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A Brief History of Italians in Western Australia
By Loretta Baldassar
Italians today enjoy the status of being senior partners in multicultural Australia. Defined as
the largest and one of the oldest non-English speaking immigrant groups, they are held up as
examples of successful integration. It would be difficult to imagine an Australia without the
markers of their presence, including the ubiquitous cappuccino machine, alfresco cafés and
Italian restaurants. These days, it is hard to believe that garlic was once an unknown and
highly suspicious food or that pasta was not a familiar dish. When once Italians were derided
for speaking their language on the streets, (at the end of World War II, Italian was only taught
at Sydney University), by the late 1980s it had become Australia’s and Australians’ preferred
second language, and remains the most widely used community language throughout
Australia.1 We have come to take Italian language and cuisine for granted, and we now
recognise and admire the considerable success of Italian builders, craftsmen and shopkeepers.
The Australian-born descendants of Italian migrants are well accepted and feature in just about
every sector of society. In addition, the ‘made in Italy’ label, although less connected to the
migrant presence than to Italy’s international reputation, has helped make ‘being Italian’ an
identity to be proud of.
However, Italians have not always occupied such a privileged place in Australian society. In
stark contrast to the relatively positive light in which Italy and Italians are viewed today, in
years gone by images of two very distinct Italies characterised Australian perceptions. One
was constructed on the notion of an ages old Italy, land of past glory and civilisation. This
historical Italy was contrasted with modern Italy, which was usually represented as a place of
poverty and corruption and the breeding place of migrant coolies. Contempt for Italy and
Italians from the late 19th to the mid-20th century was reinforced by the glaring gap between
the failed ambitions of succeeding Italian governments to play the role of a great power and
the economic and political realities of the peninsula.
This view of Italians as racially inferior, where, in Anglo-Saxon countries, Italian labourers
were not regarded as ‘white men’, ensured that Italian migrants encountered overt prejudice in
Australia until very recent times.1 The presumed inferiority of Italians was reinforced by their
position as unskilled labourers in agriculture and construction. Italian migrants did not
represent a cross-section of the occupational distribution of the Australian (nor of the Italian)
population. Clustered at the unskilled end of the labour chain, they were regarded as an
economic threat by Australian workers and their organisations, as willing to work for low
wages and live on ‘the smell of an oily rag’. The high degree of social ‘closure’ (or the
tendency to ghettoisation) associated with this pattern of occupational differentiation also
generated hostility and exclusion by Anglo-Australian groups.2
Feared for their difference, misunderstood and despised as ‘Dagos’ and—peculiar to Western
Australia—as ‘Dings’, Italians had an uneasy entry into Australian nationhood. This chapter
explores something of the remarkable transformation in acceptance and integration that has
occurred for Italians in Western Australia. By tracing the history of this group, and its
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connections to homeland, I examine how the largely pejorative set of connotations associated
with ‘being Italian’ in the past—dirty, dangerous, dark-skinned, uncultured and
untrustworthy— have been overlain, much like the term ‘wog’, with positive connotations (see
also Colic-Peisker, this volume). Although mainly the preserve of the second and subsequent
generations, ‘being Italian’ today represents a sense of cultural pride, culinary flair and
contemporary chic, reinforced by the success of a growing number of literary works, popular
films and TV shows that explore the experience of growing up in Australia.3 Ultimately, the
chapter poses a question that is central to this volume: What lessons can be gained from the
history of Australian migration experiences in our endeavour to develop a genuinely
multicultural society for the future?
Settlement and sentiment: routes and roots
An overview of the almost 300 years of Italian settlement in Western Australia reveals that the
number of arrivals form a rather neat bell-curve, and are, somewhat surprisingly, more-or-less
matched to motives for migration. The recent and few skilled migrants tend to migrate for
lifestyle, career and love interests. Mainly from the middle classes, they are less likely to
define themselves as migrants than as cosmopolitans or global citizens and are generally not
connected through chain migration networks to the established Italian-Australian
communities. They have more in common with the few early expatriates, primarily explorers,
missionaries and colonialists, the latter with the vain hope of establishing the ‘interests’ of
official Italy in the region. Mostly associated with elite social groups or powerful institutions,
these arrivals, unrelated to those that followed, also preferably met stringent entry
requirements, including, under the Western Australian Immigration Restriction Act 1897, the
acquisition of British experience or knowledge.4
Both groups were welcomed as newcomers but they number so few, and their constituents are
so un-connected, as to be considered ‘drop’ rather than ‘stream’ migrants. They differ from the
thousands of Italians who came during and around the period of mass immigration in the
immediate post-World War II period. These, mainly labour migrants, primarily from peasantworker backgrounds, were motivated by economic and/or political imperatives. Most were
equipped with both farming skills and experience in the manual labour market, and nearly all
joined the ranks of the working classes in Australia (see also Yiannakis, this volume). They
were not so much individuals intent on settlement in the new land, as members of
transnational households enacting the tried and tested economic strategy of return-migration
for the benefit of their extended families. Their arrival, though not always welcomed, was
briefly facilitated by a bilateral accord and they formed a human bridge for subsequent
migrants. The history of Italian migration to Western Australia can be categorised into three
main time periods, detailed below.
While accurate in depicting the number of immigrants, the bell-curve analogy is not at all an
adequate image to represent Italians in Western Australia. Although Italy-born arrivals have
been few and far between since the 1980s, the descendents of Italian migrants are an evergrowing group.5 Today, Italians and their descendents make up the largest group of nonEnglish speaking background people in the State and represent a larger proportion of Italians
relative to the wider Australian population. In 2001 they comprised 5.22% of the total Western
Australian population (5.32% male, 5.13% female) against 4.22% nation wide.6
A stream of miners and fishermen (1880s-1910s)
It was not until the Western Australian gold discoveries of the 1880s that an Italian migratory
movement to the State began. The Italian born population in the State jumped dramatically
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from fewer than 50 in the 1890s to 1354 by the beginning of the 20th century,7 representing
the most conspicuous increase in Italian-born residents in the country by 1901.8 Most Italian
migrants worked as unskilled labour and were concentrated in Queensland and Western
Australia in the sugar and mining industries respectively. Italian immigration in this period
was facilitated by the Commercial Treaty signed by the UK and Italy in 1883, ratified by
Western Australia the following year, which gave Italian subjects freedom of entry, travel and
residence, and the rights to acquire and own property and to carry out business activities
throughout the British Empire.9
Western Australian developments in gold mining, railway building and land settlement
occurred some 40-50 years after New South Wales and Victoria, and until 1896 there were
more Italians arriving from inter-state than from Italy. Most of these ‘t’othersiders’ were
escaping the worsening economic crisis in Victoria during 1892-93, others came from Broken
Hill in New South Wales, usually via Adelaide.10 The migrants who came from Italy were
mainly from the northern provinces of Lombardy and the Italian-speaking Swiss Canton
Ticino.
Mining predominated in Western Australia until 1921 (peaking at 70% of Italian labour in
1911) and during this time most Italians were concentrated in Kalgoorlie, Boulder and Wiluna.
There was a marked predominance of men in this period, greatest in Western Australia, due to
the younger age of the settlements and the inhospitable conditions of the Kalgoorlie goldmines, which attracted the largest concentrations of Italians in the state.11 Of the 461 married
Italians living in Western Australia in 1901, 380 had left wives back in Italy.12 Known as the
vedove bianche (‘white widows’), most had no intention of joining their husbands. A firsthand account of the problems associated with marital separation is in the journal of Salvatore
Giardi, published in his native Valtellina in 1913.13 The poor mountain farmer migrated after
marriage, worked as a woodcutter, and returned home to find his wife with an additional child.
The family eventually relocated to Australia, where they established a farm, and Salvatore
encouraged his employees to avoid repeating his mistake.
Among the earliest labour migrants14 who came searching for work were a number of
fishermen who began arriving in 1885 including 64 from Capo d’Orlando in Sicily and 66
from Molfetta on the Adriatic coast of Apulia. They established a fishing community at Point
Peron and Fremantle, formed the Rockingham Fishing Company and sold their catches in
Perth.15 In the early 1910s they moved to South Fremantle and settled in the Fitzgerald Terrace
area. The company existed until after World War II and descendants of these early fishermen
continue to feature in the Fremantle Fishermen’s co-operative, one of the State’s major foreign
currency earners tied to the rock lobster market.16 Italian fishermen also worked out of
Geraldton.
Given that Italians were not distributed evenly across the employment sector they were
vulnerable to marginalisation by the wider community. Aside from the miners and fishermen,
some 500 Italians worked as labourers cutting timber in the south-west and in charcoal
production, and a few even managed to buy and work their own land.17 Italians occupied an
interesting place in the hierarchy of preference of immigrants; they were the first group of
non-British, non-Nordic immigrants (that is, of less desirable migrants) to be admitted in
significant numbers. Categorised, along with Greeks and Slavs, as ‘southern Europeans’, they
were differentiated from the preferred settlers. Official documents of the time explicitly state a
preference for Italians born north of Leghorn (Livorno) as these people were considered more
‘assimilable’ than their southern counterparts (see also Colic-Peisker, this volume). The first
real stream of migrants to arrive around the turn of the 20th century created a certain amount
of social disquiet, which manifested in a growing perception in the wider community that
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Italians represented a ‘menace to the State’ because they posed a threat to the job market.
These concerns were greatest in the mining districts.
The Goldfields branch of the Trades and Labour Council of Western Australia lobbied the
government to strictly enforce the dictation test provided by the Immigration Restriction Act
1897, colloquially known as the ‘Undesirable Immigrant Act’. They were concerned by the
large numbers of Italian labourers who found employment as woodcutters or in the mines at a
lower wage than existing workers were prepared to accept. They also feared that these men
had come under contracts arranged by agents. Italian miners in Western Australia, especially,
were widely suspected of having been sponsored by mining companies and local padroni. This
claim led to the convening of two Royal Commissions into non-British labour within three
years. The findings of both the 1902 Roe Report and the 1904 Montgomery Report invalidated
the claims although, judging by public reception of Italians over the next half century, they
probably did little to improve community relations.
One of the most famous sites of Italian mining endeavour in Western Australia is the Sons of
Gwalia mine, at Leonara. About 90 Italians, mostly from the little mountain town of Gorno,
near Bèrgamo in Lombardy, were employed there until early 1904, when the introduction of
an English test, a result of prejudice against Italians and their reputation as ‘scab’ labour,
reduced the number to 38. Changes in management eventually permitted the employment of
more Italians until the mine’s closure in 1963. Renowned as a dangerous mine, it was known
as il cimitero dei Bergamaschi (the cemetery of those from Bèrgamo) and many Italians lie
buried in the cemetery there.18 The plight of all Italian goldminers was honoured in 1991 with
the laying of a memorial stone at the cemetery in Cue.19 Perhaps the most fortunate of these
miners, Modesto Varischetti, made international headlines in 1907 when he was rescued by
deep-sea divers, after being trapped in an air lock for nine days at Bonnie Vale.20 The ongoing
links between the Goldfields and Gorno were formalised in 2003 when almost 30 people, out
of only approximately 1200 inhabitants, traveled from Italy to celebrate the establishment of a
Gemellaggio (sister-city) Agreement with Kalgoorlie.21
The first wave of labour migrants (1920s-1930s)
Into the rather divisive climate created by the 1901 ‘White Australia Policy’, the first
significant numbers of Italian immigrants began arriving after World War I. They had been
pushed out of Italy by severe economic difficulties and rising political disquiet and were
propelled towards Australia by the 1921 and 1924 USA immigration restrictions, as well as by
growing propaganda about good wages and working conditions. Despite Australia’s need for
workers and Italy’s need for emigration, the Australian Federal Government set a quota for
Italian migration at 2% of white English-speaking arrivals in order to placate fears that a larger
intake would undermine the Anglo-Australian character of the population. A total of 23,233
Italians, 84% of whom were men, arrived in Australia between 1922 and 1930. Following
traditional seasonal migration patterns to neighbouring European countries, these mainly
single men intended to return to their hometowns. The much greater distance from Italy meant
that their regular circular migration patterns were extended, with the migrant spending several
years in Australia before going home, or disrupted entirely, with the migrant deciding to settle
permanently. One result of these new migration patterns was that women began migrating in
much greater numbers. Females represented a record 43% of total Italian immigration to
Australia between 1931 and 1940, as against 16% between 1922 and 1930.
The first wave of Italian migrants gained entry into an Australian citizenry that was largely
wary of their presence. As a result, these immigrants tended to become socially segregated,
living in the same areas for support and protection and occupying similar roles and niches in
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the employment sector. This settlement pattern was reinforced by both Australian and Italian
migration policy. After 1925, Australia required migrants (aside from those who were
wealthy) to have a sponsor and from 1928, Italy required all migrants to provide proof of
sponsorship through an Atto di Chiamata (sponsorship form) before departure. This meant that
Italian migrants were nearly always connected by family or village ties. Here the heterogeneity
of the Italian population became evident, as chain migration patterns fostered the development
of separate town and province-based communities, so that it is more appropriate to speak of
the many Italies in Australia rather than one Italian community.
In this period, the Italian-born population in Western Australia was evenly distributed between
the three major land-use regions: mining, agriculture and metropolitan area. Their
occupational and residential concentration tended to fuel hostility and prejudice from the
majority population. Kalgoorlie is a key site in the history of discrimination against Italian
migrants. Mob rioting against Italian residents took place in August 1919 following a brawl
between Italian and Australian patrons at the Café Majestic, resulting in the destruction of
property owned by Italians. The worst case of anti-Italian rioting occurred in January 1934
after a fight between the barman at Gianetti’s Home From Home Hotel and an Australian
patron resulted in the latter’s accidental death. As in 1919, a frenzied mob began
indiscriminately burning and destroying the property of Southern European migrants. Three
people were killed and many were injured.22 As a result, a number of Italians left Kalgoorlie
for Gwalia.
Italy’s stance against the Allied Forces, announced on 10 June 1940, eventuated in the massive
internment of Italian immigrants and by mid-August 1044 Italians had been interned in
Western Australia, more than 50% of the then national total.23 At the war’s end, over 4700
Italians had experienced internment, approximately 15% of Australia’s Italians, of whom 1009
were Australian-born or had become British subjects.24 Under the National Security Act of
September 1939, the Government was able to pass laws that over-rode the citizenship rights of
individuals, especially any individual who was thought to jeopardise national security.
Ironically, a high degree of ‘assimilation’ into the wider community, for example, through
community leadership and citizenship, was used as justification for internment. Western
Australian Italians comprised the second largest group of internees after Queensland and were
initially interned on Rottnest Island then moved to Harvey (where, after a short time, many
were released for fear that the State’s dairy industry would collapse). If they were not freed or
sent to the Civilian Construction Corps, they later went to Parkeston, near Kalgoorlie, and to
Loveday in South Australia.25 Australia also became ‘home’ to over 18,000 Italian prisoners of
war, many of them in Western Australia, who were housed in detention camps until almost
15,000 were billeted out to rural properties to help relieve the shortage of manpower in the
industry. Many returned later as migrants.26
Despite the turbulence of this period, Italian migrants established a presence in the state that
would facilitate the eventual success of the post-war arrivals. These migrants played a role in
mining throughout the eastern goldfields as well as the now-closed blue asbestos mine of
Wittenoom Gorge (many who worked there contracted the fatal asbestosis) and, since the
1950s, in iron ore mines in the north-west. Rural communities took shape in Hamel, Waroona,
Brunswick and Harvey in the south-west and would eventually extend from Mount Barker,
near Albany in the far south, to Hyden in the central wheat-belt, up to the Greenough district
near Geraldton. Italian communities developed in Wanneroo and Balcatta in the metropolitan
area, where families had settled in the late 1920s on lands vacated by those British brought out
under the Empire Land Settlement Scheme.27 There was also an early presence in the market
gardens in Spearwood, south of Fremantle and from Osborne Park to Wanneroo north of
Perth, including some wine production in the Swan Valley and fishing in Fremantle. Early
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concentration and the markings of a ‘little Italy’ developed in the inner city area of
Northbridge, around Lake Street. In 1933 the Census recorded 4588 Italians in Western
Australia. The Western Australian Italian Club was founded in 1935 and provided a focus for
social and community life at least until the 1970s, when regional clubs and associations
increased in popularity.
The serious economic depression that hit Australia at the beginning of the 1930s had a
moderating effect on overall immigration figures, such that by 1945 and the outbreak of World
War II, the Italian community was estimated at less than 40,000, approximately 75% of whom
were born in Italy. Although there were slightly more northerners than central and southern
Italians, the vast majority came from similarly impoverished regions that were not new to
migration, including Veneto and Tuscany in the north, and Calabria and Sicily in the south.28
These arrivals laid the foundations for the massive post-war immigration wave, linked through
circulatory migration patterns to Italians in other countries.
Mass migration (post-World War II)
Post-war emigration was to be the major and most significant role Australia played in the
history of the wider Italian diaspora. In this period Italy became the major single source
country of non-British migrants to Australia. Due to profound post-war poverty, Italians were
encouraged to emigrate by the more moderate of their leaders in Italy, who also put pressure
on the USA to loosen the restrictions enforced since the early 1920s. While Italy had always
viewed Australia’s immigration policies as anti-Italian, they also saw Australia as a ‘land of
opportunity’. Australia needed some convincing, however, as the ‘White Australia Policy’ was
still in place and the new immigration program was to be focused on Europe north of the
Alps.29
Eventually though, Australia’s need for immigration and defense, the drying up of its preferred
source of immigrants, and interest from Italy saw diplomatic relations, which had been broken
since 1940, resume in July 1948 with discussions about the possibility of admitting ‘northern’
Italians, although the intake of some ‘southern’ Italians thought to be suited to work in the
tropics was also considered. While the USA was less than enthusiastic about Italian
immigration to its shores, it played a significant role in the facilitation and financing of
migration schemes to other countries and was able to put some pressure on Australia to take
Italians. Already, 33,280 Italians had used their own chain migration networks to get to
Australia between 1947 and 1950, and this number was to significantly increase with the
introduction of the 1951 bilateral accord of the Assisted Migration Agreement, which, for the
first time in White Australia’s history, allowed the entry of significant numbers of what were
then considered ‘less-desirable’ immigrants from Italy.
The accord promised the arrival of 20,000 assisted migrants per year for five years with each
government contributing 25% of costs. The first quota of arrivals was to be young, male and
healthy, as well as absent of political extremists. The prospect of later ‘family reunion’ was
also offered, no doubt designed to meet the Australian government’s preference for settlers,
thought to be assured through the migration of women and families. The Italian government
was especially pleased with the Accord’s guarantee of two years employment for each recruit.
For their part, the Australian government was nervous about how public opinion would
respond to such a radical change in immigration policy and was careful to publicise the
Accord along with one simultaneously signed with the allegedly more ‘racially desirable’
Netherlands and followed swiftly by agreements with Germany and Austria (see also Peters,
this volume). The Assisted Passage Accord was suspended in 1952 due to the downturn in
Australia’s economy and increasing racial tensions in camps resulting from immigrant unrest
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about conditions and lack of work opportunities. When the economy eventually revived,
British, German and Dutch assisted migration resumed but it was not until December 1954
that Australian authorities reinstated the Accord with Italy and by this time Australia’s
popularity as a destination had lost out to North America, Northern Europe and eventually, to
the northern industrial zones of Italy itself.
Unlike in earlier periods, the bulk of the post-war entries were from small towns and villages
in rural areas of southern regions—Sicily, Calabria, the Abruzzi and Campania. People
migrated primarily in search of a better income and ultimately intended (initially, at least) to
establish themselves back in the homeland. The ‘village-out’ settlement pattern continued and
was perhaps best reflected in the high rates of village endogamy (in-marriage). In fact, Italians
were more likely to marry Australians (a relatively rare occurrence in itself given the
continuing hostility towards Italians and the threat they were perceived to pose to ‘white’
women) than co-nationals from other regions.30 Men often returned to their hometown to find
a bride and when this was not possible, marriage by proxy31 was popular as it preserved the
moral standing of the bride and offered some protection from being jilted for both bride and
groom. Ironically, post-war Australian governments preferred to facilitate what they saw as
the ‘civilising’ influence of female Italian migration, despite the fact that proxy marriages
helped to foster strong, parochial, transnational ties and the potential formation of (greatly
feared) ‘ethnic’ ghettos.32
The migrant families of the post-war period often operated as true family concerns where
everyone struggled together to ‘get ahead’. This work ethic was particularly evident in familyrun small businesses where all members of the family worked, from the youngest to the oldest,
and individual goals and desires (like personal pursuits and leisure time) took second priority
to endeavours considered beneficial to the whole family, like owning the family home or
gaining a university degree.33
Despite the government’s best efforts to retain settlers, significant numbers of Italians returned
to Italy or departed for another destination. Just under one quarter (90,000), of post-war Italian
arrivals between 1947 and 1980 left again.34 The relatively high rates of Italian return
migration or ‘settler loss’ (33.5% between 1960-1969) were alarming to the Australian
government, given its policy of settler migration, and inspired a number of government
enquires into the issue. The Australian government’s desire for permanent migrants rather than
guest workers was only too clear in the designation of new arrivals as ‘new Australians’. Unnaturalised residents were encouraged to take out citizenship as the price of certain privileges,
including access to government work contracts.
Notwithstanding the high rates of return, by the 1960s, the Italian presence in Western
Australia was well established, particularly in the metropolitan area. The proportion of Italians
in agriculture began to fall dramatically in the mid-1950s, having already fallen to less than
10% in mining. By 1961, the Italian-born were more urban than the general Western
Australian population would be even 10 years later.35 Urban dwellers were employed in a
range of industries including fishing, food, garment and construction with very high rates of
self-employment (52.8% in 1933). Italianità was celebrated in both private and public places.
Italian-owned homes became well known for their distinctive white cement and marble
facades and, commonly, twin white lion statues at the entrance. The backyard afforded the
opportunity to develop substantial vegetable gardens. Productive front gardens were not
uncommon but often met with disapproval from Anglo-Australian neighbours, although, in
time, Italian migrant food habits made their way into middle-class Anglo-Australian tastes,36
and the ‘Mediterranean diet’ has become a feature of both gourmet cuisine and health
promotion, contributing to the currency of the Italian cultural diaspora.
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The dismantling of the ‘White Australia Policy’ in the 1970s saw the removal of any official
criteria based on notions of race or colour in the immigration program but coincided with
increased restrictions and a reduction in overall immigration numbers. These changes to
Australian immigration rules, together with the markedly improved economic and social
conditions in Italy, which has itself become a country of immigration, has meant a substantial
decrease in Italian immigration since the 1970s.
Notwithstanding the reduction and virtual cessation in Italian immigration, the contribution of
Italians to Western Australian life is significant and enduring. In recent years, several Italian
festivals have begun to feature in Perth’s calendar of events including the Blessing of the Fleet
and the Fremantle festival. Gemellaggio (sister-city agreements) have been set up, among
others, between: Fremantle, Capo d’Orlando and Molfetta; Rottnest Island and Amalfi (near
Naples); the two Sorrentos; Perth and Vasto (Abruzzi); Midland and Bivogni (Calabria);
Wagin and Biella (Piedmont); and Wanneroo and Sinagra (Sicily)—whose statue of San
Leone, the town’s patron Saint, first visited Kalamunda in 1974, where annual processions
take place.37 Public monuments have been erected to commemorate the history of Italian
settlement in Armadale, Cue and Fremantle. Italian consumer goods have also become an
important element of Perth culture and the arts and crafts scene.
In addition to this ‘Italian revival’, connections to homeland have enjoyed an increase in
frequency and regularity. Strong links to the homeland were retained through a myth of return
(a continuing desire to return even if it never eventuates) and ties to kin and land. The lives of
many Italian Australians today, of both the first and subsequent generations, are characterised
by regular return visits to Italy.38 Many people in both places continue to feel part of the same
community, albeit a transnational community extended through space and time. In more recent
years, the relationship between Italians at home and their Australian diaspora abroad has been
cemented by cultural, educational and economic exchanges, World Cup soccer, visits and
tourism, dual citizenship, and ultimately, an altogether new population category emerged—the
Italian-Australians.
As things Italian have been transformed from denigrated to desired, so too the status of ‘being
Italian’ has lost its stigma, particularly for the younger generations. The ubiquitous
experiences of embarrassment associated with smelly salami and cheese school lunches
reported by the Australian-born children of the post-war migrants, appear to have been
avenged by the popularity of the continental roll and the achievements of importers like Re
Store and European Foods and smallgoods manufacturer D’Orsogna, one of the best and most
modern in Australia. It has only been in this recent period that an ‘Italian-Australian
community’ has developed through a combination of factors, including the success of
multicultural politics with its positive focus on ethnic identity, the maturation of the secondgeneration and the rising international profile of Italy, all of which have contributed to the
development of a consumable, popular and marketable italianità.
Contemporary Italo-Western Australia
Despite the existence of an ‘Italian community’, Italians in Australia are not a homogenous
nor necessarily close-knit group and, along with their village, provincial and regional
differences, can be differentiated according to gender, class, age, generation, time of arrival,
and place of settlement. Regional differences still remain the most significant for the firstgeneration, determining dialect spoken, marriage partners and social networks, although work
arrangements and other forms of association, including competitive sports (bocce for the first-
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generation and soccer for the second) and marriage patterns among the second-generation,
complicate this tendency.39
Given the age of the first generation, the numbers in the second generation have almost
stopped growing, while those in the third generation (at least one grandparent born in Italy) are
increasing. Arriving predominantly in the 1950s and 60s, mainly as young adults, the Italyborn population is now concentrated in the 50-69 year old age-bracket. An increasing concern
for the Italians in Australia, one they share with other older established migrant groups and
with the wider Australian population is how, with the ‘greying’ of Western societies, they will
care for their aged. The growing proportion of Italian older people is higher than in the broader
population. While people aged 65 or more comprised 12% of the total Australian population in
1999 and are projected to form one-quarter by 2051, the proportion of Italian-born in this age
group had reached 40% in 2001.40
Perhaps the most significant difference within the Italian community in Australia is between
the generations. Italians are experiencing a significant change in the relationships between the
generations as roles are shifting from one to the next, and the second generation are becoming
the cultural brokers of their communities. The Australian-born children of Italian migrants, as
with many other migrant children, were very much aware that the sacrifices and hardships
their parents endured were largely for their benefit. Italians in general were very hard workers
with high rates of self-employment and one of the lowest rates of unemployment, even in
periods of economic recession. This knowledge instilled in the children a keen desire to
achieve those culturally prescribed successes that would justify their parents’ choices. In the
Italian case this meant gainful employment, preferably in self-employment or a profession,
and a sistemazione (to establish themselves) through marriage, home ownership and
parenthood.
A relatively high rate of in-marriage in the second generation has been retained and was
estimated at 40% for the period 1996-98.41 In contrast to their parents’ preference for a spouse
from a specific provincial background, the friendship networks and marriage partners among
the Australian-born generations more easily cross the regional boundaries of their Italian-born
parents, as well as the north/south divide and, as a result, the first generation have formed
relationships across regional boundaries through their children. In this and similar ways, the
experience of living in Australia has resulted in regional identities becoming ‘Italianised’
perhaps more than they have in Italy.
The creation of an ‘Italian community’ in Australia and the success of Italians of all
generations can be partly attributed to the impact of multicultural politics with its positive
focus on ethnic identity. Over time, and particularly with the growth of second and subsequent
generations, some occupational mobility, but more importantly, increased wealth, has altered
the group’s profile. While the Italian migrants of the pre-war and immediate post-war years
are still congregated at the lower end of the labour hierarchy, as the second and third
generations expand into the professions and middle classes in similar patterns to the
Australian-born,42 Italians enjoy a higher social status. They have become part of a broader
Italian cultural diaspora, whose members have used their language, networks and occupational
skills to modernise and mobilise. This new status is arguably reinforced by the subsequent
waves of migration from Asia and the Middle East, some of whose constituents have replaced
Italians at the lower end of both the occupational scale and the hierarchy of social
acceptability. It can be argued that Australian racist attitudes have not so much changed as
shifted; Italian-Australians have been accepted into the mainstream while more recent arrivals
face the same prejudice and discrimination—in which Italians also participate—that Italian
migrants suffered in the past (see also Yiannakis, this volume).
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Attitudes to Italians in Australia have also changed because of transformations in Italy and its
reputation. Italy is now one of the most developed and affluent countries in the world, a place
of immigration not emigration, and a byword for style and the good life. The popularity and
fashionable nature of things Italian is arguably more a result of Italy’s improved economic
position and of globalisation than of the Italian migrant presence.43 Fremantle, the most
obvious site of the commodification and commercialisation of Italianità, is no longer a place
of significant Italian residence. And perhaps the old divisions linger on. While pasta, Pavarotti
and patron saints are celebrated icons of Italian culture, the peasant backgrounds, patriarchal
family structures and poor English of Italian migrants are associated with the other Italy that is
not prestigious. The marginalisation and disadvantage that characterised the treatment of
Italian migrants in the past are still evident in, for example, the aged care sector, where lack of
English language skills place Italians at risk of inadequate and inappropriate health care.
Although often described as the exemplar minority community in multicultural Australia, it is
the fact that Italian migrants and their children are set apart, as not exactly Australian but
‘Italian-Australian’, that reinforces their multiple attachments to both Australia and Italy. They
are defined, along with other non-Anglo migrant groups, in relation to what it means to be
‘Australian’. Herein lies both the strengths and perils of multiculturalism—it provides an
acknowledgement of diversity and a celebration of difference, but also fosters a
marginalisation of so-called ‘ethnic’-Australians. The challenge for a genuinely multicultural
society is to facilitate both the expression and acceptance of difference. In this regard, ItalianAustralians are a multicultural success story evident in both their high levels of integration in
and impact on Australian cultural practices, values and daily routines. They have contributed
to the creation of multicultural Australia in obvious and lasting ways. Hopefully, their history
of transformed, recovered and reinvented cultural relationships augurs well for the future
integration of more recently arrived Australian immigrant groups.
_____________________________
This paper appears as Chapter 17 in the following publication:
R. Wilding & F. Tilbury (eds.) 2004 A Changing People: Diverse Contributions to the State of
Western Australia. Office of Multicultural Interests & Constitutional Centre of WA, Perth.
Notes
1
L. Lo Bianco in J. Jupp, The Australian people, p. 510.
See, for example, D. O’Connor, No Need to be Afraid, p. 5.
3
W. D. Borrie, Australia and the Migrant.
4
For example, M. Marchetta, Looking for Alibrandi.
5
C. Stransky, ‘Italians in Western Australia’, p. 493.
6
The numbers in Western Australia reflect the figures for the country as a whole. At the beginning of the 20th century
there were approximately 8000 Italians in Australia, most of whom lived in rural districts. Between 1922 and 1930,
some 25,000 people left Italy for Australia. The Italy-born population of Australia rose from 33,632 in 1947 to
120,000 in 1954 and had expanded to 228,000 by 1961, reaching a peak of 289,476 in 1971. By the census of 1996
the figure had declined to 238,263 and in 2001 it had fallen to 218,718 (1.2% of the total Australian population) due to
a combination of deaths occurring in the ageing population, repatriations and limited migration from Italy to Australia.
These figures do not include the second and subsequent Australian-born generations and therefore do not account for
the social reality that identity is not defined by birthplace
alone. In 1996, the second-generation (at least one parent born in Italy) numbered 334,036, almost 100,000 more than
the first-generation. In 2001, the figure had risen to 355,200, representing 44.4% of the total Italian-Australian
population and over 136,000 more than the first-generation, which comprised 30.9%. An estimated 197,600
Australian-born of Australian-born parents claimed Italian ancestry (ABS, 2003). The total Italian-Australian
population in 2001 was 800,256 representing 4.6% of the Australian population, an increase of over 1 million from
1996 and of over 2 million from 1991 (ABS, 2001).
7
ABS 2001, Census: ABS Catalogue No. 2022.0, Classification Count: Ancestry by Sex for Australia and Western
Australia.
2
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8
C. Stransky, ‘Italians in Western Australia’, p. 493.
W. D. Borrie, Italians and Germans in Australia, p. 129; J. Gentilli, Italian Roots in Australian Soil, p. 16.
10
N.O.P. Pycke, ‘An outline history of Italian immigration into Australia’; J. Gentilli, Italian Roots in Australian Soil,
p. 37.
11
J. Gentilli, Italian Roots in Australian Soil, p. 41.
12
Ibid., p. 18.
13
Ibid., p. 45. Women accounted for just 11% of the Italian-born population in Australia at the end of the 19th
century.
14
Giardi, Salvatore-Ufficio Prov; Il diario di Salvatore Giardi, p. 31.
15
There were also a handful of liberal and republican refugees of the revolutions of 1848, the first of a number of
political refugees encouraged to leave Italy by Italian authorities who saw emigration as a safety valve against
political unrest (see G. Cresciani, The Italians in Australia).
16
C. Stransky, ‘Italians in Western Australia’, p. 493; R. Bosworth & M. Bosworth, Fremantle’s Italy.
17
C. Stransky, ‘Italians in Western Australia’, p. 493.
18
Ibid.
19
J. Gentilli, Italian Roots in Australian Soil, p. 51.
20
L. Baldassar, Visits Home, p. 67.
21
T. Austen, The Entombed Miner.
22
Christine Madaschi (pers. com.) 14 May 2004.
23
G. Cresciani, The Italians in Australia.
24
G. Cresciani, Fascism, Anti-Fascism and Italian in Australia, p. 174; R. Bosworth. & M. Bosworth, Fremantle’s
Italy, p. 101; M. Bosworth, ‘Fremantle interned’, p. 76.
25
See R. Bosworth & R. Ugolini (eds), War, Internment and Mass Migration.
26
M. Bosworth, ‘Fremantle interned’, p. 84.
27
G. Cresciani, The Italians in Australia, p. 110.
28
C. Stransky, ‘Italians in Western Australia’, p. 493.
29
See G. Cresciani in J. Jupp (ed.), The Australian people, p. 501.
30
See R. Bosworth in J. Jupp (ed.), The Australian people.
31
R. Huber, From Pasta to Pavlova.
32
In the 1950s and 1960s, many Italian, Dutch, Polish, Portuguese and Czechoslovakian immigrants to Australia
entered into marriages by proxy. Such marriages were performed when the physical absence of either the bride or
groom made it necessary for a stand in or ‘proxy’ to register consent to the marriage on behalf of the missing party;
see S. Iuliano, ‘Seben che siamo donne (Although we are women)’.
33
The phenomenon of proxy marriages evidences the gendered nature of immigration policy, rendering women the
appendages of protective males or the patriarchal State or the Church; see S. Iuliano, ‘Donne e Buoi Dei Paesi Tuoi:
Italian proxy marriages’.
34
L. Bertelli, ‘Italian families’, p. 42; N. Peters, Trading Places.
35
S.L. Thompson, Australia Through Italian Eyes, p.xi.
36
J. Gentilli, Italian Roots in Australian Soil, p. 20.
37
A. Gaynor, Harvest of the Suburbs.
38
Thank you to Rita Pasqualini for providing the information about sister city agreements.
39
L. Baldassar, Visits Home.
40
L. Baldassar, ‘Marias and marriage’.
41
ABS, ‘Australian Social Trends—Population Composition: Older overseas-born Australians’, Unpublished material,
2002.
42
C. Price, ‘Ethnic intermixture in Australia’; ABS, ‘Australian Social Trends 2000, Family – Family formation:
Cultural diversity in marriage’. Along with the second-generation from Greece, Lebanon and the Former Yugoslav
Republic, Italian-ancestry brides and grooms have the greatest propensity for endogamy of all ethnic groups in
Australia.
43
P. McDonald, Community Profiles, 1996 Census Italy Born, p. 36.
44
E. Vasta et al., ‘The Italo-Australian community on the Pacific rim’, p. 221. See M. Di Leonardo, The Varieties of
Ethnic Experience, for a discussion of the ‘ethnicity industry’.
9
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Collecting Oral Histories
What is Oral History?
Oral history is a picture of the past in people’s own words.1 Oral histories can help us learn
about the lives of ordinary people who may not otherwise leave any records about their past
experiences.
The Italian Lives project collected the life stories of hundreds of Italian migrants and their
descendants in Western Australia. These stories give a glimpse into the challenges of
migrating to a new land from a migrant’s point of view. Given that many Italian migrants had
limited education and busy working lives, few have left written accounts of their feelings and
experiences as migrants. Collecting oral histories is especially important in this context so
their stories are preserved: for their families, for the state and for the nation.
If you would like to collect the oral histories of your relatives, neighbours or friends, these
general guidelines may be useful.
How do I prepare for an interview?
Before you approach anyone for an interview, think carefully about what you want to find
out. Do some background research using existing sources to familiarise yourself with the
topic and identify any gaps or grey areas. This will help you frame your questions in such a
way that new information can be added to the historical record. It is also a way of showing
respect for your interviewee and helps you to follow along with the discussion more easily.
You also need to think about what you intend to do with the information you gather and think
about drawing up an agreement setting out your purpose and seeking permission from the
interviewee to record the interview and use the information gathered in the interview. (A
copy of the permission slip we used for our ‘Vite Italiane’ interviews is attached.
Who do I interview?
Choosing your interviewees depends on what you want to learn and your time and resources.
If you are doing many interviews, try and choose a cross-section of people who may give
different perspectives on a particular topic. If you are interviewing one person, try and
choose someone with first-hand experience of the subject you’re interested in. Remember, if
you are interviewees are frail or very elderly, try to keep the interview short or break it up
into two separate sessions. Interviewees can be found in many ways, through friends,
relatives or neighbours or through letters to newspapers, articles or community groups.
Personal contact is often the best way to find interviewees. If you are interviewing many
people, the ‘snowball technique’ (where one interviewee gives you the name and contact of
another) often works best. Another thing to keep in mind is that interviewing more than one
person at a time is generally not recommended. As well as being difficult to record and
transcribe from, people may self censor in the company of others.
What questions do I ask?
1
Robertson, B, 2005, Oral History Handbook, Oral History Association of Australia, Adelaide, South Australia, pg 3.
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The questions you ask depend on what you want to learn and how much time you have for
interviews. For the ‘Vite Italiane’ project, we used different sets of questions for different
phases of the project. When we first began interviewing, we asked each interviewee the same
questions: 16 very simple introductory questions designed to break the ice and collect some
basic demographic information; 33 more detailed questions about their lives broken into 8
key areas:
 Origins
 Decision to Migrate
 Journey
 Settlement Experiences
 Work
 Home and Family
 Social Life
 Values and Identity
Our detailed list of questions (Interview Schedule) is attached to this document. This very
detailed list of questions was designed to gather an overall picture of the interviewee’s life
putting their experience of migration in broader context of their life stories. These interviews
were often long, lasting around two hours per interview (sometimes much longer!)
After we had collected a good number of ‘general’ interviews in the first phase of
interviewing, we modified our Interview Schedule to ask more specific questions in our
second stage of interviewing. Depending on the topic we needed to investigate, we asked
more specific questions in key areas such as work, religion, food, homes and backyards,
specific geographic areas etc.
How do I record an interview?
The sound of people’s voices is an important part of oral history. You can use a cassette tape
recorder or an iPod, MP3 player or some other digital recording device. To create a clear
recording of the interviewee’s voice try to ensure that:
 You have checked tested your equipment out before the interview making sure you
have plenty of memory free on your digital recording device or spare tapes and back
up batteries if you are using a cassette recorder
 There is no or minimal background noise (such as a television or fridge hum)
 If you are using an external microphone it is set up at least one foot away from the
interviewee.
How do I ask?
Take a few minutes to ‘break the ice’ with your interviewee so you are both comfortable.
Introduce yourself, the purpose of your interview and start with some simple background
questions (eg. date of birth, place of birth, length of time in Australia etc.), which are easy to
answer. Once you get into your questions, ‘go with the flow’ and let the interviewee set the pace
and direction of the interview. Some people may need more prompting than others. Try not to
interrupt when the interviewee is answering. Listen carefully and be sensitive.
Try to avoid asking leading or closed questions where the interviewee has no space to reflect. For
example, rather than saying ‘Did you like Australia?’ or ‘Why didn’t you like Australia?’ ask
‘What were your first impressions of Australia?’.
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Go over your questions prior to the interview so you don’t need to read them off verbatim as this
can be a bit off-putting for the interviewee. However, make sure you check your list of questions
from time to time to see if there is anything that has been missed. If an interviewee would prefer
not to answer a certain question or share about a certain topic, then let it go and don’t pressure
them. If there is an unexpected interruption, such as the telephone ringing, pause recording.
As you come to the end of the interview, make sure you remember to thank the interviewee for
their time.
How do I make a lasting record of the interview?
Taping the interview is the first step in creating a lasting record of the interview. Creating a
written version of an oral history interview from the audio record is the next step. This can
be very time consuming and difficult depending on the quality and language of the interview.
Generally, it takes around six to seven hours to transcribe one hour of recorded interview (it
takes a professional transcriber about 4 hours per 1 hour of taped interview). There are some
voice recognition software programs which can help you with transcriptions (such as
‘Dragon’)
The kind of written version you produce depends on your time, resources and what you want
to do with the information. For a simple school project, you may not want to transcribe the
whole interview, just make a general summary paraphrasing the information. A summary
could include:
 A statement about the interviewee and date of recording
 Some biographical information about the interviewee
 A brief outline of the interview covering the major topics discussed
 Pick a few key or repeated phrases to transcribe verbatim
 Brief notes by the interviewee about the strengths, weaknesses, circumstances of the
interview
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Sample Interview Questions
Date:
Location:
Interviewer:
Time of interview
Part 1: Basic demographic information
Name of Interviewee:
Address:
Gender:
Date of Birth:
Place of Birth: (town, region/state, country)
Generation: (Migrant, child or descendant of migrants)
Year of migration to Australia: (or year of migration of parents or grandparents)
Motive for migration: (brief statement)
Places of residence in Australia:
Occupation (s):
Education: (Highest level of education attained)
Primary cultural identification:
Home ownership: (Living in owned, rented or family accommodation free of charge)
Language use: (Self evaluation of Italian and English language ability)
Work Status: (Working/Not working/Retired)
Part 2: Detailed Questions
A. Origins
1. Describe the town/city you were born and/or raised in?
2. Describe your family in Italy
3. Describe your education:
4. What work did you do in Italy before migrating?
B. Decision to Migrate
5. Whose decision was it to emigrate?
6. Why did you decide to emigrate?
7. Was there a history of emigration from your town of origin?
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8. Why did you decide to come to Western Australia?
9. How did you feel about leaving Italy?
10. Who helped arrange your migration?
11. Describe the journey from your home town/city in Italy to Australia
D. Settlement
12. What were your first impressions of Australia/Australians?
13. Where did you first settle in Australia?
14. What kinds of challenges did you face in your early years in Australia?
15. Did anyone help you settle in Australia?
E. Work
Paid Work
16. Describe the kind of work you have done/do in Australia?
17. Was the work you did in Australia different from work you had done previously in Italy?
18. Are you currently working? Describe your work.
Domestic Work
19. Who does the housework in your home?
20. Was housework in Australia different from housework in Italy?
21. Did you do also do paid work outside the home?
F. Home and Family
22. Are you/have you been married?
23. Did you marry someone from a similar background?
24. Do you have children?
25. Who lives with you in your home?
26. What kinds of family responsibilities do you have?
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H. Social Interaction
27. Are you a member of any clubs or groups?
28. What do you do when you aren’t working? Do you enjoy any sport or hobbies or
recreation?
29. Who do you socialise with?
30. Do you maintain connections with family and friends in Italy? If so, how?
I. Values and Identity
31. What things in life are most important to you and why?
32. How do you see yourself – as ‘Italian’ ‘Australian’ ‘Calabrese’ ‘Vastese’ ItaloAustralian’?
33. Do you think people in Australia see ‘Italians’ differently today compared with 100 or 50
or 20 years ago? How and why?
Sample Consent Form
I, __________________________________________________(full name of interviewee)
have read the Project Information Sheet. I agree to be interviewed, however I know that I
may change my mind and stop at any time and withdraw without prejudice.
I understand that all the information will be treated as confidential and will not be released by
the investigator unless required to do so by law.
I agree that research data gathered for this study may be published provided my name and
other information which might identify me is used only with my approval.
I give permission for photographs to be published in academic publications or used in the
planned museum exhibition and associated public programs.
Signature of Participant: ___________________________________________________
Signature of Investigator: __________________________________________________
Date: ___________________________
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Figures & Tables
Table 1: Italian migration to major destinations by time period
Destination
Europe
USA
South America
Africa
Canada
Oceania (Australia)
Asia
Total
1876–1915
6,137,250
4,156,880
3,317,170
237,966
148,565
18,437
15,294
14,027,100
1916–1942
2,245,660
1,045,850
826,716
133,324
47,762
49,144
6,788
4,355,240
1946–1976
5,109,880
488,483
944,518
88,852
440,796
360,708
13,958
7,447,330
Total
13,492,790
5,691,213
5,088,404
460,142
637,123
428,289
36,040
25,834,001
Source: G. Rosoli, (ed.), Un Secolo di Emigrazione Italiana 1876–1976, 1978. Tables: 1, 10,
16.
Table 2: Number of Italian migrants in Australia by state
1961
25,249
91,075
62,365
26,230
20,000
1,276
1,536
565
1971
30,541
121,758
80,416
32,428
19,280
2,470
1,485
1,098
1981
29,211
115,432
77,089
31,325
17,956
2,772
1,343
761
1991
26,875
105,677
70,560
28,961
17,851
2,738
1,334
780
2001
23,062
90,788
60,628
25,047
15,197
2,345
1,132
519
2006
20,934
82,849
55,177
22,485
14,000
2,203
1,036
439
Total
4,358 6,160 22,168 102,602 203,047
Source: Australian Bureau of Statistics, Census 1911–2006.
258,935
246,678
227,901
195,656
178,189
WA
VIC
NSW
SA
QLD
ACT
TAS
NT
1911
2,361
1,499
1,723
184
929
0
21
2
1921
1,975
1,850
2,080
344
1,838
0
37
11
1933
4,588
5,860
6,319
1,489
8,355
16
92
37
1954
17,295
42,429
29,940
11,833
16,795
328
975
302
Table 3: Italian-born people in Western Australia, 1881–2006
Year
No. of Italian
born
% of the WA
population
1881
10
0.0
1891
36
0.1
1901
1,354
0.7
1911
2,361
0.8
1921
1,975
0.6
1933
4,588
1.0
1947
5,422
1.1
1954
17,295
2.7
1961
25,249
3.4
1971
30,541
2.9
1981
29,211
2.2
1991
26,875
1.7
1996
25,113
1.5
2001
23,062
1.3
2006
20,934
1.1
Source: Australian Bureau of Statistics Census Statistics and WA Year Books 1890–2001.
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Figure 1: Major regional, provincial and parochial origins of Italian migrants to Western
Australia, 1945–1969.
Table 4: Major town, province and region of origin of Italian migrants to Western Australia
1945-1969.
Top Ten Towns
Top Ten Provinces
1. Vasto
1. Reggio Calabria
2. Delianuova
2. Messina
3. Sinagra
3. Chieti
4. Siderno
4. Campobasso
5. Macchiagodena
5. Lucca
6. Caulonia
6. Sondrio
7. San Giorgio Morgeto
7. Ascoli Piceno
8. Capo d’Orlando
8. Treviso
9. Naso
9. Benevento
10. Castell’Umberto
10. Avellino
Source: NAA Landing card records, s=2916.
131
Top Ten Regions
1. Calabria (21%)
2. Sicily (19%)
3. Abruzzo (18%)
4. Molise (12%)
5. Tuscany (5%)
6. Campania (5%)
7. Veneto (4%)
8. Lombardy (3%)
9. Marche (2.5%)
10. Puglia (2%)
Section 3: Support Materials
Figure 2: Proportion of Italian-born people in Western Australia, 1921, 1961, 2006 (based on data from the
Australian Bureau of Statistics).
Figure 3: Distribution of Italian born people in Australia, 2006 (data from ABS, 2006
Census)
NT
0.2%
QLD
7%
WA
10.5%
NSW
27.8%
SA
11.3%
VIC
41.6%
ACT
1.1%
TAS
0.5%
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Bibliography
This annotated bibliography of external resources contains supplementary resources about
migration and oral history. Items are listed in descending order of year of publication under
each topic sub-heading. Items marked [JUV] indicate materials suitable for primary and
lower secondary students.
Immigration policy in Australia
•
Jupp, J 2000, ‘Immigration and the Australian welfare state’, in A McMahon, J
Thomson & C Williams (eds), Understanding the Australian Welfare State: Key
documents and themes, 2nd edn, Tertiary Press, Victoria.
This brief chapter provides a useful overview of the history of immigration policies in
Australia. The edited book of which this chapter forms a part contains a selection of key
primary documents such as excerpts from the Immigration Restriction Act 1901and speeches
by Arthur Calwell, who was appointed the first Minister for Immigration in 1945.
•
Sluga, G 1988, Bonegilla: A place of no hope, University of Melbourne, Dept of
History, Parkville, Victoria.
From 1947-1971, Bonegilla in Victoria was a migrant reception and training centre run by the
Australian Department of Immigration. This book is available electronically through Informit
via the University of Western Australia library website www.library.uwa.edu.au.
Migrant ships
•
Plowman, Peter (2006) Australian migrant ships 1946-1977, Rosenberg Publishing,
NSW.
Provides information and photographs of ships that brought migrants to Australia between
1946 and 1977.
•
Plowman, Peter (1992) Emigrant ships to luxury liners: Passenger ships to Australia
and New Zealand 1945-1990, New South Wales University Press.
Migration stories
•
http://www.museum.wa.gov.au/welcomewalls
The Welcome Walls at Fremantle Port commemmorate those migrants who have come to
Western Australia from all over the world. All of the migrants from our case studies
(except Angelina Martini, who arrived via Sydney) have their names written on the walls.
The website, linked to the WA museum, also provides a bief history of migration to
Western Australia, as well as the opportunity to research the history of those who arrived
at Fremantle. There are also Welcome Walls (with a corresponding website) in Albany.
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•
http://www.belongings.com.au
This website is linked to the migration heritage centre in New South Wales. It looks at the
history of migrants from all countries who have come to Australia and settled in NSW.
There are specific links to Italian migrants and their stories, and the effect they have had
on the state.
•
http://www.museumvictoria.com.au/ImmigrationMuseum
Museum Victoria has an Immigration section which explores the stories of migrants who
have settled in Victoria. The website gives information about their exhibits, and
educational programs they offer.
•
http://www.coasit.com.au/ihs/educational_resources.html#kit
The Italian Historical Society, based in Victoria, was established to collect, promote and
preserve the history of Italian immigration to Australia. This section of the website
provides a range of educational services for teachers and students including teacher
guides, fact sheets, and educational programs and events. Some of these items can be
downloaded free of charge. Other parts of the website give information on the history of
Italian migration to Australia.
•
Courtney, Louise and Massola, Linda (2004) Australian immigration stories,
Heinemann Library, Port Melbourne, Victoria. [JUV]
A four-part series on Australian immigration. Each book covers a different time period
(1900-1940, 1940-1960, 1960-1980, 1980-) and tells the stories of ten migrants to Australia.
The 1900-1940 book includes the stories of four Italians: Vittorio De Bortoli – NSW, Silvio
Massola – Vic, Ginese Triaca – Vic and Francesco Floreani – Vic. Simple background
information on life in Australia during the period and a brief timeline of immigration are also
provided.
•
Templeton, Jacqueline (2003) From the mountains to the bush: Italian migrants write
home from Australia, 1860-1962, ed. John Lack, University of Western Australia
Press, Crawley.
A collection of letters exchanged between migrants from the Valtellina valley and their
families in Italy accompanied by historical information about the migration experience. The
letters have been translated into English.
• Davies, Will and Dal Bosco, Andrea (2001) Tales from a suitcase, Lothian Books,
Port Melbourne, Victoria.
A collection of 1940s and 1950s Australian migration stories (including two Italians) from
the SBS television series of the same name. The preface to this book is an evocative ‘imagine
if…’ story that takes the reader through a generic migration story with particular emphasis on
the feelings associated with migration.
•
Australia’s immigrants (2000) MacMillan Education Australia, South Yarra, Vic.
[JUV]
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A five-part series by the Australian National Maritime Museum which provides a detailed
overview of migration to Australian in different time periods. It explores who the migrants
were, where they came from, why they migrated, what the process of organising migration
was, what the voyage was like and the work and influence of migrants in Australia. The
series also looks critically at migration policy. The titles in this series are as follows:
o Convicts and early settlers 1788-1850 by Kieran Hosty
o Miners and farmers 1850-1890 by Kieran Hosty
o Free settlers 1891-1939 by Kevin Jones (incl. Italian migrants)
o Post-war Europeans 1940-1975 by Helen Trepa
o Migrants and refugees 1976-1999 by Helen Trepa
Oral history
•
http://www.ohaa-wa.com.au
The Oral History Association of Western Australia website provides information about what
oral history is, and how and why it can be used. It also gives information on seminars,
conferences and workshops being held, and lists recent publications relevant to the topic.
There are also links to other oral history groups and associations.
•
Robertson, Beth. M., (2005) Oral History Handbook, Oral History Association of
Australia, Adelaide, South Australia. [JUV]
This book defines and highlights the importance of oral history, as well as giving a simple,
step-by-step guide to successfully conducting interviews. It is a very useful tool for anyone
wanting to use interviews in their research.
•
Reid, Stuart, (1998) Capturing the past: an oral history, [videorecording], Oral History
Association of Western Australia, Perth. [JUV]
This video provides an introduction to the art of using oral history in a high school context.
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Section 3: Support Materials
DVD
The Kit includes an accompanying DVD resource which contains edited segments focusing
on a key aspect of each migrant story. Excerpts from the DVD are available on the Vite
Italiane website under ‘Migrant Stories’. Each segment can be viewed individually and
includes subtitles and narration. Total running time is thirty five minutes with each
individual segment running approximately 7 minutes.
 Egidio Della Franca – Reasons for leaving (Italian with English subtitles)
 Giovanni Marinelli – Journey (Italian with English subtitles)
 Angelina Martini – Settlement Experiences (Italian with English subtitles)
 Maria Pisconeri – Work and Family (English)
 Maria Raffaele – Community Life (English)
Copies of the DVD including the five case studies in full can be obtained by contacting
Susanna Iuliano at: [email protected]
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Section 3: Support Materials
Newspapers
Italian language media has played a crucial role in the community life of Italian migrants in
Western Australia. Several Italian-language newspapers were published in Western Australia
in the pre and post-war periods: La Stampa Italiana (1931-2); Il Canguro (1955-56); L’Eco
Italiano (1958-9) and La Rondine (1968-1973). These newspapers competed with larger
eastern seaboard Italian language publications like La Fiamma (1947) and Il Globo (1959).
The editor of Il Canguro and La Rondine was post-war Calabrian migrant Alfredo Strano.
Strano was born in Delianuova, Reggio Calabria in 1924 and migrated to Western Australia
to join his parents in 1948. He worked variously as a carpenter, English teacher, migration
and travel agent and, in his later life, author. Between 1955 and 1956, he edited the weekly
newspaper Il Canguro ‘The Kangaroo’. Offering a blend of international, national and local
news, the short-lived newspaper provides a window into Italian migrant culture in Perth in
the early post-war period.
Two editions of the newspaper are included for reference:
-
21 September 1955
-
27 October 1955.
Additional copies of the newspaper are available at the State Library of Western Australia.
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