted cable
consists of fragments of a 1943 message from the GRU chief in New York to headquarters in Moscow and reads:
"from the State Department by name of HISS" (with "HISS" "spelled out in the Latin alphabet", according to a
footnote by the cryptanalysts). "HISS" could refer either to Alger or Donald Hiss, both State Department officials at
that time. Lowenthal argued that had Alger Hiss really been a spy the GRU would not have mentioned his real
name[78] in a coded transmission, since this was contrary to their usual practice.[84] At an April 2007 symposium,
authors Kai Bird and Svetlana Chervonnaya postulated that, based on the movements of officials present at Yalta,
Wilder Foote, a U.S. diplomat, not Hiss, was the best match for ALES.[93] They note Foote was in Mexico City
when a Soviet cable placed ALES there, whereas Hiss had left several days earlier for Washington (see above). In
response, Haynes and Klehr point out that Foote doesn't fit other aspects of the description of ALES and suggest that
the cable came from someone who managed KGB assets (rather than GRU assets like ALES) and may have been
mistaken when he stated that ALES was still in Mexico City.[94][95]
Oleg Gordievsky
In 1985, a high-ranking KGB agent, Oleg Gordievsky (b. 1938), in reality a British double agent, defected and wrote
a series of memoirs, in one of which, The KGB (1990), he recalled attending a lecture given before a KGB audience
by Iskhak Abdulovich Akhmerov, who identified Hiss as a World War II Soviet agent.[96] Gordievsky went further
and claimed that Hiss had the codename identity of "ALES". Appearing before the VENONA cables were made
public, this at first appeared to be independent corroboration of the codename, but it was later revealed that
Gordievsky's source for the ALES identity was an article by journalist Thomas Powell, who had seen National
Security Agency documents on VENONA years before their release.[97] Gordievsky's status as a reliable source was
challenged in the British media.[98]
Haynes, Klehr, and Vassiliev
In 2009 Haynes, Klehr, and Alexander Vassiliev came out with Spies: The Rise and Fall of the KGB in America,
based on KGB documents reportedly hand-copied by Vassiliev, a former KGB agent. The authors attempted to show
definitively that Alger Hiss had indeed been a Soviet spy and argue that KGB documents prove not only that Hiss
was the elusive ALES, but that he also went by the codenames "Jurist" and "Leonard" and worked for the GRU.
Some documentation brought back by Vassiliev also refers to Hiss by his actual name, leaving no room, in the
authors' opinion, for doubt about his guilt. Calling this the "massive weight of accumulated evidence", Haynes and
Klehr conclude that "to serious students of history continued claims for Hiss's innocence are akin to a terminal case
of ideological blindness."[99] In a review published in the Journal of Cold War Studies, military historian Eduard
Mark heartily concurred, stating that the documents "conclusively show that Hiss was, as Whittaker Chambers
charged more than six decades ago, an agent of Soviet military intelligence (GRU) in the 1930s."[100] Newsweek
magazine reported that civil rights historian David Garrow also concluded that, in his opinion, Spies "provides
irrefutable confirmation of [Hiss's] guilt."[101]
45
Alger Hiss
Other historians, such as D. D. Guttenplan, Jeff Kisseloff, and Amy Knight, however, assert that Spies' conclusions
were not borne out by the evidence and accused its authors of engaging in "shoddy" research.[102][103][104]
Guttenplan stresses that Haynes and Klehr never saw and cannot even prove the existence of the documents that
supposedly convict Hiss and others of espionage, but rather relied exclusively on handwritten notebooks authored by
Vassiliev during the time he was given access to the Soviet archives in the 1990s while he collaborated with
Weinstein. According to Guttenplan, Vassiliev could never explain how he managed, despite being required to leave
his files and notebooks in a safe at the KGB press office at the end of each day, to smuggle out the notebooks with
his extensive transcriptions of documents.[105]
Guttenplan also suggested, moreover, that Vassiliev might have omitted relevant facts and selectively replaced cover
names with his own notion of the real names of various persons.[105] According to Guttenplan, Boris Labusov, a
press officer of the SVR, the successor to the KGB, has stated that Vassiliev could not in the course of his research
have possibly "met the name of Alger Hiss in the context of some cooperation with some special services of the
Soviet Union."[105] Guttenplan also points out that Vasiliev admitted under oath in 2003 that he'd never seen a single
document linking Hiss with the cover name "Ales."[105]
Historian Jeff Kisseloff questions Haynes and Klehr's conclusion that Vassiliev's notes support Hede Massing's story
about talking to Hiss at a party in 1935 about recruiting their mutual friend and host Noel Field into the Communist
underground. According to Kisseloff, "all that the files Vassiliev saw really indicate is that she was telling yet
another version of her story in the 1930s. Haynes and Klehr never consider that, as an agent in Washington, D.C.,
who was having little success in the tasks assigned to her, she may have felt pressure back then to make up a few
triumphs to reassure her superiors."[106] Kisseloff also disputes Haynes and Klehr's linking of Hiss with former
Treasury Department official Harold Glasser, whom they allege was a Soviet agent.[107] Finally, Kisseloff states that
some of the evidence compiled by Haynes and Klehr actually tends to exonerate rather than convict Hiss. For
example, their book cites a KGB report from 1938 in which Iskhak Akhmerov, New York station chief, writes, "I
don't know for sure who Hiss is connected with."[108] Haynes and Klehr also claim that Hiss was the agent who used
the cover name "Doctor." According to Soviet sources, however, "Doctor" was a middle-aged Bessarabian Jew who
was educated in Vienna.[109]
Other historians felt that Haynes and Klehr's information was suspect because their publisher, Crown (a division of
Random House), obtained temporary and limited access to KGB files through a payment of money (amount
unspecified) to a pension fund for retired KGB agents, of whom Vassiliev, along with KGB archivist Volkogonov,
was one.[110] Other historians had not been permitted to verify Vassiliev's data. In 2002 Vassiliev sued John
Lowenthal for libel in a court of British law for publishing a journal article questioning his conclusions. Vassiliev
lost the case before a jury and was further reprimanded by The Times for trying to exert a "chilling effect" on
scholarship by resorting to the law courts.[111] Vassiliev has since also unsuccessfully sued Amazon.com for
publishing a customer review critical of his work.[112] In 1978, Victor Navasky interviewed six people Weinstein
had quoted in his book Perjury, who all claimed to have been misquoted by Weinstein.[113] One, Sam Krieger, won a
cash payment from Weinstein, who issued an apology and promised to correct future editions of his book and to
release his interview transcripts, which he subsequently failed to do.[114]
Footnotes
[1] Rosenbaum, Ron (2007-07-16). "Alger Hiss Rides Again" (http:/ / www. slate. com/ id/ 2170415/ pagenum/ all/ ). Slate. . Retrieved
2007-11-13.
[2] Barron, James (2001-08-16). "Online, the Hiss Defense Doesn't Rest" (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ 2001/ 08/ 16/ technology/
online-the-hiss-defense-doesn-t-rest. html?scp=1& sq=The Hiss defense doesn't rest& st=cse). The New York Times. . Retrieved 2009-08-29.
See also:
"...the vast majority [sic] of modern American historians today and particularly those specializing in domestic Cold War accept Chambers’
overall version of events." Oshinsky, David (2007-04-05). "Transcript, Alger Hiss and History, Inaugural Conference" (http:/ / www. nyu.
edu/ library/ bobst/ research/ tam/ hiss_david_oshinsky. pdf) (PDF). New York University, Center for the United States and the Cold War. .
"Yet the weight of historical evidence indicates that Hiss was ... a member of the communist underground and a Soviet spy." Elson, John
46
Alger Hiss
[3]
[4]
[5]
[6]
[7]
(1996-11-25). "Gentleman and Spy?" (http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ magazine/ article/ 0,9171,985571-1,00. html). Time. .
"In the end, the publication of the Venona intercepts ... settled the matter — to all but the truest of believers." Stanley I. Kutler (http:/ / www.
law. wisc. edu/ profiles/ sikutler@wisc. edu) (2004-08-06). "Rethinking the Story of Alger Hiss" (http:/ / writ. lp. findlaw. com/ books/
reviews/ 20040806_kutler. html). FindLaw. .
But:
"Most historians have conceded the argument to Weinstein. They have done so, however, not because the evidence against Hiss is clear and
definitive, but because the evidence box — filled as it is with a morass of circumstantial detail — leaves them the easy option of finding him
guilty of some form of espionage activity during his murky relationship with Chambers." Bird, Kai and Chervonnaya, Svetlana. "The Mystery
of Ales" (http:/ / www. theamericanscholar. org/ the-mystery-of-ales-2). American Scholar Summer 2007. .
and:
"The question of his guilt or innocence remains controversial." Svetlana Chervonnaya Hiss, Alger (1904 – 1996) (http:/ / www.
documentstalk. com/ wp/ hiss-alger-november-11-1904-november-15-1996) DocumentsTalk.com. Accessed: 2010-09-09.
David Halberstam, The Fifties (New York: Random House, 1993), p. 16.
White, G. Edward (2005). Alger Hiss's Looking-Glass Wars: The Covert Life of a Soviet Spy. Oxford University Press. pp. 3–4.
ISBN 0-19-518255-3.
See "Merchants of Death" (http:/ / www. senate. gov/ artandhistory/ history/ minute/ merchants_of_death. htm), on the U.S. Senate website.
The following year the Supreme Court ruled the AAA unconstitutional, though Congress reinstated it in 1938. See John C. Culver, John
Hyde, American Dreamer, a Life of Henry A. Wallace (New York: W. W. Norton) pp. 143–57.
"Hiss Identifies Yalta Notation" (http:/ / homepages. nyu. edu/ ~th15/ yalta2. html). New York Times. 1955. .
[8] Historian Fraser J. Harbutt recounts that at Dumbarton Oaks, "The consternation aroused by this Soviet demand (Stettinius recalled that it
burst upon the British and Americans "like a bombshell") is a telling illustration of the State Department's lack of imagination and foresight in
this area." Harbutt points out that FDR had been present in April 1917 when pre-Lenin Russia brought up the same issue during negotiations
for the League of Nations and argues that he and Stettinius ought to have anticipated and been prepared for it. See Fraser J. Harbutt, Yalta
1945: Europe and America at the Crossroads (Cambridge University Press, 2010) p. 261.
[9] Details of the final Yalta agreements on spheres of influence, hammered out at Tehran (1943), Moscow Conference (1944), and earlier, were
kept secret, even from Vice President Harry Truman. Instead, Roosevelt, aiming at getting domestic public opinion to support American
internationalism and the establishment of the United Nations, chose to publicize the deceptively optimistic "Declaration on Liberated Europe",
which pledged the three allies to establishing free elections and democratic governments (in accordance with the principles of the 1941
Atlantic Charter) in the nations they had liberated. See Harbutt.
[10] "The Ghosts on the Roof", Time, March 5, 1945 (http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ printout/ 0,8816,797136,00. html), reprinted in Time,
January 05, 1948 (http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ magazine/ article/ 0,9171,794026-1,00. html). See also Whittaker Chambers, The Ghosts on
the Roof, Selected Essays, edited by Terry Teachout, (Regnery, 1989, and Transaction Publishers, 1996). In his ironic editorial Chambers has
the ghost of the Czar of Russia profess himself happy with Stalin because he has restored the pre-World War I borders of the Russian empire
and abandoned revolutionary ideals for conservatism, while the Czarina accuses the Muse of History of reading the works of Leon Trotsky.
[11] Weinstein 1997 pp. 5: pp. 316–317: pp 7: pp. 37, 46–47: pp. 153–157: pp. 163–170: pp. 499: pp. 502: pp. 519: pp. 512
[12] Testimony of Whittaker Chambers before the House Committee on Un-American Activities (August 3, 1948) (http:/ / law2. umkc. edu/
faculty/ projects/ ftrials/ hiss/ 8-3testimony. html)
[13] See Tim Weiner, Enemies: A History of the FBI (Allen Weiner, 2012), p. 159. Being the agent of a foreign government, however repulsive,
was only made illegal in 1938, with the passage of the Foreign Agents Registration Act.
[14] William Fitzgibbon, "The Hiss-Chambers Case: A Chronology Since 1934" The New York Times, Sunday, June 12, 1949.
[15] According to Curt Gentry, there was only one problem with this, "Hiss was not and had never been an Assistant to Stettinius. See Curt
Gentry, J. Edgar Hoover: The Man and the Secrets (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2001), p. 346. Canadian historian Amy Knight
also observes that by 1945 Hiss was well above the level of "assistant to the Assistant" in the State Department hierarchy. The initial
September 12, 1945, letter from Hoover to the White House (https:/ / www. cia. gov/ library/ center-for-the-study-of-intelligence/
csi-publications/ books-and-monographs/ venona-soviet-espionage-and-the-american-response-1939-1957/ 13. gif|) followed the Canadian
wording identifying the unnamed agent as '"an assistant to the Assistant Secretary of State". Knight further points out that Stettinius's six
assistants all had numerous assistants and this initial identification thus could not have applied to Hiss. Subsequently Gouzenko is quoted as
telling FBI investigators that the agent was simply "an assistant" (matching the FBI's probable foregone conclusion that Hiss was the agent in
question); and Gouzenko later used these words in testifyiing before the US Senate in 1954. See Amy Knight, How the Cold War Began (New
York: Basic Books), pp. 3, 213–24 and 300. Hoover's letter to the U.S. State Department, written on Sept. 24, after the FBI had interrogated
him, reports, reports Gouzenko as saying he had heard from Fyodor Kulakov that "there were, of course, more agents in the United States[,]
and that he had learned in Moscow that an Assistant of Stettinius, was a Soviet spy", see FBI letter from Hoover to Frederick B. Lyon of the
State Department, September 24, 1945 (CIA file: Igor Guzenko), reproduced (as Document 14) at Benson, Warner 1996 (https:/ / www. cia.
gov/ library/ center-for-the-study-of-intelligence/ csi-publications/ books-and-monographs/
venona-soviet-espionage-and-the-american-response-1939-1957/ 14d. gif). In this same letter (https:/ / www. cia. gov/ library/
center-for-the-study-of-intelligence/ csi-publications/ books-and-monographs/
venona-soviet-espionage-and-the-american-response-1939-1957/ part1. htm) Gouzenko is reported to have stated that the Soviets were aiming
to infiltrate the "diplomatic establishments" of the U.S. and Canada (and other countries) so that "50% to 100% of employees below the rank
of Ambassador would be actually be Soviet trained Military Intelligence, NKVD, or Comintern men".
47
Alger Hiss
[16] Joseph B. Treaster, "Victor Perlo, 87, Economist For Communist Party in U.S.", New York Times, December 10, 1999.
[17] Statement of Elizabeth Terrell Bentley (Silvermaster file, Vol. 6), p. 105 (PDF p. 106), November 30, 1945 (http:/ / www.
education-research. org/ PDFs/ splitfiles/ splitprocessed/ Silvermaster006_Folder/ Silvermaster006_page106. pdf)
[18] James Barros, "Alger Hiss and Harry Dexter White: The Canadian Connection." Orbis vol. 21 no. 3 (Fall 1977), pp. 593–605
[19] Gentry, Hoover the Man and the Secrets, p. 346 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=Tu86exHKPvMC& q=reluctant#v=onepage&
q=Hiss assistant& f=false).
[20] Rick Perlstein writes, "When [Hiss] first testified it seemed to work. . . . He talked circles around his hapless interrogators. The committee,
awed by Hiss, sat and took it while he lectured them. He finished to thunderclaps of applause. Rankin of Mississippi led a procession of
witnesses to the table to apologise. . . . Supportive journalists confided to HUAC members that unless they ignored Chambers, their
committee, already weakened by the Hollywood 10 circus of the previous year, was finished. The members were ready to pack it in and spend
the rest of the summer back home. Only one member thought differently." Perlstein, Rick (2008). Nixonland: The Rise of a President and the
Fracturing of America. Simon and Schuster. p. 30. ISBN 9780743243025.
[21] Perlstein, Nixonland, p. 31.
[22] Cronin was the main author of Communists Within the Labor Movement: A Handbook on the Facts and Countermeasures, published by the
Chamber of Commerce in 1947. See John T. Donovan, Crusader in the Cold War: a Biography of Fr. John F. Cronin, S.S. (1908–1994)
(Peter Lang Publishing, 2005), pp. 48, 88, and passim. In the 1950s, when Nixon was vice president, Cronin worked him as his advisor and
chief speech writer.
[23] John F. Cronin, S.S., "The Problem of American Communism in 1945," p. 49 (PDF p. 58) (http:/ / mdhistory. net/ hiss/ cronin-report. pdf)
[24] Douglas Linder, "The Trials of Alger Hiss: An Account ", Famous Trials (University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law, 2003) (http:/ /
law2. umkc. edu/ faculty/ projects/ ftrials/ hiss/ hissaccount. html).
[25] Whalen, Robert G. (December 12, 1948). "Hiss and Chambers: Strange Story of Two Men; The Drama Since 1934" (http:/ / select. nytimes.
com/ gst/ abstract. html?res=F30F14F63D5B157A93C0A81789D95F4C8485F9). The New York Times. . Retrieved 2007-11-11.
[26] Samuel Roth, a publisher of erotica who had accepted some of Chambers' poetry written under his own name, came forth with a sworn
affidavit that Chambers had also submitted poetry to him using the pen name of George Crosley. The Hiss defense decided not to use this
information, however, because Roth had been prosecuted for obscenity. Chambers, also, admitted in secret testimony to the FBI that it was
"entirely possible" that he had used the name Crosley during the time he knew Hiss. See William Howard Moore, Two Foolish Men: The True
Story of the Friendship Between Alger Hiss and Whittaker Chambers, (Moorup, 1987), p. 32 and passim for an extended discussion of this
issue, available in pdf form on the Alger Hiss Story Website (http:/ / homepages. nyu. edu/ ~th15/ works. html). See also Anthony
Summers,The Arrogance of Power: The Secret World of Richard Nixon (New York, London: Penguin-Putnam Inc, 2000), p. 490; and Gay
Talese, Thy Neighbor's Wife, (New York: Harper Perennial Book, 2009) p. 102 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=3xawCAxSXbgC&
pg=PA102& lpg=PA102& dq=Samuel+ Roth+ crosley& source=bl& ots=7DPrH7bgB-& sig=zUd6eBi5ryfXq1Bbx2nqZswBVqM& hl=en&
ei=xGENTpzNHqrt0gHK1rCtDg& sa=X& oi=book_result& ct=result& resnum=7& sqi=2& ved=0CEUQ6AEwBg#v=onepage& q=Samuel
Roth crosley& f=false).
[27] Hearing of August 17, 1948 (http:/ / 74. 125. 95. 132/ search?q=cache:BGQinnn2ruAJ:www. law. umkc. edu/ faculty/ projects/ ftrials/ hiss/
8-17testimony. html+ "I+ was+ a+ Communist+ and+ you+ were+ a+ Communist"& cd=5& hl=en& ct=clnk& gl=us) Special Subcommittee
of the Committee on Un-American Activities, U.S. House of Representatives. (Transcript at "The Alger Hiss Trials: An Account", Famous
Trials, by Douglas Linder, University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law.) Retrieved July 15, 2009.
[28] Navasky, Victor (April 8, 1978). "The Case Not Proved Against Alger Hiss" (http:/ / homepages. nyu. edu/ ~th15/ navasky. html). The
Nation. .
[29] Cook, Fred J. (1958). The Unfinished Story of Alger Hiss. William Morrow Company. pp. 19: pp. 69–73: pp. 75–81 pp 155: pp. 126: pp.
147–151: pp. 156. ISBN 1-131-85352-0.
[30] "Truman thought the anti-communist hearings were 'a red herring to keep people from doing what they ought to; do. They are slandering
people who don’t deserve it'" (David McCullough, Truman, [New York: Simon and Schuster], p. 652). Truman told oral biographer, Merle
Miller, "What they were trying to do, all those birds.” he said. "they were trying to get the Democrats. They were trying to get me out of the
White House, and they would go to any lengths to do it. . . . They did do just about anything they could think of, all that witch hunting. . . .
The constitution has never been in so much danger. . . .” (quoted in Anthony Summers, [2000], p. 65). Miller's accuracy in reporting Truman's
statements has been questioned by some.
[31] "A Half-Century of Controversy: The Alger Hiss Case", Studies in Intelligence vol. 44 (2000): no. 5 (https:/ / www. cia. gov/ library/
center-for-the-study-of-intelligence/ kent-csi/ docs/ v44i5a01p. htm|).
[32] David Halberstam, The Fifties (New York: Random House, 1993), p. 16. Halberstam concludes that "Whether Hiss actually participated in
espionage was never proved and the evidence, was at best, flawed" (Halberstam [1993], pp. 14–25).
[33] Summers (2000), p. 73.
[34] Perlstein, Nixonland, p. 33.
[35] White (2005), pp. 205–6.
[36] "Smith, Howard K." (http:/ / www. museum. tv/ archives/ etv/ S/ htmlS/ smithhoward/ smithhoward. htm). The Museum of Broadcast
Communications. . Retrieved December 30, 2008.
[37] Noe, Denise (2005). "The Alger Hiss Case; The Pumpkin Papers" (http:/ / www. trutv. com/ library/ crime/ terrorists_spies/ spies/ hiss/ 7.
html). Crime Library. Courtroom Television Network. .
[38] "Justice Department Releases Copies of 'Pumpkin Papers'". The New York Times. August 1, 1975.
48
Alger Hiss
49
[39] Stone, Geoffrey; M. Wald, Patricia; Fried, Charles; Scheppele, Kim Lane (Winter 2006). "Constitutions Under Stress: International and
Historical Perspectives" (http:/ / www. amacad. org/ publications/ bulletin/ winter2006/ StoneWaldFriedSchepple. pdf) (PDF). Bulletin of the
American Academy. .
[40] "Alger Hiss Dead at 92." (http:/ / nl. newsbank. com/ nl-search/ we/ Archives?p_product=BG& p_theme=bg& p_action=search&
p_maxdocs=200& p_topdoc=1& p_text_direct-0=0EADDC78A3348618& p_field_direct-0=document_id& p_perpage=10&
p_sort=YMD_date:D& s_trackval=GooglePM). Boston Globe. November 16, 1996. . Retrieved 2008-03-17. "Alger Hiss, the high-ranking
State Department official accused of espionage whose case became one of the most celebrated – and controversial – in US history, died
yesterday in Lenox Hill Hospital in New York City. He was 92."
[41] Scott, Janny (1996-11-16). "Alger Hiss, Divisive Icon of the Cold War, Dies at 92" (http:/ / query. nytimes. com/ gst/ fullpage.
html?res=9D02E0D9143AF935A25752C1A960958260& sec=& spon=& pagewanted=all). New York Times. .
[42] "French in 1939 Called Hiss Red, Bullitt Says", Washington Post, April 9, 1952, and "Daladier Does Not Recollect Giving Bullitt a Report
on Hiss", Washington Post, April 10, 1952.
[43] Weyl, Nathaniel (1950). Treason: The Story of Disloyalty and Betrayal in American History. Public Affairs Press. ISBN 1-296-19279-2.
[44] Weyl, Nathaniel (2003). Encounters With Communism. Xlibris Corporation. pp. 30–31, 114–118. ISBN 1-4134-0747-1. Weyl told reporter
I. F. Stone that "nothing improper" had happened in the unit, but that he (Weyl) was so uncomfortable with Communist secrecy that he soon
quit government to become a full-time organizer among agricultural workers. See J. J. Guttenplan, American Radical: The Life and Times of I.
F. Stone (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2009), p. 105. Stone, though convinced Hiss had been railroaded by Nixon, was agnostic as to
whether Hiss had ever been a Soviet agent. Another celebrated liberal reporter, A. J. Liebling, who struck up a warm friendship with Hiss
while covering the trial, held similar opinions. See Raymond Sokolov's Wayward Reporter: the Life of A. J. Liebling (New York: Creative
Arts Book Company, 1984) p. 207.
[45] "Sleuth "Hired by Hiss" Touched Off Hunt for Typewriter Here". Philadelphia Evening Bulletin. 1948-12-14.
hdl:2027/spo.hiss1111.0182.001.
[46] After Hiss had been jailed, his lawyer Chester Lane received a tip that ""Schmahl was implicated with the typewriter.' An investigator who
had worked with Schmahl, Harold Bretnall, subsequently told the lawyer that Schmahl had been involved in forging the Hiss typewriter.
“Hiss,” Bretnall said, 'was framed.' Schmahl, tracked down in 1973, admitted to a Hiss investigator he had been a 'consultant' on the typewriter
forgery. He said the OSS had set Hiss up – just when was not clear – and the orders had come from through [OSS Director] Donovan’s law
firm, Donovan, Leisure. Schmahl later retracted his statements and declined further interviews" (Summers [2000], p. 73).
[47] Squier, Michael. "Typewriter Evidence; Alger Hiss' appeal in court may depend on the credibility of a mute witness." (http:/ / select.
nytimes. com/ gst/ abstract. html?res=F50715F8395E107A93C1A91789D85F468585F9), The New York Times, February 3, 1952. Retrieved
September 12, 2008.
[48] John Lowenthal (1976-06-26). "What the FBI knew and hid" (http:/ / homepages. nyu. edu/ ~th15/ lowenthaltyp. html). The Nation. .
Retrieved 2010-07-12.
[49] Alger Hiss (1957). In the Court of Public Opinion. Alfred Knopf. pp. 363–409.
[50] Alger Hiss (1957). In the Court of Public Opinion. Alfred Knopf. p. 401.
[51] Dean, John (1976). Blind Ambition: The White House Years. Simon & Schuster. ISBN 0-671-22438-7.
[52] Summers, Anthony (2000). The Arrogance of Power: The Secret World of Richard Nixon. Penguin-Putnam Inc. p. 73. ISBN 0-670-87151-6.
[53] Summers ([2000], p. 75) concludes that, with the recent release of decoded Venona and other material unearthed by Vassiliev from Moscow,
“identification of ALES with Hiss is suggestive but must for now be regarded as tentative” and "less than convincing":
"Alger Hiss was most likely a Soviet agent” a New York Times editorial intoned in 1998. Had he lived to hear of these
developments, Richard Nixon would doubtless have been delighted. As things now stand, however, the newly available data from
the old Soviet Union are not proof that Hiss was rightly convicted, at least not the sort of proof that history requires.
[54] Fleming, John F. (2009). The Anti-Communist Manifestos: Four Books that Shaped the Cold War. pp. 292–93. ISBN 978-0-393-06925-9..
When first issued by the White House the phrase had been transcribed as "we got a typewriter," the official transcript was subsequently
amended to read "We got Piper [the name of Hiss's lawyer's law firm]" The context for the remark was a conversation with John Dean in
which Nixon states that J. Edgar Hoover had been ordered not to help him. He says, "But we broke that thing...without any help. The FBI got
the evidence which eventually-- See, we got the [typewriter (?)/Piper(?)] who-- We got the, the, oh, Pumpkin Papers, for instance. We got all
of that ourselves... The FBI did not cooperate. The Justice Department did not cooperate." [February 28, 1973]
[55] See Barry Werth, 31 Days: The Crisis That Gave Us the Government We Have Today (New York: Nan Talese, 2006), pp. 84–87; and
Stanley I Kutler, Abuse of Power: The New Nixon Tapes (New York: Touchstone, 1998), pp. 338–39, where Nixon says: "Don’t worry about
his trial . . . Just get everything out. Try him in the press. Try him in the press. . . . leak it out. We want to destroy him in the press. Press. Is
that clear . . . . I want somebody to take it just like I took the Hiss case"
[56] Summers (2000), p. 73
[57] In the decades that followed Schmahl and his associates were to be linked to the CIA and with Richard Nixon (Summers [2000], p. 491).
[58] Lowenthal, John (June 26, 1976). "What the FBI Knew But Hid from Hiss and the Court" (http:/ / homepages. nyu. edu/ ~th15/
lowenthaltyp. html). The Nation. . Retrieved 2007-08-13.
See also:
Bradford, Russell R. and Bradford, Ralph B. (1992). "A History of Forgery by Typewriter" (http:/ / homepages. nyu. edu/ ~th15/ bradford.
html). An Introduction to Handwriting Examination and Identification. .
Alger Hiss
[59] Weinstein 1997, p. 501; see also:
"Horace W. Schmahl" (http:/ / homepages. nyu. edu/ ~th15/ schmahl. html). The Alger Hiss Story. . Retrieved 2007-04-10.
[60] Cook, Fred J. (October 11, 1980). "Alger Hiss — A Whole New Ball Game" (http:/ / homepages. nyu. edu/ ~th15/ cookcnbrief. html). The
Nation. .
[61] Stephen W. Salant (2010). "Successful Strategic Deception: A Case Study" (http:/ / quod. lib. umich. edu/ h/ hiss/ ). . Retrieved 2010-07-12.
[62] During the War, Schmahl graduated from the Military Intelligence Training Center "Graduates of Twenty-First Class". 2010.
hdl:2027/spo.hiss1111.0216.001. and became a Special Agent in the Counter Intelligence Corps. "Summary of St. Louis Personnel Record".
2010. hdl:2027/spo.hiss1111.0144.002.
"FBI Memorandum re Horace Schmahl". 2010. hdl:2027/spo.hiss1111.0161.002.
[63] For a class lecture on forgery, typewriting, and alteration of documents, see Lieutenant Thompson (1942). "Handout on Questioned
Documents (Handwriting, Typewriting)". hdl:2027/spo.hiss1111.0222.001. For a textbook clarifying counterintelligence techniques taught at
the time of the first Hiss trial, see "Counter Intelligence Corps Investigator". 1949-06. hdl:2027/spo.hiss1111.0224.001.
[64] For the official rationale for such domestic activities despite delimitation agreements with the FBI, see the official history "CIC in the Zone
of the Interior". 1942. hdl:2027/spo.hiss1111.0220.001. especially p. 1093.
For an academic historian's assessment of these violations, see
Joan Jensen (2010-07-12). "World War II: Expanding the Boundaries". Army Surveillance in America, 1775-1980.
hdl:2027/spo.hiss1111.0208.001. especially p. 219. For the accounts of special agents surveilling civilians suspected of (1) aiding communists,
see Special Agent Duval Edwards (1994). Spy Catchers of the U.S. Army. especially p. 88; (2) aiding Nazis, see
Anthony Karge (2009). "Memorial Day parade grand marshal returns to service". Westport News.
hdl:2027/spo.hiss1111.0234.001.; and (3) aiding all political shades in between, see Special Agent Isadore Zack
(2010-07-12). "Isadore Zack-CIC Collection at the Milne Special Collection, University of New Hampshire Library"
(http://www.library.unh.edu/special/index.php/isadore-zack). . Retrieved 2010-07-12.
[65] Franklin Victor Reno arrived on the Army base on July 26, 1937, and aroused enough suspicion that by August 5, the Army put him under
surveillance. See "Franklin Victor Reno, 1937 investigation and incomplete IRR file". 2010-07-12. hdl:2027/spo.hiss1111.0221.001.
[66] For one agent's account of working undercover at the San Francisco conference and photos of fellow agents there, see: Special Agent
Leonard L. (Igor) Gorin (2010-07-12). "United Nations Formation 1945—CIC Security Role". Golden Sphinx, Serial Issue #2004-3, Winter
2004-5, p. 16-20. hdl:2027/spo.hiss1111.0206.001.
[67] Tanenhaus, Sam (April 1993). "Hiss: guilty as charged". Commentary V. 95.
[68] Kobyakov, Julius N. (2003-10-10). "Lowenthal and Alger Hiss" (http:/ / h-net. msu. edu/ cgi-bin/ logbrowse. pl?trx=vx& list=h-diplo&
month=0310& week=b& msg=xPNOEFLppoOgkkWbtl1dQw& user=& pw=). Humanities and Social Services Net. . Retrieved 2007-10-25.;
and:
Kobyakov, Julius N. (2003-10-16). "Alger Hiss" (http:/ / h-net. msu. edu/ cgi-bin/ logbrowse. pl?trx=vx& list=h-diplo& month=0310&
week=c& msg=/ + j6+ NHkqbEMRV0ioyVHUQ& user=& pw=). Humanities and Social Services Net. . Retrieved 2007-10-25.
[69] Pyle, Richard (2007-04-05). "Researcher adds to Alger Hiss debate" (http:/ / www. washingtonpost. com/ wp-dyn/ content/ article/ 2007/ 04/
04/ AR2007040402644. html). The Washington Post. Associated Press. .
[70] The Vassiliev Notebooks and Soviet Intelligence Operations in the U.S (http:/ / www. wilsoncenter. org/ ondemand/ index.
cfm?fuseaction=home. play& mediaid=1CF9FE54-ABA6-DE06-59C4D3B1753CDA24) video transcript of day 1, at 2:24:42 Wilson Center
On Demand 20 May 2009
[71] The Vassiliev Notebooks and Soviet Intelligence Operations in the U.S (http:/ / www. wilsoncenter. org/ ondemand/ index.
cfm?fuseaction=Media. play& mediaid=1CFF2944-B310-AC18-3101C1CCB31D8A1F) video transcript of day 2, Part I at 1:43:10 Wilson
Center On Demand 21 May 2009
[72] Field lacked confidence he could stand up under testimony: "Alger defended himself . . . with great intelligence. He had been trained as a
lawyer and knew all the phrases and tricks. I, on the other hand, had no such experience. . . . I did not trust myself to stand before my accusers
and shout 'innocent' in their faces. . . . I also understood the same from a short letter from Hiss, who obviously could not write openly," he
stated Sam Tanenhaus, Hiss Case 'Smoking Gun'? , N.Y. Times, Oct. 15, 1993. (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ 1993/ 10/ 15/ opinion/
hiss-case-smoking-gun. html?pagewanted=all& src=pm|)
[73] James Srodes, Allen Dulles: Master of Spies (Regnery, 2000), p. 412.
[74] It has been suggested that Field was a victim of a disinformation campaign by Allen Dulles called "Operation Splinter Factor" (http:/ /
books. google. com/ books/ about/ Operation_splinter_factor. html?id=p2u2AAAAIAAJ), see William Blum, Killing Hope: US Military and
CIA Interventions Since World War II (London: Zed Books, 2003) p. 58 (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?ei=sU5vT6nsNMnx0gGmv-29Bg& id=-IbQvd13uToC& dq=Killing+ Hope+ Noel+ Field& ots=cHt5KiBm8G& q=Field#v=snippet&
q=Field& f=false|), and even the inspiration for John le Carré's thriller, The Spy Who Came In From the Cold, but the CIA disputes these
theories. See Stephen Dorril, MI6: Inside the Covert World of Her Majesty's Secret Intelligence Service (Simon and Schuster, 2002), p. 484
(http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=_bV5ncXNke4C& pg=PA484& lpg=PA484& dq=le+ carre+ noel+ field& source=bl&
ots=hysx_rpuXr& sig=3OO_otvB4a1QgfQlzVIfaB08d4Q& hl=en& sa=X& ei=dE9vT-aSH8nc0QGJg726Bg&
ved=0CEgQ6AEwBA#v=onepage& q=le carre noel field& f=false|). The narrator in Norman Mailer's fictional chronicle about the CIA,
Harlot's Ghost, refers to Noel Field as "the American Martyr" (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?ei=i2RvT_r4B-XE0QGfuZn_Bg&
50
Alger Hiss
id=MR2hnexXo2cC& dq=Norman+ Mailer+ Noel+ Field& q=Martyr#v=snippet& q=Martyr& f=false|).
[75] Srodes, Allen Dulles, p. 413. (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=RIaw7GYDFmwC& pg=PA413& dq=the+ famous+ pro-Nazi+
spymaster& hl=en& sa=X& ei=I_tzT8Ru4tbRAf7wxf8C& ved=0CDIQ6AEwAA#v=onepage& q=the famous pro-Nazi spymaster& f=false|)/
[76] The Alger Hiss Story: The Cast: Hede Massing (http:/ / homepages. nyu. edu/ ~th15/ hedem. html). For more on the dinner party story from
newly available Soviet and Hungarian documents see the website, Documents Talk, maintained by Svetlana Chervonnaya (http:/ / www.
documentstalk. com/ wp/ the-dinner-party-at-the-fields-ii#fn-5687-31|).
[77] Klingsberg, Ethan (November 8, 1993). "Case Closed on Alger Hiss?" (http:/ / homepages. nyu. edu/ ~th15/ klings2. html). The Nation. .
[78] Field remained in Hungary until his death in 1970.Lowenthal, John (Autumn 2000). "Venona and Alger Hiss" (http:/ / homepages. nyu. edu/
~th15/ lowenthal. pdf) (PDF). The Alger Hiss Story. . note #76 and pg. 119,
[79] Douglas Martin, "Robert J. Lamphere, 83, Spy Chaser for the F.B.I., Dies", New York Times, Feb. 11, 2002 (http:/ / query. nytimes. com/
gst/ fullpage. html?res=9403E2DE103CF932A25751C0A9649C8B63& pagewanted=2)
[80] Venona 1822 (http:/ / homepages. nyu. edu/ ~th15/ venona5. html).
[81] "Venona transcript #1822, with commentary by Douglas Linder" (http:/ / www. law. umkc. edu/ faculty/ projects/ ftrials/ hiss/ hissvenona.
html). The Trials of Alger Hiss: A Commentary. .
[82] "Appendix A; SECRECY; A Brief Account of the American Experience" (http:/ / origin. www. gpo. gov/ congress/ commissions/ secrecy/
pdf/ 12hist1. pdf) (PDF). Report Of The Commission On Protecting And Reducing Government Secrecy. United States Government Printing
Office. 1997. pp. A–37. .
[83] Moynihan, Daniel Patrick (1998). Secrecy: The American Experience. Yale University Press. p. 146. ISBN 0-300-08079-4.
[84] Haynes, John Earl and Klehr, Harvey (2000). Venona: Decoding Soviet Espionage in America. Yale University Press. pp. 170: pp. 36.
ISBN 0-300-08462-5. For an assessment of Haynes and Klehr's perspective on the role of the American Communist Party in the 1930s, see
James T. Patterson, "The Enemy Within" (http:/ / www. theatlantic. com/ past/ docs/ issues/ 98oct/ mccarthy. htm), The Atlantic Monthly
(October 1998).
[85] "Secrets, Lies and Atomic Spies; Alger Hiss" (http:/ / www. pbs. org/ wgbh/ nova/ venona/ dece_hiss. html). Nova Online. 2002. .
[86] Linder, Doug (2003). "The Venona Files and the Alger Hiss Case" (http:/ / www. law. umkc. edu/ faculty/ projects/ ftrials/ hiss/ hissVenona.
html). Famous Trials: The Alger Hiss Trials - 1949-50. . Retrieved 2006-09-13.
[87] The CIA (http:/ / www. law. umkc. edu/ faculty/ projects/ ftrials/ hiss/ hissvenona. html), however, concluded the "small group" comprised
Alger, his wife Priscilla, and brother Donald.
[88] Lowenthal, David (May 2005). "Did Allen Weinstein Get the Alger Hiss Story Wrong?" (http:/ / hnn. us/ articles/ 11579. html#_ednref13).
History News Network. . Retrieved 2006-09-13.
[89] Also spelled "Vyshinskii", "Vishinsky" and "Vyshinski".
[90] Mark, Eduard (September 2003). "Who was 'Venona's' 'ALES'? cryptanalysis and the Hiss case" (http:/ / www. ingentaconnect. com/
content/ routledg/ int/ 2003/ 00000018/ 00000003/ art00003;jsessionid=jofsc5hvfaaj. alice). Intelligence and National Security 18 (3): 45–72.
doi:10.1080/02684520412331306920. . A Cold War hardliner, Mark also maintained that that Venona proved that Roosevelt's close adviser,
Harry Hopkins, originator of The New Deal, was a Soviet agent. See also Mark's previous (1998) article in the same periodical: “Venona’s
Source 19 and the Trident Conference of May 1943: Diplomacy or Espionage?” Intelligence and National Security: 13: 2 (April 1998): 1–31.
[91] Schindler, John R. (2005-10-27). "Hiss in VENONA: The Continuing Controversy" (http:/ / www. johnearlhaynes. org/ page61. html).
Center for Cryptologic History Symposium. .
[92] Haynes, John Earl and Klehr, Harvey (2003). In Denial: Historians, Communism, and Espionage. = Encounter Books. pp. 158–163.
ISBN 1-893554-72-4.
[93] Bird, Kai and Chervonnaya, Svetlana. "The Mystery of Ales" (http:/ / www. theamericanscholar. org/ the-mystery-of-ales/ ). American
Scholar Summer, 2007. . Retrieved 9/12/2009.
[94] Haynes, John Earl and Klehr, Harvey (2007-04-16). "Hiss Was Guilty" (http:/ / hnn. us/ articles/ 37456. html). History News Network. .
[95] Haynes, John Earl (2007-04-14). "Ales: Hiss, Foote, Stettinius?" (http:/ / www. johnearlhaynes. org/ page63. html). .
[96] Andrew, Christopher and Gordievsky, Oleg (1990). KGB: The Inside Story of Its Foreign Operations from Lenin to Gorbachev.
Harpercollins. p. 287. ISBN 0-06-016605-3.
[97] Weinstein, Allen (1997). "Letter to the Editors" (http:/ / www. nybooks. com/ articles/ 983). New York Review of Books 44 (20). .
[98] Gordievsky, also accused the BBC of promoting Communist ideology, dubbing it the "red service". In a manuscript excerpted in Rupert
Murdoch's Sunday Times (http:/ / www. independent. co. uk/ news/ sunday-times-pays-foot-damages-over-kgb-claim-1590325. html), he
alleged that British Labor Party leader Michael Foot was a KBG "agent of influence", prompting Foot to bring a libel lawsuit. Commenting on
the case, an editorial in the Independent (http:/ / www. independent. co. uk/ opinion/ leading-article--michael-foots-tainted-accuser-1573992.
html) (Feb. 20, 1995) called Gordievky a "tainted" figure whose "stock in trade is lying and deceit". Foot won an out of court settlement for an
undisclosed amount (said to be "substantial").
[99] Haynes, John Earl; Harvey Klehr, Alexander Vassiliev (2010). Spies: The Rise and Fall of the KGB in America. Yale University Press.
ISBN 0-300-16438-6.
[100] "In Re Alger Hiss: A Final Verdict from the Archives of the KGB", in Journal of Cold War Studies (Summer 2009): 11:No. 3: 26–67.
[101] David J. Garrow From Russia, With Love (http:/ / www. newsweek. com/ 2009/ 05/ 15/ from-russia-with-love. html) Newsweek 16 May
2009
[102] Guttenplan, D. D., Red Harvest: The KGB in America, The Nation, 5/25/09. (http:/ / www. thenation. com/ article/
red-harvest-kgb-america?page=full)
51
Alger Hiss
[103] Kisseloff, Jeff,"'Spies': Fact or Ficton?", The Alger Hiss Story (2009). (http:/ / homepages. nyu. edu/ ~th15/ spies2. html)
[104] Amy Knight, "Leonard?", Times Literary Supplement (June 26, 2009). (http:/ / entertainment. timesonline. co. uk/ tol/
arts_and_entertainment/ the_tls/ Subscriber_Archive/ History_Archive/ article6770809. ece) Haynes responded to Knight on his website
(http:/ / www. johnearlhaynes. org/ page73. html).
[105] Guttenplan, "Red Harvest."
[106] Kisseloff, "Spies: Fact or Fiction" (2009.
[107] According to Kisseloff, "In the handwritten Glasser autobiography [copied by Vassiliev] . . . that Haynes and Klehr refer to in "Spies",
Glasser says, as they report, that he met with a 'Karl' [Chambers] on a regular basis through 1939. . . . But on December 31, 1948, Chambers
told the FBI that he and Glasser had only met 'on two or three occasions.' Chambers also told the Bureau that 'Glasser had not been part of his
apparatus and he had no knowledge of his underground activities.' (Chambers's comments didn't help Elizabeth Bentley's credibility either, as
the FBI report noted the discrepancy between his comments and what Bentley had told them: that Glasser had been stolen from the Perlo
group by Alger Hiss.)" See Kisseloff (2009.)
[108] "Kisseloff (2009).
[109] Kisseloff (2009).
[110] "Just a year after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the intelligence services responded to an offer from Crown Publishers, which offered a
substantial payment to a pension fund for its retired officers in return for cooperation on a series of books on Soviet intelligence. As part of the
agreement the SVR gave Alexander Vassiliev permission to examine archival records for a book project that teamed a Russian (Vassiliev) and
an American (Allen Weinstein) for a book on Soviet espionage in the 1930s and 40s", Haynes, Klehr, and Vassiliev (2009), p. xxii.
[111] Judge Eady also issued a separate opinion (http:/ / homepages. nyu. edu/ ~th15/ lowenthalruling. html) in which he stated that the book by
Haynes, et al., by asserting that the Hiss case was definitively "settled", had in effect "thrown down a gauntlet" to any would-be defender of
Hiss; and that family, friends, or any other defender of Hiss should not be penalized for "picking up that gauntlet".
[112] Charles Arthur, "Former KGB Agent Sues Amazon Over Book Review" ' 'The Independent' ', UK (May 3, 2003) (http:/ / www.
independent. co. uk/ news/ uk/ crime/ former-kgb-agent-sues-amazon-over-book-review-537930. html).
[113] Jon Wiener, "Allen Weinstein, Historian With a History", LA Times (http:/ / hnn. us/ roundup/ entries/ 5062. html), May 2, 2004, reprinted
in the HNN.
[114] See "Costly Error for Hiss Historian: Weinstein Pays for Mistake", New York Magazine (May 21, 1979), 61 (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=8uACAAAAMBAJ& pg=PA61& lpg=PA61& dq=Costly+ for+ Historian+ New+ York+ Magazine+ 1979& source=bl&
ots=Y7sLyWjQme& sig=g70QeDjE7n0DQiqkkUNdzTnKTHs& hl=en& ei=0r7WTKfWAYS8lQfR-vH-CA& sa=X& oi=book_result&
ct=result& resnum=1& ved=0CBMQ6AEwAA#v=onepage& q=Weinstein Costly for Historian New York Magazine 1979& f=false). For
more on Weinstein, see also Jon Wiener, Historians in Trouble: Plagiarism, Fraud, and Politics in the Ivory Tower (New York: New Press,
2007).
Further reading
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Chambers, Whittaker (1952). Witness. Random House. ISBN 0-89526-571-0.
Cook, Fred J (1957). The Unfinished Story of Alger Hiss. New York: William Morrow.
Cooke, Alistair (1950). A Generation on Trial: USA v. Alger Hiss. Greenwood Press. ISBN 0-313-23373-X.
Coulter, Ann (2003). Treason: Liberal Treachery from the Cold War to the War on Terrorism. Three Rivers
Press. ISBN 1-4000-5032-4.
Gentry, Curt. J. Edgar Hoover: The Man and The Secrets. New York: W. W. Norton, 1991.
Haynes, John Earl; Klehr, Harvey; Vassiliev, Alexander (2009). Spies: The Rise and Fall of the KGB in America.
New Haven: Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-12390-6.
Hiss, Alger (1957). In the Court of Public Opinion. Harper Collins. ISBN 0-06-090293-0.
Hiss, Alger (1988). Recollections of a Life. Little Brown & Co. ISBN 1-55970-024-6.
Hiss, Tony (1999). The View from Alger's Window: A Son's Memoir. Alfred E. Knopf. ISBN 0-375-40127-X.
Jacoby, Susan (2009). Alger Hiss and the Battle for History. New Haven: Yale University Press.
Jowitt, William (The Earl Jowitt) (1953). The Strange Case of Alger Hiss. Hodder and Stoughton.
Moore, William Howard. (1987) Two Foolish Men: The True Story of the Friendship Between Alger Hiss and
Whittaker Chambers. Moorup
Smith, John Chalbot (1976). Alger Hiss: The True Story. New York, Holt Reinhart Winston.
• Summers, Anthony (2000). The Arrogance of Power: The Secret World of Richard Nixon. Penguin-Putnam Inc.
ISBN 0-670-87151-6.
• Swan, Patrick (Editor) (2003). Alger Hiss, Whittaker Chambers, and the Schism in the American Soul. ISI Books.
ISBN 1-882926-91-9.
52
Alger Hiss
• Tanenhaus, Sam (1998). Whittaker Chambers: A Biography. Modern Library. ISBN 0-375-75145-9.
• Theoharis, Athan (Editor) (1982). Beyond the Hiss Case: The FBI, Congress, and the Cold War. Temple
University Press. ISBN 0-87722-241-X.
• Weinstein, Allen (1997). Perjury: The Hiss-Chambers Case (2d rev. ed.). Knopf. ISBN 0-394-49546-2.
• Weinstein, Allen and Vassiliev, Alexander (1999). The Haunted Wood: Soviet Espionage in America—The Stalin
Era. Modern Library. ISBN 0-375-75536-5.
• White, G. Edward (2005). Alger Hiss's Looking-Glass Wars: The Covert Life of a Soviet Spy. Oxford University
Press. ISBN 0-19-518255-3.
External links
• Kai Bird and Svetlana Chervonnaya, "The Mystery of Ales (expanded version)," (http://www.
theamericanscholar.org/the-mystery-of-ales-2/) The American Scholar, Summer 2007.
• Ehrman, John (2007). "The Alger Hiss Case; A Half-Century of Controversy" (https://www.cia.gov/library/
center-for-the-study-of-intelligence/kent-csi/docs/v44i5a01p.htm). Center for the Study of Intelligence, Central
Intelligence Agency.
• Interview footage with Alger Hiss (http://www.britishpathe.com/record.php?id=69202)
• Chervonnaya, Svetlana. Letting Documents Talk: A Non-Definitive History. (http://www.documentstalk.com/)
Website about documents from formerly secret Soviet and other Eastern and Central European archives relating
to the Hiss controversy.
• "Hiss: A New Book Finds Him Guilty as Charged" (http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/
0,9171,915911-1,00.html). Time Magazine. March 29, 1976. A review of the 1976 edition of Weinstein's Perjury
• Gay, James Thomas (1998). "The Alger Hiss Spy Case" (http://www.historynet.com/the-alger-hiss-spy-case.
htm). HistoryNet.com. Retrieved 2006-09-13.
• Hermann, Donald H. J. (2005). "Deception And Betrayal: The Tragedy Of Alger Hiss" (http://www.chilit.org/
Papers by author/Hermann -- Hiss.htm). The Chicago Literary Club.
• Kisseloff, Jeff (Managing Editor) (2003). "The Alger Hiss Story; Search for the Truth" (http://homepages.nyu.
edu/~th15/home.html). Retrieved 2006-09-13.
• Kisseloff, Jeff. "Distorted Reflections" (http://homepages.nyu.edu/~th15/wars.html). Retrieved 2006-12-07.
A detailed critique of the book Alger Hiss's Looking-Glass Wars
• Kisseloff, Jeff. "101 Errors in Ann Coulter's "Treason"" (http://homepages.nyu.edu/~th15/coulter.html). The
Alger Hiss Story. Retrieved 2007-06-13. A critique of the chapter of Coulter's book that deals with Hiss
• Levin, David (1976). "In the Court of Historical Criticism: Alger Hiss’s Narrative" (http://www.vqronline.org/
articles/1976/winter/levin-court/), Virginia Quarterly Review Online, Winter, 1976, 41pp.‐71.
• Levin, David (1978). "Perjury, History, and Unreliable Witnesses" (http://www.vqronline.org/articles/1978/
autumn/levin-perjury-history/), Virginia Quarterly Review Online, Autumn, 1978, pp. 725–32.
• Linder, Douglas (2003). "The Alger Hiss Trials: An Account" (http://www.law.umkc.edu/faculty/projects/
ftrials/hiss/hiss.html). "Famous Trials". University Of Missouri-Kansas City School Of Law.
• Lowenthal, David. (2005) "Did Allen Weinstein Get the Hiss Story Wrong?" History News Network (http://hnn.
us/articles/11579.html)
• Lowenthal, John (Autumn 2000). "Venona and Alger Hiss" (http://homepages.nyu.edu/~th15/lowenthal.pdf)
(PDF). Intelligence and National Security. Retrieved 2006-09-13.
• Moynihan, Daniel Patrick (Chairman) (1997). "Report of the Commission On Protecting And Reducing
Government Secrecy" (http://www.access.gpo.gov/congress/commissions/secrecy/pdf/12hist1.pdf) (PDF).
United States Government Printing Office. Retrieved 2006-09-13.
• Navasky, Victor (1997). "Allen Weinstein's Docudrama" (http://web.archive.org/web/20071020115852/http:/
/www.thenation.com/doc.mhtml?i=19971103&s=navasky). The Nation. Archived from the original (http://
www.thenation.com/doc.mhtml?i=19971103&s=navasky) on 2007-10-20. A review of Weinstein's "Perjury"
53
Alger Hiss
• Noe, Denise (2005). "The Alger Hiss Case" (http://www.trutv.com/library/crime/terrorists_spies/spies/hiss/
1.html). Crime Library. Courtroom Television Network.
• Salant, Stephen W. (2010). "Successful Strategic Deception: A Case Study" (http://quod.lib.umich.edu/h/hiss/
). Retrieved 2010-07-12.
• Scott, Janny (1996-11-16). "Alger Hiss, Divisive Icon of the Cold War, Dies at 92" (http://query.nytimes.com/
gst/fullpage.html?res=9D02E0D9143AF935A25752C1A960958260&sec=&spon=&pagewanted=all). New
York Times.
• Schrecker, Ellen (1999). "The Spies Who Loved Us?" (http://www.thenation.com/article/spies-who-loved-us).
A discussion of Weinstein and The Haunted Wood. The Nation.
• Vassiliev, Alexander. "Black Notebook [Translated (http://www.wilsoncenter.org/topics/docs/Black
Notebook Translated1.pdf)"]. Retrieved 2009-08-31.
• Vassiliev, Alexander. "White Notebook #3 [Translated (http://www.wilsoncenter.org/topics/docs/
White_Notebook_No.3_Translated.pdf)"]. Retrieved 2009-08-31.
• Vassiliev, Alexander. "Yellow Notebook #2 [Translated (http://www.wilsoncenter.org/topics/docs/
Yellow_Notebook_No.2_Translated1.pdf)"]. Retrieved 2009-08-31.
• Weinberg, Robert L. "Not Guilty as Charged: A Revised Verdict for Alger Hiss". Champion Magazine: Published
by the National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers May/June 2008, Page 18 (http://www.nacdl.org/
__852566CF0070A126.nsf/0/006CB2391D988158852574940067BE2E|).
Julius and Ethel Rosenberg
Ethel Greenglass Rosenberg (September 25, 1915 [1] – June 19, 1953) and Julius Rosenberg (May 12, 1918 –
June 19, 1953) were American communists who were convicted and executed on June 19, 1953 for conspiracy to
commit espionage during a time of war. Their charges were related to the passing of information about the atomic
bomb to the Soviet Union. This was the first execution of civilians for espionage in United States history.[2]
In 1995, the U.S. government released a series of decoded Soviet cables, codenamed VENONA, which supported
courtroom testimony that Julius acted as a courier and recruiter for the Soviets, but cast doubt on the level of Ethel's
involvement.[3][4] The decision to execute the Rosenbergs was, and still is, controversial. The New York Times, in an
editorial on the 50th anniversary of the execution (June 19, 2003) wrote, "The Rosenberg case still haunts American
history, reminding us of the injustice that can be done when a nation gets caught up in hysteria."[5] This hysteria had
both an immediate and a lasting effect; many innocent scientists, including some who were virulently
anti-communist, were investigated simply for having the last name "Rosenberg."[6] The other atomic spies who were
caught by the FBI offered confessions and were not executed. Ethel's brother, David Greenglass, who supplied
documents to Julius from Los Alamos, served 10 years of his 15-year sentence.[7] Harry Gold, who identified
Greenglass, served 15 years in Federal prison as the courier for Greenglass and the German scientist, Klaus Fuchs.[8]
Morton Sobell, who was tried with the Rosenbergs, served 17 years and 9 months of a 30-year sentence.[9] In 2008,
Sobell admitted he was a spy and confirmed Julius Rosenberg was "in a conspiracy that delivered to the Soviets
classified military and industrial information and what the American government described as the secret to the
atomic bomb."[10]
54
Julius and Ethel Rosenberg
Early life and education
Julius Rosenberg was born to a family of Jewish immigrants in New York City on May 12, 1918. Census records
show that his family lived at 205 East 113th when he was two years old. The family moved to the Lower East Side
by the time Julius was eleven. His parents worked in the shops of the Lower East Side, as Julius attended Seward
Park High School. Julius became a leader in the Young Communist League, USA while at City College of New
York. In 1939 he graduated from college with a degree in electrical engineering.
Ethel Greenglass was born on September 25, 1915, in New York City. An aspiring actress and singer, she eventually
took a secretarial job at a shipping company. She became involved in labor disputes and joined the Young
Communist League, where she met Julius in 1936.[11]
Marriage and family
Julius and Ethel married in 1939. They had two sons, Robert and Michael. After their parents' convictions and
executions, the boys were adopted by the teacher and songwriter Abel Meeropol and his wife Anne (and took the
Meeropol surname to protect their privacy while they were growing up).[11]
Career
Julius Rosenberg joined the Army Signal Corps Engineering Laboratories at Fort Monmouth, New Jersey, in 1940,
where he worked as an engineer-inspector until 1945. He was fired when the U.S. Army discovered his previous
membership in the Communist Party. Important research on electronics, communications, radar and guided missile
controls was undertaken at Fort Monmouth during World War II.[12]
According to a 2001 book by his former handler Alexandre Feklisov, Rosenberg was originally recruited by the
NKVD on Labor Day 1942 by former spymaster Semyon Semenov.[13] He had been introduced to Semenov by
Bernard Schuster, a high-ranking member of the Communist Party USA as well as Earl Browder's personal NKVD
liaison. In fact, Feklisov, a life-long Communist, was covering the role of Jacob Golos, who in 1942 passed the
Communist "information" cell of young engineers headed by Julius Rosenberg into direct contact with the Soviet
operatives in New York. After Semenov was recalled to Moscow in 1944, his duties were taken over by Feklisov.[13]
According to Feklisov, Rosenberg provided thousands of classified (top secret) reports from Emerson Radio,
including a complete proximity fuze, an upgraded model of which was used to shoot down Gary Powers' U-2 in
1960. Under Feklisov's administration, Rosenberg is said to have recruited sympathetic individuals into NKVD
service, including Joel Barr, Alfred Sarant, William Perl and Morton Sobell.[14] The Venona intercept shows that
Julius Rosenberg (code name LIBERAL) was the head of this particular spy ring.
According to Feklisov, he was supplied by Perl, under Julius Rosenberg’s direction, with thousands of documents
from the National Advisory Committee for Aeronautics, including a complete set of design and production drawings
for the Lockheed's P-80 Shooting Star. Feklisov says he learned through Rosenberg that his brother-in-law David
Greenglass was working on the top-secret Manhattan Project at the Los Alamos National Laboratory; he used Julius
to recruit him.[13]
The USSR and the U.S. became allies during World War II, after Nazi Germany's surprise attack on the USSR in
1941, but the U.S. government was highly suspicious of Joseph Stalin's long-term intentions. The Americans did not
share information or seek assistance from the Soviet Union for the Manhattan Project. The Soviets were aware of the
project as a result of espionage penetration of the U.S. government and made a number of attempts to infiltrate its
operations at the University of California, Berkeley. The FBI file CINRAD (Communist Infiltration of the Radiation
Laboratory) implicated J. Robert Oppenheimer, a consultant at the Radiation Lab and later, the key figure at Los
Alamos, because of his earlier communist sympathies.[15] A number of project members—some
high-profile—voluntarily gave secret information to Soviet agents, many because they were ardent communists[16]
or were sympathetic to the Soviet Union's role in the war and did not feel the U.S. should have a monopoly on
55
Julius and Ethel Rosenberg
56
atomic weapons.[17]
After the war, the U.S. continued to protect its nuclear secrets, but the Soviet Union was able to produce its own
atomic weapons by 1949. The West was shocked by the speed with which the Soviets were able to stage their first
nuclear test, "Joe 1", on August 29, 1949.[18] In January 1950 the U.S. discovered that Klaus Fuchs, a German
refugee theoretical physicist working for the British mission in the Manhattan Project, had given key documents to
the Soviets throughout the war. Fuchs identified his courier as Harry Gold, who was arrested on May 23, 1950.[19]
Gold confessed and identified Sergeant David Greenglass, a former machinist at Los Alamos, as an additional
source.
Greenglass confessed to having passed secret information on to the USSR through Gold. Though he initially denied
any involvement by his sister, Ethel Rosenberg, eventually he claimed that she knew of her husband's dealings and
typed some documents for him.[16] He also claimed that her husband, Julius, had convinced her sister Ruth
Greenglass to recruit David while on a visit to him in Albuquerque, New Mexico, in 1944. He said Julius had passed
secrets, and linked him and Ethel to the Soviet contact agent Anatoli Yakovlev. This connection would be necessary
as evidence if there was to be a conviction for espionage.[20]
Another accused conspirator, Morton Sobell, was on vacation in Mexico City when both Rosenbergs were arrested.
According to his memoir, On Doing Time, he tried to figure out a way to reach Europe without a passport.
Abandoning that effort, he returned to Mexico City, where he claimed to have been kidnapped by members of the
Mexican secret police and driven to the U.S. border, where he was arrested by U.S. forces.[21] The government
claimed Sobell was arrested by the Mexican police for bank robbery on August 16, 1950, and extradited the next day
to the United States in Laredo, Texas.[22] He was charged and tried with the Rosenbergs on one count of conspiracy
to commit espionage.
Grand jury
In August 1950, a federal grand jury was convened to hear the Justice Department's case for indictments. The grand
jury transcripts,[23] made public in 2008,[24] record that on August 3, Ethel Rosenberg's sister-in-law, Ruth
Greenglass, testified that in November 1944, Julius Rosenberg recruited Ethel, and urged her to recruit David
Greenglass (Ruth's husband) into a conspiracy to engage in atomic espionage for the Soviet Union:
[H]e proceeded to tell me that he knew that David was working on the atomic bomb.... that he felt there was not a direct exchange of scientific
information among the Allies, and that it would be only fair for Russia to have the information, too... and he wanted to make that possible. He
asked me if I would relate this to David and ask him to pass on information through Julius.
“
”
She added that Ethel participated in this effort, urging her to comply:
“
”
His wife said that I should at least relay the message, that she felt that David might be interested, he would want to do this.... [S]he urged me to
[25]
talk to David. She felt that even if I was against it, I should at least discuss it with him and hear what he had to say.
On August 17, the grand jury returned an indictment alleging 11 overt acts. Both Julius and Ethel Rosenberg were
indicted, as were David Greenglass and Anatoli Yakovlev.[26]
Julius and Ethel Rosenberg
57
Trial and conviction
The trial of the Rosenbergs and Sobell began on March 6, 1951. The
judge was Irving Kaufman, the prosecutor was the U.S. Attorney for
the Southern District of New York Irving Saypol and the attorney for
the Rosenbergs was Emanuel Hirsch Bloch.[27][28] The prosecution's
primary witness, David Greenglass, stated that his sister Ethel typed
notes containing U.S. nuclear secrets in the Rosenberg apartment in
September 1945. He also testified that he turned over to Julius
Rosenberg a sketch of the cross-section of an implosion-type atom
bomb (the "Fat Man" bomb dropped on Nagasaki, Japan, as opposed to
a bomb with the "gun method" triggering device as used in the "Little
Boy" bomb dropped on Hiroshima).[29] The notes allegedly typed by
Ethel apparently contained little that was relevant to the Soviet atomic
bomb project and some suggest Ethel was indicted along with Julius so
that the prosecution could use her to pressure Julius into giving up the
names of others who were involved.[30] However, neither Julius nor
Ethel Rosenberg named anyone else and during testimony each
asserted their right under the U.S. Constitution's Fifth Amendment to
not incriminate themselves whenever asked about involvement in the
Communist Party or with its members. The then Deputy Attorney
General of the United States William P. Rogers, when later asked
about the failure of the indictment of Ethel to extract a full confession
from Julius, reportedly said, "She called our bluff."[31]
Police booking photograph of Ethel Rosenberg.
The Rosenbergs were convicted on March 29, 1951, and on April 5
were sentenced to death by Judge Irving Kaufman under Section 2 of
the Espionage Act of 1917, 50 U.S. Code 32 (now 18 U.S. Code 794),
which prohibits transmitting or attempting to transmit to a foreign
Police booking photograph of Julius
government information "relating to the national defense."[32] The
Rosenberg after his arrest.
conviction helped to fuel Senator Joseph McCarthy's investigations
into anti-American activities by U.S. citizens. While their devotion to
the Communist cause was well documented, the Rosenbergs denied the espionage charges even as they faced the
electric chair.[33]
The Rosenbergs were the only two American civilians to be executed for espionage-related activity during the Cold
War.[34] In imposing the death penalty, Kaufman noted that he held them responsible not only for espionage but also
for the deaths of the Korean War:
Julius and Ethel Rosenberg
58
David Greenglass' sketch of an implosion-type
nuclear weapon design, illustrating what he
allegedly gave the Rosenbergs to pass on to the
Soviet Union.
“
I consider your crime worse than murder... I believe your conduct in putting into the hands of the Russians the A-Bomb years before our best
scientists predicted Russia would perfect the bomb has already caused, in my opinion, the Communist aggression in Korea, with the resultant
casualties exceeding 50,000 and who knows but that millions more of innocent people may pay the price of your treason. Indeed, by your
betrayal you undoubtedly have altered the course of history to the disadvantage of our country. No one can say that we do not live in a
constant state of tension. We have evidence of your treachery all around us every day for the civilian defense activities throughout the nation
[35]
are aimed at preparing us for an atom bomb attack.
”
After the publication of an investigative series in The National Guardian and the formation of the National
Committee to Secure Justice in the Rosenberg Case, some Americans came to believe both Rosenbergs were
innocent or received too harsh a punishment, and a grassroots campaign was started to try to stop the couple's
execution. Between the trial and the executions there were widespread protests and claims of antisemitism; the
charges of antisemitism were widely believed abroad, but not among the vast majority in the United States, where
the Rosenbergs did not receive any support from mainstream Jewish organizations nor from the American Civil
Liberties Union; the ACLU would not acknowledge any violations of civil liberties.[36]
Marxist Nobel-Prize-winning existentialist philosopher and writer Jean-Paul Sartre called the trial "a legal lynching
which smears with blood a whole nation. By killing the Rosenbergs, you have quite simply tried to halt the progress
of science by human sacrifice. Magic, witch-hunts, autos-da-fé, sacrifices — we are here getting to the point: your
country is sick with fear... you are afraid of the shadow of your own bomb."[37] Others, including non-Communists
such as Albert Einstein and Nobel-Prize-winning physical chemist Harold Urey,[38] as well as Communists or
left-leaning artists such as Nelson Algren, Bertolt Brecht, Jean Cocteau, Dashiell Hammett, Frida Kahlo and Diego
Rivera, protested the position of the American government in what the French termed America's Dreyfus affair.[39]
In May 1951, Pablo Picasso wrote for the communist French newspaper L’Humanité, "The hours count. The minutes
count. Do not let this crime against humanity take place."[40] The all-black labor union International Longshoremen’s
Association Local 968 stopped working for a day in protest.[41] Cinema artists such as Fritz Lang registered their
protest.[42] Pope Pius XII appealed to President Dwight D. Eisenhower to spare the couple, but Eisenhower refused
on February 11, 1953, and all other appeals were also unsuccessful.[43][44]
Julius and Ethel Rosenberg
59
Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan, vice-chairman of the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, investigated how
much the Soviet spy ring helped the USSR to build their bomb. In 1945, Moynihan found, physicist Hans Bethe
estimated that the Soviets would be able to build their own bomb in five years. “Thanks to information provided by
their agents,” Moynihan concluded in his book Secrecy, they did it in four. That was the edge that espionage gave
them: one year.”[45]
Execution
Because the United States Federal Bureau of Prisons did not operate an
electric chair at the time, the Rosenbergs were transferred to the New
York State-run Sing Sing Correctional Facility in Ossining for
execution. The couple was executed at sundown in the electric chair on
June 19, 1953.[2][46] This was delayed from the originally scheduled
date of June 18 because, on June 17, Supreme Court Associate Justice
William O. Douglas had granted a stay of execution. That stay resulted
from the intervention in the case by Fyke Farmer, a Tennessee lawyer
whose efforts had previously met with scorn from the Rosenbergs'
attorney.[47]
Sing Sing Correctional Facility, where the
Rosenbergs were executed
On June 18, the Court was called back into special session to dispose of Douglas' stay rather than let the execution be
delayed for months while the appeal that was the basis of the stay wended its way through the lower courts. The
Court did not vacate Douglas' stay until noon on June 19. Thus, the execution then was scheduled for later in the
evening after the start of the Jewish Sabbath.[48] Desperately playing for more time, their lawyer, Emanuel Hirsch
Bloch, filed a complaint that this offended their Jewish heritage, so the execution was scheduled before sunset, at 8
pm on Friday instead of the regular time of execution at Sing Sing of 11 pm. which usually took place on
Thursday.[49]
Eyewitness testimony (as given by a newsreel report featured in the 1982 documentary film The Atomic Cafe)
describes the circumstances of the Rosenbergs' death, noting that while Julius Rosenberg died after the first electric
shock, his wife did not. After the normal course of three electric shocks, attendants removed the strapping and other
equipment only to have doctors determine that Mrs. Rosenberg had not yet died (her heart was still beating). Two
more electric shocks were applied, and at conclusion eyewitnesses reported, Bob Considine among them, that smoke
rose from her head in the chamber.[50]
Ethel and Julius Rosenberg were buried at Wellwood Cemetery in Pinelawn, New York.[48]
Later developments
Memoir of Nikita Khrushchev
The posthumously published memoir of Nikita Khrushchev, leader of the Soviet Union from 1953 to 1964, records
that he learned from Joseph Stalin and Vyacheslav M. Molotov that Julius and Ethel Rosenberg "had provided very
significant help in accelerating the production of our atomic bomb." The memoir adds:
“
Let this be a worthy tribute to the memory of those people. Let my words serve as an expression of gratitude to those who sacrificed their lives
to a great cause of the Soviet state at a time when the U.S. was using its advantage over our state to blackmail our state and undermine its
[51]
proletarian cause..."
”
Julius and Ethel Rosenberg
60
Boris V. Brokhovich
The engineer who later became director of Chelyabinsk-40, the plutonium production reactor and extraction facility
which the Soviet Union used to create its first bomb material, denied any involvement by the Rosenbergs. In 1989,
Boris V. Brokhovich told The New York Times in an interview that development of the bomb had been a matter of
trial and error. "You sat the Rosenbergs in the electric chair for nothing", he said. "We got nothing from the
Rosenbergs."[52]
Alexandre Feklisov
According to Alexandre Feklisov, the former Soviet agent who was Julius' contact, he had not provided the Soviet
Union with any useful material about the atomic bomb, "He didn't understand anything about the atomic bomb and
he couldn't help us."[4] However, in his book The Man Behind the Rosenbergs, he claimed that Julius Rosenberg
passed him a wealth of extremely useful information on US electronic systems. Thus the crux of the matter is not
whether or not Julius Rosenberg was innocent of the charge espionage; rather it is if he should have received the
death penalty. [13]
Venona
In 1995 the results of the Venona decryption project were released by the US government. Among these was a
Soviet Intelligence cable of September 21, 1944, from New York station to Moscow Center which read in part:
LIBERAL recommended the wife of his wife's brother, Ruth GREENGLASS.... She is 21 years old, a TOWNSWOMAN [GOROZhANKA], a
GYMNAST [FIZKUL'TURNITsA] since 1942.... LIBERAL and his wife recommend her.... [Ruth] learned that her husband ... is now
working at the ENORMOUS [ENORMOZ] plant in SANTA FE, New Mexico.
“
”
Notes by U.S. Signals Intelligence Service cryptographers identify the code-names LIBERAL as "Julius
ROSENBERG," GOROZhANKA as "American Citizen," FIZKUL'TURNITsA as "Probably a Member of the
Young Communist League," and ENORMOZ as "Atomic Energy Project."[53]
David Greenglass
David Greenglass, Ethel Rosenberg's brother and key prosecution witness, recanted his testimony about his sister's
typed notes. He stated in an interview in 2001: "I don't know who typed it, frankly, and to this day I can't remember
that the typing took place. I had no memory of that at all—none whatsoever."[34] He said he gave false testimony to
protect himself and his wife, Ruth, and that he was encouraged by the prosecution to do so; "I would not sacrifice my
wife and my children for my sister."[34] He refused to express any remorse for his decision to sacrifice his sister,
saying only that he did not realize that the death penalty would be invoked.[34]
Release of grand jury transcripts
In a hearing, U.S. District Judge Alvin K. Hellerstein decided to make public the grand jury testimony of 36 of the
46 witnesses but not that of Greenglass. Citing the objections of Greenglass and two other living witnesses, the judge
claimed that their right to privacy "overrides the public’s need to know."[54] Georgetown University law professor
David Vladeck argued on behalf of historical groups that because of recent interviews, Greenglass forfeited the
privacy he now claims and that the testimony should be released. Hellerstein was not convinced. The testimony of
the other seven witnesses will be released upon their consent, or confirmation that they are dead or impossible to
find.[54]
In September 2008, hundreds of pages of grand jury transcripts were released. With this release, it was revealed that
Ruth Greenglass had irreconcilable differences in her grand jury testimony in August 1950 and the testimony she
gave at trial. At the grand jury, Ruth Greenglass was asked, "Didn't you write [the information] down on a piece of
paper?"[55] She replied, "Yes, I wrote [the information] down a piece of paper and [Julius Rosenberg] took it with
Julius and Ethel Rosenberg
him."[55] But, at the trial she testified that Ethel Rosenberg typed up notes about the atomic bomb.[55]
Morton Sobell
In 2008, after many years of denial, Morton Sobell finally admitted he
was a Soviet spy and confirmed Julius Rosenberg was "in a conspiracy
that delivered to the Soviets classified military and industrial
information ... [on] the atomic bomb."[10] However, he stated that the
hand-drawn diagrams and other atomic-bomb details that were
acquired by David Greenglass and passed to Julius were of "little
value" to the Soviet Union, and were used only to corroborate what
Morton Sobell (left), Marshall Perlin, Robert
they had already learned from the other atomic spies.[10] He also stated
Meeropol, Franz Loeser, April 19, 1976.
that he believed Ethel Rosenberg was aware of her husband's deeds,
[10]
but took no part in them.
In a subsequent letter to The New York Times, Sobell denied that he knew anything
about Julius Rosenberg's alleged atomic espionage activities – that the only thing he knew for sure was what he
(Sobell) did with Julius Rosenberg.[56]
The Rosenbergs' children
The Rosenbergs' two sons, Robert Meeropol and Michael Meeropol, spent years trying to prove the innocence of
their parents. After Morton Sobell, at age 91, confessed in 2008, they acknowledged their father had been involved
in espionage, but not passing secrets of the bomb. They noted that new evidence cast more doubt on their mother's
guilt and said they considered her an innocent person, set up by the government.[57] The Rosenberg children were
orphaned by the executions and no relatives adopted them. They were adopted by the songwriter Abel Meeropol and
his wife Anne, and they assumed the Meeropol surname. Under the pen name of Lewis Allan, he (Abel Meeropol)
wrote the classic anti-lynching anthem "Strange Fruit", made famous by singer Billie Holiday.
Robert and Michael co-wrote a book about their and their parents' lives, We Are Your Sons: The Legacy of Ethel and
Julius Rosenberg (1975). Robert wrote a later memoir, An Execution in the Family: One Son's Journey (2003). In
1990, he founded the Rosenberg Fund for Children, a nonprofit foundation that provides support for children of
targeted progressive activists, and youth who are targeted activists.[58] Michael is recently retired as the Chair and
Professor of Economics, School of Arts and Sciences, Economics at Western New England College in Springfield,
Massachusetts. Michael's daughter, Ivy Meeropol, directed a 2004 documentary about her grandparents, Heir to an
Execution, which was featured at the Sundance Film Festival.[59]
Michael and Robert Meeropol believe that "whatever atomic bomb information their father passed to the Russians
was, at best, superfluous; the case was riddled with prosecutorial and judicial misconduct; their mother was
convicted on flimsy evidence to place leverage on her husband; and neither deserved the death penalty."[57] Their
mother, they concluded, had not been a spy, but rather had been framed by the false testimony of her brother, and
should never have been tried, much less executed.
61
Julius and Ethel Rosenberg
In popular culture
• Turkish poet Melih Cevdet Anday has written the poem "Ani", "Memory/Remembrance" in English, dedicated to
Rosenbergs and Zulfu Livaneli has composed the same named song for the lyrics.
• The television show Cold Case has an episode of a murder that takes place the night of the Rosenberg execution.
• The Rosenbergs are referred to in Sylvia Plath's novel The Bell Jar (1963), including in the famous opening line,
"It was a queer, sultry summer, the summer they electrocuted the Rosenbergs, and I didn't know what I was doing
in New York."'[60]
• The E. L. Doctorow novel The Book of Daniel (1971) is based on the Rosenberg case as seen through the eyes of
the (fictionalized) son. Doctorow wrote the screenplay of the Sidney Lumet film, Daniel, starring Timothy
Hutton.
• Robert Coover's The Public Burning (1977) dealt with the case. Unlike Doctorow, Coover uses real names for
most protagonists of the case, and uses a fictionalized Richard Nixon as his narrator for half of the chapters. This
sparked a long delay in the publication of the novel, since publishing houses feared lawsuits from persons
portrayed in the book.
• French singer Jean Ferrat released a (fictional?) letter by Ethel Rosenberg to her sons as a chanson under the title
"Si nous mourons" (If We Die) (1979).[61]
• In Audre Lorde's biomythography, "Zami: A New Spelling of My Name", the Rosenburgs are mentioned, as
Lorde was in New York when the executions occurred.
• In the 1992 film Citizen Cohn, Ethel Rosenberg is portrayed by Karen Ludwig.
• Ethel Rosenberg is a major supporting character in Tony Kushner's critically acclaimed play Angels in America
(1993), in which her ghost haunts a dying Roy Cohn. In the HBO 2003 miniseries adaptation of the play, she was
portrayed by Meryl Streep.[61]
• In Season 1 Episode 12 (Prison Story) of the television show The Pretender, the main character Jarod is subject to
a simulation where he supports Rosenberg's innocence.
• Faiz Ahmed Faiz, a celebrated revolutionary poet of Pakistan, praised Julius and Ethel Rosenberg's sacrifices in
his poems, which are now classics of Urdu poetry.
• Julius and Ethel Rosenberg are portrayed in the episode "Time Again and World" of the television show Sliders.
The episode, which takes place in an alternate universe in which the United States Constitution was abridged in
1963 by President J. Edgar Hoover, has the Rosenbergs mentioned as the ones who assassinated John F. Kennedy.
After the Rosenbergs are executed, Hoover becomes President due to his popularity with the execution, abridges
the Constitution, and places the country under martial law, which lasts well into the 1990s.
• The Rosenbergs are noted in the lyrics of "We Didn't Start the Fire" by Billy Joel.
• Millicent Dillon dealt with these figures in her fictional biography Harry Gold (2000).[62]
• Tema Nason wrote Ethel: A Fictional Autobiography (2002), based on Ethel Rosenberg.
• Julius Rosenberg is available in the computer game Civilization 4 as a Great Spy.
• In The Simpsons episode "The Color Yellow" Julius and Ethel Rosenberg are briefly mentioned as being members
of the Simpson family.
• In You've Got Mail, Meg Ryan's character's first boyfriend Frank (played by Greg Kinnear) is a journalist referred
to as 'the greatest living expert on Julius and Ethel Rosenberg.'
• In the episode "Scardey Dick" of 3rd Rock from the Sun, Sally and Tommy are dressed as Julius and Ethel for
Halloween.
62
Julius and Ethel Rosenberg
Notes
[1] Her tombstone (http:/ / www. findagrave. com/ cgi-bin/ fg. cgi?page=pv& GRid=901& PIpi=76538) Find a Grave
[2] "50 years later, Rosenberg execution is still fresh" (http:/ / www. usatoday. com/ news/ nation/ 2003-06-17-rosenbergs_x. htm). Associated
Press in USA Today. 2003-06-17. . Retrieved 2008-01-08.
[3] "Rosenberg sons acknowledge dad was spy" (http:/ / www. msnbc. msn. com/ id/ 26761635). Associated Press at MSNBC. September 17,
2008. . Retrieved 2009-03-13. "The guilt of the Rosenbergs, the conduct of their trial, and the appropriateness of their sentence have been the
subject of continued debate since their arrest and trial. While independent corroboration has indicated that Julius Rosenberg did pass
information to the Soviets, there is little evidence that his wife Ethel participated in espionage."
[4] Stanley, Alessandra (March 16, 1997). "K.G.B. Agent Plays Down Atomic Role Of Rosenbergs" (http:/ / query. nytimes. com/ gst/ fullpage.
html?res=9B06E2DF1438F935A25750C0A961958260& scp=3& sq=feklisov& st=nyt). The New York Times. . Retrieved 2008-06-24. "A
retired K.G.B. colonel has for the first time disclosed his role as the human conduit between Moscow and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg ...
Aleksandr Feklisov, 83, said ... while Julius Rosenberg did give away military secrets, he had not provided Russia with any useful material
about the atomic bomb."
[5] "Remembering the Rosenbergs" (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ 2003/ 06/ 19/ opinion/ 19THU3. html?pagewanted=1). The New York Times.
June 19, 2003. . Retrieved 2010-04-22.
[6] "THE OTHER ROSENBERGS: They Had The Wrong Name At The Wrong Place At The Wrong Time" (http:/ / momentmag. com/ moment/
issues/ 2011/ 04/ rosenbergs. html). Moment. March/April 2011. . Retrieved 2011-09-04.
[7] Ranzal, Edward (March 19, 1953). "Greenglass, in Prison, Vows to Kin He Told Truth About Rosenbergs" (http:/ / select. nytimes. com/ gst/
abstract. html?res=F00714FE3D59107A93CBA81788D85F478585F9). The New York Times. . Retrieved 2008-07-07. "David Greenglass,
serving 15 years as a confessed atom spy, denied to members of his family recently that he had been coached by the Federal Bureau of
Investigation in the drawing of segments of the atom bomb."
[8] Whitman, Alden (February 14, 1974). "1972 Death of Harry Gold Revealed" (http:/ / select. nytimes. com/ gst/ abstract.
html?res=F50B1EFA3D541A7493C6A81789D85F408785F9). The New York Times. . Retrieved 2008-07-07. "Harry Gold, who served 15
years in Federal prison as a confessed atomic spy courier, for Klaus Fuchs, a Soviet agent, and who was a key Government witness in the
Julius and Ethel Rosenberg espionage case in 1951, died 18 months ago in Philadelphia."
[9] Ranzal, Edward (January 15, 1969). "Morton Sobell Free As Spy Term Ends" (http:/ / select. nytimes. com/ gst/ abstract.
html?res=F30B14F63C5E147493C7A8178AD85F4D8685F9). The New York Times. . Retrieved 2008-07-07. "Morton Sobell, sentenced to 30
years for a wartime espionage conspiracy to deliver vital national secrets to the Soviet Union, was released from prison yesterday after serving
17 years and 9 months."
[10] Roberts, Sam (September 12, 2008). "For First Time, Figure in Rosenberg Case Admits Spying for Soviets" (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/
2008/ 09/ 12/ nyregion/ 12spy. html?partner=rssnyt& emc=rss). The New York Times. . Retrieved May 7, 2010. "Sobell, who served nearly 19
years in Alcatraz and other federal prisons, admitted for the first time that he had been a Soviet spy."
[11] Denison, Charles and Chuck (2004). The Great American Songbook (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=TPOS7AMCOhoC&
pg=PA45& dq=Abel+ Meeropol+ children& cd=1#v=onepage& q=Abel Meeropol children}& f=false). Author's Choice Publishing. p. 45.
ISBN 1-931741-42-2. .
[12] Wang, Jessica (1999). American science in an age of anxiety (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=Ok_A5UV1mdoC& pg=PA262&
dq=Julius+ Rosenberg+ Army+ Signal+ Corp+ work& cd=2#v=onepage& q=& f=false). UNC Press. p. 262. ISBN 0-8078-4749-7. .
[13] Feklisov, Aleksandr; Sergei Kostin (2001). The Man Behind the Rosenbergs. Enigma Books. ISBN 1-929631-08-1.
[14] Feklisov, Aleksandr; Sergei Kostin (2001). The Man Behind the Rosenbergs. Enigma Books. pp. 140–147. ISBN 1-929631-08-1.
[15] Evans, Medford Stanton (2007). Blacklisted by history (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=vz42rDYmf3wC& pg=PA137&
dq=University+ + California+ Berkeley+ Soviet+ WWII+ infiltration& cd=1#v=onepage& q=& f=false). Random House. p. 137.
ISBN 1-4000-8105-9. .
[16] NOVA Online - Secrets, Lies, and Atomic Spies (http:/ / www. pbs. org/ wgbh/ nova/ venona/ inte_19440921. html)
[17] See Bombshell. Times Books. 1997. ISBN 0-8129-2861-X. with reference to Theodore Alvin Hall and Saville Sax and their motives.
[18] Ziegler, Charles A.; Jacobson, David (1995). Spying without spies (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=mIVto1lFdFEC& pg=PA220&
dq=Nuclear+ test+ Job1& cd=4#v=onepage& q=Nuclear test Joe 1& f=false). Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 220. ISBN 0-275-95049-1. .
[19] Radosh, Ronald; Milton, Joyce (1997). The Rosenberg file (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=QpKjGSHAcaYC& pg=PA39&
dq=Fuchs+ courier+ Harry+ Gold& cd=7#v=onepage& q=Fuchs courier Harry Gold& f=false). Yale University Press. pp. 39–40.
ISBN 0-300-07205-1. .
[20] Theoharis, Athan G. (1999). The FBI: a comprehensive reference guide (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=VnQduXa4JdoC&
pg=PA65& dq=Greenglass+ Julius+ Rosenberg+ espionage& cd=1#v=onepage& q=Greenglass Greenglass Julius Rosenberg espionage&
f=false). Greenwood Publishing Group. pp. 65–66. ISBN 0-89774-991-6. . "FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover subsequently termed this case "the
crime of the century.""
[21] Neville, John F. (1995). The Press, the Rosenbergs, and the Cold War (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=CeY15p_CuYAC&
pg=PA25& dq=Morton+ Sobell+ arrest& lr=& cd=5#v=onepage& q=Morton Sobell arrest& f=false). Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 25.
ISBN 0-275-94995-2. .
[22] Neville, John F. (1995). The Press, the Rosenbergs, and the Cold War. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 25. ISBN 0-275-94995-2.
63
Julius and Ethel Rosenberg
[23] "Records of the Rosenberg Grand Jury Transcripts" (http:/ / www. archives. gov/ research/ arc/ topics/ courts/ rosenberg-jury. html).
National Archives and Records Administration. . Retrieved 13 January 2011.
[24] "National Archives to Open Rosenberg Grand Jury Transcripts" (http:/ / www. archives. gov/ press/ press-releases/ 2008/ nr08-144. html).
Press Release. National Archives and Records Administration. September 9, 2008. . Retrieved 13 January 2011.
[25] "Testimony of Ruth Greenglass, August 3, 1950" (http:/ / media. nara. gov/ northeast/ nyc/
rosenbergcasefiles-greenglass-ruth-pg9132to9161. pdf). Records of the Rosenberg Grand Jury Transcripts (National Archives and Records
Administration): 09137–09138 (PDF 6–7). 1950. . Retrieved 13 January 2011.
[26] "The Atom Spy Case" (http:/ / www. fbi. gov/ about-us/ history/ famous-cases/ the-atom-spy-case/ the-atom-spy-case). Famous Cases and
Criminals. Federal Bureau of Investigation. . Retrieved 13 January 2011.
[27] Jenkins, John Philip. "Julius Rosenberg and Ethel Rosenberg (American spies) -- Britannica Online Encyclopedia" (http:/ / www. britannica.
com/ EBchecked/ topic/ 1353311/ Julius-Rosenberg-and-Ethel-Rosenberg). Britannica.com. . Retrieved 2011-09-04.
[28] "Milestones, Feb. 8, 1954" (http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ magazine/ article/ 0,9171,860424,00. html). Time. 1954-02-08. . Retrieved
2008-06-21.
[29] Roberts, Sam (2003). The Brother: the untold story of the Rosenberg Case. Random House. pp. 403–407. ISBN 0-375-76124-9. "On
February 28, 1945, the NKVD submitted to Lavrenti Beria a comprehensive report on nuclear weaponry, including implosion research, based
chiefly on intelligence from Hall and Greenglass."
[30] Roberts, Sam (2001). The Brother: The Untold Story of the Rosenberg Case. Random House. pp. 425–426, 432. ISBN 0-375-76124-1.
[31] Roberts, Sam (2008-06-26). "Spies and Secrecy" (http:/ / cityroom. blogs. nytimes. com/ 2008/ 06/ 26/ podcast-spies-and-secrecy/
#more-3235). The New York Times. . Retrieved 2008-06-27. "No, he replied, the goal wasn’t to kill the couple. The strategy was to use the
death sentence imposed on Ethel to wring a full confession from Julius — in hopes that Ethel’s motherly instincts would trump unconditional
loyalty to a noble but discredited cause. What went wrong? Rogers’s explanation still haunts me. 'She called our bluff' he said."
[32] Huberich, Charles Henry (1918). The law relating to trading with the enemy (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=Bgc9AAAAYAAJ&
pg=PA349& dq=espionage+ act+ of+ 1917+ text& cd=5#). Baker, Voorhis & Company. p. 349. .
[33] Theoharis, Athan G. (1999). The FBI: a comprehensive reference guide. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 65. ISBN 0-89774-991-6.
[34] "False testimony clinched Rosenberg spy trial" (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 2/ hi/ americas/ 1695240. stm). BBC. December 6, 2001. .
Retrieved 2008-07-30.
[35] "Judge Kaufman's Statement Upon Sentencing the Rosenbergs" (http:/ / www. law. umkc. edu/ faculty/ projects/ ftrials/ rosenb/
ROS_SENT. HTM). University of Missouri–Kansas City. . Retrieved 2008-06-24.
[36] Radosh, Ronald; Milton, Joyce (1997). The Rosenberg File (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=QpKjGSHAcaYC& pg=PA352&
dq=Anti-semitism+ Rosenberg+ trial+ execution& cd=1#v=onepage& q=Anti-semitism Rosenberg trial execution& f=false). Yale University
Press. p. 352. ISBN 0-300-07205-1. .
[37] Schneir, Walter (1983). Invitation to an Inquest. Pantheon Books. p. 254. ISBN 0-394-71496-2.
[38] Feklisov, Aleksandr; Kostine, Sergei (2001). The man behind the Rosenbergs. Enigma Books. p. 311. ISBN 1-929631-08-7. "The great
physicists Albert Einstein and Harold Urey asked President Truman to pardon the couple."
[39] Radosh, Ronald; Milton, Joyce (1997). The Rosenberg File. Yale University Press. p. 352. ISBN 0-300-07205-1. "But it was the apparent
parallel with France's own Dreyfus case that touched the deepest chords in the national psyche."
[40] Schulte, Elizabeth (Issue 29, May–June 2003). "The trial of Ethel and Julius Rosenberg" (http:/ / www. isreview. org/ issues/ 29/ rosenbergs.
shtml). International Socialist Review. . Retrieved 2008-10-05.
[41] "Unions throughout U.S. joining in plea to save the Rosenbergs". Daily Worker. 1953-01-15.
[42] Sharp, Malcolm P. (1956). Was Justice Done? The Rosenberg-Sobell Case. Monthly Review Press. p. 132. 56-10953.
[43] Schrecker, Ellen (1998). Many Are the Crimes: McCarthyism in America. Little, Brown and Company. p. 137. ISBN 0-316-77470-7.
[44] Cortes, Arnaldo (1953-02-14). "Pope Made Appeal to Aid Rosenbergs." (http:/ / select. nytimes. com/ gst/ abstract.
html?res=FB0C14FF345E177B93C6A81789D85F478585F9). The New York Times. . Retrieved 2008-09-17. "Pope Pius XII appealed to the
United States Government for clemency in the Rosenberg atomic spy case, the Vatican newspaper L'Osservatore Romano revealed today."
[45] Daniel Patrick Moynihan, Secrecy (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1999), 143–44.
[46] "Execution of the Rosenbergs" (http:/ / www. guardian. co. uk/ world/ 1953/ jun/ 20/ usa. fromthearchive). The Guardian (London). June 20,
1953. . Retrieved 2008-06-24. "Julius and Ethel Rosenberg was executed early this morning at Sing Sing Prison for conspiring to pass atomic
secrets to Russia in World War II"
[47] Wood, E. Thomas (2007-06-17). "Nashville now and then: A lawyer's last gamble" (http:/ / www. nashvillepost. com/ news/ 2007/ 6/ 17/
nashville_now_and_then_a_lawyers_last_gamble_and_a_universitys_divorce). NashvillePost.com. . Retrieved 2007-08-08. "Farmer, working
at no charge against the opposition of not only the government but also the Rosenbergs' legal team, had showed up at Douglas's chambers
without an appointment, on the day after the high court adjourned for the term. Farmer convinced the jurist that the Rosenbergs had been tried
under an invalid law. If they could be charged with any crime, he asserted, it would have to be a violation of the Atomic Energy Act, which
did not carry a death penalty, rather than the Espionage Act of 1917."
[48] Haberman, Clyde (June 20, 2003). "Executed At Sundown, 50 Years Ago." (http:/ / query. nytimes. com/ gst/ fullpage.
html?res=9F01E6D81E38F933A15755C0A9659C8B63& sec=& spon=& pagewanted=all). The New York Times. . Retrieved 2008-06-23.
"Rosenberg. One more name out of thousands, representing all those souls on their journey through forever at Wellwood Cemetery, along the
border between Nassau and Suffolk Counties.... Usually at Sing Sing, the death penalty was carried out at 11 p.m. But that June 19 was a
Friday, and 11 p.m. would have pushed the executions well into the Jewish Sabbath, which begins at sundown. The federal judge in
64
Julius and Ethel Rosenberg
Manhattan who sentenced them to death, Irving R. Kaufman, said that the very idea of a Sabbath execution gave him 'considerable concern.'
The Justice Department agreed. So the time was pushed forward."
[49] Roberts, Sam (2003). The Brother: the untold story of the Rosenberg case (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=z6HtGVvO6jEC&
pg=PT20& dq=Rosenberg+ execution+ before+ sunset& cd=4#v=onepage& q=& f=false). Random House. p. 11. ISBN 0-375-76124-9. .
"(According to Orthodox tradition, the Sabbath begins eighteen minutes before sunset Friday and ends the following evening.)"
[50] Philipson, Ilene (1993). Ethel Rosenber: beyond the myths (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=8g6JU4hTJ2AC& pg=PA351& dq=Bob+
Considine+ Rosenberg+ execution& cd=1#v=onepage& q=Bob Considine Rosenberg execution& f=false). Rutgers University Press.
pp. 351–352. ISBN 0-8135-1917-3. .
[51] McFadden, Robert (1990-09-25). "Khrushchev on Rosenbergs: Stoking Old Embers" (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ 1990/ 09/ 25/ world/
khrushchev-on-rosenbergs-stoking-old-embers. html). The New York Times. . Retrieved 2008-08-13. "Nearly four decades after Julius and
Ethel Rosenberg were executed for conspiring to pass America's atomic bomb secrets to the Soviet Union, the case that has haunted scholars,
historians and partisans of the left and the right has found a new witness: Nikita S. Khrushchev."
[52] McFadden, Robert (2008-09-25). "Khrushchev on Rosenbergs: Stoking Old Embers" (http:/ / query. nytimes. com/ gst/ fullpage.
html?res=9C0CE0DC103FF936A1575AC0A966958260). The New York Times. . Retrieved 2008-08-13. "Nearly four decades after Julius and
Ethel Rosenberg were executed for conspiring to pass America's atomic bomb secrets to the Soviet Union, the case that has haunted scholars,
historians and partisans of the left and the right has found a new witness: Nikita S. Khrushchev."
[53] "Venona 1340 New York to Moscow 21 September 1944" (http:/ / www. nsa. gov/ public_info/ _files/ venona/ 1944/
21sep_recruitment_by_rosenbergs. pdf). National Security Agency. . 1340 New York to Moscow 21 September 1944
[54] "Judge hears case for historic Rosenberg spy trial" (http:/ / www. nydailynews. com/ news/ us_world/ 2008/ 07/ 22/
2008-07-22_judge_hears_case_for_historic_rosenberg_. html). Associated Press (New York Daily News). July 22, 2008. . Retrieved
2008-07-30.
[55] Watt, Holly (2008-09-12). "Witness Changed Her Story During Rosenberg Spy Case" (http:/ / www. washingtonpost. com/ wp-dyn/ content/
article/ 2008/ 09/ 11/ AR2008091103887. html). Washington Post. .
[56] "LETTER; The Rosenberg Case" (http:/ / query. nytimes. com/ gst/ fullpage. html?res=9C03EFD9163AF93AA2575AC0A96E9C8B63&
ref=julius_rosenberg). The New York Times. September 19, 2008. .
[57] Roberts, Sam (September 16, 2008). "Father Was a Spy, Sons Conclude With Regret" (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ 2008/ 09/ 17/ nyregion/
17rosenbergs. html?_r=1& hp& oref=slogin). The New York Times. . Retrieved 2008-09-17. "Now, confronted with the surprising confession
last week of Morton Sobell, Julius Rosenberg’s City College classmate and co-defendant, the brothers have admitted to a painful conclusion:
that their father was a spy."
[58] "My Parents Were Executed Under the Unconstitutional Espionage Act" (http:/ / www. democracynow. org/ 2010/ 12/ 30/
son_of_julius_and_ethel_rosenberg). Democracy Now!. December 30, 2010. . Retrieved 2011-01-06.
[59] "Sundance: Heir To An Execution" (http:/ / www. cbsnews. com/ stories/ 2004/ 01/ 20/ entertainment/ main594590. shtml). CBS News.
January 20, 2004. . Retrieved 2011-01-06.
[60] Plath, Sylvia, The Bell Jar, ISBN 978-0-571-22616-0
[61] Ethel Rosenberg (http:/ / www. imdb. com/ character/ ch0122928/ ) at the Internet Movie Database
[62] Dillon, 2000 front flap
Works cited
• Feklisov, Aleksandr, and Kostin, Sergei. The Man Behind the Rosenbergs. Enigma Books (2001).
978-929631-24-7.
• Roberts, Sam. The Brother: The Untold Story of the Rosenberg Case. Random House, 2001. ISBN
0-375-76124-1.
• Schneir, Walter. Invitation to an Inquest. Pantheon Books, 1983. ISBN 0-394-71496-2.
• Schrecker, Ellen. Many Are the Crimes: McCarthyism in America. Little, Brown and Company, 1998. ISBN
0-316-77470-7.
65
Julius and Ethel Rosenberg
Further reading
• Alman, Emily A. and David. Exoneration: The Trial of Julius and Ethel Rosenberg and Morton Sobell —
Prosecutorial deceptions, suborned perjuries, anti-Semitism, and precedent for today's unconstitutional trials.
Green Elms Press (http://www.greenelmspress.com), 2010. ISBN 978-0-9779058-3-6 or ISBN 0-9779058-3-7.
• Nason, Tema. Ethel: The Fictional Autobiography of Ethel Rosenberg. Delacourt, 1990. ISBN 0-440-21110-7 and
by Syracuse, 2002, ISBN 0-8156-0745-8.
• Meeropol, Robert and Michael. We Are Your Sons, The Legacy of Ethel and Julius Rosenberg. University of
Illinois Press, 1986. [chapter 15 is a detailed refutation of Radosh and Milton's scholarship.] ISBN
0-252-01263-1.
• Meeropol, Robert Meeropol. An Execution in the Family: One Son's Journey. St. Martin's Press, 2003. ISBN
0-312-30637-7.
• Radosh, Ronald and Joyce Milton. The Rosenberg File: A Search for the Truth. Henry Holt (1983). ISBN
0-03-049036-7.
• Wexley, John. The Judgment of Julius and Ethel Rosenberg. Ballantine Books, 1977. ISBN 0-345-24869-4.
• Trahair, Richard C.S. and Robert Miller. Encyclopedia of Cold War Espionage, Spies, and Secret Operations.
Enigma Books, 2009. ISBN 978-1-929631-75-9.
• Yalkowsky, Stanley. The Murder of the Rosenbergs. Crucible Publications (July 1990). ISBN
978-0-9620984-2-0.
• Meeropol, Michael, ed. The Rosenberg Letters: A Complete Edition of the Prison Correspondence of Julius and
Ethel Rosenberg NY, Garland Publishing, 1994 ISBN 0-8240-5948-4
• Zinn, A People's History of the United States, page 434
• Roberts, Sam. The Brother: The Untold Story of the Rosenberg Case, Random House, 2003, ISBN
0-375-76124-1.
• Schneir, Walter. Final Verdict: What Really Happened in the Rosenberg Case, Melville House, 2010. ISBN
1-935554-16-6.
• Hornblum, Allen M. The Invisible Harry Gold: The Man Who Gave the Soviets the Atom Bomb, Yale University
Press 2010. ISBN 0-300-15676-6.
External links
• An Interactive Rosenberg Espionage Ring Timeline and Archive (http://www.wilsoncenter.org/CWIHP/
Rosenberg)
• Timeline of Events Relating to the Rosenberg Trial. (http://www.law.umkc.edu/faculty/projects/ftrials/
rosenb/ROS_TIME.HTM)
• Rosenberg trial transcript (http://www.law.umkc.edu/faculty/projects/ftrials/rosenb/ROS_TRIA.HTM)
(excerpts as HTML, and the entire 2,563 page transcript as a PDF file)
• Ethel's brother says he trumped up evidence. (http://english.pravda.ru/world/2001/12/06/23023.html)
• Documents relating to the Julius and Ethel Rosenberg Case, Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library (http://
eisenhower.archives.gov/Research/Digital_Documents/People_to_People/People_to_People.html)
• Project Venona messages. (http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/nova/venona/intercepts.html)
• Rosenberg FBI files (http://foia.fbi.gov/foiaindex/roberg.htm) (summary only)
• Heir to an Execution (http://www.hbo.com/docs/programs/heir/) — An HBO documentary by Ivy Meeropol,
the granddaughter of Ethel and Julius.
• A statement by the Rosenberg's sons in support of their exoneration (http://www.writing.upenn.edu/~afilreis/
50s/meeropol-on-rosenbergs.html)
• An Interview with Robert Meeropol about the adoption (http://www.angelfire.com/zine2/robertmeeropol/)
• National Committee to Reopen the Rosenberg Case (http://www.rosenbergtrial.org/)
66
Julius and Ethel Rosenberg
• Annotated bibliography for Ethel Rosenberg from the Alsos Digital Library for Nuclear Issues (http://alsos.wlu.
edu/qsearch.aspx?browse=people/Rosenberg,+Ethel)
• Annotated bibliography for Julius Rosenberg from the Alsos Digital Library for Nuclear Issues (http://alsos.wlu.
edu/qsearch.aspx?browse=people/Rosenberg,+Julius)
• Ethel Rosenberg (http://www.findagrave.com/cgi-bin/fg.cgi?page=gr&GRid=901) at Find a Grave
• Julius Rosenberg (http://www.findagrave.com/cgi-bin/fg.cgi?page=gr&GRid=902) at Find a Grave
• The Cold War International History Project (CWIHP) (http://www.wilsoncenter.org/index.
cfm?topic_id=1409&fuseaction=topics.documents&group_id=511603) for Alexander Vassiliev's Notebooks
• Rosenberg Son: "My Parents Were Executed Under the Unconstitutional Espionage Act" (http://www.
democracynow.org/2010/12/30/son_of_julius_and_ethel_rosenberg)—video report by Democracy Now!
• History on Trial: The Rosenberg Case in E.L. Doctorow's The Book of Daniel (http://www.sjuannavarro.com/
files/doctorow.the.book.of.daniel.juan.navarro.pdf) by Santiago Juan-Navarro from The Grove: Working
Papers on English Studies, Vol 6, 1999).
• Julius Rosenberg at court sentenced to death (http://www.itnsource.com/shotlist//BHC_RTV/1951/04/13/
BGU412070008/)
67
Joseph McCarthy
68
Joseph McCarthy
Joseph McCarthy
United States Senator
from Wisconsin
In office
January 3, 1947 – May 2, 1957
Preceded by
Robert M. La Follette, Jr.
Succeeded by
William Proxmire
Personal details
Born
Joseph Raymond McCarthy
November 14, 1908
Grand Chute, Wisconsin
Died
May 2, 1957 (aged 48)
Bethesda, Maryland
Resting place
Appleton, Wisconsin
Nationality
American
Political party
Republican (1944–1957)
Other political
affiliations
Democratic (c. 1936–1944)
Spouse(s)
Jean Kerr McCarthy
Children
Tierney Elizabeth McCarthy
Alma mater
Marquette University
Profession
Politician, judge, attorney
Religion
Roman Catholicism
Signature
Military service
Nickname(s)
"Tail-Gunner Joe"
Allegiance
United States
Service/branch
Marines
Years of service 1942–1945
Rank
Captain
Joseph McCarthy
69
Battles/wars
World War II
Awards
Distinguished Flying Cross
Joseph Raymond "Joe" McCarthy (November 14, 1908 – May 2, 1957) was an American politician who served
as a Republican U.S. Senator from the state of Wisconsin from 1947 until his death in 1957. Beginning in 1950,
McCarthy became the most visible public face of a period in which Cold War tensions fueled fears of widespread
Communist subversion.[1] He was noted for making claims that there were large numbers of Communists and Soviet
spies and sympathizers inside the United States federal government and elsewhere. Ultimately, McCarthy's tactics
and his inability to substantiate his claims led him to be censured by the United States Senate.
The term McCarthyism, coined in 1950 in reference to McCarthy's practices, was soon applied to similar
anti-communist activities. Today the term is used more generally in reference to demagogic, reckless, and
unsubstantiated accusations, as well as public attacks on the character and/or patriotism of political opponents.[2]
Born and raised on a Wisconsin farm, McCarthy earned a law degree at Marquette University in 1935 and was
elected as a circuit judge in 1939, the youngest in state history.[3] At age 33, McCarthy volunteered for the United
States Marine Corps and served during World War II. He successfully ran for the United States Senate in 1946,
defeating Robert M. La Follette, Jr. After three largely undistinguished years in the Senate, McCarthy rose suddenly
to national fame in February 1950 when he asserted in a speech that he had a list of "members of the Communist
Party and members of a spy ring" who were employed in the State Department.[4] McCarthy was never able to prove
his sensational charge.
In succeeding years, McCarthy made additional accusations of Communist infiltration into the State Department, the
administration of President Harry S. Truman, Voice of America, and the United States Army. He also used charges
of communism, communist sympathies, or disloyalty to attack a number of politicians and other individuals inside
and outside of government. With the highly publicized Army–McCarthy hearings of 1954, McCarthy's support and
popularity began to fade. On December 2, 1954, the Senate voted to censure Senator McCarthy by a vote of 67 to 22,
making him one of the few senators ever to be disciplined in this fashion. McCarthy died in Bethesda Naval Hospital
on May 2, 1957, at the age of 48. The official cause of death was acute hepatitis; it is widely accepted that this was
caused, or at least exacerbated, by alcoholism.[5]
Early life and career
McCarthy was born on a farm in the town of Grand Chute, Wisconsin, near Appleton, the fifth of seven
children.[6][7] His mother, Bridget Tierney, was from County Tipperary, Ireland. His father, Timothy McCarthy, was
born in the United States, the son of an Irish father and a German mother. McCarthy dropped out of junior high
school at age 14 to help his parents manage their farm. He entered Little Wolf High School, in Manawa, Wisconsin,
when he was 20 and graduated in one year.[8]
McCarthy worked his way through college, from 1930 to 1935, studying first engineering, then law, and eventually
earning a law degree at Marquette University in Milwaukee.[9] He was admitted to the bar in 1935. While working in
a law firm in Shawano, Wisconsin, he launched an unsuccessful campaign to become district attorney as a Democrat
in 1936. In 1939, McCarthy had better success: he successfully vied for the elected post of the non-partisan 10th
District circuit judge.[10][11] During his years as an attorney, McCarthy made money on the side by gambling.[12]
McCarthy's judicial career attracted some controversy due to the speed with which he dispatched many of his cases.
He had inherited a docket with a heavy backlog and he worked constantly to clear it. At times he compensated for
his lack of experience by demanding, and relying heavily upon, precise briefs from the contesting attorneys. The
Wisconsin Supreme Court reversed a relatively low percentage of the cases he heard.[13]
Joseph McCarthy
70
Military service
In 1942, shortly after the U.S. entered World War II, McCarthy was
commissioned into the United States Marine Corps, despite the fact
that his judicial office exempted him from compulsory service. His
education qualified him for an automatic commission as an officer, and
he became a second lieutenant after completing basic training. He
served as an intelligence briefing officer for a dive bomber squadron in
the Solomon Islands and Bougainville. McCarthy reportedly chose the
Marines with the hope that being a veteran of this branch of the
military would serve him best in his future political career.[14]
He would leave the Marines with the rank of captain. It is well
documented that McCarthy lied about his war record. Despite his
automatic commission, he claimed to have enlisted as a "buck private".
He flew twelve combat missions as a gunner-observer, earning the
nickname of "Tail-Gunner Joe" in the course of one of these
missions.[15]
Joseph McCarthy in his U.S. Marine Corps
uniform
He later claimed 32 missions in order to qualify for a Distinguished
Flying Cross, which he received in 1952. McCarthy publicized a letter
of commendation which he claimed had been signed by his commanding officer and countersigned by Admiral
Chester W. Nimitz, then Chief of Naval Operations. However, it was revealed that McCarthy had written this letter
himself, in his capacity as intelligence officer. A "war wound" that McCarthy made the subject of varying stories
involving airplane crashes or antiaircraft fire was in fact received aboard ship during a ceremony for sailors crossing
the equator for the first time.[14][16]
McCarthy campaigned for the Republican Senate nomination in Wisconsin while still on active duty in 1944 but was
defeated for the GOP nomination by Alexander Wiley, the incumbent. He resigned his commission in April 1945,
five months before the end of the Pacific war in September 1945. He was then reelected unopposed to his circuit
court position, and began a much more systematic campaign for the 1946 Republican Senate primary nomination. In
this race, he was challenging three-term senator and Wisconsin Progressive Party icon Robert M. La Follette, Jr.
Senate campaign
In his campaign, McCarthy attacked La Follette for not enlisting during the war, although La Follette had been 46
when Pearl Harbor was bombed. He also claimed La Follette had made huge profits from his investments while he,
McCarthy, had been away fighting for his country. In fact, McCarthy had invested in the stock market himself during
the war, netting a profit of $42,000 in 1943. La Follette's investments consisted of partial interest in a radio station,
which earned him a profit of $47,000 over two years.[17]
The suggestion that La Follette had been guilty of war profiteering was deeply damaging, and McCarthy won the
primary nomination 207,935 votes to 202,557. It was during this campaign that McCarthy started publicizing his
war-time nickname "Tail-Gunner Joe", using the slogan, "Congress needs a tail-gunner". Arnold Beichman later
stated that McCarthy "was elected to his first term in the Senate with support from the Communist-controlled United
Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers, CIO", which preferred McCarthy to the anti-communist Robert M. La
Follette.[18] In the general election against Democratic opponent Howard J. McMurray, McCarthy won 61.2% to
Democrat McMurray's 37.3%, and thus joined Senator Wiley, whom he had challenged unsuccessfully two years
earlier, in the Senate.
Joseph McCarthy
71
Wisconsin U.S. Senate Election, 1946
Party
Candidate
Republican Joseph McCarthy
Votes
Percentage
620,430
61.2%
Democratic Howard McMurray 378,772
37.3%
United States Senate
McCarthy's first three years in the Senate were unremarkable. McCarthy was a popular speaker, invited by many
different organizations, covering a wide range of topics. His aides and many in the Washington social circle
described him as charming and friendly, and he was a popular guest at cocktail parties. He was far less well liked
among fellow senators, however, who found him quick-tempered and prone to impatience and even rage. Outside of
a small circle of colleagues, he was soon an isolated figure in the Senate.[19]
He was active in labor-management issues, with a reputation as a moderate Republican. He fought against
continuation of wartime price controls, especially on sugar. His advocacy in this area was associated by critics with a
$20,000 personal loan McCarthy received from a Pepsi bottling executive, earning the Senator the derisive nickname
"The Pepsi Cola Kid".[20] He supported the Taft–Hartley Act over Truman's veto, angering labor unions in
Wisconsin but solidifying his business base.[21]
In an incident for which he would be widely criticized, McCarthy lobbied for the commutation of death sentences
given to a group of Waffen-SS soldiers convicted of war crimes for carrying out the 1944 Malmedy massacre of
American prisoners of war. McCarthy was critical of the convictions because of allegations of torture during the
interrogations that led to the German soldiers' confessions. He charged that the U.S. Army was engaged in a coverup
of judicial misconduct, but never presented any evidence to support the accusation.[22] Shortly after this, a poll of the
Senate press corps voted McCarthy "the worst U.S. senator" currently in office.[23]
Wheeling speech
McCarthy experienced a meteoric rise in national profile on February 9, 1950, when he gave a Lincoln Day speech
to the Republican Women's Club of Wheeling, West Virginia. His words in the speech are a matter of some debate,
as no audio recording was saved. However, it is generally agreed that he produced a piece of paper that he claimed
contained a list of known Communists working for the State Department. McCarthy is usually quoted to have said:
"The State Department is infested with communists. I have here in my hand a list of 205—a list of names that were
made known to the Secretary of State as being members of the Communist Party and who nevertheless are still
working and shaping policy in the State Department."[24][25]
There is some dispute about whether or not McCarthy actually gave the number of people on the list as being "205"
or "57". In a later telegram to President Truman, and when entering the speech into the Congressional Record, he
used the number 57.[26] The origin of the number 205 can be traced: In later debates on the Senate floor, McCarthy
referred to a 1946 letter that then–Secretary of State James Byrnes sent to Congressman Adolph J. Sabath. In that
letter, Byrnes said State Department security investigations had resulted in "recommendation against permanent
employment" for 284 persons, and that 79 of these had been removed from their jobs; this left 205 still on the State
Department's payroll. In fact, by the time of McCarthy's speech only about 65 of the employees mentioned in the
Byrnes letter were still with the State Department, and all of these had undergone further security checks.[27]
At the time of McCarthy's speech, communism was a growing concern in the United States. This concern was
exacerbated by the actions of the Soviet Union in Eastern Europe, the fall of China to the communists, the Soviets'
development of the atomic bomb the year before, and by the contemporary controversy surrounding Alger Hiss and
the confession of Soviet spy Klaus Fuchs. With this background and due to the sensational nature of McCarthy's
charge against the State Department, the Wheeling speech soon attracted a flood of press interest in McCarthy.
Joseph McCarthy
Tydings Committee
McCarthy himself was taken aback by the massive media response to the Wheeling speech, and he was accused of
continually revising both his charges and his figures. In Salt Lake City, Utah, a few days later, he cited a figure of
57, and in the Senate on February 20, he claimed 81. During a five-hour speech,[28] McCarthy presented a
case-by-case analysis of his 81 "loyalty risks" employed at the State Department. It is widely accepted that most of
McCarthy's cases were selected from the so-called "Lee list", a report that had been compiled three years earlier for
the House Appropriations Committee. Led by a former FBI agent named Robert E. Lee, the House investigators had
reviewed security clearance documents on State Department employees, and had determined that there were
"incidents of inefficiencies"[29] in the security reviews of 108 employees. McCarthy hid the source of his list, stating
that he had penetrated the "iron curtain" of State Department secrecy with the aid of "some good, loyal Americans in
the State Department".[30] In reciting the information from the Lee list cases, McCarthy consistently exaggerated,
representing the hearsay of witnesses as facts and converting phrases such as "inclined towards Communism" to "a
Communist".[31]
In response to McCarthy's charges, the Tydings Committee hearings were
called. This was a subcommittee of the United States Senate Committee on
Foreign Relations set up in February 1950 to conduct "a full and complete
study and investigation as to whether persons who are disloyal to the
United States are, or have been, employed by the Department of State".[32]
Many Democratic Party politicians were incensed at McCarthy's attack on
the State Department of a Democratic administration, and had hoped to use
the hearings to discredit him. The Democratic chairman of the
subcommittee, Senator Millard Tydings, was reported to have said, "Let me
have him [McCarthy] for three days in public hearings, and he'll never
show his face in the Senate again."[33]
During the hearings, McCarthy moved on from his original unnamed Lee
list cases and used the hearings to make charges against nine specific
people: Dorothy Kenyon, Esther Brunauer, Haldore Hanson, Gustavo
Durán, Owen Lattimore, Harlow Shapley, Frederick Schuman, John S.
Senator Millard Tydings
Service, and Philip Jessup. Some of them no longer worked for the State
Department, or never had; all had previously been the subject of charges of
varying worth and validity. Owen Lattimore became a particular focus of McCarthy's, who at one point described
him as a "top Russian spy". Throughout the hearings, McCarthy employed colorful rhetoric, but produced no
substantial evidence, to support his accusations.
From its beginning, the Tydings Committee was marked by partisan infighting. Its final report, written by the
Democratic majority, concluded that the individuals on McCarthy's list were neither Communists nor
pro-communist, and said the State Department had an effective security program. The Tydings Report labeled
McCarthy's charges a "fraud and a hoax", and said that the result of McCarthy's actions was to "confuse and divide
the American people [...] to a degree far beyond the hopes of the Communists themselves". Republicans responded
in kind, with William E. Jenner stating that Tydings was guilty of "the most brazen whitewash of treasonable
conspiracy in our history".[34] The full Senate voted three times on whether to accept the report, and each time the
voting was precisely divided along party lines.[35]
72
Joseph McCarthy
73
Fame, notoriety, and personal life
From 1950 onward, McCarthy continued to exploit the fear of Communism and to press his accusations that the
government was failing to deal with Communism within its ranks. These accusations received wide publicity,
increased his approval rating, and gained him a powerful national following.
McCarthy's methods also brought on the disapproval and opposition of many. Barely a month after McCarthy's
Wheeling speech, the term "McCarthyism" was coined by Washington Post cartoonist Herbert Block. Block and
others used the word as a synonym for demagoguery, baseless defamation, and mudslinging. Later, it would be
embraced by McCarthy and some of his supporters. "McCarthyism is Americanism with its sleeves rolled,"
McCarthy said in a 1952 speech, and later that year he published a book titled McCarthyism: The Fight For America.
McCarthy has been accused of attempting to discredit his critics and political opponents by accusing them of being
Communists or communist sympathizers. In the 1950 Maryland Senate election, McCarthy campaigned for John
Marshall Butler in his race against four-term incumbent Millard Tydings, with whom McCarthy had been in conflict
during the Tydings Committee hearings. In speeches supporting Butler, McCarthy accused Tydings of "protecting
Communists" and "shielding traitors". McCarthy's staff was heavily involved in the campaign, and collaborated in
the production of a campaign tabloid that contained a composite photograph doctored to make it appear that Tydings
was in intimate conversation with Communist leader Earl Russell Browder.[36][37][38] A Senate subcommittee later
investigated this election and referred to it as "a despicable, back-street type of campaign", as well as recommending
that the use of defamatory literature in a campaign be made grounds for expulsion from the Senate.[39]
In addition to the Tydings-Butler race, McCarthy campaigned for several other Republicans in the 1950 elections,
including that of Everett Dirksen against Democratic incumbent and Senate Majority Leader Scott W. Lucas.
Dirksen, and indeed all the candidates McCarthy supported, won their elections, and those he opposed lost. The
elections, including many that McCarthy was not involved in, were an overall Republican sweep. Although his
impact on the elections was unclear, McCarthy was credited as a key Republican campaigner. He was now regarded
as one of the most powerful men in the Senate and was treated with new-found deference by his colleagues.[40] In the
1952 Senate elections McCarthy was returned to his Senate seat with 54.2% of the vote, compared to Democrat
Thomas Fairchild's 45.6%.
Wisconsin U.S. Senate Election, 1952
Party
Candidate
Republican Joseph McCarthy
Votes
Percentage
870,444
54.2%
Democratic Thomas E. Fairchild 731,402
45.6%
In 1950 McCarthy assaulted journalist Drew Pearson in the cloakroom of a Washington club, reportedly kneeing him
in the groin. McCarthy, who admitted the assault, claimed he merely "slapped" Pearson.[41] In 1952, using rumors
collected by Pearson, Nevada publisher Hank Greenspun wrote that McCarthy was a homosexual. The major
journalistic media refused to print the story, and no notable McCarthy biographer has accepted the rumor as
probable.[42] In 1953, McCarthy married Jean Kerr, a researcher in his office. He and his wife adopted a baby girl,
whom they named Tierney Elizabeth McCarthy, in January 1957.
McCarthy and the Truman administration
McCarthy and President Truman clashed often during the years both held office. McCarthy characterized Truman
and the Democratic Party as soft on, or even in league with, Communists, and spoke of the Democrats' "twenty years
of treason". Truman, in turn, once referred to McCarthy as "the best asset the Kremlin has", calling McCarthy's
actions an attempt to "sabotage the foreign policy of the United States" in a cold war and comparing it to shooting
American soldiers in the back in a hot war.[43] It was the Truman Administration's State Department that McCarthy
accused of harboring 205 (or 57 or 81) "known Communists". Truman's Secretary of Defense George Catlett
Joseph McCarthy
Marshall was the target of some of McCarthy's most vitriolic rhetoric. Marshall had been Army Chief of Staff during
World War II and was also Truman's former Secretary of State. Marshall was a highly respected General and
statesman, remembered today as both the architect of victory and the architect of peace, the latter based on the
Marshall Plan for post-war reconstruction of Europe, for which he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1953.
McCarthy made a lengthy speech on Marshall, later published in 1951 as a book titled America's Retreat From
Victory: The Story Of George Catlett Marshall. Marshall had been involved in American foreign policy with China,
and McCarthy charged that Marshall was directly responsible for the loss of China to Communism. In the speech
McCarthy also implied that Marshall was guilty of treason;[44] declared that "if Marshall were merely stupid, the
laws of probability would dictate that part of his decisions would serve this country's interest";[44] and most
famously, accused him of being part of "a conspiracy so immense and an infamy so black as to dwarf any previous
venture in the history of man".[44]
During the Korean War, when President Truman dismissed General Douglas MacArthur, McCarthy charged that
Truman and his advisors must have planned the dismissal during late-night sessions when "they've had time to get
the President cheerful" on Bourbon and Benedictine. McCarthy declared, "The son of a bitch should be
impeached."[45]
Support from Catholics and Kennedy family
One of the strongest bases of anti-Communist sentiment in the United States was the Catholic community, which
constituted over 20% of the national vote. McCarthy identified himself as Catholic, and although the great majority
of Catholics were Democrats, as his fame as a leading anti-Communist grew, he became popular in Catholic
communities across the country, with strong support from many leading Catholics, diocesan newspapers, and
Catholic journals.[46] At the same time, some Catholics did oppose McCarthy, notably the anti-Communist author
Father John Francis Cronin and the influential journal Commonweal.[47]
McCarthy established a bond with the powerful Kennedy family, which had high visibility among Catholics.
McCarthy became a close friend of Joseph P. Kennedy, Sr., himself a fervent anti-Communist, and was a frequent
guest at the Kennedy compound in Hyannis Port. He dated two of Kennedy's daughters, Patricia and Eunice,[48][49]
and was godfather to Robert F. Kennedy's first child, Kathleen Kennedy. Robert was chosen by McCarthy as a
counsel for his investigatory committee, but resigned after six months due to disagreements with McCarthy and
Cohn. Joseph Kennedy had a national network of contacts and became a vocal supporter, building McCarthy's
popularity among Catholics and making sizable contributions to McCarthy's campaigns.[50] The Kennedy patriarch
hoped that one of his sons would be president. Mindful of the anti-Catholic prejudice Al Smith faced during his 1928
campaign for that office, Joseph Kennedy supported McCarthy as a national Catholic politician who might pave the
way for a younger Kennedy's presidential candidacy.
Unlike many Democrats, John F. Kennedy, who served in the Senate with McCarthy from 1953 until the latter's
death in 1957, never attacked McCarthy. McCarthy had refused to campaign for Kennedy's 1952 opponent,
Republican incumbent Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., due to his friendship with the Kennedys.[51] When a speaker at a
February 1952 final club dinner stated that he was glad McCarthy had not attended Harvard College, an angry
Kennedy jumped up, denounced the speaker, and left the event.[52]:346 Asked by Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr. why he
avoided criticism of McCarthy, Kennedy said, "Hell, half my voters in Massachusetts look on McCarthy as a
hero."[53]
74
Joseph McCarthy
McCarthy and Eisenhower
During the 1952 presidential election, the Eisenhower campaign toured
Wisconsin with McCarthy. In a speech delivered in Green Bay,
Eisenhower declared that while he agreed with McCarthy's goals, he
disagreed with his methods. In draft versions of his speech,
Eisenhower had also included a strong defense of his mentor, George
Marshall, which was a direct rebuke of McCarthy's frequent attacks.
However, under the advice of conservative colleagues who were
fearful that Eisenhower could lose Wisconsin if he alienated McCarthy
supporters, he deleted this defense from later versions of his
speech.[54][55] The deletion was discovered by a reporter for The New
York Times and featured on their front page the next day. Eisenhower
was widely criticized for giving up his personal convictions, and the
incident became the low point of his campaign.[54]
With his victory in the 1952 presidential race, Dwight Eisenhower
Dwight D. Eisenhower, 34th President of the
became the first Republican president in 20 years. The Republican
United States
party also held a majority in the House of Representatives and the
Senate. After being elected president, Eisenhower made it clear to
those close to him that he did not approve of McCarthy and he worked actively to diminish his power and influence.
Still, he never directly confronted McCarthy or criticized him by name in any speech, thus perhaps prolonging
McCarthy's power by giving the impression that even the President was afraid to criticize him directly. Oshinsky
disputes this, stating that "Eisenhower was known as a harmonizer, a man who could get diverse factions to work
toward a common goal ... Leadership, he explained, meant patience and conciliation, not 'hitting people over the
head.'"[56]
McCarthy won reelection in 1952 with 54% of the vote, defeating former Wisconsin State Attorney General Thomas
E. Fairchild but badly trailing a Republican ticket which swept the state of Wisconsin; all the other Republican
winners, including Eisenhower himself, received at least 60% of the Wisconsin vote.[57] Those who expected that
party loyalty would cause McCarthy to tone down his accusations of Communists being harbored within the
government were soon disappointed. Eisenhower had never been an admirer of McCarthy, and their relationship
became more hostile once Eisenhower was in office. In a November 1953 speech that was carried on national
television, McCarthy began by praising the Eisenhower Administration for removing "1,456 Truman holdovers who
were ... gotten rid of because of Communist connections and activities or perversion". He then went on to complain
that John Paton Davies, Jr. was still "on the payroll after eleven months of the Eisenhower Administration", even
though Davies had actually been dismissed three weeks earlier, and repeated an unsubstantiated accusation that
Davies had tried to "put Communists and espionage agents in key spots in the Central Intelligence Agency". In the
same speech, he criticized Eisenhower for not doing enough to secure the release of missing American pilots shot
down over China during the Korean War.[58] By the end of 1953, McCarthy had altered the "twenty years of treason"
catchphrase he had coined for the preceding Democratic administrations and began referring to "twenty-one years of
treason" to include Eisenhower's first year in office.[59]
As McCarthy became increasingly combative towards the Eisenhower Administration, Eisenhower faced repeated
calls that he confront McCarthy directly. Eisenhower refused, saying privately "nothing would please him
[McCarthy] more than to get the publicity that would be generated by a public repudiation by the President."[60] On
several occasions Eisenhower is reported to have said of McCarthy that he did not want to "get down in the gutter
with that guy".[61]
75
Joseph McCarthy
Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations
With the beginning of his second term as senator in 1953, McCarthy was made chairman of the Senate Committee
on Government Operations. According to some reports, Republican leaders were growing wary of McCarthy's
methods and gave him this relatively mundane panel rather than the Internal Security Subcommittee—the committee
normally involved with investigating Communists—thus putting McCarthy "where he can't do any harm", in the
words of Senate Majority Leader Robert Taft.[62] However, the Committee on Government Operations included the
Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, and the mandate of this subcommittee was sufficiently flexible to
allow McCarthy to use it for his own investigations of Communists in the government. McCarthy appointed Roy
Cohn as chief counsel and 27-year-old Robert F. Kennedy as an assistant counsel to the subcommittee.
This subcommittee would be the scene of some of McCarthy's most publicized exploits. When the records of the
closed executive sessions of the subcommittee under McCarthy's chairmanship were made public in 2003–4,[63]
Senators Susan Collins and Carl Levin wrote the following in their preface to the documents:
Senator McCarthy’s zeal to uncover subversion and espionage led to disturbing excesses. His
browbeating tactics destroyed careers of people who were not involved in the infiltration of our
government. His freewheeling style caused both the Senate and the Subcommittee to revise the rules
governing future investigations, and prompted the courts to act to protect the Constitutional rights of
witnesses at Congressional hearings ... These hearings are a part of our national past that we can neither
afford to forget nor permit to reoccur.[64]
The subcommittee first investigated allegations of Communist influence in the Voice of America (VOA), at that time
administered by the State Department's United States Information Agency. Many VOA personnel were questioned in
front of television cameras and a packed press gallery, with McCarthy lacing his questions with hostile innuendo and
false accusations.[65] A few VOA employees alleged Communist influence on the content of broadcasts, but none of
the charges were substantiated. Morale at VOA was badly damaged, and one of its engineers committed suicide
during McCarthy's investigation. Ed Kretzman, a policy advisor for the service, would later comment that it was
VOA's "darkest hour when Senator McCarthy and his chief hatchet man, Roy Cohn, almost succeeded in muffling
it".[65]
The subcommittee then turned to the overseas library program of the International Information Agency. Cohn toured
Europe examining the card catalogs of the State Department libraries looking for works by authors he deemed
inappropriate. McCarthy then recited the list of supposedly pro-communist authors before his subcommittee and the
press. The State Department bowed to McCarthy and ordered its overseas librarians to remove from their shelves
"material by any controversial persons, Communists, fellow travelers, etc." Some libraries actually burned the newly
forbidden books.[66] Shortly after this, in one of his carefully oblique public criticisms of McCarthy, President
Eisenhower urged Americans: "Don't join the book burners ... Don't be afraid to go in your library and read every
book."[67]
Soon after receiving the chair to the Subcommittee on Investigations, McCarthy appointed Joseph Brown Matthews
(generally known as J. B. Matthews) as staff director of the subcommittee. One of the nation's foremost
anti-communists, Matthews had formerly been staff director for the House Un-American Activities Committee. The
appointment became controversial when it was learned that Matthews had recently written an article titled "Reds
And Our Churches",[68] which opened with the sentence, "The largest single group supporting the Communist
apparatus in the United States is composed of Protestant Clergymen." A group of senators denounced this "shocking
and unwarranted attack against the American clergy" and demanded that McCarthy dismiss Matthews. McCarthy at
first refused to do this. But as the controversy mounted, and the majority of his own subcommittee joined the call for
Matthews' ouster, McCarthy finally yielded and accepted his resignation. For some McCarthy opponents, this was a
signal defeat of the senator, showing he was not as invincible as he had formerly seemed.[69]
76
Joseph McCarthy
Investigating the Army
In autumn 1953, McCarthy's committee began its ill-fated inquiry into the United States Army. This began with
McCarthy opening an investigation into the Army Signal Corps laboratory at Fort Monmouth. McCarthy, newly
married to Jean Kerr, cut short his honeymoon to open the investigation. He garnered some headlines with stories of
a dangerous spy ring among the Army researchers, but after weeks of hearings, nothing came of his
investigations.[70]
Unable to expose any signs of subversion, McCarthy focused instead on the case of Irving Peress, a New York
dentist who had been drafted into the Army in 1952 and promoted to major in November 1953. Shortly thereafter it
came to the attention of the military bureaucracy that Peress, who was a member of the left-wing American Labor
Party, had declined to answer questions about his political affiliations on a loyalty-review form. Peress' superiors
were therefore ordered to discharge him from the Army within 90 days. McCarthy subpoenaed Peress to appear
before his subcommittee on January 30, 1954. Peress refused to answer McCarthy's questions, citing his rights under
the Fifth Amendment. McCarthy responded by sending a message to Secretary of the Army, Robert Stevens,
demanding that Peress be court-martialed. On that same day, Peress asked for his pending discharge from the Army
to be effected immediately, and the next day Brigadier General Ralph W. Zwicker, his commanding officer at Camp
Kilmer in New Jersey, gave him an honorable separation from the Army. At McCarthy's encouragement, "Who
promoted Peress?" became a rallying cry among many anti-communists and McCarthy supporters. In fact, and as
McCarthy knew, Peress had been promoted automatically through the provisions of the Doctor Draft Law, for which
McCarthy had voted.[71]
McCarthy summoned General Zwicker to his subcommittee on February 18. Zwicker, on advice from Army counsel,
refused to answer some of McCarthy's questions and reportedly changed his story three times when asked if he had
known at the time he signed the discharge that Peress had refused to answer questions before the McCarthy
subcommittee. McCarthy compared Zwicker's intelligence to that of a "five-year-old child", and said he was "not fit
to wear that uniform".[72]
This abuse of Zwicker, a battlefield hero of World War II, caused considerable outrage among the military,
newspapers, civilian veterans, senators of both parties and, probably most dangerously for McCarthy, President
Eisenhower himself.[73] Army Secretary Stevens ordered Zwicker not to return to McCarthy's hearing for further
questioning. Hoping to mend the increasingly hostile relations between McCarthy and the Army, a group of
Republicans, including McCarthy, met with Secretary Stevens over a luncheon that included fried chicken and
convinced him to sign a "memorandum of understanding" in which he capitulated to most of McCarthy's demands.
After "The Chicken Luncheon", as it came to be called, McCarthy later told a reporter that Stevens "could not have
given in more abjectly if he had got down on his knees".[74] Reaction to this agreement was widely negative.
Secretary Stevens was ridiculed by Pentagon officers,[73] and The Times of London wrote: "Senator McCarthy
achieved today what General Burgoyne and General Cornwallis never achieved—the surrender of the American
Army."[74]
A few months later, the Army, with advice and support from the Eisenhower Administration, would launch a
counterattack against McCarthy. It would do this not by directly challenging and criticizing McCarthy's behavior
toward Army personnel, but by bringing charges against him on an unrelated issue.
Army–McCarthy hearings
Early in 1954, the U.S. Army accused McCarthy and his chief counsel, Roy Cohn, of improperly pressuring the
Army to give favorable treatment to G. David Schine, a former aide to McCarthy and a friend of Cohn's, who was
then serving in the Army as a private.[75] McCarthy claimed that the accusation was made in bad faith, in retaliation
for his questioning of Zwicker the previous year. The Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, usually
chaired by McCarthy himself, was given the task of adjudicating these conflicting charges. Republican Senator Karl
Mundt was appointed to chair the committee, and the Army–McCarthy hearings convened on April 22, 1954.
77
Joseph McCarthy
The hearings lasted for 36 days and were
broadcast on live television by ABC and
DuMont, with an estimated 20 million
viewers. After hearing 32 witnesses and two
million words of testimony, the committee
concluded that McCarthy himself had not
exercised any improper influence on
Schine's behalf, but that Cohn had engaged
in "unduly persistent or aggressive efforts".
The committee also concluded that Army
Secretary Robert Stevens and Army Counsel
John Adams "made efforts to terminate or
influence the investigation and hearings at
McCarthy chats with Roy Cohn (right) at the Army-McCarthy hearings.
Fort Monmouth", and that Adams "made
vigorous and diligent efforts" to block
subpoenas for members of the Army Loyalty and Screening Board "by means of personal appeal to certain members
of the [McCarthy] committee".
Of far greater importance to McCarthy than the committee's inconclusive final report was the negative effect that the
extensive exposure had on his popularity. Many in the audience saw him as bullying, reckless, and dishonest, and the
daily newspaper summaries of the hearings were also frequently unfavorable.[76][77] Late in the hearings, Senator
Stuart Symington made an angry and prophetic remark to McCarthy: "The American people have had a look at you
for six weeks," he said. "You are not fooling anyone."[78] In Gallup polls of January 1954, 50% of those polled had a
positive opinion of McCarthy. In June, that number had fallen to 34%. In the same polls, those with a negative
opinion of McCarthy increased from 29% to 45%.[73]
An increasing number of Republicans and conservatives were coming to see McCarthy as a liability to the party and
to anti-communism. Congressman George H. Bender noted, "There is a growing impatience with the Republican
Party. McCarthyism has become a synonym for witch-hunting, Star Chamber methods, and the denial of ... civil
liberties."[79] Frederick Woltman, a reporter with a long-standing reputation as a staunch anti-communist, wrote a
five-part series of articles criticizing McCarthy in the New York World-Telegram. He stated that McCarthy "has
become a major liability to the cause of anti-communism", and accused him of "wild twisting of facts and near facts
[that] repels authorities in the field".[80][81]
The most famous incident in the hearings was an exchange between McCarthy and the army's chief legal
representative, Joseph Nye Welch. On June 9, the 30th day of the hearings, Welch challenged Roy Cohn to provide
U.S. Attorney General Herbert Brownell, Jr. with McCarthy's list of 130 Communists or subversives in defense
plants "before the sun goes down". McCarthy stepped in and said that if Welch was so concerned about persons
aiding the Communist Party, he should check on a man in his Boston law office named Fred Fisher, who had once
belonged to the National Lawyers Guild, which Brownell had called "the legal mouthpiece of the Communist
Party".[82] In an impassioned defense of Fisher that some have suggested he had prepared in advance and had hoped
not to have to make,[83] Welch responded, "Until this moment, Senator, I think I never really gauged your cruelty or
your recklessness ..." When McCarthy resumed his attack, Welch interrupted him: "Let us not assassinate this lad
further, Senator. You've done enough. Have you no sense of decency, sir, at long last? Have you left no sense of
decency?" When McCarthy once again persisted, Welch cut him off and demanded the chairman "call the next
witness". At that point, the gallery erupted in applause and a recess was called.[84]
78
Joseph McCarthy
79
Edward R. Murrow, See It Now
One of the most prominent attacks on McCarthy's
methods was an episode of the television documentary
series See It Now, hosted by journalist Edward R.
Murrow, which was broadcast on March 9, 1954. Titled
"A Report on Senator Joseph R. McCarthy", the
episode consisted largely of clips of McCarthy
speaking. In these clips, McCarthy accuses the
Democratic party of "twenty years of treason",
describes the American Civil Liberties Union as "listed
as 'a front for, and doing the work of', the Communist
Party", and berates and harangues various witnesses,
including General Zwicker.
Edward R. Murrow, pioneer in broadcast journalism
In his conclusion, Murrow said of McCarthy:
His primary achievement has been in confusing the public mind, as between the internal and the external
threats of Communism. We must not confuse dissent with disloyalty. We must remember always that
accusation is not proof and that conviction depends upon evidence and due process of law. We will not walk in
fear, one of another. We will not be driven by fear into an age of unreason, if we dig deep in our history and
our doctrine, and remember that we are not descended from fearful men ...
We proclaim ourselves, as indeed we are, the defenders of freedom, wherever it continues to exist in the
world, but we cannot defend freedom abroad by deserting it at home. The actions of the junior Senator from
Wisconsin have caused alarm and dismay amongst our allies abroad, and given considerable comfort to our
enemies. And whose fault is that? Not really his. He didn't create this situation of fear; he merely exploited
it—and rather successfully.[85]
The following week See It Now ran another episode critical of McCarthy, this one focusing on the case of Annie Lee
Moss, an African-American army clerk who was the target of one of McCarthy's investigations. The Murrow shows,
together with the televised Army–McCarthy hearings of the same year, were the major causes of a nationwide
popular opinion backlash against McCarthy, in part because for the first time his statements were being publicly
challenged by noteworthy figures. To counter the negative publicity, McCarthy appeared on See It Now on April 6,
1954, and made a number of charges against the popular Murrow, including the accusation that he colluded with the
"Russian espionage and propaganda organization" VOKS.[86] This response did not go over well with viewers, and
the result was a further decline in McCarthy's popularity.
Public opinion
Joseph McCarthy
80
McCarthy's Support in Gallup Polls[87]
Date
Favorable No Opinion Unfavorable Net Favorable
1951 August
15
63
22
−7
1953 April
19
59
22
−3
1953 June
35
35
30
+5
1953 August
34
24
42
−8
1954 January
50
21
29
+21
1954 March
46
18
36
+10
1954 April
38
16
46
−8
1954 May
35
16
49
−14
1954 June
34
21
45
−11
1954 August
36
13
51
−15
1954 November 35
19
46
−11
Censure and the Watkins Committee
Several members of the U.S. Senate had opposed McCarthy well
before 1953. Senator Margaret Chase Smith, a Maine Republican,
delivered her "Declaration of Conscience" on June 1, 1950, calling for
an end to the use of smear tactics without mentioning McCarthy or
anyone else by name. Six other Republican Senators – Wayne Morse,
Irving Ives, Charles W. Tobey, Edward John Thye, George Aiken, and
Robert C. Hendrickson – joined her in condemning McCarthy's tactics.
McCarthy referred to Smith and her fellow Senators as "Snow White
and the six dwarfs".[88]
On March 9, 1954, Vermont Republican Senator Ralph E. Flanders
gave a humor-laced speech on the Senate floor, questioning
McCarthy's tactics in fighting communism, likening McCarthyism to
"housecleaning" with "much clatter and hullabaloo". He recommended
that McCarthy turn his attention to the worldwide encroachment of
Senator Ralph Flanders, who introduced the
Communism outside North America.[89][90] In a June 1 speech,
resolution calling for McCarthy to be censured
Flanders compared McCarthy to Adolf Hitler, accusing him of
spreading "division and confusion" and saying, "Were the Junior Senator from Wisconsin in the pay of the
Communists he could not have done a better job for them."[91] On June 11, Flanders introduced a resolution to have
McCarthy removed as chair of his committees. Although there were many in the Senate who believed that some sort
of disciplinary action against McCarthy was warranted, there was no clear majority supporting this resolution. Some
of the resistance was due to concern about usurping the Senate's rules regarding committee chairs and seniority.
Flanders next introduced a resolution to censure McCarthy. The resolution was initially written without any
reference to particular actions or misdeeds on McCarthy's part. As Flanders put it, "It was not his breaches of
etiquette, or of rules or sometimes even of laws which is so disturbing," but rather his overall pattern of behavior.
Ultimately a "bill of particulars" listing 46 charges was added to the censure resolution. A special committee, chaired
by Senator Arthur Vivian Watkins, was appointed to study and evaluate the resolution. This committee opened
hearings on August 31.[92]
Joseph McCarthy
81
After two months of hearings and deliberations, the Watkins
Committee recommended that McCarthy be censured on two of the 46
counts: his contempt of the Subcommittee on Rules and
Administration, which had called him to testify in 1951 and 1952, and
his abuse of General Zwicker in 1954. The Zwicker count was dropped
by the full Senate on the grounds that McCarthy's conduct was
arguably "induced" by Zwicker's own behavior. In place of this count,
a new one was drafted regarding McCarthy's statements about the
Watkins Committee itself.[93]
The two counts on which the Senate ultimately voted were:
• That McCarthy had "failed to cooperate with the Subcommittee on
Rules and Administration", and "repeatedly abused the members
who were trying to carry out assigned duties ..."
• That McCarthy had charged "three members of the [Watkins] Select
Senator Arthur V. Watkins
Committee with 'deliberate deception' and 'fraud' ... that the special
Senate session ... was a 'lynch party'", and had characterized the committee "as the 'unwitting handmaiden',
'involuntary agent' and 'attorneys in fact' of the Communist Party", and had "acted contrary to senatorial ethics
and tended to bring the Senate into dishonor and disrepute, to obstruct the constitutional processes of the Senate,
and to impair its dignity".[94]
On December 2, 1954, the Senate voted to "condemn" McCarthy on both counts by a vote of 67 to 22.[95] The
Democrats present unanimously favored condemnation and the Republicans were split evenly. The only senator not
on record was John F. Kennedy, who was hospitalized for back surgery; Kennedy never indicated how he would
have voted.[96] Immediately after the vote, Senator H. Styles Bridges, a McCarthy supporter, argued that the
resolution was "not a censure resolution" because the word "condemn" rather than "censure" was used in the final
draft. The word "censure" was then removed from the title of the resolution, though it is generally regarded and
referred to as a censure of McCarthy, both by historians[97] and in Senate documents.[98] McCarthy himself said, "I
wouldn't exactly call it a vote of confidence." He added, "I don't feel I've been lynched."[99]
Final years
After his censure, McCarthy continued senatorial duties for another two and a half years, but his career as a major
public figure had been unmistakably ruined. His colleagues in the Senate avoided him; his speeches on the Senate
floor were delivered to a near-empty chamber or were received with conspicuous displays of inattention.[100] The
press that had once recorded his every public statement now ignored him, and outside speaking engagements
dwindled almost to nothing. President Eisenhower, free of McCarthy's political intimidation, quipped to his Cabinet
that McCarthyism was now "McCarthywasm".[101]
Still, McCarthy continued to rail against Communism. He warned against attendance at summit conferences with
"the Reds", saying that "you cannot offer friendship to tyrants and murderers ... without advancing the cause of
tyranny and murder."[102] He declared that "coexistence with Communists is neither possible nor honorable nor
desirable. Our long-term objective must be the eradication of Communism from the face of the earth." In one of his
final acts in the Senate, McCarthy opposed President Eisenhower's nomination to the Supreme Court of William J.
Brennan, after reading a speech Brennan had given shortly beforehand in which he characterized McCarthy's
anti-Communist investigations as "witch hunts". McCarthy's opposition failed to gain any traction, however, and he
was the only Senator to vote against Brennan's confirmation.[103]
McCarthy's biographers agree that he was a changed man after the censure; declining both physically and
emotionally, he became a "pale ghost of his former self" in the words of Fred J. Cook.[104] It was reported that
Joseph McCarthy
McCarthy suffered from cirrhosis of the liver and was frequently hospitalized for alcoholism. Numerous
eyewitnesses, including Senate aide George Reedy and journalist Tom Wicker, have reported finding him alarmingly
drunk in the Senate. Journalist Richard Rovere (1959) wrote:
He had always been a heavy drinker, and there were times in those seasons of discontent when he drank
more than ever. But he was not always drunk. He went on the wagon (for him this meant beer instead of
whiskey) for days and weeks at a time. The difficulty toward the end was that he couldn't hold the stuff.
He went to pieces on his second or third drink. And he did not snap back quickly.[105]
There are those who observed McCarthy closely—including such harsh critics as Jack Anderson and George
Reedy—who had a different version: The McCarthy they knew early on was a drink-nurser, concerned to keep his
wits about him and thus gain a competitive edge over others who were imbibing. Although, he may have slid down
that path after censure, there are those who knew him well at this period who also deny the image of a chronic
drunkard.[106]
Death
McCarthy died in Bethesda Naval Hospital on May 2, 1957, at the age of 48. The official cause of his death was
listed as acute hepatitis, an inflammation of the liver. It was hinted in the press that he died of alcoholism, an
estimation that is now accepted by contemporary biographers.[5] He was given a state funeral attended by 70
senators, and a Solemn Pontifical Requiem Mass was said before more than 100 priests and 2,000 others at St.
Matthew's Cathedral. Thousands of people viewed the body in Washington. He was buried in St. Mary's Parish
Cemetery, Appleton, Wisconsin, where more than 30,000 filed through St. Mary's Church to pay their last
respects.[107] Three senators—George W. Malone, William E. Jenner, and Herman Welker—had flown from
Washington to Appleton on the plane carrying McCarthy's casket. Robert F. Kennedy quietly attended the funeral in
Wisconsin. McCarthy was survived by his wife, Jean, and their adopted daughter, Tierney.
In the summer of 1957, a special election was held to fill McCarthy's seat. In the primaries, voters in both parties
turned away from McCarthy's legacy. The Republican primary was won by Walter J. Kohler, Jr., who called for a
clean break from McCarthy's approach; he defeated former Congressman Glenn Robert Davis, who charged that
Eisenhower was soft on Communism. The Democratic winner was William Proxmire, who called the late McCarthy
"a disgrace to Wisconsin, to the Senate and to America". On August 27, Proxmire won the election.[108]
Ongoing debate
In the view of a few latter-day authors, such as conservative commentators William Norman Grigg[109] and Medford
Stanton Evans,[110][111] McCarthy's place in history should be reevaluated. Many scholars, including some generally
regarded as conservative, have opposed these views.[112][113]
Other authors and historians, including Arthur Herman,[114] assert that new evidence—in the form of Venona
decrypted Soviet messages, Soviet espionage data now opened to the West, and newly released transcripts of closed
hearings before McCarthy's subcommittee—has partially vindicated McCarthy by showing that many of his
identifications of Communists were correct and that the scale of Soviet espionage activity in the United States during
the 1940s and 1950s was larger than many scholars suspected.[115][116]
After reviewing evidence from Venona and other sources, historian John Earl Haynes concluded that, of 159 people
identified on lists used or referenced by McCarthy, evidence was substantial that nine had aided Soviet espionage
efforts. He suggested that a majority of those on the lists could legitimately have been considered security risks, but
that a substantial minority could not.[117]
These viewpoints are considered revisionist by many scholars.[118] Challenging efforts aimed at the "rehabilitation"
of McCarthy, Haynes argues that McCarthy's attempts to "make anti-communism a partisan weapon" actually
"threatened [the post-War] anti-Communist consensus", thereby ultimately harming anti-Communist efforts more
82
Joseph McCarthy
than helping.[119] William Bennett, former Reagan Administration Secretary of Education, summed up this
perspective in his 2007 book America: The Last Best Hope:
The cause of anti-communism, which united millions of Americans and which gained the support of
Democrats, Republicans and independents, was undermined by Sen. Joe McCarthy ... McCarthy addressed a
real problem: disloyal elements within the U.S. government. But his approach to this real problem was to
cause untold grief to the country he claimed to love ... Worst of all, McCarthy besmirched the honorable cause
of anti-communism. He discredited legitimate efforts to counter Soviet subversion of American
institutions.[120]
HUAC
McCarthy's hearings are often incorrectly conflated with the hearings of the House Committee on Un-American
Activities (HUAC). HUAC is best known for the investigation of Alger Hiss and for its investigation of the
Hollywood film industry, which led to the blacklisting of hundreds of actors, writers, and directors. HUAC was a
House committee, and as such had no formal connection with McCarthy, who served in the Senate.
McCarthy in popular culture
From the start of his notoriety, McCarthy was a favorite subject for political cartoonists. He was traditionally
depicted in a negative light, normally pertaining to McCarthyism and his accusations. Herblock's cartoon that coined
the term McCarthyism appeared less than two months after the senator's now famous February 1950 speech in
Wheeling, West Virginia. In 1953, the popular daily comic strip Pogo introduced the character Simple J. Malarkey, a
pugnacious and conniving wildcat with an unmistakable physical resemblance to McCarthy. (After worried
newspaper editors protested to the syndicate that provided the strip, creator Walt Kelly henceforth depicted the
Malarkey character with a bag of garbage over his head, concealing his features.)
As his fame grew, McCarthy increasingly became the target of ridicule and parody. He was impersonated by
nightclub and radio impressionists and was satirized in Mad magazine, on The Red Skelton Show, and elsewhere.
Several comedy songs lampooning the senator were released in 1954, including "Point of Order" by Stan Freberg
and Daws Butler, "Senator McCarthy Blues" by Hal Block, and unionist folk singer Joe Glazer's "Joe McCarthy's
Band", sung to the tune of "McNamara's Band". Also in 1954, the radio comedy team Bob and Ray parodied
McCarthy with the character "Commissioner Carstairs" in their soap opera spoof "Mary Backstayge, Noble Wife".
That same year, the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation radio network broadcast a satire, The Investigator, whose
title character was a clear imitation of McCarthy. A recording of the show became popular in the United States, and
was reportedly played by President Eisenhower at cabinet meetings.[121]
A more serious fictional portrayal of McCarthy played a central role in the 1959 novel The Manchurian Candidate
by Richard Condon. The character of Senator John Iselin, a demagogic anti-communist, is closely modeled on
McCarthy, even to the varying numbers of Communists he asserts are employed by the federal government. In the
1962 film version, the characterization remains; in this version, a Heinz ketchup bottle inspires Iselin and his wife to
settle on "57" as the number of subversives he claims are on the federal payroll.
McCarthy was portrayed by Peter Boyle in the 1977 Emmy-winning television movie Tail Gunner Joe, a
dramatization of McCarthy's life. American band R.E.M. feature the song "Exhuming McCarthy" on their 1987
album Document. Archival footage of McCarthy himself was used in the 2005 movie Good Night, and Good Luck
about Edward R. Murrow and the See It Now episode that challenged McCarthy.
83
Joseph McCarthy
References
[1] For a history of this period, see, for example:
Caute, David (1978). The Great Fear: The Anti-Communist Purge Under Truman and Eisenhower. Simon & Schuster. ISBN 0671226827.
Fried, Richard M. (1990). Nightmare in Red: The McCarthy Era in Perspective. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-504361-8.
Schrecker, Ellen (1998). Many Are the Crimes: McCarthyism in America. Little, Brown. ISBN 0-316-77470-7.
[2] The American Heritage Dictionary (2000) defines "McCarthyism" as "the practice of publicizing accusations of political disloyalty or
subversion with insufficient regard to evidence" and "the use of unfair investigatory or accusatory methods in order to suppress opposition".
Webster's Third New International Dictionary, Unabridged (1961) defines it as "characterized chiefly by opposition to elements held to be
subversive and by the use of tactics involving personal attacks on individuals by means of widely publicized indiscriminate allegations
especially on the basis of unsubstantiated charges".
[3] Morgan, Ted (November/December 2003). "Judge Joe: How the Youngest Judge in Wisconsin's History Became the Country's Most
Notorious Senator" (http:/ / www. legalaffairs. org/ issues/ November-December-2003/ story_morgan_novdec03. msp). Legal Affairs. .
Retrieved August 2, 2006.
[4] "Communists in Government Service, McCarthy Says" (http:/ / www. senate. gov/ artandhistory/ history/ minute/
Communists_In_Government_Service. htm). United States Senate History Website. . Retrieved March 9, 2007.
[5] See, for example:
Oshinsky, David M. (2005) [1983]. A Conspiracy So Immense: The World of Joe McCarthy. Oxford University Press. pp. 503–504.
ISBN 0-19-515424-X.,
Reeves, Thomas C. (1982). The Life and Times of Joe McCarthy: A Biography. Madison Books. pp. 669–671. ISBN 1-56833-101-0.,
Herman, Arthur (2000). Joseph McCarthy: Reexamining the Life and Legacy of America's Most Hated Senator. Free Press. pp. 302–303.
ISBN 0-684-83625-4.
[6] Rovere, Richard H. (1959). Senator Joe McCarthy. University of California Press. pp. 79. ISBN 0-520-20472-7.
[7] "Joseph McCarthy: Biography" (http:/ / www. apl. org/ history/ mccarthy/ biography. html). Appleton Public Library. 2003. . Retrieved May
26, 2009.
[8] McCarthy as Student (http:/ / www. myhistorymuseum. org/ mccarthy/ student. htm)
[9] In A Conspiracy So Immense, Oshinsky states that McCarthy chose Marquette University rather than the University of Wisconsin–Madison
partially because Marquette was under Catholic control and partially because he enrolled during the Great Depression, when few
working-class or farm-bred students had the money to go out of state for college. Oshinsky, David M. (2005) [1983]. A Conspiracy So
Immense: The World of Joe McCarthy. Oxford University Press. pp. 11. ISBN 0-19-515424-X.
[10] Judge on Trial, McCarthy – A Documented Record, The Progressive, April 1954 (http:/ / www. galenfrysinger. org/ judge_on_trial. htm)
[11] 'Wisconsin Blue Book 1940,' pg. 382, 627
[12] Oshinsky explains this (p. 17) as resulting partially from the financial pressures of the Great Depression. He also notes (p. 28) that even
during his judgeship, McCarthy was known to have gambled heavily after hours. Oshinsky, David M. (2005) [1983]. A Conspiracy So
Immense: The World of Joe McCarthy. Oxford University Press. pp. 17, 28. ISBN 0-19-515424-X.
[13] Oshinsky, David M. (2005) [1983]. A Conspiracy So Immense: The World of Joe McCarthy. Oxford University Press. pp. 27.
ISBN 0-19-515424-X.
[14] Herman, Arthur (1999). Joseph McCarthy: Reexamining the Life and Legacy of America's Most Hated Senator. Free Press. pp. 30.
ISBN 0-684-83625-4.
[15] Oshinsky describes the nickname "Tail-Gunner Joe" as the result of McCarthy's wish to break the record for most live ammunition
discharged in a single mission. Oshinsky, David M. (2005) [1983]. A Conspiracy So Immense: The World of Joe McCarthy. Oxford University
Press. pp. 32. ISBN 0-19-515424-X.
[16] Morgan, Ted (November/December 2003). "Judge Joe; How the youngest judge in Wisconsin's history became the country's most notorious
senator" (http:/ / www. legalaffairs. org/ issues/ November-December-2003/ story_morgan_novdec03. msp). Legal Affairs. . Retrieved August
2, 2006.
[17] Rovere, Richard H. (1959). Senator Joe McCarthy. University of California Press. pp. 97, 102. ISBN 0-520-20472-7.
[18] Beichman, Arnold (February–March 2006). "The Politics of Personal Self-Destruction" (http:/ / www. hoover. org/ publications/
policyreview/ 2913871. html). Policy Review. . Retrieved February 25, 2008.
[19] Herman, Arthur (1999). Joseph McCarthy: Reexamining the Life and Legacy of America's Most Hated Senator. Free Press. pp. 44, 51, 55.
ISBN 0-684-83625-4.
[20] Herman, Arthur (2000). Joseph McCarthy: Reexamining the Life and Legacy of America's Most Hated Senator. Free Press. pp. 53.
ISBN 0-684-83625-4.
[21] Reeves, Thomas C. (1982). The Life and Times of Joe McCarthy: A Biography. Madison Books. pp. 116–119. ISBN 1-56833-101-0.
[22] Herman, Arthur (2000). Joseph McCarthy: Reexamining the Life and Legacy of America's Most Hated Senator. Free Press. pp. 54–55.
ISBN 0-684-83625-4.
[23] Herman, Arthur (1999). Joseph McCarthy: Reexamining the Life and Legacy of America's Most Hated Senator. Free Press. pp. 51.
ISBN 0-684-83625-4.
[24] Griffith, Robert (1970). The Politics of Fear: Joseph R. McCarthy and the Senate. University of Massachusetts Press. pp. 49.
ISBN 0-87023-555-9.
84
Joseph McCarthy
[25] Phillips, Steve (2001). "5" (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=MlNaN_k4YtcC). In Martin Collier, Erica Lewis. The Cold War. Heinemann
Advanced History. Oxford: Heinemann Educational Publishers. pp. 65. ISBN 0435 32736 4. . Retrieved December 1, 2008.
[26] "Congressional Record, 81st Congress, 2nd Session" (http:/ / www. wvculture. org/ hiStory/ government/ mccarthy01. html). West Virginia
Division of Culture and History. February 20, 1950. . Retrieved August 11, 2006.
[27] Cook, Fred J. (1971). The Nightmare Decade: The Life and Times of Senator Joe McCarthy. Random House. pp. 155–156.
ISBN 0-394-46270-X.
[28] Also reported as up to 8 hours in length.
[29] Reeves, Thomas C. (1982). The Life and Times of Joe McCarthy: A Biography. Madison Books. pp. 227. ISBN 1-56833-101-0.
[30] Griffith, Robert (1970). The Politics of Fear: Joseph R. McCarthy and the Senate. University of Massachusetts Press. pp. 55.
ISBN 0-87023-555-9.
[31] Griffith, Robert (1970). The Politics of Fear: Joseph R. McCarthy and the Senate. University of Massachusetts Press. pp. 56.
ISBN 0-87023-555-9.
[32] Congressional Record, 81st Congress, 2nd session, pp 2062–2068; quoted in:
Reeves, Thomas C. (1982). The Life and Times of Joe McCarthy: A Biography. Madison Books. pp. 243. ISBN 1-56833-101-0.
[33] Oshinsky, David M. (2005) [1983]. A Conspiracy So Immense: The World of Joe McCarthy. Oxford University Press. pp. 119.
ISBN 0-19-515424-X.
[34] Griffith, Robert (1970). The Politics of Fear: Joseph R. McCarthy and the Senate. University of Massachusetts Press. pp. 101.
ISBN 0-87023-555-9.
[35] Fried, Richard M. (1990). Nightmare in Red: The McCarthy Era in Perspective. Oxford University Press. pp. 128. ISBN 0-19-504361-8.
[36] Oshinsky, David M. (2005) [1983]. A Conspiracy So Immense: The World of Joe McCarthy. Oxford University Press. pp. 175.
ISBN 0-19-515424-X.
[37] The Official United States Congressional Daily Digest Records,. Government Publishing Office, Thomas Library, Official Repository
Library, Local, Bakersfield California, CSUB. 2009 [1946]. pp. 8', 79th Congress, 3rd Session, Date August 2, 1946, Congressional
Records — House, page 10749.
[38] The United States Constitution. Government Publishing Office, Thomas Library, Official Repository Library, Local, Bakersfield California,
CSUB. 2009 [1782]. pp. 10.
[39] Cook, Fred J. (1971). The Nightmare Decade: The Life and Times of Senator Joe McCarthy. Random House. pp. 312. ISBN 0-394-46270-X.
[40] Cook, Fred J. (1971). The Nightmare Decade: The Life and Times of Senator Joe McCarthy. Random House. pp. 316. ISBN 0-394-46270-X.
[41] Herman, Arthur (2000). Joseph McCarthy: Reexamining the Life and Legacy of America's Most Hated Senator. Free Press. pp. 233.
ISBN 0-684-83625-4.
[42] The allegation is specifically rejected in Rovere, Richard H. (1959). Senator Joe McCarthy. University of California Press. pp. 68.
ISBN 0-520-20472-7.
[43] Herman, Arthur (2000). Joseph McCarthy: Reexamining the Life and Legacy of America's Most Hated Senator. Free Press. pp. 131.
ISBN 0-684-83625-4.
[44] McCarthy, Joseph (1951). Major Speeches and Debates of Senator Joe McCarthy Delivered in the United States Senate, 1950–1951.
Gordon Press. pp. 264, 307, 215. ISBN 0-87968-308-2.
[45] Oshinsky, David M. (2005) [1983]. A Conspiracy So Immense: The World of Joe McCarthy. Oxford University Press. pp. 194.
ISBN 0-19-515424-X.
[46] Crosby, Donald F. (1978). God, Church, and Flag: Senator Joseph R. McCarthy and the Catholic Church, 1950–1957. University of North
Carolina Press. ISBN 0807813125.
[47] Crosby, Donald F. (1978). God, Church, and Flag: Senator Joseph R. McCarthy and the Catholic Church, 1950–1957. University of North
Carolina Press. pp. 200, 67. ISBN 0807813125.
[48] Morrow, Lance (1978). The Best Year of Their Lives: Kennedy, Johnson, And Nixon in 1948. Perseus Books Group. pp. 4.
ISBN 0465047246.
[49] Bogle, Lori (2001). Cold War Espionage and Spying. Routledge. pp. 129. ISBN 0815332416.
[50] Oshinsky, David M. (2005) [1983]. A Conspiracy So Immense: The World of Joe McCarthy. Oxford University Press. pp. 240.
ISBN 0-19-515424-X. Reeves, Thomas C. (1982). The Life and Times of Joe McCarthy: A Biography. Madison Books. pp. 443.
ISBN 1-56833-101-0.
[51] The Kennedys (http:/ / www. pbs. org/ wgbh/ americanexperience/ kennedys/ ). American Experience. Boston, Massachusetts: WGBH.
2009.
[52] Leamer, Laurence (2001). The Kennedy Men: 1901–1963. HarperCollins. ISBN 0-688-16315-7.
[53] Johnson, Haynes (2005). The Age of Anxiety: McCarthyism to Terrorism. Harcourt. pp. 250. ISBN 0-15-101062-5.
[54] Wicker, Tom (2002). Dwight D. Eisenhower: The American Presidents Series. Times Books. pp. 15. ISBN 0-8050-6907-0.
[55] Griffith, Robert (1970). The Politics of Fear: Joseph R. McCarthy and the Senate. University of Massachusetts Press. pp. 188+.
ISBN 0-87023-555-9.
[56] Oshinsky, David M. (2005) [1983]. A Conspiracy So Immense: The World of Joe McCarthy. Oxford University Press. pp. 259.
ISBN 0-19-515424-X.
[57] Oshinsky, David M. (2005) [1983]. A Conspiracy So Immense: The World of Joe McCarthy. Oxford University Press. pp. 244.
ISBN 0-19-515424-X.
85
Joseph McCarthy
[58] All quotes in this paragraph: Fried, Albert (1997). McCarthyism, The Great American Red Scare: A Documentary History. Oxford
University Press. pp. 182–184. ISBN 0-19-509701-7.
[59] Fried, Albert (1996). McCarthyism, The Great American Red Scare: A Documentary History. Oxford University Press. pp. 179.
ISBN 0-19-509701-7.
[60] Powers, Richard Gid (1998). Not Without Honor: The History of American Anticommunism. Yale University Press. pp. 263.
ISBN 0-300-07470-0.
[61] Parmet, Herbert S. (1998). Eisenhower and the American Crusades. Transaction Publishers. pp. 248, 337, 577. ISBN 0-7658-0437-9.
[62] Fried, Richard M. (1990). Nightmare in Red: The McCarthy Era in Perspective. Oxford University Press. pp. 134. ISBN 0-19-504361-8.
[63] See "Transcripts, Executive Sessions..." under Primary sources, below.
[64] Collins, Susan and Levin, Carl (2003). "Preface" (http:/ / www. senate. gov/ artandhistory/ history/ resources/ pdf/ Volume1. pdf) (PDF).
Executive Sessions of the Senate Permanent Subcommittee On Investigations. U.S. Government Printing Office. . Retrieved December 19,
2006.
[65] Heil, Alan L. (2003). Voice of America: A History. Columbia University Press. p. 53. ISBN 0-231-12674-3.
[66] Griffith, Robert (1970). The Politics of Fear: Joseph R. McCarthy and the Senate. University of Massachusetts Press. pp. 216.
ISBN 0-87023-555-9.
[67] "Ike, Milton, and the McCarthy Battle" (http:/ / www. eisenhowermemorial. org/ stories/ Ike-Milton-McCarthy. htm). Dwight D.
Eisenhower Memorial Commission. . Retrieved August 9, 2006.
[68] Often misidentified as "Reds In Our Churches;" see this (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?lr=& q="Reds+ and+ Our+ Churches"+
Matthews& btnG=Search+ Books) versus this (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?lr=& q="Reds+ in+ Our+ Churches"+ Matthews&
btnG=Search+ Books).
[69] Griffith, Robert (1970). The Politics of Fear: Joseph R. McCarthy and the Senate. University of Massachusetts Press. pp. 233.
ISBN 0-87023-555-9.
[70] Stone, Geoffrey R. (2004). Perilous Times: Free Speech in Wartime from the Sedition Act of 1798 to the War on Terrorism. W. W. Norton
& Company. pp. 384. ISBN 0-393-05880-8.
[71] Adams, John G. (1983). Without Precedent: The Story of the Death of McCarthyism. W. W. Norton & Company. pp. 120, 126.
ISBN 0-393-30230-X.
[72] Herman, Arthur (1999). Joseph McCarthy: Reexamining the Life and Legacy of America's Most Hated Senator. Free Press. pp. 250.
ISBN 0-684-83625-4.
[73] Fried, Richard M. (1990). Nightmare in Red: The McCarthy Era in Perspective. Oxford University Press. pp. 138. ISBN 0-19-504361-8.
[74] Rovere, Richard H. (1959). Senator Joe McCarthy. University of California Press. pp. 30. ISBN 0-520-20472-7.
[75] Schwarz, Frederick D. (November/December 2004). "1954 50 Years Ago: The Demagogue’s Downfall" (http:/ / americanheritage. com/
articles/ magazine/ ah/ 2004/ 6/ 2004_6_84. shtml). American Heritage. Retrieved July 29, 2010.
[76] Morgan, Ted (2004). Reds: McCarthyism in Twentieth-Century America. Random House. pp. 489. ISBN 0-8129-7302-X.
[77] Streitmatter, Rodger (1998). Mightier Than the Sword: How the News Media Have Shaped American History. Westview Press. pp. 167.
ISBN 0-8133-3211-7.
[78] Powers, Richard Gid (1998). Not Without Honor: The History of American Anticommunism. Yale University Press. pp. 271.
ISBN 0-300-07470-0.
[79] Griffith, Robert (1970). The Politics of Fear: Joseph R. McCarthy and the Senate. University of Massachusetts Press. pp. 264.
ISBN 0-87023-555-9.
[80] Cook, Fred J. (1971). The Nightmare Decade: The Life and Times of Senator Joe McCarthy. Random House. pp. 536. ISBN 0-394-46270-X.
[81] "About McCarthy" (http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ printout/ 0,8816,857509,00. html). Time. July 19, 1954. . Retrieved December 18, 2006.
[82] Oshinsky, David M. (2005) [1983]. A Conspiracy So Immense: The World of Joe McCarthy. Oxford University Press. pp. 459.
ISBN 0-19-515424-X.
[83] Griffith, Robert (1970). The Politics of Fear: Joseph R. McCarthy and the Senate. University of Massachusetts Press. pp. 259.
ISBN 0-87023-555-9. Oshinsky, David M. (2005) [1983]. A Conspiracy So Immense: The World of Joe McCarthy. Oxford University Press.
pp. 462. ISBN 0-19-515424-X.
[84] Oshinsky, David M. (2005) [1983]. A Conspiracy So Immense: The World of Joe McCarthy. Oxford University Press. pp. 464.
ISBN 0-19-515424-X.
[85] "Transcript – See it Now: A Report on Senator Joseph R. McCarthy" (http:/ / www. lib. berkeley. edu/ MRC/ murrowmccarthy. html).
CBS-TV. March 9, 1954. . Retrieved March 9, 2008.
[86] "Transcript – Senator Joseph R. McCarthy: Reply to Edward R. Murrow, See It Now" (http:/ / www. lib. berkeley. edu/ MRC/
murrowmccarthy2. html). CBS-TV. April 6, 1954. . Retrieved February 15, 2009.
[87] Polsby, Nelson W. (October 1962). "Towards an Explanation of McCarthyism". Political Studies 8: 252.
[88] Wallace, Patricia Ward (1995). Politics of Conscience: A Biography of Margaret Chase Smith. Praeger Trade. pp. 109.
ISBN 0-275-95130-8.
[89] Flanders, Ralph (1961). Senator from Vermont. Boston: Little, Brown.
[90] "Text of Flanders's speech" (http:/ / upload. wikimedia. org/ wikipedia/ en/ a/ a0/ Flanders3-9-1954Speech. jpg). March 9, 1959. .
[91] Woods, Randall Bennett (1995). Fulbright: A Biography. Cambridge University Press. pp. 187. ISBN 0-521-48262-3.
86
Joseph McCarthy
[92] Griffith, Robert (1970). The Politics of Fear: Joseph R. McCarthy and the Senate. University of Massachusetts Press. pp. 277 et seq..
ISBN 0-87023-555-9.
[93] Rovere, Richard H. (1959). Senator Joe McCarthy. University of California Press. pp. 229–230. ISBN 0-520-20472-7.
[94] "Senate Resolution 301: Censure of Senator Joseph McCarthy" (http:/ / www. historicaldocuments. com/ JosephMcCarthyCensure. htm).
HistoricalDocuments.com. . Retrieved March 9, 2008.
[95] United States Senate, Historical Office. "The Censure Case of Joseph McCarthy of Wisconsin (1954)" (http:/ / www. senate. gov/
artandhistory/ history/ common/ censure_cases/ 133Joseph_McCarthy. htm). . Retrieved January 4, 2010.
[96] Oshinsky [1983] (2005), pp. 33, 490; Michael O'Brien, John F. Kennedy: A Biography (2005), pp. 250–54, 274–79, 396–400; Reeves
(1982), pp. 442–43; Thomas Maier, The Kennedys: America's Emerald Kings (2003), pp. 270–80; Crosby, God, Church, and Flag, 138-60.
[97] Griffith, Robert (1970). The Politics of Fear: Joseph R. McCarthy and the Senate. University of Massachusetts Press. pp. 310.
ISBN 0-87023-555-9.
[98] "Senate Report 104-137 – Resolution For Disciplinary Action" (http:/ / thomas. loc. gov/ cgi-bin/ cpquery/ ?& dbname=cp104&
sid=cp104susc7& refer=& r_n=sr137. 104& item=& sel=TOC_91694& ). Library of Congress. 1995. . Retrieved October 19, 2006.
[99] Rovere, Richard H. (1959). Senator Joe McCarthy. University of California Press. pp. 231. ISBN 0-520-20472-7.
[100] Griffith, Robert (1970). The Politics of Fear: Joseph R. McCarthy and the Senate. University of Massachusetts Press. pp. 318.
ISBN 0-87023-555-9.
[101] Fried, Richard M. (1990). Nightmare in Red: The McCarthy Era in Perspective. Oxford University Press. pp. 141. ISBN 0-19-504361-8.
[102] Graebner, Norman A. (1956). The New Isolationism: A Study in Politics and Foreign Policy since 1950. Ronald Press. pp. 227.
[103] Eisler, Kim Isaac (1993). A Justice for All: William J. Brennan, Jr., and the Decisions That Transformed America. New York: Simon &
Schuster. p. 119. ISBN 978-0-671-76787-7.
[104] Cook, Fred J. (1971). The Nightmare Decade: The Life and Times of Senator Joe McCarthy. Random House. pp. 537.
ISBN 0-394-46270-X.
[105] Rovere, Richard H. (1959). Senator Joe McCarthy. University of California Press. pp. 244–245. ISBN 0-520-20472-7.
[106] Blacklisted By History by M. Stanton Evans copyright 2007 pp30-31 published by Three Rivers Press
[107] Joseph McCarthy Photographs: The Funeral (http:/ / www. apl. org/ history/ mccarthy/ photos3. html)
[108] Nichols, John (July 31, 2007). "In 1957, a McCarthy-free morning in America" (http:/ / www. madison. com/ tct/ archives/ index.
php?archAction=arch_read& a_from=search& a_file=/ tct/ 2007/ 07/ 31/ 0707310204. php& var_search=Search& keyword_field=In 1957, a
McCarthy-free morning in & pub_code_field=tct& from_date_field=& to_date_field=& var_start_pos=0& var_articles_per_page=10). The
Capital Times. .
[109] Grigg, William Norman (June 16, 2003). "McCarthy's 'Witches'" (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20061227010849/ http:/ / www.
thenewamerican. com/ tna/ 2003/ 06-16-2003/ vo19no12_witches. htm). The New American. Archived from the original (http:/ / www.
thenewamerican. com/ tna/ 2003/ 06-16-2003/ vo19no12_witches. htm) on December 27, 2006. . Retrieved June 2, 2009.
[110] Evans, M. Stanton (May 30, 1997). "McCarthyism: Waging the Cold War in America" (http:/ / www. humanevents. com/ article.
php?id=455). Human Events. . Retrieved August 28, 2006.
[111] Evans, M. Stanton (2007). Blacklisted By History: The Real Story of Joseph McCarthy and His Fight Against America's Enemies. Crown
Forum. ISBN 1-4000-8105-X.
[112] Rabinowitz, Dorothy (July 7, 2003). "A Conspiracy So Vast" (http:/ / www. opinionjournal. com/ medialog/ ?id=110003713). The Wall
Street Journal. .
[113] Horowitz, David (July 8, 2003). "The Trouble with 'Treason'" (http:/ / frontpagemag. com/ readArticle. aspx?ARTID=17332). FrontPage
Magazine. .
[114] Herman, Arthur (2000). Joseph McCarthy: Reexamining the Life and Legacy of America's Most Hated Senator. Free Press. pp. 5–6.
ISBN 0-684-83625-4.
[115] Haynes, John Earl; Klehr, Harvey (2000). Venona: Decoding Soviet Espionage in America. Yale University Press. ISBN 0-300-08462-5.
[116] Weinstein, Allen; Vassiliev, Alexander (2000). The Haunted Wood: Soviet Espionage in America – The Stalin Era. Modern Library.
ISBN 0-375-75536-5.
[117] Haynes, John Earl (2006). "Senator Joseph McCarthy's Lists and Venona" (http:/ / www. johnearlhaynes. org/ page62. html). . Retrieved
August 31, 2006.
[118] Oshinsky, David M. (2005). A Conspiracy So Immense: The World of Joe McCarthy. Oxford University Press. pp. ix – xi.
ISBN 0-19-515424-X.
[119] Haynes, John Earl (February 2000). "Exchange with Arthur Herman and Venona book talk" (http:/ / www. johnearlhaynes. org/ page58.
html). . Retrieved July 11, 2007.
[120] Thomma, Steven (April 1, 2010). "Not satisfied with U.S. history, some conservatives rewrite it" (http:/ / www. mcclatchydc. com/ 2010/
04/ 01/ 91478/ some-right-wingers-ignore-facts. html?storylink=MI_emailed). McClatchy Newspapers. . Retrieved April 1, 2010.
[121] Doherty, Thomas (2005). Cold War, Cool Medium: Television, McCarthyism, and American Culture. Columbia University Press. p. 213.
ISBN 978-0-231-12953-4.
87
Joseph McCarthy
References and further reading
Secondary sources
• Bayley, Edwin R. (1981). Joe McCarthy and the Press. University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 0-299-08624-0.
• Belfrage, Cedric (1989). The American Inquisition, 1945–1960: A Profile of the "McCarthy Era". Thunder's
Mouth Press. ISBN 0-938410-87-3.
• Buckley, William F. (1954). McCarthy and His Enemies: The Record and Its Meaning. Regnery Publishing.
ISBN 0-89526-472-2.
• Cook, Fred J. (1971). The Nightmare Decade: The Life and Times of Senator Joe McCarthy. Random House.
ISBN 0-394-46270-X.
• Crosby, Donald F. (1978). God, Church, and Flag: Senator Joseph R. McCarthy and the Catholic Church,
1950–1957. University of North Carolina Press. ISBN 0-8078-1312-5.
• Crosby, Donald F. "The Jesuits and Joe McCarthy". Church History 1977 46(3): 374–388. Issn: 0009-6407
Fulltext: in Jstor (http://www.jstor.org/pss/3164134)
• Daynes, Gary (1997). Making Villains, Making Heroes: Joseph R. McCarthy, Martin Luther King, Jr. and the
Politics of American Memory. Taylor & Francis. ISBN 0-8153-2992-X.
• Evans, M. Stanton (2007). Blacklisted By History: The Real Story of Joseph McCarthy and His Fight Against
America's Enemies. Crown Forum. ISBN 1-4000-8105-X.
• Freeland, Richard M. (1985). The Truman Doctrine and the Origins of McCarthyism: Foreign Policy, Domestic
Politics, and Internal Security, 1946–1948. New York University Press. ISBN 0-8147-2576-7.
• Fried, Richard M. (1977). Men Against McCarthy. Columbia University Press. ISBN 0-231-08360-2.
• Fried, Richard M. (1990). Nightmare in Red: The McCarthy Era in Perspective. Oxford University Press.
ISBN 0-19-504361-8.
• Gauger, Michael. "Flickering Images: Live Television Coverage and Viewership of the Army-McCarthy
Hearings". Historian 2005 67(4): 678–693. Issn: 0018-2370 Fulltext: in Swetswise, Ingenta and Ebsco. Audience
ratings show that few people watched the hearings.
• Griffith, Robert (1970). The Politics of Fear: Joseph R. McCarthy and the Senate. University of Massachusetts
Press. ISBN 0-87023-555-9.
• Haynes, John Earl and Klehr, Harvey (2000). Venona: Decoding Soviet Espionage in America. Yale University
Press. ISBN 0-300-08462-5.
• Herman, Arthur (1999). Joseph McCarthy: Reexamining the Life and Legacy of America's Most Hated Senator.
Free Press. ISBN 0-684-83625-4.
• Latham, Earl (1969). Communist Controversy in Washington: From the New Deal to McCarthy. Macmillan
Publishing Company. ISBN 0-689-70121-7.
• Murphy, Brenda. Congressional Theatre: Dramatizing McCarthyism on Stage, Film, and Television. Cambridge
U. Press, 1999.
• O'Brien, Michael (1981). McCarthy and McCarthyism in Wisconsin. Olympic Marketing Corp.
ISBN 0-8262-0319-1.
• Oshinsky, David M. (2005) [1983]. A Conspiracy So Immense: The World of Joe McCarthy. Oxford University
Press. ISBN 0-19-515424-X.
• Powers, Richard Gid (1997). Not Without Honor: A History of American AntiCommunism. Free Press.
ISBN 0-300-07470-0.
• Ranville, Michael (1996). To Strike at a King: The Turning Point in the McCarthy Witch-Hunt. Momentum
Books Limited. ISBN 1-879094-53-3.
• Reeves, Thomas C. (1982). The Life and Times of Joe McCarthy: A Biography. Madison Books.
ISBN 1-56833-101-0.
88
Joseph McCarthy
• Rosteck, Thomas (1994). See It Now Confronts McCarthyism: Television Documentary and the Politics of
Representation. University of Alabama Press. ISBN 0-8173-5191-4.
• Rovere, Richard H. (1959). Senator Joe McCarthy. University of California Press. ISBN 0-520-20472-7.
• Schrecker, Ellen (1998). Many Are the Crimes: McCarthyism in America. Little, Brown. ISBN 0-316-77470-7.
• Strout, Lawrence N. (1999). Covering McCarthyism: How the Christian Science Monitor Handled Joseph R.
McCarthy, 1950–1954. Greenwood Press. ISBN 0-313-31091-2.
• Thelen, David P.; Esther S. Thelen (Spring 1966). "Joe Must Go: The Movement to Recall Senator Joseph R.
McCarthy" (http://content.wisconsinhistory.org/cdm4/document.php?CISOROOT=/wmh&
CISOPTR=45746&CISOSHOW=45658&REC=1). Wisconsin Magazine of History (State Historical Society of
Wisconsin) 49 (3): 185–209. Retrieved June 18, 2009.
• Wicker, Tom (2006). Shooting Star: The Brief Arc of Joe McCarthy. Harcourt. ISBN 0-15-101082-X.
Primary sources
• "Transcripts, Executive Sessions of the Senate Permanent Subcommittee On Investigations" (http://www.senate.
gov/artandhistory/history/common/generic/McCarthy_Transcripts.htm). U.S. Government Printing Office.
2003. Retrieved December 19, 2006.
• "Senate Committee Transcripts, 107th Congress" (http://www.access.gpo.gov/congress/senate/
senate12cp107.html). Senate Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs. Retrieved August 11,
2006.
• "Harry S. Truman Presidential Library and Museum" (http://www.trumanlibrary.org/index.php). Retrieved
August 11, 2006.
• "Censure of Senator Joseph McCarthy (1954)" (http://web.archive.org/web/20071120130436/http://usinfo.
state.gov/usa/infousa/facts/democrac/60.htm). The United States Department of State. Archived from the
original (http://usinfo.state.gov/usa/infousa/facts/democrac/60.htm) on November 20, 2007. Retrieved June
2, 2009.
• McCarthy, Joseph (1951). Major Speeches and Debates of Senator Joe McCarthy Delivered in the United States
Senate, 1950–1951 (http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=9034820). Gordon Press. ISBN 0-87968-308-2.
• McCarthy, Joseph (1951). America's Retreat from Victory, the Story of George Catlett Marshall. Devin-Adair.
ISBN 0-8159-5004-7.
• McCarthy, Joseph (1952). Fight for America (http://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/001745985). Devin-Adair.
ISBN 0-405-09960-6.
• Adams, John G. (1983). Without Precedent: The Story of the Death of McCarthyism. W. W. Norton & Company.
ISBN 0-393-30230-X.
• Watkins, Arthur Vivian (1969). Enough Rope: The inside story of the censure of Senator Joe McCarthy.
Prentice-Hall. ISBN 0-13-283101-5.
• Fried, Albert (1996). McCarthyism, The Great American Red Scare: A Documentary History. Oxford University
Press. ISBN 0-19-509701-7.
• Edward R. Murrow & Fred W. Friendly (Producers) (1991). Edward R. Murrow: The McCarthy Years (DVD
(from 'See it Now' TV News show)). USA: CBS News/Docurama.
89
Joseph McCarthy
External links
• Joseph McCarthy (http://bioguide.congress.gov/scripts/biodisplay.pl?index=M000315) at the Biographical
Directory of the United States Congress Retrieved on 2008-07-11
• "Papa" Prell's radio broadcast on "Tail Gunner Joe", including taped segments from the trial. (http://www.
radiohorrorhosts.com/prellmcarthy.mp3)
• Joseph McCarthy, Dictionary of Wisconsin History, Wisconsin State Historical Society (http://www.
wisconsinhistory.org/dictionary/index.asp?action=view&term_id=907&letter=M)
• Morgan, Ted (2003). "Judge Joe: How the youngest judge in Wisconsin's history became the country's most
notorious senator" (http://www.legalaffairs.org/issues/November-December-2003/story_morgan_novdec03.
msp). Legal Affairs Magazine.
• Tanenhaus, Sam. "Un-American Activities" (http://www.nybooks.com/articles/13910). New York Review of
Books. A lengthy review of Arthur Herman's Joseph McCarthy
• BBC coverage (http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/3002239.stm)
• Senator Joseph McCarthy's Speech in Wheeling (http://www.wvculture.org/history/thisdayinwvhistory/0209.
html)
• Spartacus Biography (http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/USAmccarthy.htm)
• The History Net page on McCarthy (http://history1900s.about.com/cs/joemccarthy/)
• The McCarthy-Welch exchange (http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/welch-mccarthy.html)
• Joseph McCarthy Papers, Marquette University Library (http://www.marquette.edu/library/collections/
archives/Mss/JRM/mss-JRM.html)
• Senator Joe McCarthy: Audio Excerpts, 1950–1954 (http://digitalmarquette.cdmhost.com/JRM/)
• A film clip "Longines Chronoscope with Sen. Joseph McCarthy (June 25, 1952)" (http://archive.org/details/
gov.archives.arc.95766) is available for free download at the Internet Archive [more]
• A film clip "Longines Chronoscope with Sen. Joseph McCarthy (September 29, 1952)" (http://archive.org/
details/gov.archives.arc.95785) is available for free download at the Internet Archive [more]
• FBI Memo Referencing 206 Communists in Government
• Infoage (http://www.infoage.org/mccarthy.html) Information on McCarthy's investigations of the Signal
Corps, including transcripts of the hearings and more recent interviews.
• Transcript: "A Report on Senator Joseph R. McCarthy" – Edward R. Murrow, See It Now, CBS Television,
March 9, 1954 (http://www.lib.berkeley.edu/MRC/murrowmccarthy.html) via UC Berkeley library
• Transcript: "Joseph R. McCarthy: Rebuttal to Edward R. Murrow", See It Now, CBS Television, April 6, 1954
(http://www.lib.berkeley.edu/MRC/murrowmccarthy2.html) via UC Berkeley library
• "The Passing of McCarthy (Obituary)" (http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,867634,00.
html). TIME Magazine. May 13, 1957.
• Documents on McCarthyism at the Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library (http://eisenhower.archives.
gov/Research/Digital_Documents/McCarthy/Mccarthydocuments.html)
• FBI file on Joseph McCarthy (http://vault.fbi.gov/Sen.Joseph (Joe) McCarthy)
• Booknotes interview with Arthur L. Herman on Joseph McCarthy: Reexamining the Life and Legacy of America's
Most Hated Senator, February 6, 2000. (http://www.booknotes.org/Watch/154513-1/Arthur+Herman.aspx)
Defenses of McCarthy:
• "Editor Taints Recently Published Hearings: How Senate Historian Botched Data on McCarthy" (http://www.
humanevents.com/article.php?id=689) by M. Stanton Evans
• "Levin and Collins Trigger Disinformation: Senate Historian Clams Up When Queried On McCarthy" (http://
www.humanevents.com/article.php?id=474) by M. Stanton Evans
Criticism of McCarthy:
• "Has She No Shame?" (http://www.yuricareport.com/RevisitedBks/CoulterTreason.html) by Joe Conason
90
Joseph McCarthy
91
• Senator Joe McCarthy (excerpt) (http://www.writing.upenn.edu/~afilreis/50s/mccarthy-bio.html) by Richard
Rovere
The Crucible
The Crucible
Written by
Arthur Miller
Characters
Abigail Williams
Reverend John Hale
Reverend Samuel Parris
John Proctor
Elizabeth Proctor
Thomas Danforth
Mary Warren
John Hathorne
Giles Corey
Date premiered
January 22, 1953
Place premiered
Martin Beck Theatre, New York City
Original language English
Subject
Salem witch trials, McCarthyism
Genre
Tragedy, drama
Setting
Salem, Massachusetts
IBDB profile
[1]
The Crucible is a 1952 play by the American playwright Arthur Miller. It is a dramatization of the Salem witch trials
that took place in the Province of Massachusetts Bay during 1692 and 1693. Miller wrote the play as an allegory of
McCarthyism, when the US government blacklisted accused communists.[2] Miller himself was questioned by the
House of Representatives' Committee on Un-American Activities in 1956 and convicted of "contempt of Congress"
for refusing to identify others present at meetings he had attended.[3] It was first performed at the Martin Beck
Theater on Broadway on January 22, 1953. Miller felt that this production was too stylized and cold and the reviews
for it were largely hostile (although The New York Times noted "a powerful play [in a] driving performance").[4]
Nonetheless, the production won the 1953 "Best Play" Tony Award.[5] A year later a new production succeeded and
the play became a classic.[6] It is a central work in the canon of American drama.[7]
Act one
Rev. Parris is praying over his daughter, Betty Parris, who lies as if unconscious in her bed. Conversations between
Rev. Parris, his niece Abigail Williams and several other girls reveal that the girls, including Abigail and Betty, were
engaged in heretical activities in a nearby forest, apparently led by Tituba, Parris's slave from Barbados. Parris had
discovered them, whereupon Betty fainted and has not yet recovered. The townspeople do not know exactly what the
girls were up to, but there are rumors of witchcraft.
John Proctor enters the room in which Betty lies in bed, and Abigail, otherwise alone, tries to seduce him. It does not
work, but it is revealed that Abigail and Proctor engaged in a previous affair and that Abigail still has feelings for
him.
The Crucible
Reverend John Hale is summoned from Beverly to look upon Betty and research the incident. He is a
self-proclaimed expert in occult phenomena and is eager to use his acquired learning. He questions Abigail, who
accuses Tituba of being a witch. Tituba, afraid of being hanged and threatened with beating, professes faith in God
and accuses Goodwives Sarah Good and Osburn of witchcraft. Betty, now awake, claims to have been bewitched
and also professes her faith in God. Betty and Abigail sing out a list of people whom they claim to have seen with
the Devil.
Act two
Elizabeth questions Proctor to find out if he is late for dinner because of a visit to Salem. She tells him that their
housemaid, Mary Warren, has been there all day. Having forbidden Mary from going to Salem, Proctor becomes
angry, but Elizabeth explains that Mary has been named an official of the court.
Elizabeth tells Proctor that he must reveal that Abigail is a fake. He declares that he cannot prove what she told him
because they were alone when they talked. Elizabeth becomes upset because he has not previously mentioned this
time alone with Abigail. Proctor believes that she is accusing him of resuming his affair with Abigail. An argument
then ensues between the two.
Mary returns, and Proctor is furious that she has been in Salem all day. However, she advises that she will be gone
every day because of her duties as an official of the court. Mary gives Elizabeth a poppet that she made while in
court, tells the couple that thirty-nine people are now in jail, and that Goody Osborne [sic] will hang for her failure to
confess to witchcraft. Proctor is angry because he believes the court is condemning people without solid evidence.
Mary states that Elizabeth has also been accused, but, as she herself defended her, the court dismissed the accusation.
Elizabeth tells Proctor that she believes Abigail will accuse her of witchcraft and have her executed because she
wants to become Proctor's wife. Elizabeth asks Proctor to speak to Abigail and tell her that no chance exists of him
marrying her if anything happens to his wife.
Reverend Hale visits the Proctor house and tells Elizabeth and Proctor that the former has been named in court. Hale
questions Proctor about his poor church attendance and asks him to recite the Ten Commandments. When Proctor
gets stuck on the tenth, Elizabeth reminds him of the commandment forbidding adultery.
Proctor tells Hale that Abigail has admitted to him that witchcraft was not responsible for the children's ailments.
Hale asks Proctor to testify in court and then questions Elizabeth to find out if she believes in witches. Giles Corey
and Francis Nurse arrive and tell Proctor, Hale and Elizabeth that the court has arrested both of their wives for
witchcraft.
Ezekiel Cheever and Willard/Herrick arrive with a warrant for Elizabeth's arrest. Cheever discovers the poppet that
Mary made for Elizabeth, with a needle inside it. Cheever tells Proctor and Hale that, after apparently being stabbed
with a needle while eating at Parris' house, Abigail accused Elizabeth's spirit of stabbing her. Mary tells Hale that she
made the doll in court that day and stored the needle inside it. She also states that Abigail saw this because she sat
next to her. The men still take Elizabeth into custody, and Hale, Corey and Nurse leave.
Proctor tells Mary that she must testify in court against Abigail. Mary replies that she fears doing this because
Abigail and the others will turn against her.
92
The Crucible
Additional scene
In the original production of the play, there was an additional scene in the second act. It has been removed from most
subsequent productions, but is added as an appendix in many written book forms of the play:
In the woods, Proctor meets with Abigail. She again tries to seduce him, but he pushes her away, informing her that
she must stop all accusations against his wife. They argue, and Abigail asks him how he intends to prove that what
she is saying is false. He informs her that he fully intends to admit to their affair in court if necessary, and the scene
ends with Abigail saying, "I will save you tomorrow... from yourself I will save you."
Act three
Judge Hathorne (offstage) is in the midst of questioning Martha Corey on accusations of witchcraft, during which
her husband, Giles, interrupts the court proceedings and declares that Thomas Putnam is "reaching out for land!"
Giles is removed from the courtroom and taken to the vestry room by Willard/Herrick. Judge Hathorne enters and
angrily asks: "How dare you come roarin' into this court, are you gone daft, Corey?". Giles Corey replies that since
Hathorne isn't a Boston Judge yet, he has no right to ask him that question. Deputy Governor Danforth, Cheever,
Reverend Parris and Francis Nurse enter the vestry room. Corey explains that he owns 600 acres (unknown
operator: u'strong' km2) of land and a large quantity of timber, both of which Putnam had been eyeing. Corey also
states that the court is holding his wife Martha by mistake saying he had only said Martha was reading books, but he
never accused her of witchcraft.
Danforth soon thereafter takes utter control of the situation, and denies others in the court even a modicum of power.
John Proctor enters with Mary Warren, promising to clear up any doubts regarding the girls if his wife is freed from
custody. Danforth orders the girls into the vestry. Reverend Parris is skeptical, pointing out that the girls fainted,
screamed, and turned cold before the accused, which they see as proof of the spirits. Mary tells them that she
believed at first to have seen the spirits, however she knows now that there aren't any.
In an attempt to discredit Mary, Abigail and the other girls begin to scream and cry out that they are freezing. When
Abigail calls to God, Proctor accuses her of being a whore and tells the court of their affair. Abigail denies it and the
court has Elizabeth brought in to verify if Proctor is telling the truth. Not knowing that he had already confessed,
Elizabeth lies and denies any knowledge of the affair. When Proctor continues to insist that the affair took place, the
girls begin to pretend to see a yellow bird sent by Mary to attack them. To save herself from being accused of
witchcraft, Mary tells the court that Proctor was in league with the devil and forced her to testify. Proctor is arrested
for witchcraft, and Reverend Hale storms out of the court, shouting "I denounce these proceedings!"
Act four
Proctor is chained to a jail wall, totally isolated from the outside. Reverend Parris begins to panic because John was
liked by many in the village (as were Martha Corey and Rebecca Nurse, who are also to be hanged), and he explains
his fears to Hathorne, Danforth and Cheever. He also reveals that Abigail and Mercy Lewis (one of the "afflicted"
girls) stole 31 pounds (about half his yearly salary) and boarded a ship in the night.
Hale enters, now a broken man who spends all his time with the prisoners, praying with them and advising prisoners
to confess to witchcraft so that they can live. The authorities send Elizabeth to John, telling her to try to convince
Proctor to confess to being a witch. When Proctor and Elizabeth are alone, she forgives him and reaffirms their love.
Elizabeth tells of Giles Corey being pressed to death.
John chooses to confess in exchange for his life and calls out to Hathorne, who is almost overjoyed to hear such
news. Proctor signs the confession, then tears it up when realizing that Danforth is going to nail the signed
confession to the church (which Proctor fears will ruin his name and the names of other Salemites). Proctor, Rebecca
Nurse and Martha Corey are led to the gallows to hang.
93
The Crucible
Characters (in order of appearance)
Reverend Samuel Parris
Parris is the minister of Salem's church, disliked by many residents because of his greedy, domineering
personality. He is more concerned about his reputation than the well-being of his sick daughter Betty. He is
also less concerned about his missing niece, Abigail Williams, than for the lives of the dead and condemned
on his conscience and the money taken. His niece and daughter were the first to accuse others of witchcraft
and he owned the slave, Tituba; the first to be accused of witchcraft.
Tituba
Tituba is Reverend Parris's slave. Parris seems to have owned and purchased her in Barbados back in his time
as a merchant. She cares for the children and prepares a potion for Abigail that will kill Elizabeth Proctor.
Additionally, she attempts to raise the spirits of Ann Putnam's dead children. During the first scene of the play,
she is turned in by Abigail and responds by claiming that four women in Salem are witches. She is not seen
again until the final scene of the play taking place in the jail. By this point the events have troubled her to the
point that she is haunted by hallucinations and hysteria - Both she and Sarah Good are driven mad, and are not
mentally well.
Abigail Williams
Williams is Parris' 17-year-old niece and the play's antagonist.[8] Abigail was previously the maid for the
Proctor house, fired by Elizabeth after her discovery of Abigail's affair with her husband, John. Abigail and
her uncle's slave, Tituba, lead the local girls in love-spell rituals in the Salem forest over a fire. Rumors of
witchcraft fly, and Abigail tries to use the town's fear to her advantage. She accuses many of witchcraft,
starting first with the society's outcasts and gradually moving up to respected members of the community.
Finally, she accuses Elizabeth Proctor, believing that John truly loves her and not Elizabeth. Abigail wants
Elizabeth out of the way so that she and John can marry. John says that Abigail "hopes to dance with me upon
my wife's grave." She is manipulative and charismatic, attacking anyone who stands in her way. She flees
Salem during the trials and, according to legend, becomes a prostitute in Boston.
Ann Putnam
Ann Putnam is the wife of Thomas Putnam. She has one daughter, Ruth, but has had seven miscarriages. Ann
is accusatory and harsh to many, but also very hurt by the deaths of her babies.
Thomas Putnam
Thomas Putnam lives in Salem village and owns a bit of land close to Giles Corey. Giles accuses him of trying
to steal it, and says that Putnam got his daughter to accuse Giles' wife of witchcraft. This possibility is strongly
supported by the play, and thus Putnam is one of the play's true villains because of his resentments toward
others and tendency to use it to advance himself.
Betty Parris
Elizabeth "Betty" Parris is the ten-year-old daughter of Reverend Samuel Parris and is the first to become ill
after being "bewitched". She accuses Abigail of drinking blood to kill Elizabeth Proctor.
Mercy Lewis
Servant to the Putnams and one of the girls caught in the woods with Abigail and Betty by Reverend Parris.
She is described as being "a fat, sly, merciless girl of eighteen." She and the other girls browbeat Mary Warren
into silence about what she saw in the woods in Act I. In Act III, she and the other girls claim to be under the
influence of Mary Warren's spirit, which causes them to see and feel various phenomena. She escapes Salem
with Abigail.
Mary Warren
94
The Crucible
95
Mary Warren serves as housemaid for the Proctors after Abigail Williams. She is a lonely girl who considers
herself an "official of the court" at the beginning of the trials. John Proctor is shown to sometimes abuse her
and hit her with a whip. She nearly confesses that she and the other girls were lying about witchcraft until the
other girls pretend that she is sending out her spirit to them in the courtroom. This event, which could have led
to her death, propels her to accuse John Proctor of witchcraft, stating that he forced her to lie about herself and
the others.
John Proctor
John Proctor is a down-to-earth, forthright farmer and the play's protagonist.[9] He has a sexual relationship
with Abigail Williams while she is a servant at his farm. Although he speaks his mind and stands up to Parris,
he has no wish to be a martyr and he is careful about what he says when he senses real danger. He does show
courage and boldness in his opposition to Parris and Putnam and he fiercely resists the arrest of his wife.
Proctor is cautious when it comes to denouncing Abigail, particularly when his wife, claiming to be pregnant,
is not in immediate danger. However, he feels he owes it to his accused friends to expose Abigail as a liar. He
works hard to build a defense for those accused and manages to persuade Mary Warren to tell the truth, but
this success is short-lived. As a last resort, he suffers the public shame of confessing to his adultery with
Abigail to no avail. In prison, he eventually confesses so that he can live with and care for his family, but
finally he decides to die rather than lose his good name and admit to witchcraft; he thus refuses to sign the
paper. He does this for the sake of his children's reputation and because Elizabeth and others have refused to
confess. He will not deny himself. He has doubted his ability to be a good man so far, but with Elizabeth's
example and support he realizes he can be true to himself and accept death.
Giles Corey
Giles is a friend of John Proctor who is very concerned about his (Corey's) land. He believes Thomas Putnam
is trying to take it and that of other people by convincing the girls to accuse Giles' wife of witchcraft. Giles
gains this information from an anonymous man whom he will not name, as he knows that the man would be
put in prison if he did. He is subjected to being pressed by stones when he refuses to plea "aye or nay" to the
charge of witchcraft. The character of Giles Corey is based on a real person. Giles' wife, Martha, is executed
because of the witchcraft accusations. It is unusual for persons to refuse to plead, and extremely rare to find
reports of persons who have been able to endure this painful form of death in silence, as explained in the
following quote from Elizabeth Proctor:
"He were not hanged. He would not answer yes or no to his indictment; for if he denied the charge
they'd hang him surely, and auction out his property. So he stand mute, and died Christian under the law.
And so his sons will have his farm. It is the law, for he could not be condemned a wizard without he
answer the indictment, aye or nay."
From this it is obvious of Giles' reason for holding out so long against so much pain: As long as he did not
answer yes or no, his children would be able to keep his estate. Whether this was for his children's sake or to
spite Thomas Putnam's greedy obsession with buying up land is arguable. The play supports both possibilities.
Rebecca Nurse
Rebecca Nurse, wife of Francis Nurse, is highly respected in Salem for her helpful nature. Very firm in her
opinions, and willing to make any sacrifice in the cause of truth, she voices her opposition to the idea of
witchcraft. Near the end, she is accused of being a witch on the prompting of the Putnams, who are jealous of
her good fortune.
Reverend John Hale
Hale is a well-respected minister reputed to be an expert on witchcraft. Reverend Hale is called in to Salem to
examine the witchcraft trials and Parris's daughter Betty, who has fallen into a mysterious illness after being
discovered participating in the suspect rituals. He originally believes that there are witches in Salem and
The Crucible
advocates the trials, but later realizes the widespread corruption and abuse of the trials, and struggles to
convince accused "witches" to lie by confessing and live, rather than to tell the truth and die.
Elizabeth Proctor
John Proctor's wife, and a resident of Salem. She is accused of witchcraft, and is only saved from death due to
the fact that she is pregnant. Abigail hates her for being Proctor's wife, and for keeping Proctor's heart. By the
end of the play she feels that Proctor's affair is due to her own faults, much to Proctor's dismay. By the end
Elizabeth chooses not to save John's life and allows him to hang saying she would not take away his goodness.
Ezekiel Cheever
An astute yet weak character; his most important appearance is in the Proctor household where he denounces
Elizabeth Proctor for witchcraft, regarding the poppet (doll) which was placed in the Proctor house to make it
appear that Elizabeth was practicing witchcraft against Abigail Williams. His reason is clouded by the
authority of Salem for whom he works. He used to be friends with John Proctor, but when the accusations
started, he quickly turned against his friends and their family who were accused of witchcraft. He tells
Danforth that Proctor sometimes plows on Sundays and that Proctor missed church often. He acts as a scribe in
Act 2 of The Crucible, and in some interpretations of the play, he hangs Proctor. The character is based on the
actual son (with the same name) of Ezekiel Cheever, the famous schoolmaster and author of Accidence: A
Short Introduction to the Latin Tongue.
George Herrick/John Willard
Herrick was the Marshal of Salem and in the play is responsible for bringing the defendants before the court.
He is a sympathetic character, advising Deputy Governor Danforth of Proctor's good character and becoming
friendly with the accused witches that he guards. Some productions name the character John Willard, a
reference to constable John Willard who came to disbelieve the allegations and refused to make any further
arrests. He himself was then arrested, charged with witchcraft and hanged.
Judge John Hathorne
The sadistic presiding judge over the Salem Witch Trials. Cold, ignorant, antagonistic, he constantly denies
any new developments regarding the events in Salem Village. Hathorne and Danforth can, arguably, be
considered the true villains of the play, besides Abigail Williams and her inner circle. Hathorne could also be
considered the "hangin' judge" of the era, wishing only to see people suffer. His only real moment of emotion
in the play occurs in the final scene, where he appears almost joyful that Proctor considers confessing for a
crime he didn't commit, this going along with his sadistic streak.
Deputy Governor Thomas Danforth
Mister Danforth is a pretentious and selfish judge, who is extremely loyal to the rules and regulations of his
position. Public opinion and his acute adherence to the law are most important to him. He seems to secretly
know that the witch trials in Salem are all a lie yet will not release any of the prisoners because he is afraid of
being viewed as weak and having his theocratic reputation undermined. When Proctor knowingly defies his
authority by refusing to lie and sign a public confession saying that he is guilty of witchcraft and accusing
others, Danforth immediately sentences him to hang along with the other prisoners including Rebecca Nurse.
96
The Crucible
Casts
1953 Broadway cast
Original 1953 Broadway cast:[10][11]
Janet Alexander — Betty Parris
Jacqueline Andre — Tituba
Fred Stewart — Rev. Samuel Parris
Madeline Sherwood — Abigail Williams
Barbara Stanton — Susanna Wallcott
Jane Hoffman — Mrs Ann Putnam
Raymond Bramley — Thomas Putnam
Dorothy Joliffe — Mercy Lewis
Jennie Egan — Mary Warren
Arthur Kennedy — John Proctor
Jean Adair — Rebecca Nurse
Joseph Sweeney — Giles Corey
E. G. Marshall — Rev. John Hale
Beatrice Straight — Elizabeth Proctor
Graham Velsey — Francis Nurse
Don McHenry — Ezekiel Cheever
George Mitchell — Marshall Herrick
Philip Coolidge — Judge Hathorne
Walter Hampden — Deputy-Gov. Danforth
Adele Fortin — Sarah Good
Donald Marye — Hopkins
The production directed by Jed Harris and produced by Kermit Bloomgarden.
2011 Revival, St Gerard's theatre, Ireland
John Proctor- Kevin Olahan
Deputy Governor Danforth- Thomas Emmet
Abigail- Evie Weir
Elizabeth Proctor- Sophie O'Reilly
Mary Warren- Katie Murphy, understudy Sophia Manina
Samuel Parris- Tom Noonan
Reverend Hale- Paraic Behan
Directed by Eithne Carney, went on to win Best Actor award for Thomas Emmet and Contribution to drama award
for Kevin Olahan
In June 1953 Miller recast the production, simplified the "pitiless sets of rude buildings" and added a scene.[11][12]
2002 Broadway revival
2002 Broadway revival cast:[13]
Liam Neeson…John Proctor
Laura Linney…Elizabeth Proctor
Brian Murray…Deputy-Governor Danforth
John Benjamin Hickey…Reverend John Hale
Christopher Evan Welch…Reverend Parris
Angela Bettis…Abigail Williams
97
The Crucible
Tom Aldredge…Giles Corey
Stephen Lee Anderson…Hopkins
Kristen Bell…Susanna Wallcott
Laura Breckenridge…Girl in Courtroom
Jennifer Carpenter…Mary Warren
Betsy Hogg…Betty Parris
JR Horne…Judge Hathorne
Patrice Johnson…Tituba
Sevrin Anne Mason…Mercy Lewis
Paul O'Brien…Thomas Putnam
Jeanna Paulsen…Ann Putnam
Frank Raiter…Francis Nurse
Dale Soules…Sarah Good/voice of Martha Corey
Helen Stenborg…Rebecca Nurse
Henry Stram…Ezekiel Cheever
Jack Willis…Marshal Herrick
Historical accuracy
In creating a work for the stage, Miller made no attempt to represent the real, historical people on whom his
characters are based: he developed them to meet the needs of the play. The surviving records offer little evidence
about their personalities on which a playwright might draw. Miller fused several people into one character: for
example, the judges "Hathorne" and "Danforth" are representative of several judges in the case and the number of
young girls involved was similarly reduced. Abigail's age was increased from 11 to 17 to allow a relationship with
Proctor, for which there is no historical evidence. Most of the historical roles, however, are accurately represented
and the judicial sentences pronounced on the characters are mostly the same as those given to their real-life
counterparts.[14]
The action of the play takes place seventy years after the community arrived as settlers from Britain. The people on
whom the characters are based would have retained strong regional dialects from their home country. Miller gave all
his characters the same colloquialisms, such as "Goody" for good wife, and drew on the rhythms and speech patterns
of the King James Bible to achieve the effect of historical perspective he wanted.[2]
Title
The word crucible can be read with multiple interpretations. It refers simultaneously to the severe struggles faced by
the inhabitants of Salem, as well as to the mixing of religious and secular aspects of society during the trial.
Adaptations
The play was adapted for film twice, by Jean-Paul Sartre as the 1957 film Les Sorcières de Salem and by Miller
himself as the 1996 film The Crucible, the latter with a cast including Paul Scofield, Daniel Day-Lewis and Winona
Ryder. Miller's adaptation earned him an Academy Award nomination for Best Screenplay based on Previously
Produced Material, his only nomination.
The play has been presented several times on television. One notable 1967 production starred George C. Scott as
John Proctor, Colleen Dewhurst (Scott's wife at the time) as Elizabeth Proctor, and Tuesday Weld as Abigail
Williams. The RSC stage production seen in London's West End in 2006 was recorded for the V&A Theatre &
Performance Department's National Video Archive of Performance.
98
The Crucible
The play was adapted by composer Robert Ward into an opera, The Crucible, which was first performed in 1961 and
received the Pulitzer Prize.
References
[1] http:/ / www. ibdb. com/ show. asp?id=2847
[2] Blakesley (1992, xv).
[3] Loftus (1957).
[4] Abbotson (2005, 78) and Atkinson (1953).
[5] "The Crucible" (http:/ / www. ibdb. com/ production. php?id=2211). Internet Broadway Database. . Retrieved November 27, 2008.
[6] Roudané (1987, 24).
[7] Wilmeth and Bigsby (1998, 415).
[8] Bloom (2008, 10).
[9] Bloom (2008, 8-10) and Ram (1988, 22).
[10] Abbotson, Susan C. W. (2007). "The Crucible—First Performance". Critical companion to Arthur Miller: a literary reference to his life and
work. New York: Infobase. p. 117. ISBN 978-0-8160-6194-5.
[11] Atkinson, Brooks (23 January 1953). "The Crucible" (http:/ / theater. nytimes. com/ mem/ theater/ treview. html?id=1077011428936&
html_title=& tols_title=& byline=& fid=NONE). The New York Times. . Retrieved 24 February 2012.
[12] Atkinson, Brooks (2 July 1953). "AT THE THEATRE; Arthur Miller's 'The Crucible' in a New Edition With Several New Actors and One
New Scene". New York Times.
[13] "The Crucible, Virginia Theatre (3/7/2002–6/9/2002)" (http:/ / ibdb. com/ production. php?id=13135). ibdb.com. . Retrieved 21 October
2011.
[14] Miller (1992, xvii).
Sources
• Abbotson, Susan C. W. 2005. Masterpieces of 20th-century American Drama. Westport, CT: Greenwood. ISBN
0-313-33223-1.
• Atkinson, Brooks. 1953. Review of The Crucible. New York Times January 23, 1953. Available online (http://
theater2.nytimes.com/mem/theater/treview.html?pagewanted=print&
res=FC77E7DF173DE362BC4B51DFB7668388649EDE).
• Blakesley, Maureen. 1992. The Crucible, a Play in Four Acts. Heinemann Plays ser. Oxford: Heinemann. ISBN
0-435-23281-9.
• Bloom, Harold. 2008. Arthur Miller's The Crucible. Chelsea House. ISBN 978-0-7910-9828-8.
• Loftus, Joseph A. 1953. "Miller Convicted in Contempt Case." New York Times June 2, 1957. Available online
(http://www.times.com/books/00/11/12/specials/miller-case.html).
• Miller, Arthur. 1992. "A Note on the Historical Accuracy of the Play." In Blakesley (1992, xvii).
• Ram, Atma. 1988. Perspectives on Arthur Miller. Abhinav. ISBN 978-81-7017-240-6.
• Roudané, Matthew, ed. 1987. Conversations with Arthur Miller. Jackson, MS: UP of Mississippi. ISBN
978-0-87805-323-0.
• Wilmeth, Don B. and C. W. E. Bigsby, eds. 1998. The Cambridge History of American Theatre. Vol. 3.
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99
The Crucible
External links
• The Crucible (http://www.ibdb.com/production.php?id=2211) at the Internet Broadway Database
• The Crucible (http://www.lortel.org/LLA_archive/index.cfm?search_by=show&title=The+Crucible) at the
Internet off-Broadway Database
• The Crucible (1957 film) (http://www.imdb.com/title/tt50997/) at the Internet Movie Database
• The Crucible (1996 film) (http://www.imdb.com/title/tt115988/) at the Internet Movie Database
• McCarthyism and the Movies (http://www.jacknilan.com/senatorjoe/)
• The Crucible Literature Study Guide at SparkNotes (http://www.sparknotes.com/lit/crucible/)
• The Crucible (http://www.shmoop.com/intro/literature/arthur-miller/the-crucible.html) study guide, themes,
quotes, teaching guide
100
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