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APY1501/1/2011–2013
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CONTENTS
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION, ORIENTATION AND WELCOME TO ANTHROPOLOGY
LEARNING THEME 1.
WHAT IS ANTHROPOLOGY?
VII
1
OVERVIEW
1
CRITICAL QUESTIONS
1.1
Introduction
1.2
Anthropology and other disciplines
1.3
The anthropological perspective and approach
1.4
The subfields of anthropology
1.5
Why become an anthropologist?
1
1
2
4
6
8
KEY CONCEPTS IN THIS LEARNING THEME
12
SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS
13
LEARNING THEME 2.
THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL WAY: DOING FIELDWORK –
RESEARCH
14
OVERVIEW
14
CRITICAL QUESTIONS
2.1
Introduction
2.2
Fieldwork and ethnography
2.3
Preparing for fieldwork and entering the field
2.4
Fieldwork methodology, methods and techniques
2.5
Disorientation and “culture shock”
2.6
Ethnographic fieldwork – anthropological self-criticism
14
14
15
16
19
23
24
KEY CONCEPTS IN THIS LEARNING THEME
30
SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS
30
LEARNING THEME 3.
31
IS ANTHROPOLOGY USEFUL?
OVERVIEW
31
CRITICAL QUESTIONS
3.1
Introduction
3.2
The anthropological approach and the anthropological difference
3.3
The practical application of anthropology
3.4
Anthropology is portable and transferable
31
31
34
35
37
KEY CONCEPTS IN THIS LEARNING THEME
39
SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS
39
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CONTENTS
Page
LEARNING THEME 4.
(iv)
THE HUMAN SPECIES, WHERE DO WE COME FROM
AND WHAT IS “NATURAL” ABOUT “HUMAN NATURE”?
40
OVERVIEW
40
CRITICAL QUESTIONS
4.1
Introduction
4.2
The development of human beings and their capacity for language and culture
4.3
Diversity in human biology and physique
40
40
41
44
KEY CONCEPTS IN THIS LEARNING THEME
46
SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS
47
LEARNING THEME 5.
48
OUR BODIES, OUR SELVES
OVERVIEW
48
CRITICAL QUESTIONS
5.1
Introduction
5.2
The body
5.3
Experiencing “the body”, our bodies
5.4
Images and perceptions of the body
48
48
50
50
51
FEATURE ARTICLES
51
ADVERTISEMENTS
51
BOOK REVIEWS
5.5
Body modifications
5.6
Body techniques
5.7
The social body
5.8
Body language
5.9
Body parts
52
53
57
57
57
58
KEY CONCEPTS IN THIS LEARNING THEME
58
SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS
58
LEARNING THEME 6.
59
CULTURE, SOCIAL LIFE AND SOCIOCULTURAL SYSTEMS
OVERVIEW
59
CRITICAL QUESTIONS
6.1
Introduction
6.2
Sociocultural systems (culture) as human adaptation
6.3
Characteristics of culture
59
59
65
67
KEY CONCEPTS IN THIS LEARNING THEME
75
SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS
75
LEARNING THEME 7.
76
IDENTITY AND ETHNICITY
OVERVIEW
76
CRITICAL QUESTIONS
7.1
Introduction
7.2
Identity and the self
7.3
Social and group identity
7.4
Gender and sexuality
76
76
78
79
83
CONTENTS
Page
7.5
7.6
Ethnicity and xenophobia
Identity/ethnicity – expressed, signified, represented
KEY CONCEPTS IN THIS LEARNING THEME
87
SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS
87
LEARNING THEME 8.
“BLOOD IS THICKER THAN WATER”: RELATIVES AND
RELATIONS, KINSHIP AND FRIENDSHIP
OVERVIEW
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85
88
88
CRITICAL QUESTIONS
8.1
Introduction
8.2
Social organisation by kinship and marriage
8.3
The study of kinship
8.4
Marriage
8.5
Conclusion – the importance of kinship relations and the value of kinship studies
88
88
90
91
114
125
KEY CONCEPTS IN THIS LEARNING THEME
127
SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS
128
LEARNING THEME 9.
129
RELIGION, THE SUPERNATURAL AND MAGIC
OVERVIEW
129
CRITICAL QUESTIONS
9.1
Introduction
9.2
What is religion – and magic?
9.3
The supernatural
9.4
Religious communication: revelation
9.5
Religious communication: ritual
9.6
Religion today?
129
129
130
134
143
148
157
KEY CONCEPTS IN THIS LEARNING THEME
159
SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS
159
FURTHER STUDIES IN ANTHROPOLOGY
160
APY1501: ANTHROPOLOGY – THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL STUDY OF CULTURE
IN A MULTICULTURAL CONTEXT
160
ANTHROPOLOGY ASSOCIATIONS AND NETWORKS
162
BIBLIOGRAPHY
164
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(vi)
INTRODUCTION, ORIENTATION AND WELCOME TO ANTHROPOLOGY
INTRODUCTION, ORIENTATION
AND WELCOME TO
ANTHROPOLOGY
Anthropology is the study of ourselves and others and appreciating our own and other
people’s ways of being and doing
1.
INTRODUCTION AND WELCOME
Over the past year the South African media have reported on the following matters:
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
violence against foreign African nationals and the phenomenon of xenophobia (the fear or
hatred of foreigners)
the ongoing controversy about the changing of place names in South Africa
the coach of the national rugby team labelling supporters “racists” for criticising a (black)
player, but not commenting on the affectionate roar of “Beast!” (the player’s nickname) by
a mainly white crowd (when the black rugby player played particularly well)
the phenomenon of the farmer/evangelist Angus Buchan from Greytown in KwaZulu-Natal,
who draws tens of thousands of people to his spiritual revival rallies
a Sudanese woman being arrested for wearing long trousers in public and hence contravening
the country’s Islamic laws for public decency – if found guilty, she could face 40 lashes and
an unlimited fine for unseemly behaviour
the fact that, during the last South African general election, the ANC obtained a resounding majority (62,95%) in the province of KwaZulu-Natal for the first time. Conventionally
an Inkatha Freedom Party stronghold, some commentators ascribed this shift to the fact
that the ANC now had a Zulu-speaking leader (Jacob Zuma) who was born and bred in the
Nkandla area of that province – the very heart of Zulu-speaking country – and that ethnicity
thus played a key role in the ANC’s success
a Muslim model from northern Malaysia declaring that she was prepared to take her punishment (six lashes with a cane) in public for drinking a beer – Muslims are not allowed to drink
alcoholic beverages – so that other Muslims can learn from her example
the claim that the spread of HIV/AIDS is due to “cultural practices, customs and traditions”
rather than structural adjustments
the spate of violence, conflict and even killing amongst and by learners at South African
schools, which is ascribed to a “national psyche of aggression”
corporate and industrial problems that are not only technical in nature, but that also seem
to be based on “social systems” (i.e. human and behavioural systems)
Given that anthropology is characterised by curiosity about people and strives to “make sense”
of human behaviour, the questions raised by these issues are among those that anthropologists
seek to answer. In more general terms, anthropology concerns itself with an even wider and more
general variety of questions, all of them in one way or another related to the human condition
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INTRODUCTION, ORIENTATION AND WELCOME TO ANTHROPOLOGY
and the human experience. For example: What are our similarities? What makes us distinctly
human? Despite sharing common human traits, why are we so very different? Why do people
differ in appearance, that is, physically and biologically? Why do people have different patterns
of behaviour? Why have communities and societies throughout the world developed different or
similar ways of addressing the need to adapt to the environment? Of organising their relations
with others? Of organising their leadership and governance systems? Of relating to, or placating,
the supernatural or supreme being(s) or the spiritual realm? Of expressing themselves artistically?
The basic question which anthropology has always tried to answer is: How can we explain the
uniformity and diversity of humans and human behaviour – that is, the human experience?
Anthropologists have set out to develop a better understanding of diverse societies in different
contexts by spending time with people in their particular settings. This form of direct contact
with people in their “world” in order to learn more about them has been termed “fieldwork”
by anthropologists. But this “field” involves a great diversity of settings.
For example: a rural village community in KwaZulu-Natal; a factory; a San/Bushmen settlement
in the Kalahari Desert; an international corporation or organisation; a complex urban neighbourhood; a pottery-making village in Limpopo Province; a medical facility or psychiatric ward;
the Tsigane (“Gypsies”) in the Sion valley of Switzerland; and so on.
Anthropologists thus take themselves out of the comfort zone of their own familiar surroundings to experience other people and their activities in an unfamiliar context. You did the same
thing when you moved to a new flat in another building; when you arrived at your first or a
new job; when you moved to a house in a new neighbourhood; when you travelled to a foreign
country; even when you registered at Unisa and were confronted with rules and regulations,
terminology, registration, course selection and the entirely new “world” of a university, albeit
a distance university.
Ten years ago Richard Carlson’s little book, Don’t sweat the small stuff … and it’s all small stuff,
had already sold more than 8 million copies worldwide. The book provides guidelines for dealing with life’s problems and outlines strategies to respond to life more gracefully. The 100 brief
chapters that make up the book include a chapter entitled Become an anthropologist. Why did
Carlson include anthropology in a self-help book? This is what he says:
Anthropology is a science dealing with man (we would say ‘humans’) and his (their) origins.
(However), I’ll conveniently redefine anthropology as ‘being interested, without judgement, in the way other people choose to live and behave.’ This strategy is geared toward
developing your compassion, as well as a way of becoming more patient. Beyond that,
however, being interested in the way other people act is a way of replacing judgements
with loving-kindness. When you are genuinely curious about the way someone reacts or
the way they feel about something, it’s unlikely that you will also be annoyed. In this way,
becoming an anthropologist is a way of becoming less frustrated by the actions of others.
When someone acts in a way that seems strange to you, rather than reacting in your usual
way, such as, ‘I can’t believe they would do that,’ instead say something to yourself like ‘I
see, that must be the way she sees things in her world. Very interesting!’ In order for this
strategy to help you, you have to be genuine. There’s a fine line between being ‘interested’
and being arrogant, as if secretly you believe that your way is better. (Carlson 1997:111–112)
In this module we intend to actively involve you in a process that will encourage you to begin to
think like an anthropologist – to do this you need to be curious and not take anything for granted.
By exposing you to other people’s, often very different ways of arranging their lives, we shall try
to help you develop a mind that is open to perceiving and understanding others and yourself.
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INTRODUCTION, ORIENTATION AND WELCOME TO ANTHROPOLOGY
2.
MODULE ORIENTATION
In this section we shall outline the purpose and objectives of this module, list the learning
outcomes you are expected to achieve, explain our approach and, finally, outline the contents
of this study guide.
2.1
Purpose, objectives and outcomes of the module
As we indicated above in the section “Introduction and welcome”, anthropology is not only
about “discovering” other people, but also about better understanding ourselves and our own
behaviour.
The purpose of this module is therefore to:
Introduce you to Anthropology, a discipline that focuses on human beings everywhere,
both past and present
Objectives and outcomes based on the above:
•
•
•
by encouraging you to reflect on your own experiences and by sharing the experiences of
anthropologists with you, help you to think like an anthropologist
by developing and then using anthropological skills, enable you to analyse and explain human
behaviour in its different contexts
by employing the insights and sensitivity you have developed regarding the human condition,
help you to cultivate mutual understanding and tolerance between people and communities
in South Africa (or wherever you live)
2.2
Learning and experiential strategy
In this module we not only want you to learn about anthropology, but also want you to become
an anthropologist, to function like an anthropologist. Our goal is thus not to teach you about
people and their behaviour patterns. We believe that you will learn most effectively if you are
actively involved in the process. You will hence learn about anthropology and humankind by
progressively discovering and experiencing how to think like an anthropologist – how to adopt
an anthropological approach and how to use anthropological skills.
We believe that this is not difficult to achieve – anthropology after all is all around you, wherever
there are people. Not everybody is in a position to spend time living with people in another
context, or among a community other than their own. There are other ways of gaining this
experience or, at least, simulating it. As we mentioned in the introduction, your own experience
of starting a new job or moving to a different neighbourhood or registering as a student at Unisa
is similar to the initial disorientation experienced by an anthropologist who suddenly finds him
or herself living with people in a very different environment. We shall therefore expose you to a
range of anthropological material that will allow you to “participate” in the work of anthropologists. Finally, we shall also consistently draw contemporary issues and events into the learning
process and this will constantly remind you that anthropology is “now” and that it is “real”.
To achieve all this, you need to engage constructively with the learning materials. In other words,
it is your responsibility to perform the learning functions; we cannot do this for you.
Against this background, the purpose of this study guide is therefore not to transmit knowledge
which you merely memorise. Instead, the study guide is designed to initiate ideas, to help you
analyse the issues involved, and to help you think about what you are studying.
APY1501/1
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INTRODUCTION, ORIENTATION AND WELCOME TO ANTHROPOLOGY
The learning and study materials for this module consist of this study guide and the various tutorial letters that you will receive from time to time. If you wish to read more about the field and
scope of this module, please consult the list of literature cited at the back of the study guide.
When you consult other sources, reflect upon the ideas and information you find there, and
relate them to the discussions in the study guide.
Study guide
This study guide also serves as your textbook, since it includes
all the work you need to master for this module. It also provides
guidelines on how to go about your studies. To pass this module,
you need to carefully follow the instructions and guidelines given
in this study guide.
Tutorial letters
You will receive a number of tutorial letters, both when you register and during the course of the semester. You should therefore
give careful attention to all tutorial letters you receive. Also
note that you cannot begin studying this module without
first consulting Tutorial Letter 101. We have also compiled a
departmental manual which contains information on how you
should communicate with your lecturers, as well as hints on study
methods and examinations. This manual is entitled Tutorial Letter
ANTALLX/301.
YOU DO NOT NEED TO PURCHASE A TEXTBOOK SINCE ALL THE PRESCRIBED
AND OTHER RELEVANT MATERIAL ARE INCLUDED IN THIS STUDY GUIDE.
The table of contents
The comprehensive table of contents constitutes an outline of
the module and syllabus. Use the table of contents to orientate
yourself when you approach a specific learning theme, or when
you want to refer to a specific idea, principle, theory, concept
and so on in your learning material.
Each learning theme is also provided with a framework, which
is similar to a contents page and which is intended to give you
an overview of the different topics and sections that make up
the learning theme.
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Critical questions
You will find a list of critical questions at the beginning of each
learning theme.
Cross-references
Pay attention to the cross-references in different learning themes.
Whenever we refer you to a learning theme that has already
been dealt with, please read the reference – this will refresh your
memory and facilitate your understanding of the information at
hand. A very important part of studying anthropology is that
you become familiar with basic terminology, ideas or principles.
Unless you master these early on, when they are first dealt with,
you will have difficulty understanding the work when the terms,
ideas or principles occur again at a later stage. We shall also occasionally refer you to other study guides/modules presented in
the department so that you become aware of the diversity of
topics that we deal with in anthropology.
INTRODUCTION, ORIENTATION AND WELCOME TO ANTHROPOLOGY
Activities
Learning is an active process that requires you to become involved
or to interact with the information. We have provided you with
opportunities to do this by including activities at various places
in the text.
Because a dialogue does not consist of one voice only, you should
actively participate in the debates. To enable you to do this, we
have designed activities that allow you to be creative and innovative, to think for yourself, to raise your own voice and to be
included in the debates. The activities also attempt to link the
subject matter with reality. In your responses to the activities
you are often required to draw on your own experience and
practical knowledge, and to take into account daily events such
as those reported in the media. It is important that you do the
activities, which means writing down your responses to the activities. Writing is an important learning tool in distance education.
Do not make the mistake of doing the activities “in your head”
or worse still, ignoring them, since completing them is an integral
part of your learning experience.
The activities, together with the questions for self-assessment
and topics for discussion also mean that you have to demonstrate that you understand the learning material. These activities
and questions also encourage you to reflect on the material and
to gauge your progress in terms of the learning outcomes.
Assignments
Assignments for this module are provided in Tutorial Letter 101.
The completion of assignments is crucial to achieve the learning
outcomes. By completing the assignments, you can develop a
feeling for the type of question you can expect in the examination and obtain firsthand feedback from us, the lecturers. The
assignment questions might, for instance, provide you with the
opportunity to apply theory to a case study or a practical situation related to your own workplace. Please keep the following
in mind when working through this module:
• Think about the material, the guidelines and issues in this
module.
• Be innovative and aware of human circumstances and problems
in your environment.
• Relate the theory to practical situations. Try to think beyond
what is dealt with in this module (eg think about your own
experiences).
• Be original and critical. Make inferences and attempt to develop your own explanations and (anthropological) solutions
to problems.
• Constantly monitor your progress. Gauge or assess your understanding of the information and your ability and the skills
of anthropology.
NOTE: Prepare a work schedule for the whole semester. Schedule your learning activities
on a monthly, weekly and daily basis. Set aside a few hours each day to work through the
different study themes. Allow sufficient time for each learning theme. Also allow time to
write your assignments and to revise for the examination.
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INTRODUCTION, ORIENTATION AND WELCOME TO ANTHROPOLOGY
Assessment of the
module
You will be assessed on your assignments during the semester
and in the examination that you will have to write at the end of
the semester. Unisa uses transparent assessment criteria that are
directly linked to the outcomes of the module. The compulsory
assignment mark(s) will count towards your total mark, together
with your final assessment. Further details of the assessment
and examination requirements of this module are provided in
Tutorial Letter 101.
Undergraduate
syllabus,
anthropology
In addition to the this module (APY1501: Anthropology – the
anthropological study of culture in a multicultural context), the
department offers the following anthropology modules:
First level:
APY1601:
Culture as human resource in the African
context
Second level:
APY2601:
Anthropological theory in practice
APY2701:
Sociocultural solutions to problems of human
adaptation
APY2602:
Anthropology and health care
Third level:
APY3701:
Key concepts
Qualitative research methodology: the anthropological strategy
APY3702
Applied anthropology: contemporary human
issues and the practice of anthropology
APY3703:
Themes in anthropology: the relevance of ritual
APY3704:
Themes in anthropology: tourism and pilgrimage
With each learning theme we provide a list of key concepts
(see Cross-references above). In order to master the learning
materials, it is necessary that you become fully conversant with
key concepts and terminology in anthropology. These key concepts make up the “vocabulary” of anthropology and without
them you will not be able to answer the examination questions.
We therefore suggest that, after working through the learning
themes, you summarise and make notes about the meaning of
each concept.
These notes should contain definitions of concepts, as well as
characteristics of the phenomena represented by the concepts.
These key concepts can then be used to help you revise a learning theme.
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LEARNING THEME
WHAT IS ANTHROPOLOGY?
1
1
1.
WHAT IS ANTHROPOLOGY?
OVERVIEW
The purpose of this learning theme is to introduce you to the discipline and subfields of anthropology, to simulate your first “experience” of anthropology and to explain the perspective and
approach that characterises anthropology. Anthropology is compared to, and differentiated from,
other disciplines and we explain why anthropology is particularly relevant in the contemporary
world.
This learning theme is organised as follows:
1.1
1.2
1.3
1.4
1.5
Introduction
Anthropology and other disciplines
The anthropological perspective and approach
The subfields of anthropology
Why become an anthropologist?
CRITICAL QUESTIONS
•
•
•
•
What do anthropology’s particular perspective and approach involve?
What characteristics of anthropology distinguish it from other disciplines?
What is the relevance of anthropology in the contemporary world?
What does the encouragement “to think like an anthropologist and to be sensitive
to people and their behaviour in contexts other than your own” involve and imply?
• Why should anyone want to become an anthropologist?
1.1
3
INTRODUCTION
Every year before registration students contact us to find out more about anthropology. They
want to know what anthropology entails and what anthropologists do. We explain to them that
we study people and their behaviour and that this requires us to spend extended periods of time
with people in their own environment. Although we often do our studies (research, fieldwork)
in towns and cities, our projects might also entail travelling to rural, sometimes quite remote
areas, not only in South Africa but also further afield in Africa, and even to other countries.
Students’ reactions range from “interesting!” to “exciting!” to “cool!”
Initially, students have a somewhat stereotypical perception of anthropology. Thanks to the media
in general and particularly Indiana Jones movies and television programmes such as National
Geographic Channel and BBC Knowledge, anthropology (also confused with archaeology)
APY1501/1
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LEARNING THEME 1
still often seems to conjure up images of mummies’ tombs, treks through tropical jungles, pithhelmet wearing colonial explorers discovering “lost tribes”, adventures in remote and exotic
places and the dietary preferences of cannibals.
As anthropologists we agree that our chosen field of study, our discipline, is exciting, that we
do experience people and places firsthand that others do not usually have the opportunity to
become familiar with, that we do become deeply and even emotionally involved in an endeavour to understand the human condition. However, the conventional perceptions “out there” of
anthropology have probably done more to obscure the true nature of our profession than to
contribute to a better understanding of the discipline.
ACTIVITY 1.1
Carefully re-read the “Introduction and welcome” in the section “Introduction,
Orientation and Welcome to Anthropology” at the beginning of this Study guide.
To accurately explain what anthropology is and what anthropologists do is both simple and complex.
As was indicated in the introductory section to this study guide, anthropology is characterised
by curiosity about people and strives to explain and “make sense” of both human beings and
human behaviour – so essentially anthropology is the study of humankind everywhere, both
past and present.
The term anthropology comes from the Greek anthropos for “man/human” and logos
for “study”
Anthropology thus produces information (data), knowledge and understanding of what makes
people different from one another and what makes them similar, and looks at what all human
beings have in common.
1.2
ANTHROPOLOGY AND OTHER DISCIPLINES
You might well suggest that there are several other disciplines that also study people. For example:
psychology, sociology, history, geography, political science, economics, human biology and even
philosophy and literature. As you progressively experience anthropology as a discipline, in this
module and others to follow, you will become aware that a particular approach, characteristic
perspectives and distinctive methods of doing research are what distinguishes anthropology
from these other disciplines.
A discipline is a branch of instruction or learning, a branch of science. Different disciplines have
different fields of study and each has its particular approach and methods of obtaining data.
Yes, these other disciplines also study people, but they tend to be narrower in their emphasis
and usually focus only on a certain aspect of the human condition. A few examples are:
Psychology studies the mental life of humans by means of scientific and interpretive methods.
The nature and characteristics of the human psyche or mind are therefore the focus of psychol2
WHAT IS ANTHROPOLOGY?
ogy. Anthropologists would argue that individual psychology is shaped by the particular human
environment or sociocultural context in which a person grows up and lives. Anthropologists,
in fact, have provided and continue to provide cross-cultural perspectives on psychoanalytic
propositions and on issues of development and cognitive psychology (Kottak 2008:16). Specialist
fields of study have developed in anthropology as a result: psychological anthropology, culture
and personality, ethnopsychology, etc.
Sociology studies the social life of people, more particularly the social relations, organisation
and human behaviour of human societies. Anthropologists of course share these interests,
but there are significant conventional differences between the disciplines. Initially sociologists
were inclined to study societies, and different groupings within them, in the industrial “West”
(“modern” or “developed” or “urbanised” people). Anthropologists for their part at first worked
mainly among nonindustrial people (“traditional” or “preliterate” or “pre-industrial”) and the two
disciplines developed different methods of data collection. In order to study complex communities and societies sociologists came to rely on questionnaires and other techniques to produce
quantifiable data – sampling and statistical methods were therefore important. The populations
anthropologists originally concentrated on were smaller, nonliterate (without writing) groupings
of people in mainly rural settings. Anthropologists developed qualitative research strategies in
these contexts – they lived with the people for extended periods of time, participated in their
daily activities and observed, at first hand, the normal routine of their lives.
Over the years as disciplines developed, and as world populations were transformed – not
least by migration, urbanisation, industrialisation and globalisation – their focus, topics and
methods have converged and disciplines have of course “borrowed” from each other to
better study the people and problems that present themselves.
History is inclined to focus on past events and individuals, and historians seek to explain why
such events occurred in the sequence that they did, as well as the role of particular individuals
and circumstances in such a process. Anthropology emphasises the contemporary situation and
events although, naturally, anthropologists cannot work without an awareness of the past, of
the sequence of occurrences that led to contemporary human dynamics.
Geographers, particularly human geographers, are also interested in people. However, they
tend to relate the study of humans to the study of the land. They stress ecological factors such
as terrain and climate and their influence on human behaviour.
ACTIVITY 1.2
In addition to anthropology you are probably registered for at least one or two
other social or human sciences. Study the introductory section of the modules for
those other disciplines and determine for yourself whether they are different from
anthropology in their focus of study and the methods that they use.
For example:
• Political science deals with leadership and governance, with “politics” at all
levels, municipal or local to international or global – do you agree?
APY1501/1
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LEARNING THEME 1
• Economics studies the organisation and systems which provide for people’s
material needs and emphasises, in particular, market economies – do you agree?
• Education concerns itself with the formal and informal processes of acquiring
knowledge, systematic instruction or training, the science of teaching, pedagogies/pedagogics – do you agree?
• Theology focuses on the nature of, and belief in, divine beings and their relations
to other phenomena, the universe and other beings – do you agree?
Is it now becoming clear to you that anthropology differs from these other disciplines in that it
has an integrated approach to the totality (whole) of human existence?
1.3
THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE AND
APPROACH
From the discussion in the previous section and your own experience of courses that you have
registered for in other departments, it should be apparent that anthropology differs from other
disciplines in distinct ways. As you read above, the other disciplines generally limit their field
of study to particular aspects or systems of human activities or human living. Anthropology,
however, as we have seen, is concerned with the human condition in its entirety. In addition,
therefore, to its characteristic scope of studying people worldwide and throughout time
(see 1.1 above as well as the introductory section to this study guide), another distinguishing
feature of anthropology is its holistic or multifaceted approach to studying human beings. In
other words, anthropologists take the whole context of a particular group of people into account.
Anthropologists study not only all varieties of people, but also many aspects of human experience. For example, when describing a group of people, an anthropologist might discuss the
history of the area in which the people live, the physical environment, the organisation of
family life, the general features of their language, the group’s settlement patterns, political and
economic systems, religion, and styles of art and dress (Ember, Ember & Peregrine 2005:2).
Anthropology thus integrates many different areas of concern and is therefore an attempt to
get “the whole picture”, to put it all together and to apply knowledge from various spheres of
activity to the understanding of any particular aspect of human behaviour – by placing this within
its sociocultural and environmental context.
The term “holism” has become rather “unfashionable” in some quarters in recent years, because
it has carried the implication that sociocultural systems, and people’s lives, are interconnected
in an almost ideal, balanced and perfectly functional way. The reality is that anthropologists often study peoples’ lives as fragmented worlds containing many inherent contradictions that are
either not integrated or only partially integrated. Contextualisation might be a more useful
concept, implying not stability and integration, but it emphasises dynamic relationships between
phenomena.
The notion of holism (or contextualisation) is, therefore, based on the expectation that each
patterned element or system is dependent upon or linked to some other elements within a
specific time, situation, and locality. Anthropologists find that change within one system can influ4
WHAT IS ANTHROPOLOGY?
ence other systems. For example, changes in a group’s economic system may have an influence
on religious roles, family organisation, political behaviour or any other sociocultural system of
that group. This is based on the view that sociocultural systems and peoples’ lives are organised
wholes within which the different elements or parts are linked and interdependent.
ACTIVITY 1.3
Think about the following:
Your salary or allowance; the politician or political party you voted for in the previous election; your church or a religious leader; interest rates, the cost of petrol or
groceries; the education that you received at school, or that you are now receiving
at university; your family; a traffic fine; the fact that you are a male or a female; that
you are according to South African population registration, a black, white, “coloured”,
Indian, Chinese or whatever, South African; that you are young, middle aged or elderly;
the place or neighbourhood, town, city or village that you live in; etc.
Has any of these ever had a significant influence on your life? Or has any of these
ever influenced one or more of the others? In what way?
Write down a list of such instances or examples – and think again about holism and
contextualisation!
The anthropological approach is also typified by comparison, or what has been called the comparative method. Perhaps we should first explain what anthropological comparison is not. It is
not intended as a way of determining which groups, communities or societies (or their ways of
organising their lives – their sociocultural systems) are better, superior or at a higher level of
development (more “civilised” was a term used in earlier, particularly non-anthropological writings). Instead, comparison is employed by anthropologists to indicate differences between the
sociocultural systems of people, but also to bring to the fore similarities or even universals. By
doing this, anthropologists can put their generalisations and theories to the test and further refine
them. Anthropologists do not accept generalisations about the human condition based solely on
their own sociocultural experience: they endeavour to compare a wide range of sociocultural
systems of groups and of people throughout the world. Such comparative generalisations are
used to find out what is similar or different in various systems; if they can uncover some common
features, this will help anthropologists to understand why humans behave in the way they do.
Finally, anthropology is also associated with the concept of culture (or as we also refer to it in
this module, a sociocultural system) and with a particular method of doing research, fieldwork
(re-read the introductory section to this module). Because of the importance of both fieldwork
and culture, these are dealt with in more detail in Learning Theme 2 and Learning Theme 6.
Studies to determine the national character, way of thinking and the personality attributes
of Japanese people were conducted by anthropologists during World War II. The American
government regarded this information as vital for their military actions against the Japanese
in Asia. Only a few interviews were conducted with Japanese in the USA. At the time, anthropologists mainly read books about Japanese people and their history and watched various
Japanese films. Japanese culture was therefore studied from a “distance”. On the basis of
this inadequate “information”, Japanese people were stereotyped as obsessed with order,
cleanliness and rituals. Subsequent firsthand research found this stereotyping of Japanese
people as both inaccurate and subjective.
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LEARNING THEME 1
1.4
THE SUBFIELDS OF ANTHROPOLOGY
Many anthropologists no longer subscribe to the “four fields” of anthropology – archaeology,
sociocultural anthropology, biological/physical anthropology and linguistics – mainly because
these are so closely related and many of the areas of interest overlap. Thus Bill Haviland in his
most recent introductory text to anthropology (with co-authors Prins, Walrath and McBride,
2008) explains:
Unlike traditional texts that present anthropology’s four ‘fields’ – archaeology, linguistics,
cultural anthropology and physical anthropology – as if they were relatively separate and
independent, our book takes an integrative approach. (Haviland et al 2008:xxv)
For analytical and practical purposes, however, Haviland and his colleagues have no option, but
to deal with each field separately, in separate chapters. However, the book constantly refers to
linkages between the different fields.
William A Haviland (“Bill”) is the most successful writer of anthropology introductory texts
in the history of the discipline. Since his first book, simply called Anthropology, was published
some thirty five years ago, when he was a professor at the University of Vermont, USA,
there have appeared eleven subsequent editions. This book became the best-selling anthropology book ever, and was translated into a number of languages (including Chinese). Bill’s
methodology in compiling such a comprehensive textbook was typically anthropological and
included travelling the world with his wife Anita to gain first-hand experience of different
human contexts and to collect relevant information himself. The Anthropology department
at Unisa hosted the Havilands several years ago when they visited South Africa for this purpose. Bill’s latest book (the twelfth edition, co-authored) is entitled Anthropology: the human
challenge. Bill and Anita now live “in retirement” on a farm on the outskirts of Burlington,
Vermont, USA, where they also tend to their sheep, pigs, chickens, ducks and geese.
The realities and practicalities facing us in developing this introductory anthropology module
are similar to Haviland’s, but also different in some respects. We obviously acknowledge the
interconnectedness of cultural/sociocultural anthropology, biological/physical anthropology,
archaeology and linguistics, and we recognise that these different (sub)-fields all provide useful
insights into humankind and the human condition.
At Unisa, however, anthropology is part of a dual department: The Department of Anthropology
and Archaeology and, like anthropology, archaeology is presented as a fully-fledged, independent
discipline in its own right. The modules presented by our colleagues in archaeology are, incidentally, complementary to our studies in anthropology, and registering for archaeology together
with anthropology would form a useful study “package”.
Linguistics at Unisa is offered by an independent department as an autonomous discipline. Biological/physical anthropology as a field of study has developed to the extent that it has become
an extensive and comprehensive specialised field practised by experts. However, given the
importance of the topics and issues dealt with in this module (eg identity, racism and concepts
of the body), we shall devote one learning theme (Learning Theme 4 – THE HUMAN SPECIES,
WHERE DO WE COME FROM AND WHAT IS NATURAL ABOUT “HUMAN NATURE”?)
to biological anthropology.
Just to get a feel on what these subfields of anthropology more or less entail, note the following:
1.4.1 Biological or physical anthropology
This field of study deals with the biological or physical aspects of humans and human populations
and endeavours to answer particular kinds of questions. For example, about the emergence of
6
WHAT IS ANTHROPOLOGY?
humans and their eventual development, and as to why and how contemporary human populations vary biologically.
Biological anthropologists therefore focus on the fossil remains of prehistoric human-like beings
which have been preserved in the earth’s crust (and in the polar regions and swamps) in order
to obtain information about the development of human beings from very early times. They also
exchange information with human paleontologists who make a study of the emergence of human
beings and their later evolution. This enables biological anthropologists to obtain information
about early human beings and their relation to modern humans.
Although we all belong to the same species Homo sapiens sapiens, there is a great deal of variation between human populations and this leads to another set of questions that biological anthropologists seek to answer:
Why are some human populations taller than others?
How have human populations adapted physically to their environment?
Are some people better equipped to endure cold (eg the Inuits of Greenland), and others
the tropical sun (eg the Pygmies of the Democratic Republic of Congo)?
To answer these questions, biological anthropologists make use of human genetics (the study
of inherited human traits), population biology (the study of the effects of the environment) and
epidemiology (the study of the differing effects of diseases on populations). So, inherited and
demographic factors are of interest to the biological anthropologist but, importantly, they also pay
attention to the influence of biological factors on behaviour in a human population. A biological
anthropologist who studies the Yanomamö of Brazil, for instance, would ask questions such as:
• Is there a genetic explanation for their violent behaviour?
• What is the effect of their diet on the development of their bodies?
• What is their biological relationship to neighbouring peoples?
(Aceves & King 1979:17)
Note that “demographic” refers to statistical data concerning populations, that
is the size, composition and development of populations. Such statistical data are
acquired by census surveys concerning the registration of births, deaths, marriages
and the migration of people.
1.4.2 Archaeology
Archaeology, which is derived from the Greek arkhaios (ancient) and logos (discipline or science), studies the past living conditions and changes that occurred in human populations during
prehistoric times. Since archaeologists often do not have written records on which they can
rely for information, they obtain data from the material remains of human settlements that are
carefully collected during the excavation of sites where people once lived. Remains such as tools,
ornaments, potsherds, weapons and human bones are all examples of “remains”. Archaeologists
often obtain vitally important information about the prehistory of human populations that has
not been preserved in oral tradition or written records. Without the material objects exposed
by the archaeologists during their excavations we would know very little about prehistoric
humans. Remember that writing is a relatively recent development and that more than 99% of
the early history of human beings has become known through archaeological and, to a lesser
degree, through anthropological sources and research methods.
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LEARNING THEME 1
1.4.3 Linguistic anthropology
This field of study focuses on the large variety of languages spoken by people and, especially,
the relationship between language and other aspects of people’s lives. Initially, linguistic
anthropologists studied the historical development of the unwritten languages of “non-Western
societies”. The emphasis has, however, shifted and language is now viewed not only as an indispensable means of communication within the communities or societies being studied, but also as
a means of obtaining an understanding of how sociocultural phenomena are expressed verbally.
Language is also used as a key to determine how people view the world, the environment in
which they live, and how they view other people.
Specialist areas within linguistic anthropology include:
•
•
•
historical linguistics, the study of how languages change over time and how languages are
related to each other
descriptive or structural linguistics, the study of the difference between contemporary languages, especially in terms of their construction
sociolinguistics, the study of the way in which language is used in different social contexts
Note that research about other people and their sociocultural systems requires
a basic knowledge of their language. From experience anthropologists know that
knowledge of the language of the people being studied soon establishes a relationship of trust between the people being researched and the researcher.
1.4.4 Sociocultural anthropology
The “Anthropology” in the name of the department: Anthropology and Archaeology actually
refers to sociocultural anthropology, the fourth of the subfields in anthropology. Although we
often also simply refer to this field of study as anthropology (note the title of this module: Anthropology – the anthropological study of culture in a multicultural context), sociocultural anthropology
is more accurate, and more descriptive of the kind of emphasis we place in this subdiscipline
– it is also indicative of the approach that we adopt in this department. With the exception of
study theme 4, all the topics and issues in this study guide refer to sociocultural anthropology.
Historically, a distinction was made between cultural anthropology and social anthropology, mainly
because the term “cultural anthropology” was mainly used in America and also drew some of
its principles from the German anthropological tradition – and was more broadly based. “Social
anthropology” was essentially practised in Great Britain and developed from sociological theory.
Whereas cultural anthropology emphasised patterned behaviour transmitted over generations
within a group context, which is guided by particular common values, social anthropology focused
on the dynamics of social relations, social structure and so on. Clearly there is some value (and
weaknesses) in both approaches, and hence our preference for sociocultural anthropology and
the study of sociocultural systems – which is also an attempt to adopt a more balanced approach
towards understanding the human experience.
1.5
•
•
•
8
WHY BECOME AN ANTHROPOLOGIST?
Are you a people-person, do you like people and get on well with them?
Would you like to do something that makes a difference in peoples’ lives, to have a positive
influence?
Are you curious about why people behave the way they do?
WHAT IS ANTHROPOLOGY?
•
•
•
Can you deal with people who behave differently and have different beliefs, on their own
terms?
Are you, or would you be, comfortable visiting unfamiliar places, meeting strangers, participating in unaccustomed activities and eating different foods?
Would you like to obtain the kind of training and skills that provides a wide range of occupational and career options? (see Strang 2009:162).
If you responded positively to most of these questions, then anthropology will certainly interest you.
Even if you do not decide on anthropology as a career, anthropological perspectives and skills
are still likely to be relevant and useful in everyday life and in complementing whatever your
chosen field of study happens to be.
•
•
•
•
•
Markus Weilenmann runs an independent consulting firm, the “Office for Conflict Research
in Developing Countries” from Rüschlikon, Switzerland. He offers legal anthropological consulting services to development agencies or NGOs that operate in Africa in the domains of
social and legal politics, and where there are long-lasting discrepancies between official state
law and diverse sociocultural ideas about justice.
Marzia Balzani at the Roehampton University, London, acts as a consultant in cases of refugee
and asylum seekers. Her expert evidence as an anthropologist is used to consider why such
individuals should not be sent home and her reports usually reflect factors of a sociocultural
and contextual nature.
Mary-Ellen Chatwin has used her anthropological training in Switzerland, Sweden and
France, where she has provided expert advice on students’ eating habits and a better diet,
programmes for returning displaced persons after conflict, and a food distribution project.
“Anthropological input is often appreciated by local populations and communities, as they
immediately realize that a ‘special kind of understanding’ is there – - -. Anthropology should
be applied at a national level to all development programmes that intend to make changes
in the lives of countries in need (such as disaster relief, poverty reduction, and programmes
for vulnerable communities and the elderly).”
Ruth Dearnley works for ACTA, a not-for-profit organization focusing on southern Africa
and issues such as democracy, world debt and free trade. “Anthropology provides the ability
to think critically and objectively and to apply these attributes to everyday problem-solving
within a professional environment. Moreover, an anthropological understanding enhances
one’s ability to act with diplomacy when working with people who have conflicting opinions
or outlooks.”
Edward Green, a Senior Research Scientist at the Harvard Center for Population and Development Studies, has worked in Swaziland for a number of years. He has provided expert
advice based on his anthropological fieldwork on projects that focused on waterborne diseases in rural areas, the promotion of oral hydration therapy for children with diarrhoeal
diseases, and AIDS prevention. He worked closely with traditional healers because of their
influence and availability. His motivation was “that public health efforts aimed at behavior
change or the adoption of new technologies can and should take advantage of their prestige,
credibility, authority …”
(Strang 2009:20, 23, 30, 40)
•
Stephné Herselman, currently the chair of this department, specialises in medical anthropology and her research among Xhosa-speaking patients in an Eastern Cape hospital reveals,
amongst others, that
“ … particular problems manifest in miscommunication, delayed consultation, fear, distrust,
disregard of doctors’ instructions, discrimination, and excessive submissiveness, all of which
have implications for patients’ wellbeing and recovery. On the one hand, the problems
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LEARNING THEME 1
were seen to be the result of, among other factors, ignorance about available health-care
facilities and lack of transport … . On the other hand, problems were also produced by
the doctors’ apparent lack of awareness and understanding of patients’ beliefs, perceptions
and behaviour”
(Herselman 1994:84).
For more extensive treatment and illustration of the usefulness of anthropology, see Learning Theme 3 – IS ANTHROPOLOGY USEFUL?
In more general terms, the relevance of anthropology comes to the fore in our contemporary
lives, almost on a daily basis:
•
•
•
Contact between socioculturally different people has increased dramatically in recent times.
International travel is now commonplace. It is no longer only Americans and Europeans
who visit “exotic” places and people; today, these very same “exotic” people have begun
travelling to Europe and America. At one time, business people, developers, tourists (and
anthropologists!) travelled to “economically less developed countries”, but now there is a
flow of labour migrants, refugees, students and, yes, tourists and anthropologists, in the opposite direction. “Adventure tourism” and “cultural tourism” have become the vogue and
visitors can now take guided tours to South African townships, Brazilian favelas (slums or
squatter settlements) or Indonesian villages.
Information, communication and electronic technology are also bringing everything and everybody in the world closer together. Communication and exposure to other sociocultural
systems have become immediate thanks to television, cellular telephones, the internet and
Facebook and Twitter. Issues are now often global or transnational – war, environment,
poverty, economy/economic depression, health and disease/AIDS, and, of course, fashion
and music.
Sociocultural change is continually accelerating and known or conventional ways of life and
institutions are being transformed or questioned – the family, marriage, religion, diet, language and local or group identity.
(see Eriksen 2004:3–6)
The important question is: how do we make sense of not only all that is happening around the
world to people and their particular contexts and sociocultural systems, but also of our own
situation and our own experiences?
Erikson (2004:6) has this suggestion:
In order to understand this (present) seemingly chaotic, confusing and complex historical
period, there is a need for a perspective on humanity which does not take preconceived
assumptions about human societies for granted, which is sensitive to both similarities and
differences, and which simultaneously approaches the human world from a global and a
local angle. The only academic subject which fulfils these conditions is anthropology, which
studies humans in societies under the most varying circumstances imaginable, yet searches
for patterns and similarities, but is fundamentally critical of quick solutions and simple
answers to complex questions.
While trying to combat malaria in an African country, Western health officials showed films
about the danger of malaria. In order to obtain the necessary effect on the screen the malaria
mosquito was enlarged ten times its normal size. To the disappointment and amazement
of the health officials, their campaign against malaria met with little success in the area.
When they investigated the matter closely, members of the host group pointed out to them
10
WHAT IS ANTHROPOLOGY?
that they did not have such big mosquitoes in the area! This is just one example of why the
target group must be consulted and why firsthand research is needed before the planning
and implementation of a project. This often involves the input of anthropologists.
Paul Bohannan (1963:32), the American anthropologist, refers to the tremendous influence
which the study of anthropology has had on his life when he says:
Just knowing that there are many cultures, provides you with something like binocular
vision. You will have two sets of lenses through which to view yourself and your culture.
The foreground stands out; the background becomes clear, and the enrichment is stunning.
When you expand your perspective, some of the walls of your cultural prison will disappear.
Anthropology is the best way I know to make people more wholly human. It reveals what
a privilege it is – and how much fun it is – to be human.
If we study only our own context and sociocultural system we merely produce what anthropologists call “culture-bound” explanations that cannot be applied to humans in general. What we
are trying to become sensitive to is the fact that people adapt to different environments and that
they do this physically and socioculturally. This, in turn, leads us to understanding behaviour in
others that at first might seem strange – and this again can prevent misunderstanding between
people (see Ember et al 2005:10).
“Experience”
The Karretjie People (“Donkey cart people”) of the arid Great Karoo region of South Africa are itinerant sheep shearers and their way of life involves constant mobility. They are
direct descendants of the earliest inhabitants of the Karoo, the /Xam San/Bushmen. If you
were allowed to live for a year as a member of this small “floating community”, what kind
of adaptations would you have to make?
• Your itinerant lifestyle would make both agriculture and keeping livestock difficult.
• Low rainfall and extreme temperatures would also be a challenge.
• You would have to dispense with most of your material possessions in the interests of
mobility.
• Your overnight shelter (“house”) would have to be designed in a way so that it could be
regularly erected and dismantled and the building materials would have to be transportable.
• You would have to learn to share everything, particularly food, during the frequently
difficult times.
• You would be living and travelling with a domestic unit or family that is relatively small
(again, for the sake of mobility).
• You would camp overnight and travel with other Karretjie (cart) units and they would
all be related by kinship – in the interest of mutual assistance and the fact that the adult
men sheared together as a team.
• You would have no electricity, running water or regular income.
• You would be regarded, and called a skelm (rascal, thief), because occasionally you would
have to slaughter a farmer’s sheep when your little family no longer had any food to
eat – or simply because the surrounding communities do not understand your itinerant
lifestyle and are therefore suspicious of you.
(De Jongh 2004)
Differences and misunderstandings between people are often quite subtle – body language,
gestures, perception of personal space – or they might be more explicit. In southern Africa,
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LEARNING THEME 1
for example, people dance for varying reasons and, depending on a particular context, some
people dance for recreation or practise dancing as a competitive “sport”. Others dance “with
joy” or when they celebrate a significant life event such as a wedding. Yet others (trance)-dance
to communicate with the spirit world or on other ritual occasions, while others dance when
they are angry or protesting – toyi-toyi.
It is for the anthropologist to “translate” such expressions of differing sociocultural systems
in order to prevent misunderstandings that are often based on stereotypes or presumptions.
To further illustrate this principle, here are some examples of literal (mis)-translations that can
occur in the sociocultural domain of communication:
•
•
•
In Flemish, the General Motors’ caption “Body by Fisher” became “Corpse By Fisher”.
In Chinese, Pepsi-Cola’s slogan “Come Alive With Pepsi” became “Pepsi will bring your
ancestors back from the grave”.
In Brazil, a US Airline promised plush “rendezvous lounges” in its first-class sections without
realising that, in Portuguese, this refers to a room for love-making (Strang 2009:104, quoting
Ferraro 1998)
Put more simply, and to conclude this section, anthropology mainly offers two kinds of insight:
•
•
It produces data and knowledge of the actual sociocultural variation of human systems
around the world.
It has methods of research, or fieldwork, and theoretical perspectives that make it possible
to not only compare and understand such variations in the expression of the human condition, and also to discern similarities. Importantly, what anthropology offers is both matters
to think about and ways or skills to think with.
ACTIVITY 1.4
Think about the issues we have raised so far – and consider all the familiar features
and aspects of your own environment and life, both human and physical. Would you
now at least begin to view all of these differently, in a new light, and perhaps with
more understanding or sensitivity?
List a number of examples and give your reasons why you now view these issues
differently.
KEY CONCEPTS IN THIS LEARNING THEME
anthropology, discipline, archaeology, biological anthropology, sociocultural anthropology,
linguistics, holistic, contextualisation, comparative method, fieldwork, sociocultural system,
anthropological relevance
12
WHAT IS ANTHROPOLOGY?
SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS
•
•
•
•
•
•
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What is so “special” about the anthropological approach?
How does anthropological “fieldwork” differ from other strategies of
collecting information/data?
Critically consider the claim by anthropologists that they can address the
problem of misunderstandings and differences between people who come
from different sociocultural contexts.
Explain the following statement, “... what anthropology offers is both
matters to think about and ways or skill to think with”.
Answer this question: “Why do you want to become an anthropologist?”
What are anthropologists going to do for a living now that the people
they used to study receive a school education, have cellular telephones,
watch television and dress fashionably?
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LEARNING THEME
LEARNING THEME 2
2
THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL WAY:
DOING FIELDWORK – RESEARCH
2
2.
OVERVIEW
The purpose of this learning theme is to explain what fieldwork entails. As you know, fieldwork is
one of the main “tools” of anthropology. In this learning theme, we shall explain how to obtain
information or data about people and demonstrate the various methods used by anthropologists; we shall also critically assess the role of the anthropologist.
This learning theme is organised as follows:
2.1
2.2
2.3
2.4
2.5
2.6
Introduction
Fieldwork and ethnography
Preparing for fieldwork and entering the field
Fieldwork methodology, methods and techniques
Disorientation and “culture shock”
Ethnographic fieldwork – anthropological self-criticism
CRITICAL QUESTIONS
• What does fieldwork entail?
• How does research methodology in anthropology differ from that in other
disciplines?
• What is ethnography and what methods are used while doing ethnographic
fieldwork?
• Are the reports or texts that we produce true reflections or representations
of the people and sociocultural systems that we study?
2.1
3
INTRODUCTION
When you first registered at Unisa you entered, or at least were exposed to, an entirely new
“world”. You must have had similar experiences when you joined a new gymnasium or sports
club, moved to a new flat, house or neighbourhood, or arrived at a new job. In every case you
met or had to deal with people you had not known before – strangers. You also had to learn
or become familiar with their “ways of doing” and probably also the various rules, regulations
or laws that were different from those you had grown up with. Some of these “strangers” may
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THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL WAY: DOING FIELDWORK – RESEARCH
even have spoken a language which you did not understand – whatever happened, your experience gave you some idea of what fieldwork in anthropology entails.
Re-read the relevant sections of the introduction to this module, INTRODUCTION, ORIENTATION AND WELCOME TO ANTHROPOLOGY, where we first gave you an idea of
what fieldwork in anthropology entails.
In that same introduction, and in Learning Theme 1, we indicated that one of the key questions
anthropologists seek to address is how we can account for both the uniformity and diversity of
human beings and human behaviour (the human experience and the human condition):
Probably the most significant way in which anthropologists have tried to develop an understanding
of different societies in diverse settings, and of their own people and their own context, is by
spending extended periods of time with other people in their own surroundings and becoming
familiar with their activities in their context. This is what fieldwork in anthropology involves. In
short: experiencing something of other people’s lives.
2.2
FIELDWORK AND ETHNOGRAPHY
We have already explained that fieldwork is one of the distinctive features of anthropology and
that this method of doing research is what differentiates it from other disciplines or fields of study.
To do fieldwork, anthropologists have to leave their offices, libraries, lecture rooms, homes,
towns or cities and sometimes their own countries to study another community or people in
a different setting by spending a prolonged period of time with them. What the anthropologist
is doing is often called ethnographic fieldwork, because ethnography is both the process
and the product of fieldwork. In the early days of anthropology, ethnography was regarded,
and practised, as a mere description of a group of people (although this is no longer the case).
“Ethnography” is derived from the Greek ethnos (peoples) and graphein (to write). Literally: to write about peoples. Anthropologists used to regard this as the descriptive study of
“cultures” or “human societies”.
When anthropologists now produce knowledge, that is, when they do ethnography, this involves
more than just describing the people and their activities or just collecting information or data. This
is because analysis is already, and should instinctively be, part of the ethnographic description.
Description answers the question what and possibly where, but analysis answers the questions why
and how. Anthropologists are both curious and sceptical, so these are the kinds of questions they
want to answer. The other important aspect of ethnography is the writing up of the information
and the findings – this is called the recording of, or the reporting on the data collected. This, in
turn, representation – that is, the anthropologist now represents the people and their activities
that he or she studied. This representation is a text, usually in the form of a research report, a
paper for presentation at a conference, an article, a dissertation, a thesis or a book.
Important questions and criticisms regarding representation and the creation of anthropological
texts have been raised with increasing frequency, particularly over the last number of years. Have
anthropologists/ethnographers been fair in their representation of the people they studied? Are
the texts that they produce true reflections of the reality – as experienced and lived by those
people? We will get back to these issues later in this learning theme.
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LEARNING THEME 2
ACTIVITY 2.1
To turn your thinking toward these kinds of discussions and criticisms, consider
the following:
•
•
•
•
•
•
You attended a soccer or rugby game
You went to see a movie
You read a book that was recently published
You attended a political rally
You attended a show by a popular singer or performer
You witnessed or were involved in a motorcar accident
You then subsequently read or hear or see a newspaper or television or radio report,
review or commentary about the above – or you speak to a friend about the very same
experience. Do you find that such reports are a true reflection of your own personal
experience? Did your friend experience the event in the same way you did?
If not, why do you think you differ?
Remember that such reports are “texts” created by the person who presents or
writes or produces them. Although they are supposed to be an accurate representation of “what actually happened”, peoples’ perceptions differ – and when anthropologists produce an ethnographic record of people and their activities, this is the
very challenge they face.
2.3
PREPARING FOR FIELDWORK AND ENTERING THE
FIELD
It almost goes without saying that thorough preparation is required before an anthropologist
embarks on a fieldwork project, because he/she will be dealing with people and their context
for the first time. If you intend to visit a foreign country you need to find out more about the
place, the people, the conventions, the customs etc. beforehand. You will also need “permission”
to enter the country by having to obtain a passport and/or visa. Also, of course, you will need
money for travelling and other costs.
Preparation for fieldwork in anthropology begins with the selection of a research topic, which
will involve deciding on where and how the fieldwork is to be done.
Once the decision on a research theme and the locality of the fieldwork has been made, the
anthropologist will need to collect as much information as possible about the people and the
topic he or she is going to research. He or she will need to consult all published, internet and
unpublished sources such as unpublished dissertations and theses. Maps and aerial photographs
are also useful orientation aids in a rural area. In some cases, street plans, a factory outlay or
even an office floor plan might be useful. If the anthropologist is commissioned by an organisation to conduct the research, he or she will have to present the organisation with a concrete
research proposal. Please note that a concrete research proposal is also required for students
undertaking Master and Doctoral studies. Such a research proposal usually includes the following information:
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THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL WAY: DOING FIELDWORK – RESEARCH
•
•
•
•
•
•
a delimitation of the research area or field and the theoretical orientation of the proposal,
based on an exhaustive study of the relevant subject and other literature
the relevance and significance of the research
a depiction of the people who are the focus of the investigation
a discussion of the research methodology, and the methods and techniques that will be used
to collect data
the probable duration and phases or stages of the research
a budget of the expenses of the researcher and his or her assistants, as well as the compensation required for such assistants
Before undertaking any research, the anthropologist must, of course, obtain permission from
the people he or she wishes to research and study. This means that he or she will have to visit
them and explain what the research entails. Knowledge of their language or the services of
a good interpreter (if the anthropologist is at first unable to communicate in that language)
is also a requirement, otherwise serious misunderstandings can arise. An example of such a
misunderstanding is given by an anthropologist who wanted to conduct research in the town
El Pinar in Spain:
I was introduced by a friend to a group of men, mostly fairly elderly civil servants, and one
of the older men asked what I did. In my best Spanish, I said I was un antropólogo. There
was a definite stir in the group, as the man looked rather taken aback and, after a pause,
inquired, “Are there many of you in your country?” My answer was that there were probably only about seven or eight thousand of us in the world. My friend, seeing that something
was wrong, took the man aside to see what was troubling him about me. It turned out he
had a hearing problem and thought I said I was un antropófago, that is, … a cannibal. We
got the mix-up straightened out, but thereafter I simply said I was a professor who was
writing a book and left out the details unless specifically asked for them.
(Aceves & King 1979:8)
Entering the field and being accepted by the people whom the anthropologist wants to research
is a crucial and often delicate stage of any project. If he or she is rejected by these people, then,
of course, the fieldwork will simply never happen. Equally, whatever the group or community
the anthropologist intends to study, he or she has to take into account all the people, authorities
etc that his or her “research subjects” interact with. See the following extract.
In order to establish myself as a researcher in the context of the domain of the Karretjie
Peoples’ range of activities, particularly as an outsider in almost every sense of the word,
was a major challenge. The towns and districts of the region, in fact the Great Karoo at
large, comprise manifest communities or at least divided sets of social networks based on
wealth, ideology, language, race, economic activity, locality, etcetera, with the Karretjie
People out on a limb in virtually every respect. Thus to create and develop an appropriate
association, let alone rapport, with the Karretjie People, especially given their tenuous
social, political and economic circumstances, was both a critical and delicate undertaking.
My intention from the outset was that fieldwork among the Karretjie People should be
part of a longitudinal project. As opposed to “helicopter” research (“hit-and-run”, “quickand-dirty”, call it what you may), it was important that I establish my bona fides and that I
try to ensure my continued functioning in the area for an extended period of time. I could
thus ill afford outright rejection by any section of the wider community, particularly the
farming community and obviously the Karretjie People themselves. It was thus important
to achieve and maintain effective access to “opposing” sections of the community, or at
least to be tolerated as an eccentric with peculiar interests and what is perceived locally
as a bizarre array of local friendships.
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LEARNING THEME 2
The strategy I adopted was to meet with farmers, or my face at least became familiar to
them, at community and agricultural events such as the annual sheep festival or the South
African Merino Sheep championships, or I approached them on their farms, either indirectly,
by showing an interest in archaeological or historical sites on their property, or directly by
visiting at the farmhouse and explaining the nature and extent of the project.
All of this may, however, have come to naught given a single overriding reality – the farmer is
the lord of the manor. He has absolute control over access to the farm for both anthropologist and Karretjie People, he determines the conditions of such possible presence on the
property, he dictates the movement of, and the interaction, between people. The eventual
response by the farmers to my requests and activities placed them on a scale governed by
variables including ideology and political agenda, socioeconomic status, domestic labour
practices and pretentiousness (amazingly, someone from a university or with some academic
qualifications is still in this area of South Africa regarded as having some prestige!) Most
of the farmers were hospitable but I was careful not to accept their hospitality before my
bona fides was established with other sections of the community, but especially the Karretjie People. Still, few of them comprehended or acknowledged the reason, or the need,
to study these people. My activities were regarded as strange, unconventional, and even
unnatural. After all, “What is there to learn, and if there were, we can tell you all you want
to know about these Boesmans” (Bushmen).
My contacts with the Karretjie People were in every instance established directly. Their
position in the local social hierarchy is such that an intermediary from any other section
of the community, for example a farmer, acting on my behalf would have put me at an even
greater initial disadvantage. As it is, my friendly approach was at first regarded with utter
suspicion. Conventionally the only relations the Karretjie People had with whites was of a
structured or categorical nature, for example employer-employee, shopkeeper-customer.
They were in fact more accustomed to being under constant threat from that quarter,
from the police in terms of eviction from an outspan (a “neutral” place next to a secondary
road where they erected their temporary overnight shelters), from farmers and police for
alleged sheep-stealing and slaughtering or from passers-by for whatever reason. Although
it took a long time, I eventually managed to break down the barriers that local behavioural
codes put between us. My friendship with the Karretjie People broke every local rule and
convention in terms of interpersonal and intercommunity relations. But once it became
clear that I had no hidden agenda or ulterior motive, other than gaining knowledge about
them and the context in which they function, a relationship of trust developed. This was
increasingly reinforced whenever I was able to be of assistance either materially or in an
advocacy role. As, for instance, when I intervened after an incident when a passing farmer
had shot and killed two donkeys at an outspan and by so doing effectively denied one Karretjie family its means of livelihood.
Like the Karretjie People, I had to accept, however, that to function effectively, I was required
to a certain extent to abide by the local rules. When I was allowed to observe activities in
the shearing shed it was at the behest of the farmer and I was cast on “his side”. In such a
situation the shearers’ spontaneity and friendliness towards me were muted and surreptitious. I was served tea when the farmer’s tea-tray arrived, while the perspiring shearers
remained doubled-up over their sheep. The influence of the context and the collective,
conditioned mind-set is such that in spite of my extensive and intensive involvement with,
and my acceptance by the Karretjie People, some of them even now still have a problem
“graduating” in terms of form of address, from baas (boss) to meneer (mister) let alone to
Mike. Despite an eventually promising understanding in this regard my intermittent absence
would have them revert to “baas” or at least “Professor Mike”. Some indication of my
standing in the Karretjie community was at least given by virtue of the shearers, sometimes
within hours, reporting back to me the farmers’ views as regards my activities, for example
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THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL WAY: DOING FIELDWORK – RESEARCH
Daardie mal professor gaan julle nog so bederf dat julle glad nie meer wil werk nie (That crazy
professor is going to spoil you to the extent that you won’t want to work at all any more).
The Karretjie People’s district-wide network ensured that they were completely informed,
and hence I was privy to the farmers’ financial problems, political persuasion, personal
quarrels, marriage problems, labour relations and even drinking habits.
(De Jongh 2010:280–284)
(Mike de Jongh is a professor emeritus in our department. He has been doing research amongst
the itinerant, sheep-shearing Karretjie People [“Donkey cart People”] of the Great Karoo for
some fifteen years)
2.4
FIELDWORK METHODOLOGY, METHODS AND
TECHNIQUES
We have already indicated that fieldwork or ethnographic research is one of the characteristic
features of anthropology and that it specifically involves firsthand, direct (“face-to-face”) contact
with the people being studied. Anthropologists use a particular methodology (research strategy,
including a specific approach, theoretical orientation and certain methods and techniques) to
collect information or data in the field.
“FIELD” in anthropology has attained a much broader meaning than the original remote
“tribal” village. It now refers to every place or context where there are human beings working, functioning, interacting or living. Institutional or other settings are now anthropological
research sites, and the people in the different environments include: combatants in war
zones, the elderly in hospices, HIV patients, fire fighters, drug dealers, religious movements,
athletes, tourists, factory workers, gay club members, land claimants, teenage single mothers, itinerant circus performers. Crazy though it may sound, for a number of years now in
America there has been a speculative “space and extraterrestrial anthropology” preparing
for future fieldwork on space stations, spacecraft, possible settlements on the Moon, Mars
and beyond, including the possibility of fieldwork with intelligent nonhuman extraterrestrials!)
(see Maruyama & Harkins 1975)
Probably the hallmark of anthropological methods is participant observation. Bronislaw Malinowski, who did fieldwork in the Trobriand Islands, is the anthropologist who first properly
adopted this strategy and his work has become the classical model for others to follow. Participant observation entails a “peculiar combination of subjectivity and objectivity, adventure and
work, romanticism and pragmatism” (Peacock 1986:54). To be simultaneously a participant and
an observer is a skill not easily mastered. As participant observers, we take part in community
life as we study it.
Participant observation requires that the researcher immerse him- or herself in the daily lives of
the people being studied. The “participation part” implies that the researcher has committed his
or her thoughts, emotions, feelings, etc to the real-world fieldwork setting. The “observer part”
implies that the researcher has recorded his or her observations in an objective, scientific and
systematic manner. The combination of these two roles (ie participant and observer) requires
a very delicate balancing act. Malinowski stressed that the anthropologist should not only live
in the host group or community, but should also learn the local language. Neither observation
nor participation alone will be enough, however, simply because an observer cannot know the
true meaning of the actions of others until he or she has had an opportunity to participate in
them: “… participation [alone] is insufficient for, without the ability to step back and observe
objectively, we are unable to grasp the meaning of our actions” (Friedl & Pfeiffer 1977:333).
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LEARNING THEME 2
“Anthropology is the most humanistic of the sciences and the most scientific of the humanities.”
Alfred L Kroeber (1876–1960)
Thus, one of the main objectives of participant observation consists of encountering research
subjects in their everyday context. Rather than putting people into artificial or “experimental” situations, the anthropologist observes them – often by just “hanging around” for lengthy
periods of time, or talks to them in their ordinary, everyday situation. Instead of interviewing
them via questionnaires, anthropologists have long conversations with their research subjects,
at least partly on their own terms, in order to obtain their versions of the issues at hand and
their reflections about their own existence (rather than trying to formulate concise answers to
specific questions – see Eriksen (2004:46)).
Herewith an excerpt from Malinowski’s Argonauts of the western Pacific (1966:7–8). Keep in mind
that this book was first published in 1922, hence the use of the terms “native”, “savage”, etc.
People who were illiterate or practised a simple means of subsistence during those times were
stereotypically labelled “uncivilised” or “primitive”:
Soon after I had established myself in Omarakana Trobriand Islands, I began to take part,
in a way, in the village life, to look forward to the important or festive events, to take
personal interest in the gossip and the developments of the village occurrences; to wake
up every morning to a day, presenting itself to me more or less as it does to the natives.
I would get out from under my mosquito net, to find around me the village life beginning
to stir, or the people well advanced in their working day according to the hour or also the
season, for they get up and begin their labour early or late, as work presses. As I went on
my morning walk through the village, I could see intimate details of family life, of toilet,
cooking, taking of meals; I could see the arrangements for the day’s work, people starting
on their errands, or groups of men and women busy at some manufacturing tasks. Quarrels,
jokes, family scenes, events usually trivial, sometimes dramatic but always significant, form
the atmosphere of my daily life, as well as of theirs. It must be remembered that the natives
see me constantly, they ceased to be interested or alarmed, or made self-conscious by my
presence, I ceased to be a disturbing element in the tribal life which I was to study, altering
it by my very approach, as always happens with a newcomer to every savage community. In
fact as they knew that I would thrust my nose into everything, even where a well-mannered
native would not dream of intruding, they finished by regarding me as part and parcel of
their life, a necessary evil or nuisance, mitigated by donations of tobacco.
Later on in the day, whatever happened was in easy reach, and there was no possibility of
its escaping my notice. Alarms about the sorcerer’s approach in the evening, one or two
big, really important quarrels and rifts within the community, cases of illness, attempted
cures and deaths, magical rites which had to be performed, all these I had not to pursue,
fearful of missing them, but they took place under my very eyes, at my own doorstep, so
to speak. And it must be emphasized whenever anything dramatic or important occurs it
is essential to investigate it at the very moment of happening, because the natives cannot
but talk about it, are too excited to be reticent, and too interested to be mentally lazy
in supplying details. Also, over and over again, I committed breaches of etiquette, which
the natives, familiar enough with me, were not slow in pointing out. I had to learn how to
behave, and to a certain extent, I acquired “the feeling of native good and bad manners”.
With this and with the capacity of enjoying their company and sharing some of their games
and amusements, I began to feel that I was indeed in touch with the natives, and this is
certainly the preliminary condition of being able to carry on successful fieldwork.
The importance of participant observation as a method used during ethnographic fieldwork
should now be clear. Anthropologists obviously have to keep a record of their impressions, ob20
THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL WAY: DOING FIELDWORK – RESEARCH
servations and information gained throughout this process. Many still prefer to use a notebook,
but laptop computers, audio recorders, digital and video cameras are proving to be invaluable
additional or alternative ways of documenting images and data in the field. A personal diary is
also a useful way to record the researcher’s day-to-day experiences, feelings and perceptions –
and thus often helps to contextualise the data obtained on a particular day.
ACTIVITY 2.2
Study the passage from Malinowski’s book and list at least ten phenomena and
activities that he identified during his observation of the daily activities of the
Trobriand Islanders.
Now it is your turn to be an anthropologist and to do some participant observation: the next time you attend a meeting or a church service or a party or a game
or a dinner with friends or a wedding or any other gathering of people, consciously
make a point of observing while participating in the event. Afterwards make notes
on the following: the venue/place/setting; the people who attended, whether they
were related and how, and how they were dressed; the activities/proceedings; the
interaction between the participants etc.
Needless to say, anthropologists also use other research methods and techniques, and in the
third-level study guide, APY3701, we deal more extensively with these methods – “Qualitative
research methodology: the anthropological strategy”. However, the following will give you some
idea of what these methods entail:
™ In participant observation, the anthropologist speaks constantly with the people whom he
or she is studying and asks questions about the things they observe. In the process, the anthropologist will identify certain knowledgeable persons (specifically concerning the research
topic). The anthropologist will then conduct interviews with these people, and this will include in-depth or intensive interviewing about matters relevant to the research problem.
Although anthropologists often use quite strict guidelines for selecting informants or research
participants, more flexible measures are sometimes more appropriate. The obvious route to
go is to opt for prominent and knowledgeable individuals: community leaders; government
administrative or tribal officials; “outsiders” who, through long and intensive involvement
with an organisation or group, have become well-informed; and persons who have become
conversant with certain areas of activity (eg politics, religion, education or food production)
– so-called key informants.
Still, nobody can provide more useful information than the people concerned. The conventional anthropological inclination to go to the people at grassroots level produces the best
results. The opinions of those directly involved are the most important and most useful
(eg members of a faction in a conflict situation, the poor in an informal settlement, street
children, factory workers and those in need of medical treatment or health-care facilities).
The nature of a research project will, of course, also determine which informants to use
and, as participant observation progresses, suitable individuals will increasingly “present
themselves”.
Focus or other group interviews may be seen as an extension of individual interviews. Such
a group is usually identified because the individuals share the same interests, knowledge
or characteristics. The value of interviews with focus or other groups is that participants
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LEARNING THEME 2
contradict or corroborate information provided – important insights are gained about disagreements or perceptual variations within a particular group or sociocultural context.
ACTIVITY 2.3
Now select your own “key informant”, a member of your family, a friend or a colleague
at work and conduct an intensive or in-depth interview with her or him. Your objective is to determine what a “typical week” in the life of this person entails. Your line
of questioning should centre on the following:
• at what time does he/she start a day
• details of every activity, even seemingly insignificant, that the person is involved
in until bed-time at night – and for every day of the week
• all the people he/she has contact with, and for what reason, throughout this
period
• every place visited and for what reason
Be original, think like an anthropologist and ask other questions – endeavour to “get
a grip” on the conventional life of your informant and the context(s) in which she/he
functions.
™ The genealogical method, as an ethnographic technique, was developed by early anthropologists in their study of the principles of kinship, descent and marriage. Anthropologists
record genealogical data in order to reconstruct family history and to gain an understanding of
relationships among the people they are studying. According to Kottak (1994:25): “Everyone
is related to, and spends most of his or her time with, everyone else, and rules of behaviour
attached to particular kin relationships are basic to everyday life”. The genealogical method
essentially entails questioning informants about their relatives (kin), naming all those they
can remember, living or dead, and indicating the nature of the relationship (“relatedness”)
between them.
Genealogical diagrams (kinship diagrams or a family tree) are then drawn and, at the same
time, anthropologists discover the kinship terms used by the people (father, mother, cousin,
mother-in-law etc), marriage conventions and descent or succession rules. (See Learning
Theme 8 – “BLOOD IS THICKER THAN WATER”: RELATIVES AND RELATIONS, KINSHIP AND FRIENDSHIP for a more comprehensive discussion of these matters.)
ACTIVITY 2.4
Now for some more anthropological research! This time you are both the anthropologist and the informant:
Starting with yourself, write down the name of every person related to you (that
you are aware of or can remember) and the nature of that relationship (eg father,
mother, sister, brother, grandfather, grandmother, son, daughter, uncle, aunt etc).
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THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL WAY: DOING FIELDWORK – RESEARCH
Initially anthropologists mainly studied preliterate communities in rural areas and, for these
people, kinship was extremely important because it determined an individual’s status and position. Also, succession and inheritance were according to kinship relations. For anthropologists,
therefore, kinship was the key to understanding the structure and function of a community –
economically, politically, ritually, etc.
Nowadays, however, anthropologists do research in all kinds of contexts, including in urban
areas and among more complex communities or groups where kinship ties are less important
(although not completely unimportant). In order to trace and understand social relations in a
wider sense than just those based on kinship, anthropologists also make use of social (or personal) network analysis. This strategy incorporates relationships beyond those established by
kinship and marriage and hence also includes relationships derived from friendship, the workplace, sport or a common interest. Tracing an informant’s social network also starts with the
individual and radiates outwards, like a spider’s web, to include family, friends, acquaintances
and other less important, and even sporadic, relations.
ACTIVITY 2.5
Repeat the previous activity, but now make a list of every person, related to you or
not, with whom you had contact during a typical day – and what the reason or nature
of this contact was.
™ Life history method. It is not unusual for anthropologists to ask an informant for an autobiography or life history. As an individual recounts the things that have shaped his or her life,
he/she interprets life’s events by reference to his/her sociocultural system. In the process,
he or she will reveal insights into the ways he or she, and by extension, other members of
the community, perceive their world. Life histories also provide data about how individuals
adjust to the restraints placed on them by their sociocultural system and to the things that
have happened to them. The matter of personal response is particularly important to those
interested in psychological anthropology (see Spradley & McCurdy 1975:56).
2.5
DISORIENTATION AND “CULTURE SHOCK”
We have said, several times, that the experience of an anthropologist when he or she first arrives in the field is similar to the experience of moving to a new neighbourhood or job. There
is a feeling of disorientation because much is unfamiliar, the people, the environment, finding
your way around and the local practices, rules, etiquette or customs. Malinowski famously
wrote about his impressions when he first arrived on the Trobriand Islands in the South Pacific:
“Imagine yourself suddenly set down surrounded by all your gear, alone on a tropical beach
close to a native village, while the launch or dinghy which has brought you sails away out
of sight.”
([1922] 1961:4)
You can easily “translate” this into an experience you might have had:
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LEARNING THEME 2
You stepped off the plane in a foreign country, collected your luggage and then faced the
unknown
OR
Your parents dropped you off at your new school with your school case and waved goodbye.
You turned around and saw a strange building and other children whom you did not know.
Anthropologists have also called this feeling of disorientation culture shock, a psychological
condition of uncertainty and stress. This is what anthropologists often experience in the initial
stages of their fieldwork and this is as a result of strange circumstances and people and things
that, at first, they do not understand. Even experienced anthropologists endure culture shock
during their first few days in the research field. The anthropologist is, in fact, a stranger who has
to adapt to another way of doing things, and the contrast between the known and the unknown
can sometimes be very big indeed. You are often far away from familiar people, you cannot speak
or understand the language at all well and, this, in itself, makes communication difficult. Nor do
you know how to behave in any set of circumstances.
I can still remember how I experienced some anxiety during a service of the Zionist Christian Church whilst I was doing fieldwork in the Limpopo Province. Although I had done a
fair amount of reading about the services of this particular church, I did not know what to
do when the minister asked us to pray. When I stood up, which is what I was accustomed
to, the other people kneeled, lent forward and said something. While I was busy kneeling
down, the other people, still in a kneeling position, sat up. The service was a long drawn
out affair in which four ministers were given the opportunity to preach. There were also
five interpreters each of whom translated the message into a different language. The service lasted about six hours during which people came and left. I however did not know if I,
as guest, could just disappear considering the hearty welcome I received at the beginning.
(Frik de Beer, previously a professor in this department)
Whether or not he or she can deal with culture shock may well depend on the anthropologist’s
personality. Some have been known to hastily return home. However, once the anthropologist
has adapted him or herself to the unfamiliar circumstances, he/she will reap the reward, not
in terms of money or material reward, but in terms of an “investment” in people. People will
interrupt essential work in the fields or excuse themselves from important meetings in order to
keep an appointment with you. This is why having an interpreter, at least initially, is so important
– it is the interpreter who will establish communication between the anthropologist and his or
her research subjects. Ideally, however, it is best to learn the language of the people he or she
is studying. In this way many doors are often involuntarily opened to the anthropologtist. Bear
in mind that there might be more subtle nuances of communication, such as body language, or
“corporate speak” that the anthropologist must be sensitive to.
2.6
ETHNOGRAPHIC FIELDWORK –
ANTHROPOLOGICAL SELF-CRITICISM
Are the reports or texts that we produce true reflections or representations of the people and
sociocultural systems that we study?
Do we report on what we perceive about peoples’ values, lifestyle etc are, or what their values
and lifestyle actually are – or at least what these are from their perspective?
Do anthropologists not take their own personal or sociocultural biases and assumptions into
the field with them?
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THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL WAY: DOING FIELDWORK – RESEARCH
Isn’t the very presence of an anthropologist (an outsider) in the field disruptive and doesn’t it
influence the behaviour of the people studied (and therefore distort the data)?
Don’t anthropologists go into the field and impose upon people for what they can get out rather
than for what they can give back?
Anthropologists have been posing these and many other searching questions about the anthropological endeavour for many years – but this soul-searching and introspection have intensified over
the last few years. Concerns were increasingly raised about many issues, including the following:
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
the power relation between the anthropologist (researcher/subject) and the people studied
(object)
objectivity as opposed to subjectivity
modes (ways/styles) of representing or depicting those studied
accountability and reciprocity
relativism and ethnocentrism
reflexivity
the emic and the etic
Many of these terms and concepts might at this stage be unfamiliar to you. Let us now see what
they entail and imply, and what the critical debate in anthropology is all about.
As long ago as 1922 Malinowski encouraged an approach to fieldwork that, through participant
observation, would enable anthropologists to “grasp the native’s point of view”; the belief was
that this subjective perspective would complement the researcher/anthropologist’s more objective viewpoint (Malinowski 1961:25). In subsequent years it became increasingly important for
anthropologists to see the people being studied as actors “in” their own sociocultural context and
to be aware of how they perceive and categorise the world and what has meaning for them. This
is known as the emic approach, and is in contrast with an approach that studies the sociocultural
system from the “outside” as a scientist. The latter is known as the etic or researcher-oriented
approach. Here, the focus of research shifts from people’s own categories, explanations and
interpretations to those of the anthropologist. In the case of the etic approach, the researcher
works from the assumption that people are so subjectively involved in their own lifestyle that
they find it difficult to have an impartial view of it. In fact, the researcher, like all scientists, is
also human and possesses preferences and predispositions that make unqualified objectivity impossible. This is why anthropologists combine the etic and emic approaches in their fieldwork
strategies. Experience has shown that interaction between these two approaches produces a
more meaningful and accurate representation of peoples’ sociocultural systems.
In the 1950s, the linguist Kenneth Pike proposed a distinction between the emic and etic
aspects of culture (Headland et al. 1990). These terms were derived from the distinction
between phonemics and phonetics in linguistics; the significance of a given sound versus its
frequency. In the context of anthropology, the (phon-) emic level refers to local cultural reality, whether it is conscious or unconscious to the people in question. The (phon-) etic level
constitutes, on the contrary, the analytical language of comparison that anthropologists use
to describe and make sense of the central aspects of this reality. Pike himself mentions the
art of cycling as an example of emic knowledge. It is a typical “how to” kind of knowledge;
of the many who are able to ride a bike successfully, few can explain how to do it. However,
they can all demonstrate the skill to others.
(Eriksen 2004:57–58)
Related to the emic and etic approaches, and complementary to them, are the notions of
cultural relativism and ethnocentrism. These concepts have had currency in anthropology
for much longer quite simply because people in general display, or are “guilty of” attitudes that
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LEARNING THEME 2
are symptomatic of such perceptions – particularly ethnocentrism. Ethnocentrism is the
inclination of many people to regard their own sociocultural system or way of life as superior,
and they use the values and practices of their own system to judge the behaviour and beliefs
of others. Although ethnocentrism enhances sociocultural solidarity and a sense of community
among people who share similar traditions, it encourages the belief that people who behave
differently are strange, immoral or even barbaric or primitive. People tend to believe that their
own familiar explanations, opinions and customs are correct, proper, true and moral. Many
South Africans, for example, would regard eating dogs or insects or drinking the blood of a
cow, mixed with milk, unacceptable, even disgusting. But some of these same people find eating
beef or the South African delicacy biltong (seasoned, dry and raw venison or the meat of cattle)
quite appetising. The Hindus people of India, however, would regard the South African custom of
eating beef primitive and disgusting (because Hinduism teaches that the cow is a sacred animal).
ACTIVITY 2.6
How would you assess the following situation?
At the annual graduation ceremonies of Unisa the audience politely, sometimes
enthusiastically, clap their hands when a white, Indian, Chinese or coloured student
receives her/his degree. When a black student graduates, however, there are shouts
of praise and the women of the graduate’s family ululate and even dance in the aisles.
When this happens, some of the “other” parents, family and members of the audience
look disconcerted, disapproving and even shocked by this behaviour.
Counteracting ethnocentrism is the notion of cultural relativism and this suggests that
behaviour in a specific sociocultural system should not be judged by the values and norms of
another system. In other words, a group or community or society’s behaviour, ideas, beliefs
and customs should be studied and understood within their own context and judged as equally
valid. Anthropologists have tried to negate ethnocentrism by spending extended periods of time
in different sociocultural systems among the people themselves – thus learning by direct and
personal experience that “different” people are no less human. They have thus resisted ranking
sociocultural systems and have attempted to understand them on their own terms. If they assess them, they simply try to judge whether these systems satisfy the needs and expectations
of the people themselves.
Recently, South Africa’s President Jacob Zuma’s marriage to another wife resulted in drastically divergent reactions from both prominent commentators and the public at large – locally and abroad. The views about his polygamous marriage (actually polygynous – one male
married to more than one female, as opposed to polygamous – a multiple marriage which
could also include one female married to more than one male, ie polyandry – see Learning
Theme 8) ranged from claiming that it flouted the Constitution’s directive of gender equality to claiming “that is Zulu culture” – compare sections in the South African Constitution
which allow people to practise their own culture.
Wearing a leopard-skin mantle and an animal-pelt loincloth together with white takkies, South Africa’s 67-year-old president, Jacob Zuma, celebrated his marriage to his
third concurrent wife (and fifth bride in all) in a grand Zulu ceremony attended by
3,000 guests at his family home deep in rural KwaZulu Natal.
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THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL WAY: DOING FIELDWORK – RESEARCH
His latest wife, Thobeka Madiba, who calls herself a “socialite”, is the mother of three
of his 19 officially acknowledged children by at least seven women. At least one other
fiancée is said to be waiting in the wings.
Some South Africans, three-quarters of whom profess to be Christian, are displeased.
But while disapproving of polygamy, they enjoy their president’s unabashed embrace
of his Zulu origins, beliefs and traditions. Polygamy is an accepted part of this, though
it is practised less and less, not least because it is so expensive.
Former Sowetan editor Mike Siluma points out that South Africa is not the Western
country so many take it to be, but a “dynamic kaleidoscope of cultures, religions and
traditions”. Many black South African Christians still also worship their ancestors, he
notes. Most weddings mix the traditional with the Christian. Many people practise
customary law alongside the Western kind and take traditional as well as Western
medicine. Siluma thinks the elevation of a Zulu from a peasant background to the
presidency may help revive some of the mores and cultures that had been fading.
(Steele 2010:7)
A subsequent survey by TNS Research indicated that 74% of the 2000 South Africans who
were questioned were against “polygamy” (83% of the females were opposed, 68% of the
black participants also) (Azzakani 2010:14).
Cultural relativism, if taken to the extreme, can also, however, be problematic because it would
imply that there is no such thing as a universal human morality. If one adopts this view, then one
has to accept the practice of female genital mutilation, clitoridectomy (the removal of a girl’s
clitoris), which is still carried out in some parts of Africa and the Middle East. One would also
have to find acceptable the gas chambers for Jews in Nazi Germany during World War II and
the mass extermination of people and “ethnic cleansing” that has occurred in several African
countries in the last decade. Also, of course, there is the issue of human rights and equal rights
for women and minorities (which many countries of the world still deny today).
With the colonisation of Africa, the European colonial governments regarded their own
sociocultural systems as “civilised” and superior to those of the Africans and in many cases
initiated concerted processes of Christianisation, education, and more pertinently, general
sociocultural change.
Ever since the 1970s anthropologists have increasingly contemplated their own role and experiences in the field. They are now often prepared to be introspective and honest about the
variables that have an influence on their ethnographic work, not least of which is their own
influence on the process and product of fieldwork. They have talked and written about every
aspect of their involvement, including:
… their relationships with informants, and the contexts in which they gathered their material. While in the past some dismissed these reflections on fieldwork as self-indulgent
“navel-gazing”, it is now generally accepted that they have made an important contribution
to the discipline because we can better understand and evaluate an ethnographic text if
we know something about the writer, the experiences upon which the text is based, and
the circumstances of its production. Furthermore, these reflections turn anthropologists
into better fieldworkers by making them aware of their own practices, emotions, biases,
and experiences. (Sluka & Robben 2007:2)
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LEARNING THEME 2
From this ongoing anthropological self-criticism has emerged a number of “trends” or, as they
are sometimes called, “turns”:
•
The awareness of the relationship between power and the construction of knowledge resulted
in a concern with reflexivity – the “reflexive trend” – which produced different fieldwork
relationships and new styles of ethnographic writing:
Having experienced the transformation that the fieldworker undergoes by virtue of a
shift from an objective to a subjective mode of research, a more recent reconsideration
led me to suggest that anthropologists are becoming increasingly concerned that their
conventional methods, paradigms and, especially, the traditional pursuit of scientific
objectivity do not do justice to the realities and ambiguities of peoples’ lives. Part of the
answer, particularly for South African anthropologists given their diverse perspectives
and ideologies and given the dynamic socio-political context in which they operate, lies
in a reflexive approach in their fieldwork. This implies more than empathy or an emic
approach. What is required is the sensitive, intensive and continual involvement of the
fieldworker with the people being studied, as well as an identification with, and a moral
responsibility for their problems and quality of life.
(De Jongh 2010:297–298)
•
•
•
Most anthropologists rejected the postmodern critique that fieldwork is inherently a form
of imperialism, oppression and control, but this critique did encourage them to be more
reflexive and they did reassess their relationship with the people they studied. This led to
what became known as the compassionate turn – a moral awareness and a willingness
to take up the cause of the people being studied and using “… our ability to listen, and to
observe carefully and with empathy and compassion” (Scheper-Hughes 1995:417–418). This
led anthropologists to increasingly study violence, genocide, suffering, trauma, poverty and
oppression (see Sluka & Robben 2007:23).
The “ethnographic encounter” also came into sharper focus – that is, the way in which fieldwork is conducted and how research participants/“informants” are drawn into the process
and incorporated into the ethnographic report. Multivocality thus came to the fore, that
is, more than one “voice” was to be heard, both that of the anthropologist and those being
studied.
Contemporary ethnographers have tried to ensure that the voice of the “other” is heard
more clearly. And this they have done through more active involvement of research participants in the co-production of ethnographic accounts, narratives, or texts. This is done by
extensive direct quotations, co-authorship, and collaboration with research participants. As
Tedlock has observed, beginning in the 1970s, “there was a shift in emphasis from participant observation to the observation of participation” (1991:78), entailing “a representational
transformation” in which both the fieldworker and “other” are “presented together within
a single narrative ethnography, focused on the character and process of the ethnographic
dialogue” (Tedlock 1991:69). Narrative ethnography became a creative intermingling of
lived experiences, field data, methodological reflections, and cultural analysis by a situated
and self-conscious narrator. Tedlock argues that the development of this new “narrative
ethnography” is driven by a new breed of ethnographer, who is seriously interested in the
co-production of ethnographic knowledge, created and represented in the only way it can
be within an interactive self/other (see Sluka & Robben 2007:19–20).
Goeiman and Siedie do not belong to a church and in fact have never been to church or
ever been exposed to religious activities. Bella and Takkies first experienced prayer and
Bible reading during their sojourn at the farm school. Goeiman and Siedie furthermore
“took” each other in marriage and although they are hence not regarded as “ge-êg” that
28
THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL WAY: DOING FIELDWORK – RESEARCH
is “properly” married in a church or by a magistrate, this kind of marriage is virtually the
norm and accepted as legitimate by the outspan community. As Vytjie Verrooi (one of the
matriarchs of the outspan) puts it: “Baie van ons was nie in ’n kerk ge-êg nie maar dit werk
maar dieselfde as om getroud te wees, ons doen dit alles soos getroude mense”. [Many of
us were not married in a church, but in practice it is the same as to be married, we do everything like married people.] According to convention, Goeiman and Siedie’s three children,
as opposed to children of couples who are “ge-êg”, take the surname of their mother, that
is Saalman (see De Jongh 2000:6).
Note the use of inverted commas {“ ”} in the excerpt above. This refers to the voice
or narrative of “the Other” as objects of anthropological research – De Jongh is
reporting on aspects of marriage and the religious life of the Karretjie People of the
Northern Cape Province.
The British anthropologist, Adam Kuper, however sounds a warning that narrative ethnography
can be exaggerated so that eventually the anthropologist is nothing more than a medium or
spokesperson for people who criticise existing social and political order – there is no editorial
input in the interpretation and writing of his/her fieldwork data (Kuper 1999:43–44). Kuper’s
criticism should be taken to heart, because the anthropologist, both as an objective observer
and the one who records and verifies the data, is responsible for the final product of his or her
research after it has been presented to the people concerned for their approval.
Finally, the matter of reciprocity. Another development in what has come to be called the “new
ethnography” is the increased commitment to reciprocity and collaborative research – to giving
something back to the research participants for their collaboration – as an ethical requirement
of fieldwork.
Mike de Jongh considered these issues during his fieldwork among the itinerant Karretjie
People of the Great Karoo:
Fact of the matter is that the benefits accruing from the interaction of the Karretjie People
and the media have been almost completely one-sided – their story and their images –
their intellectual property – were taken and used, and those who came to them for this
and obtained plaudits and reward for “their” work have moved on to a next or to other
assignments or projects.
During the years of my own involvement with the Karretjie People I have been continually constrained to interrogate this very issue. As I am putting these thoughts into words
the Karretjie People are still living in the interstices of society, in some ways even worse
off than before, this despite the widespread awareness of their circumstances and plight
that this research project had seemingly instigated. Each time a stint of fieldwork came to
an end, I would exchange the Karoo and the Karretjie People for my own domestic and
academic space. The comfort of home and the stimulation of writing another Karretjie
conference paper or article would seem to bring remoteness to the extant realities of the
people I had once again just left.
My Karretjie conference papers and publications have gained national and international
recognition, and have also probably played a role in advancing my academic career, in fact
the entire enterprise has been an enriching and life-changing experience – for me. But have
such personal benefits had a counterpoint in any gains on the part of the Karretjie People?
Some of the writings stemming from the project did, for example, catch the eye of benefactor Kenneth S Birch and substantial funding through his Trust facilitated not only continuing
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LEARNING THEME 2
research over several years, but also a permanent photographic exhibition in the Colesberg/
Kemper Museum and, most importantly a SALT (skills and literacy training) programme
in which teams of teachers took mobile educational units to the Karretjie People at their
outspans (see section 3.3, the Karretjie People case study, Learning Theme 3 – IS ANTHROPOLOGY USEFUL?). However, although it was possible to run this project for a number of
years it was not sustainable for a longer period of time as no further significant financing
was forthcoming from public or private sources. More recently I was however, able to
procure United Nations funding for a children’s educational programme which promises
to be not only effective but also enduring.
More modest funding was also sporadically obtained throughout the duration of the project,
for example by setting up a trust fund, by running a Karretjie People stall at the annual
Colesberg Sheep Festival or from unsolicited private donations. Clothing, blankets, toiletries, knitting materials, toys and food were also forthcoming, often from quite unexpected
sources or individuals who read about the project, and these then would be distributed as
equitably as possible. The nature of my involvement with the Karretjie People also often
assumed or presumed a role as advocate, facilitator or consultant on their behalf – whether
this entailed grappling with bureaucracy, legal matters, accessing the health and educational
resources of the wider system or just small personal favours like providing transport or
conveying a message from one point to another (De Jongh 2010:318–319).
KEY CONCEPTS IN THIS LEARNING THEME
Fieldwork, ethnography, representation, methodology, participant observation, interviewing,
genealogical method, social/personal network analysis, life history method, disorientation/culture
shock, anthropological self-criticism, emic, etic, cultural relativism, ethnocentrism, reflexivity, compassionate turn, multivocality, narrative ethnography, reciprocity.
SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS
•
•
•
•
30
In studying human sociocultural systems, anthropologists have long relied
on ethnographic fieldwork, including participant observation. What makes
this research method uniquely challenging and effective? What might be
the use of such findings for meeting the unique challenges of a globalising
world?
Does the concept of cultural relativism promote intergroup understanding, or does it hinder attempts reach agreement about what is, and what
is not, acceptable behaviour (eg human rights)?
Explain four fieldwork methods employed by anthropologists.
Anthropologists have increasingly become self-critical, particularly as far
as their role and relationship with research participants are concerned.
Critically comment on the issues involved.
LEARNING THEME
Is anthropology useful?
3
3
3.
IS ANTHROPOLOGY USEFUL?
OVERVIEW
The purpose of this learning theme is to consider whether anthropology can “make a difference”.
Anthropology’s particular approach, perspectives and skills are examined in order to assess the
discipline’s potentially significant contribution to contemporary human issues.
This learning theme is organised as follows:
3.1
3.2
3.3
3.4
Introduction
The anthropological approach and the anthropological difference
The practical application of anthropology
Anthropology is portable and transferable
CRITICAL QUESTIONS
• What specific advantages do anthropologists have as far as solving practical
human problems are concerned?
• What is/are the role(s) of an anthropologist in an applied/practical situation?
• Anthropologists can potentially become involved in almost every aspect and
domain of people’s lives in order to help solve the problems with which people
are confronted – what are these areas of involvement?
3.1
3
INTRODUCTION
Humans have seemingly always been confronted with, and challenged by, problems, needs,
predicaments and issues. People experience difficulties with each other – disagreements, disputes, conflict and violence between individuals, groups, communities, societies and nations
are commonplace throughout the history of humankind. But people have also been faced with
more specific dilemmas and confrontations arising from both their physical and human environment, such as problems caused by climate and natural disasters, race and class, sociocultural
differences, disease, poverty etc.
Let us “translate” some of these challenges into examples of actual and contemporary issues.
•
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The population of the world is currently about 6,785 billion, and 57 million of these people
die on a daily basis. China alone has 1,3 billion people. South Africa is 25th with a population
of 48,7 million. One billion people in the world do not have access to clean water. By 2040
the world’s estimated population will be 9 billion.
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LEARNING THEME 3
In quoting these figures Prof Jeffrey Sachs, United Nations special advisor on millennium
objectives sounded a number of warnings (Tempelhoff 2009:9):
¶ population growth, together with climate change, will result in a “humanitarian catastrophe”
¶ world leaders must cooperate to stop population growth and to check climate change
¶ this is the point in the earth’s history where human activity has surpassed the natural
processes of the planet by far
¶ the population of the world is now so large that the earth no longer has the ability to
cope with it
•
Africa is not producing enough food to feed its own population – and this is expected to
increase from 900 million to 1,1 billion in the next 2 to 5 years (Le Roux 2009:21). The
problems (and reasons) identified include the following:
¶ lack of proper leadership
¶ the need for constitutional reform (and proper application)
¶ proper training of subsistence farmers to understand the relationship between better
(but more expensive) fertiliser and irrigation and improved crop production
•
the latest survey of the University of South Africa’s Bureau of Market Research indicates that
more than half of all South Africans still fall in the lowest income bracket (R0 – R50 000 per
household per annum) and of these 92% are black. People below the “subsistence” level are
those whose income cannot provide for their basic needs: last year there were 6,348,855
black households in this category (Van Rooyen 2009:3). There are a number of reasons for
this and also a number of problems stemming from this reality which, for anthropologists,
are of particular interest:
¶ The South African economy is not creating sufficient job opportunities for the thousands
of additional work seekers that enter the market every year (this was already the case
before the current global, and South African, recession).
¶ Although there has been significant growth in the number of “black diamonds” (successful/
wealthy black business people, mainly men), this has further widened the gap between
rich (now also black) and poor (still mostly black). Socioeconomic inequalities are greater
than ever.
¶ There is a skills shortage, which means that millions of South Africans do not have access
to the modern knowledge economy.
¶ Millions of foreigners are pouring into the country, legally and illegally, and they compete
with the locals for work and are often quite innovative – and the result is frustration and
resentment, particularly amongst unemployed South Africans. Many people are therefore
highly critical of the government’s immigration policy and there is also concern about
skills loss as a result of emigration.
¶ Toward the latter half of 2009 South Africa was shaken by a wave of violent demonstrations that quickly escalated and spread to several townships. The ostensible reason was
lack of service delivery by local authorities, but underlying problems emanated from
several of the issues mentioned above.
•
In the educational sector likewise, there was turmoil in South Africa. Both at the basic
(school) and tertiary (university) levels there were controversy and even hostility and accusations of assault:
¶ On the Rhodes University campus a NEHAWU (trade union) strike was said to be a clear
indication that race and class continue to be interlinked.
¶ During the Students’ Representative Councils’ elections at the University of the Free
State there was disruption and animosity between opposing student political groupings/
factious – these latter constituted on racial grounds.
32
Is anthropology useful?
¶ Also on the Free State campus, four students of a male residence made what became
known as a “loathsome racial” video which abused the personal dignity of female university
cleaning staff. Yet in his inauguration speech the new (black) rector invited these same
expelled students back to the university to complete their studies – in an act of forgiveness. The residence where the “four” had been staying was closed after the incident but,
the rector said, would now again be opened to serve as a “model of racial reconciliation
and social justice for all students” (Coetzee & Van Rooyen 2009:1). He also suggested that
the root of the problem did not lie with the four students alone, but with the institution
and the wider community – he was aware of the fact that he had to deal with social,
cultural and ideological complexities and that these stood in the way of transformation.
¶ At the University of Stellenbosch, traditionally an Afrikaans medium institution, the language debate raged on access, language-wise, for English-speaking students (and some
unilingual lecturers) and was argued in opposition to the right of the university to retain
its Afrikaans character. All parties referred to the South African Constitution.
¶ A similar situation arose at the Afrikaans Ermelo High School, when the Mpumalanga
Department of Education forced the school to change its language policy to accommodate
a small group of (black) pupils/scholars/learners who wished to be educated (in English),
but the other schools in their area were full. The case went to court and Ermelo High
School won – the pronouncements included that mother tongue education is a right and
the department did not have the right to interfere in the decisions made by the school’s
board of control. It would, however, be the responsibility of an education department, in
such a case, to ensure that facilities (and teachers) could accommodate such scholars and
the right of a particular (language) group could not override those of the wider community.
¶ Religious instruction at schools also became a vigorously debated issue – religious practice
and instruction was a right, but which religion? That of the majority? Then what about
the minority religions – and agnostics and atheists?
ACTIVITY 3.1
Draw up your own list of incidents of misunderstanding, friction and strife between
people – whether this be individuals, groups, neighbour, institutions, employers/
employees or whatever – based on your own experience (and environment.
Well, let us ask the question again, CAN ANTHROPOLOGY MAKE A DIFFERENCE IN ANY
OF THESE SITUATIONS?
If your answer is “no” or “I don’t know”, then read on!
If your answer is “yes”, make a list of your reasons for saying so.
On our part we are inclined to agree with the answer “yes” and in the following sections we
explain and illustrate why – and you will be able to “experience” something of what the usefulness of anthropology entails – this is referred to as applied anthropology or anthropological praxis
and the practice of anthropology.
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LEARNING THEME 3
ACTIVITY 3.2
Go back to the very beginning of this study guide where, under the heading, INTRODUCTION AND WELCOME, we list a number of “contemporary matters and issues”
and add your own list to the list we give there.
Right at the outset we suggested that anthropology is characterised by curiosity about people
and their problems, and strives to “make sense” of human behaviour, and that the questions
raised by issues such as these are among those that anthropologists seek to find answers to.
As anthropologists we do not presume to have all the answers or solutions to human problems,
but what we can contribute, at the very least, is to bring explanations and understanding to particular situations. Nor do we profess to be the only discipline or field of study that can address
the different challenges that people face. Developers, economists, ecologists, political scientists,
social workers, psychologists, sociologists and others obviously have a contribution to make.
However, we feel, and hopefully you have begun to experience indications of this, that anthropology has something different, distinctive and useful to offer.
NOTE: should you progress to the third level of anthropology, you will encounter module
APY3702 – Applied anthropology: contemporary human issues and the practice of
anthropology. This module deals extensively with the usefulness of anthropology in the
contemporary world and is richly illustrated with case studies and practical examples.
3.2
THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL APPROACH AND THE
ANTHROPOLOGICAL DIFFERENCE
The reason why we opted to answer “yes” to the question whether anthropology can make a
difference is because of the discipline’s particular approach and perspectives and because of the
skills of its practitioners. In Learning Theme 1, section 1.3 – The anthropological perspective and approach, we already introduced you to some of these:
•
•
•
•
•
•
34
a worldwide scope that is not bound by time
a holistic/multifaceted/contextual approach that takes people’s whole situation into account
– the various spheres of activity and their effects on each other, the sociocultural and environmental setting and the dynamic interaction of all of these
a comparative view that attempts to bring similarities and differences between a wide range
of groups or people or contexts to the fore
the concept of sociocultural system (or culture) by means of which anthropologists strive to
study and understand the ways in which people organise their lives – that is, the different
spheres of their activities – within their particular context
a relativism that allows anthropologists to be perceptive of the specific way in which people
develop their sociocultural system according to their needs and local situation
the research method of fieldwork which, unlike experimental and survey research, enables
anthropologists to collect qualitative data by means of firsthand experience and personal
observation
Is anthropology useful?
NOTE: Your other first-level module, APY1601 – Culture as human resource in the
African context, discusses the role of the anthropologist (study unit 2). Particular attention
is paid to what practising anthropologists do, their roles and the relevance of anthropology
to contemporary human problems (study themes 1 and 2) – incorporate those insights into
the present overview of applied anthropology.
3.3
THE PRACTICAL APPLICATION OF
ANTHROPOLOGY
Because of what anthropology has to offer, sociocultural anthropology is now taken very seriously
as a practical discipline in the USA, where the World Bank, United Nations agencies, government bodies, businesses, developers and the people amongst whom the anthropologists did their
research, either actively seek anthropologists’ advice or even make a point of employing them.
In fact, there are now, in America, more anthropologists working in the public domain than in
universities. In South Africa, anthropologists’ expertise and specialised knowledge about people
(in general and in varying rural and urban sociocultural systems) are increasingly being used by
institutions such as the government, municipalities, the development organisations and the SABC.
In his 1991 book, Anthropology in use: a source book on anthropological practice, the applied anthropologist, John van Willigen, identified no less than 42 fields of application and practical work
by anthropologists. The following examples are listed below to give you an indication of what
these fields include:
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
agriculture
alcohol and drug abuse
cultural resource management
design and architecture
community development
education and schools
employment and labour relations
health and medicine
land use and land claims
cultural tourism
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
resettlement
missionary work
rural and urban development
women and development
conflict resolution
war
wildlife management
social impact assessment
succession disputes in chiefdoms
In Learning Theme 1 (section 1.5: Why become an anthropologist?), we gave you some
examples of practising anthropologists:
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•
Weileman (independent consultant) – legal anthropology
•
Balzni (Roehampton University) – refugees
•
Chatwin (expert advisor) – diet, displaced persons
•
Dearnley (ACTA) – democracy and free trade
•
Green (Harvard Center for Population and Development Studies) – health
•
Herselman (Unisa) – health-care
35
LEARNING THEME 3
CASE STUDY
The itinerant way of life of the sheep-shearing Karretjie People of the Karoo not only
posed an immense challenge for national and provincial educational systems, but also for
an anthropologist intent upon mitigating their circumstances and plight. Even if the Karretjie People were not essentially “invisible” to the educational authorities, it would at
any rate have seemed impossible to reconcile a shifting lifestyle and the consequences of
rural poverty with an inflexible/formal schooling system. Mindful of these realities and also
aware of the ethical implications, but with a view to progressive empowerment and upliftment, I was instrumental (with the assistance of a fellow researcher, a sponsor and several
local facilitators) in a comprehensive education programme being initiated in one of the
Karoo districts some years ago. The endeavour was to facilitate a sustainable process for
the provision of holistic education and development for the Karretjie People. By bringing
basic skills to, and developing a positive value system within this community, a significant
contribution was envisaged to enable particularly the adults to compete socioeconomically
in a more equitable manner and to improve their quality of life. The programme included
a literacy curriculum, practical and skills training as well as guidelines and procedures for
health-care, childcare, parental responsibility and hygiene. Portable educational facilities
were taken to the Karretjie People at the various outspans (a site on “neutral” level for
a temporary overnight camp), but given the mobility and fluidity patterns of individuals
and Karretjie (donkey cart) units, and especially the absence of the adult males as shearers,
it soon became clear that careful planning and constant innovation and adaptation of the
instructional process was essential. Once the programme had run its course, a formal
evaluation was carried out, and a number of practical and ethical issues emerged, many
of which could serve as guidelines for future endeavours. Clearly, a development initiative
such as the one outlined here implies a massive ethical responsibility. Education of whatever
kind shall, for example, result in an irreversible, perhaps even drastic, change in lifestyle
for the Karretjie People.
The Karretjie example also suggests that only through case- and context-specific data
which stem from participatory research can the required sensitivity and understanding of
problems of rural poverty and educational needs be developed. Sound macro policies can
only be designed by development organisations and different sectors and levels of government if such recent and “dense data” pockets of “invisible educationless people”, such as
is depicted here, are utilised in order to ensure that those who initiate programmes are
aware of not only the extent and nature of the problem, but also who the people really
are, and exactly where and how they live (De Jongh 2010:214–215, 217, 220).
When they become involved in the sort of issues referred to above, anthropologists’ responsibilities include the following:
•
•
•
36
cooperating with agriculturists, geographers, engineers and other scientists in multidisciplinary teams on development projects in a local community
doing sociocultural impact studies so that communities are not disrupted when buildings are
erected, highways and dams constructed and oil pipelines laid
playing the role of cultural broker or mediator between the government or planners and the
local community when the latter has to be moved for some reason (eg during dam construction or a disease-prevention campaign)
Is anthropology useful?
Anthropologists’ expertise, as we have said already, lies specifically in their sensitivity to people
and their circumstances, their ability to become intensely involved with people, to establish a
rapport with people, their detailed knowledge of human behaviour and different ways of living
and stheir holistic perspective on people and their ways of living. Experience has shown that
the successful planning and execution of a development project is virtually impossible without
the input of anthropologists.
CASE STUDY
Anthropologists often make indispensable contributions when development programs are
introduced which have a disruptive effect on the life of people as a result of rapid socioculture change and modernisation. If government planners, for example, had more knowledge
about the culture and ecology of the people in the Sahel region of Africa a terrible famine
could have been avoided.
The Sahel is an arid belt which stretches across North Central Africa where mainly pastoralism is practised. In the 1960s government planners encouraged the pastoralists to increase
the size of their herds. Although the number of wells for live-stock were increased, the
carrying capacity of the grazing was not sufficient to feed the greater number of live-stock.
At the same time the region experienced a period of abnormally low rainfall. As a result the
people in the region experienced a famine of alarming proportions.
An international relief program was launched to alleviate the crisis. But, again, mistakes
were made since sufficient cognisance was not taken of the adaptation to the environment
and the diet of the local people. Food relief in the form of grain was sent to the nomadic
pastoralists who were accustomed to a diet of mainly dairy products. As a result of the
change in their diet the pastoralists developed stomach cramps and diarrhea.
In both cases problems could have been avoided if anthropologists, with their holistic perspective on and knowledge of the culture and adaptation problems of the pastoralists as
well as their sensitivity to human problems, were timeously consulted (Howard and DunaifHattis 1992:607–608).
From what we have said so far it should be clear that, apart from their detailed knowledge of
human ways of living, anthropologists normally care for other people and are sensitive to, and
tolerant of, sociocultural diversity. Furthermore, they are often required to act as cultural
brokers in resolving problems and dispelling ignorance. Bear in mind that at least some of these
attitudes and skills can be acquired and developed by anybody.
3.4
ANTHROPOLOGY IS PORTABLE AND
TRANSFERABLE
Not all students who graduate with a degree in anthropology find employment as “an anthropologist”. However, anthropology provides an excellent basis for further study in other fields
and its skills can be applied in a variety of work situations. “One of the beauties of the discipline
is that it provides forms of expertise that are eminently transferable to other career paths”
(Strang 2009:159).
I am an anthropologist and I love my work. I believe that my job is one of the few occupations in the world that is also a hobby. Anthropology is not only interesting – it is also
relevant, contemporary, useful and even exciting! Anthropology is about people and it is
for people. I like to tell my students that ‘there is no place like people’; hence, we don’t
go looking for anthropology, because anthropology is around us, a part of us, wherever
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LEARNING THEME 3
we are and wherever there are people. So, let’s talk about anthropology and allow me to
share my anthropological world with you.
My inaugural lecture which I presented upon accepting my appointment at Unisa was entitled “Anthropology as a way of life – the excitement of an anthropological experience”. In
borrowing the first part of the title from Sol Tax, I made a personal statement, while also
revealing my credo with regards to anthropology. Tax put it as follows:
“Anthropology has become for us a way of life, a set of values to pass on to whomever we
touch: our parents and our children, our colleagues at work or play, our fellow citizens
wherever they are” (Tax 1977:12).
Anthropology as a way of life demands total commitment and an involvement in the lives
of people and their problems. This requires a level of sensitivity, humaneness, tolerance,
empathy and a sense of humour, that is, all those characteristics which should ideally form
part of an anthropologist’s personality. The anthropologist, quite simply, works with people and does so for their benefit and for the love of what he or she is doing. The work of
an anthropologist is not situation-bound and it cannot be switched on or off at will. It is
not detachable and it can neither be left on a shelf at the office nor taken home at will. It
simply is and remains part and parcel of the anthropologist’s being.
The matriarch of American anthropology, the late Margaret Mead, was quite surprised
when a reporter once rather timidly asked her if her life was not boring without hobbies.
“Why should I have any?” she exclaimed, “Anthropology is concerned with the whole of
life … with everything that people do!” (Bishop 1985:18).
The anthropologist is a nonexclusive being and, as such, is accessible and receptive to all
humans and the human condition. The nonexclusivity of the anthropologist should assert
itself in all situations, not only during fieldwork and when addressing human issues and
problems, but also in the lecture hall and in relationships with students, colleagues and
people in general (De Jongh 2006:iv–v).
The reality, however, is that, in spite of the growing market for anthropological expertise, it is
still a fact of life that many anthropologists are not appointed as anthropologists. There are still
only a small number of potential employers who really know what anthropology has to offer.
Also, of course, some employers are likely to have an inaccurate and stereotype view of what
anthropology is all about. It is, to a large extent, up to the individual to “make” something of a
particular position. A capable, well-trained contemporary anthropologist must “sell” anthropology to the uninformed, the prejudiced and the unconvinced. Van Willigen (1986:211) agrees, and
suggests that, because relatively few employers have an accurate concept of what anthropologists can contribute, you will probably be faced with three basic situations in the job market:
1. You will be competing with persons who are not trained in anthropology, for example:
social workers, sociologists, urban planners, et cetera.
2. You will be hired on the basis of what you can do, not who you are. This requires
that you be able to communicate to people what you can do.
3. You will have to work to overcome stereotypes potential employers will have toward
anthropologists. This will require that you focus on your skills in your presentations
of self. In your training you will need to continually focus on the acquisition of skills.
You must be able to do things (Van Willigen 1986:211). (See also De Jongh 2006:157.)
We have already indicated that more than half of all anthropologists in the USA are not employed
in academia – and according to one survey, they reported that they were not only earning more
than their colleagues at universities, but enjoyed more job satisfaction! (Whitney 1985:2, 28).
38
Is anthropology useful?
ACTIVITY 3.3
Explain the job or profession that you (or your father, mother, brother, sister, friend,
etc) are presently employed to do.
AND THEN
Identify at least four significant contributions that anthropology could make to
this job or profession.
Similar developments have occurred in South Africa and increasingly numbers of positions
outside universities are becoming available to anthropologists. In a survey conducted in 2001, it
was found that students with anthropology qualifications from universities in South Africa found
employment or a niche in a great diversity of contexts (De Jongh 2002). For example: universities, museums; National Research Foundation; National Institute for Personnel Research; The
Development Bank of South Africa; The South African Broadcasting Corporation; the private
sector (in personnel/human resources and other departments); the health care sector and in
nongovernmental organisations.
KEY CONCEPTS IN THIS LEARNING THEME
Applied anthropology, the anthropological approach, perspectives and skills, fields of application,
anthropology is transferable.
SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS
•
•
•
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What else are you studying this semester? Do these fields/disciplines also
have an applied/practical dimension? Are they more or less useful than
the discipline of anthropology?
Describe a setting in which you might use the discipline’s characteristic
approach, perspectives and skills to do applied anthropology. Explain what
difference you could then make to the situation.
Think back to your days at school (or your present or previous neighbourhood) – were there incidents or issues that might have interested
anthropologists? Were there problems that anthropologists might have
been able to solve? If “yes”, why do you say this?
39
LEARNING THEME
LEARNING THEME 4
4
4
4.
THE HUMAN SPECIES, WHERE
DO WE COME FROM AND WHAT
IS “NATURAL” ABOUT “HUMAN
NATURE”?
OVERVIEW
The purpose of this learning theme is to sketch the emergence of modern humans (the species
homo sapiens sapiens), beings with a capacity for language and culture. We shall also discuss physical/
biological differences and similarities and interrogate the use, and misuse, of the concept of race.
This learning theme is organised as follows:
4.1 Introduction
4.2 The development of human beings and their capacity for language and culture
4.3 Diversity in human biology and physique
CRITICAL QUESTIONS
• How did modern human beings emerge and eventually develop physically/biologically to the extent that they had the capacity for language and culture?
• Although all people belong to the same species, Homo sapiens sapiens, and are
therefore share essential biological/physical characteristics, there is also a
great deal of variation between and within human populations – is this diversity
significant?
• Despite advances in scientific research into physical/biological variation, people in
general often still seem to function with the categories and stereotypes of physical difference, that is, of race. Why? What are the effects of such stereotypes?
4.1
3
INTRODUCTION
In Learning Theme 1 – What is anthropology? we suggested that the justification for anthropology’s truly comprehensive approach to the study of human beings lies in the fact that
the discipline studies people in their totality. Ideally, anthropology’s closely related “four fields”
of study (archaeology, linguistics, sociocultural anthropology and physical/biological anthropol40
The human species, where do we come from and what is “natural” about “human nature”?
ogy) should be dealt with and presented in an integrated manner. However, for practical and
analytical reasons this is not possible. Furthermore, at Unisa, archaeology is comprehensively
presented as an independent discipline in this department – as is anthropology. Linguistics is
also presented as a separate discipline in a different department.
Physical/biological anthropology has developed into a specialised field practised by its own experts.
However, because human beings as physical/biological beings cannot be meaningfully understood
as separate from human beings as sociocultural beings, we shall briefly consider certain the physical/biological aspects of human beings in this learning theme. The physical/biological aspects of
human beings do, of course, impact on everything else, including culture (particularly symbols
and language – see Learning Theme 6 – Culture, social life and sociocultural systems), identity and
ethnicity (Learning Theme 7 – Identity and ethnicity), race and racism (the present learning theme),
concepts of the body (Learning Theme 5 – Our bodies, ourselves) and kinship and social relations
(Learning Theme 8 – “Blood is thicker than water”: relatives and relations, kinship and friendship).
Carefully re-read the section Biological and physical anthropology (1.4 The subfields of
anthropology) in Learning Theme 1 – What is anthropology? where we explain what
physical/biological anthropologists do, and the kinds of questions they seek to answer.
4.2
THE DEVELOPMENT OF HUMAN BEINGS AND THEIR
CAPACITY FOR LANGUAGE AND CULTURE
Humans belong to the order of primates, the suborder Anthropoidea (higher primates), the
superfamily Hominoidea (hominoids), the family hominidea, the subfamily homininae (hominins),
and the genus Homo (true humans) and the species homo sapiens sapiens (which means, literally,
wise wise man).
All these terms might seem unnecessarily complicated, but these classifications help us to understand where we “fit in” as far as other animals are concerned and, particularly, what makes
us truly human and thus able to develop a sophisticated means of communication (language)
and complex sociocultural systems:
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Primates
One of several kinds of mammals (animals who suckle or
nurse their young and have body hair). Besides humans,
the class of primates include lemurs, lorises, tarsiers,
monkeys and apes.
Anthropoidea (Anthropoids)
So-called “higher primates”, which includes monkeys, apes
and humans (the “lower primates” or Prosimii includes
the lemurs, lorises and tarsiers).
Hominoidea (Hominoids)
Includes humans and apes (chimpanzees, gorillas, orangutans and gibbons).
Hominidae (hominids)
Humans and their ancestors and possibly African apes.
Some scientists have suggested that African apes – chimpanzees and gorillas – should also be included here because
of their close relationship to humans and that humans
should be distinguished from them in a separate subfamily,
hominins.
Homininae (hominins)
Humans and their ancestors.
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LEARNING THEME 4
Homo
True humans (genus)
sapiens sapiens
The wise, the wise (species)
Associated with these classifications, and for our purposes here, almost more importantly, are
certain specific characteristics. While considering the early development of human beings and
their capacity for language and culture, the characteristics that we share with other animals,
such as primates, hominoids etc – all the way through to our more truly human (genus and
species) features – are significant.
Briefly, and because they belong to these various classifications, human beings possess the following meaningful characteristics:
Primates
They live in social groups and are active during the
day; their behavioural patterns are diverse and flexible; they have an expanded brain capacity and keen
vision (and rely less on smell); the young have a
relatively long period of growth and development
(and hence time to learn the behaviours of their
group); have dexterous hands; teeth for a varied (not
specialised) diet; the skull and skeleton protect the
internal organs.
NOTE: Each of the following classifications entails further development and specialisation of these essential primate characteristics.
Hominoids
In addition to broad shoulders, absent tail and long
arms, distinctly human characteristics such as bipedalism (walking on two legs) and culture are more
pronounced.
Hominids
Further increase in brain size and complexity, further
development of bipedalism and upright posture –
leaving the hands free to carry things and alter the
environment.
Hominins/
Homo sapiens sapiens
Although there is still some scientific debate as to
whether both hominids and/or (only) hominins are
the exclusive classificatory domain of humans, this is
where living humans and their (now extinct) ancestors belong. The fossil record gives a good idea as
to how the genus Homo (true humans) developed
from the early excavated examples such as Australopithecus africanus (identified by Raymond Dart at
Taung, Northern Cape in 1924) to the modern humans of today.
The hominid line is approximately 4 to 5 million years old. It originated with Australopithecus
afarensis, an ape that stood fully erect and walked on its two legs, just as we do, but that had a
brain that was, in all respects, ape-like. The adult males of this species were twice as big as the
females. A million years later another species, Australopithecus africanus, emerged and, in the
42
The human species, where do we come from and what is “natural” about “human nature”?
midpoint of its over a million years of prehistory, this species apparently began using pebble
tools to process meat.
Some two million years ago, this species began to disappear, and four others appear to have
replaced it. Two were still australopithecines, “southern apes”, but two belonged to the genus
Homo: Homo habilis and Homo erectus. The “ape” forms were exceedingly robust and probably
were grazing herd animals dominated and protected by formidably big males. The “human” forms
had larger brains and, in the case of Homo erectus, a highly developed toolkit and, possibly, fire.
The latter definitely had home bases or camps of piled stone or bushes. Male Homo erectus
hunted game; females probably gathered vegetable foods to bring to the common camp. This
is a basic pattern for our species, as we shall see. Homo erectus outlived its three companion
species by nearly a million years. But it in turn quickly disappeared with the appearance of a
new, highly successful species.
Starting around 200,000 years ago our own species, Homo sapiens, began to appear in archaic
form. By 50,000 to 40,000 years ago, fully modern human beings had appeared, displacing a
closely related species, Homo neanderthalensis. These species are associated with a remarkable
toolkit of fine projectile points, and they both hunted big-game animals by hurling spears. Both
exploited a new ecological niche, that of big-game hunting in cold and warm climates. But only
one, Homo sapiens sapiens, was capable of speech.
Primate behaviour thus provides a platform for the emergence of humanity. That is, we emerged
from a series of highly social, highly intelligent species, all capable of hunting and using tools.
Australopithecus africanus is associated with Oldowan tools during its period in prehistory. Homo
habilis definitely used them, as did Homo erectus. The latter is associated with fine Acheulian tools.
In contrast, the robust australopithecines were not habitual tool users. The trait of tool making
culminates in Homo sapiens’s truly magnificent Solutrean tools, finely shaped projectile points.
We assume, then, with justifiable certainty that human culture is based on prehuman primate
prototypes. However, at some point Homo sapiens developed speech and a language. Speech
consists of the ability to distinguish phonemes (speech sounds), meaningless elementary units of
sound, from each other in our speech tract or system, and to combine these into morphemes,
the smallest meaningful elements or units (words or parts of words). We further combine the
morphemes into words, or sentences, according to the rules of grammar. Speech is genetically
dependent on our large brains, and on our vocal chords.
Speech is thus a language, a set of messages that govern how human systems go about processing
matter and energy to maintain themselves, and, eventually, their species. The distinctive features
of Homo sapiens include not only speech but associated communicative traits facilitated by speech.
These include marriage and the family, expressed in speech through name-given roles as distinct
from persons (see Learning theme 7 – Identity and ethnicity), upheld by normative rules
such as the incest taboo, a universal prohibition among all human populations. These features
also include rituals surrounding the transformations of yearly and lifetime cycles. These traits
were first given expression in a community pattern derived from the primate troop: the human
hunting-and-gathering band (see Moore 1992:99–100).
“HUMAN NATURE”
By studying human nature, the variety of societies in the world today and in the past, and
the relationship of the human species to others, we are better able to understand why we
behave the way we do. The physical anthropologist gives us valuable information about the
uniqueness and limitations of our physical structure. Why are we different from apes, for
example? It is important to know the ramifications of being able to walk with erect posture
on two feet, rather than having to use our hands to steady ourselves. It means that we have
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LEARNING THEME 4
our hands free to use for other things, such as making tools. Having a thumb opposite the
fingers rather than in line with them means that we can grasp and manipulate tools and use
them to our advantage, as weapons or as precision instruments. The physical anthropologist has also contributed to our understanding of another factor of crucial importance in
the process of becoming human, namely, the origin of language. We know that only humans
have the capacity for speech, not only because of our vocal apparatus, but also because of
the size and structure of our brains. By providing answers to the question of what makes
human beings unique among animals, physical anthropology gives us the first clues in understanding human behaviour.
It tells us what the basis for that behaviour is, and what the limitations upon it are. It tells
us why we should expect others to behave within those limitations, and what variations
are possible. In other words, physical anthropology spells out the limits of human behaviour. Perhaps most important of all, physical anthropology teaches us that no matter how
much diversity we might find in the world around us, the most remarkable fact is not how
different people are but how similar they are, and this is a crucial lesson in getting along in
the world today (see Friedl 1976:12–13). Anthropologists currently are careful not to make
simplistic generalisations about “human nature”. There was a time when a kind of pseudoscience was practiced with reference to “human nature”. It tended to regard human nature
as unchangeable and even characteristic of a particular group of people – and everything
from differences in suicide rates to kinds of mental illness and thought patterns and even
apparent intellectual abilities were ascribed to the “human nature” of a particular group
rather than to sociocultural, contextual and historical variables.
4.3
DIVERSITY IN HUMAN BIOLOGY AND PHYSIQUE
In the previous section we sketched the emergence of people like ourselves, Homo sapiens
sapiens, modern humans with the capacity for language and culture. Just as humans display sociocultural similarities and differences, they also resemble each other physically, but they also
display physical/biological differences.
Within any given human population individuals vary in external features such as skin colour
or height and in internal features such as blood type or susceptibility to a certain disease. Such
features may also differ, on average, between different populations.
The most noticeable physical variations among populations are external – body build, facial features, skin colour, height and perhaps even hair texture. There are also internal variations such
as susceptibility to different diseases, as mentioned, but also differences in ability to produce
certain enzymes. (Note also section 5.2 The body, in Learning Theme 5.)
The superficial or external features of people in particular were initially used to classify Homo
sapiens sapiens into races. The earlier work of even physical anthropologists used what was regarded as “race-defining traits” – that is, colour of skin, hair and eyes; hair form; amount of hair
on body, face and head; thickness of nose and lips; shape of face and head; and body mass and
stature to classify humans into three (sometimes four and even five) race types – Caucasoid,
Negroid and Mongoloid (sometimes also Capoid and Australoid). Thus Caucasoids were supposed
to have pale skin, straight or wavy hair, large amounts of body hair, noses of narrow to medium
width, and medium to tall stature. Negroids again have brown or dark brown skin; their hair
form is wiry, the amount of body hair is medium, lips and noses are relatively thick, and stature
is medium to tall. Mongoloids, pale to light brown skin, straight black hair, dark brown eyes with
epicanthic folds (flaps over the eyes, giving them a slanted look), short to medium stature, and
44
The human species, where do we come from and what is “natural” about “human nature”?
relatively hairless faces and bodies. Capoids were supposed to be people such as the San/Bushmen and the Khoekhoen, and the Australoids, the Australian aborigines and the Melanesians.
Categorisation of humans according to perceived physical or racial characteristics appears
among very early human societies. Prehistoric cave paintings in various parts of the world and
decorations on ancient Egyptian tombs depict people of different racial origin. Anthropologists
have discerned that societies often make distinctions between groups according to observed or
presumed biological differences. Often one’s own type is considered normal – the Yanomami call
themselves “true men,” the Aboriginal inhabitants of southwestern Australia refer to themselves
as “the people” – in distinction to all others. The concept of race, or categorisation according
to physical traits, was virtually universal, as is the belief that the features chosen for purposes
of categorisation can be associated with differences in behaviour. Despite advances in scientific
(genetic/DNA) research into physical/biological variation, people “on the ground”, the public
at large, still often seem to function with the categories and stereotypes of physical difference.
•
•
•
•
What are your own experiences?
Do you perceive people who seem to have a different physical appearance to yourself to be
different? In what way?
Have you ever been subjected to racism?
Have you ever behaved in a racist manner towards other people simply because they look
different from you?
These classifications were unscientific and often based on stereotypes which, again, originated
in prejudice. Anthropologists now regard perceptions of race as social or cultural constructs
and to understand why the racial approach to human variation has been so unproductive and
often damaging, we must first understand the race concept in strictly biological terms. In biology, a race is defined as a subspecies, or a population of a species that differs geographically,
morphologically, or genetically from other populations of the same species.
Simple and straightforward as such a definition may seem, there are three very important aspects
to note here. First, it is arbitrary; there is no agreement about how many differences constitute
a race. For example, if one researcher emphasises skin colour while another emphasises blood
group differences, they will not classify people in the same way. Ultimately, it proved impossible
to reach agreement on the number of genes and precisely which ones are the most important
for defining race.
After arbitrariness, the second issue to note about the biological definition of race is that it
does not mean that any one race has exclusive possession of any particular variant of any gene
or genes. In human terms, the frequency of a trait such as the type O blood group, for example,
may be high in one population and low in another, but is present in both. In other words, populations are genetically “open,” meaning that genes flow between them. Because populations are
genetically open, no fixed racial groups can exist. For human beings, the primary reproductive
barriers are therefore sociocultural.
Another important consideration about the biological definition of race is that the differences
among individuals and within a population are generally greater than the differences among populations. Evolutionary biologist Richard Lewontin demonstrated this through genetic analyses in
the 1970s. He compared the degree of genetic variation within populations and among so-called
racial types, and found a mere seven percent of human variation to exist among groups. The vast
majority of genetic variation exists within groups (see Haviland et al 2008:268–269).
DNA/genetic analysis has, for example, shown that one of South Africa’s popular “black”
television personalities has predominantly western European traits – and a former “black”
president of the country has significant Khoekhoen and San genetic characteristics! In fact,
in all DNA analyses thus far, a biologically “pure” individual has yet to be found.
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LEARNING THEME 4
It is therefore impossible to define human “races” biologically. Only sociocultural constructions
of race are possible – even though the average person conceptualises “race” in biological terms.
The belief that human races exist and are important is much more common among the public
than it is among scientists. Most Americans, for example, believe that their population includes
biologically based “races” to which various labels can be applied. These labels include “white”,
“black”, “yellow”, “red”, “Caucasoid”, “Negroid”, “Mongoloid”, “Amerindian”, “Euro-American”,
“African American”, “Asian American”, and “Native American” (see Kottak 2008:100).
In South Africa when forms have to be filled in, particularly for government departments (but also
for registration at certain universities!), it is required that you mark a block indicating “white”,
“black” or whatever – sometimes with a reason added, “for census purposes”.
Racism is the belief that some “races” are innately inferior to others.
The assumption that behavioural differences exist among human “races” remains an issue to
which many people today cling tenaciously. Throughout history, certain characteristics have
been attributed to groups of people under a variety of names – national character, spirit, and
temperament – all of them vague and standing for a number of concepts totally unrelated to
any biological phenomena. Common myths involve the coldness of Scandinavians or the warlike
character of Germans or the laziness of Africans. Such unjust characterisations rely upon a false
notion of biological difference.
To date, no innate behavioural characteristic can be attributed to any group of people (which
the non-scientist might term a “race”) that cannot be explained in terms of sociocultural practices. If the Chinese happen to exhibit exceptional visual-spatial skills, for example, it is probably
because the business of learning to read Chinese characters requires a visual-spatial kind of
learning that is not needed to master western alphabets (see Haviland et al 2008:271). Similarly,
the fact that black South Africans do not significantly excel in sports such as swimming, tennis
and golf is because of their long period of exclusion from, and lack of accessibility to, specialist
sports facilities – and not because of a physical/biological disadvantage or precondition. In other
words, we are looking at the influence of a sociocultural variable.
High crime rates, alcoholism and drug use among certain groups can be explained with reference
to culture rather than biology. Individuals who are alienated and demoralised by poverty and
injustice tend to display antisocial behaviours more frequently than those who are integrated
into the dominant culture. In a racialised society, poverty and all its ill consequences disproportionately affect some groups of people more than others (see Haviland et al 2008:271).
KEY CONCEPTS IN THIS LEARNING THEME
Biological/physical anthropology, primates, anthropoids, hominoids, hominids, hominins, Homo
sapiens sapiens, Australopithecus africanus, Homo habilis, Homo erectus, Homo neanderthalensis,
“human nature”, race, racism.
46
The human species, where do we come from and what is “natural” about “human nature”?
SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS
•
•
•
•
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How did modern human beings emerge and eventually develop physically/biologically to the extent that they had the capacity for language
and culture?
What is “human nature”?
“Humans share certain characteristics with other animals, such as primates, hominoids etc, but also have uniquely human (Homo sapiens sapiens)
features.” Explain this statement.
Human beings are faced with the challenge of accepting and understanding
the range of biological diversity without succumbing to oversimplification,
discrimination, and even conflict and bloodshed, on the basis of perceived
but superficial differences. How does anthropology help us to meet this
challenge?
47
LEARNING THEME
LEARNING THEME 5
5
5
5.
OUR BODIES, OUR SELVES
OVERVIEW
The purpose of this learning theme is to examine the specific ways that people think about,
and deal with, their bodies. Such notions are embedded in a wider sociocultural system with
its inherent values and meanings, and these are put into perspective. Among other things, we
shall discuss images and perceptions of the body, body modifications, body techniques, body
language and body parts.
This learning theme is organised as follows:
5.1
5.2
5.3
5.4
5.5
5.6
5.7
5.8
5.9
Introduction
The body
Experiencing “the body”, our bodies
Images and perceptions of the body
Body modifications
Body techniques
The social body
Body language
Body parts
CRITICAL QUESTIONS
• Why is it justifiable to suggest that the body/our body is both natural and an
abstraction – and that it is also shaped by a sociocultural system?
• People throughout the world perceive of, and deal with, a body/their bodies in
different ways. Why, and how, are the following so important to human beings:
bodily decoration and modification, experiencing the body, images and perceptions of the body, and body parts?
5.1
3
INTRODUCTION
Every one of us has or is a body. However, does one possess a body? Or am I my body? Am I
furthermore, something different from my body? If I have a body, does that imply I am somehow
separate from it? What about a perception such as body-mind-soul?1
1 For both the title of this learning theme and several of the insights dealt with here, we are indebted to Carol Delaney
(2004:231–262).
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Our bodies, our selves
REFLEXIVE OBSERVATION/RESEARCH
Stand in front of a full-length mirror. Carefully observe what you see and then make
notes about the following:
Appearance
height, build, colouring (hair, skin, eyes etc)
Posture
stance
Facial expression
Dress
clothing
Decoration
adornment (jewellery etc)
Modification
body piercing, tattoos, marks etc
Make-up
cosmetics (lipstick etc)
Hair
colouring, texture, style, modification (-- shaven?)
How do you feel about what you are seeing? Comfortable? Critical? Satisfied?
EXPLAIN
People throughout the world think about their bodies in particular ways and deal with their
bodies in a distinct manner – and anthropologists have always been interested in this, mainly
because notions of the body and handling of the body are embedded in a wider sociocultural system
and its inherent values and meanings. For this reason such studies have to be carried out, and
understood, in context.
Let us now explore and “experience” something of the different aspects, and perceptions, of the
body. Some of the questions you should be asking yourself, and which we shall be considering,
include the following:
•
•
•
What different features of the body do people acknowledge, emphasise, tone down/understate – and why?
What techniques and rituals of the body do people use (for walking, sleeping, hygiene etc)?
And what about the following?
¶
¶
¶
¶
¶
¶
¶
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bodily decoration
sex and gendered bodies
diseased and dead bodies
body (spare) parts
bodies and discipline
the symbolic use of “body” as in “body politic”
“body language”
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LEARNING THEME 5
5.2
THE BODY
Although we probably will agree, at least in a certain sense, that the body is natural, to what
extent is the body a “socioculturally made” body? The body breathes and excretes waste and
requires food and rest (see Eriksen 2004:134). We all share certain characteristics of what we
might call “bodilines” such as flesh, blood, and bones as well as proneness to disease and illness, aging and dying. But the body is also both an abstraction and is formed and shaped by a
sociocultural system, and not least by the particular language of that system. All communities
distinguish between different bodies – to mention but one example, the male and female bodies
are differentiated and the focus is usually on female bodies rather than male bodies.
The sociocultural system and context have an influence on our bodies – what we eat, how we
sleep and walk, work and play (recreation) and learn are some of the variables. But it is also a
matter of how we experience our bodies – with pride, disapproval, confidence or embarrassment – all influenced by the current norms and values. And then there is also the matter of the
system’s control over our bodies and the measure of discipline exerted on them.
The “physical” or natural body, however, cannot be ignored and people have always and everywhere never discounted this and have, in fact, often accentuated the physical body, particularly
as far as appearance goes. Long, short, slender and stout bodies have been discerned (Peruvians,
for example, refer to a short person as a chato, a tall one as a flanco, and someone with a disability as a manco etc). Hair colour and texture have also been conspicuous (a person with red
hair may be given the nick-name “ginger” or “carrot top”, and note the wave of “blond” jokes
or even the current trend of “no hair” – black males in South Africa, in particular, shaving their
heads). Skin colour, of course, has always been prominent: there are those who tan themselves
to get a darker skin and those with naturally dark skins who use skin lightener!
Take the last-mentioned as a brief example. Human populations throughout the world differ in
their average skin colour. People commonly regard skin colour as an important indicator of “race”
and on this basis treat others differently and even discriminate against them. Anthropologists,
however, have long since pointed out that skin colour is not a reliable indicator of ancestry – and
DNA/genetic analysis has shown that a person with a dark complexion might quite conceivably
also trace her/his descent from forebears in western Europe. But when considering skin as part
of the natural body, it has long since been indicated that very dark skin is due to the amount of
melanin (dark pigment) in the skin which, in turn, is related to the climate in which a person (or
the forebears) lives or lived – melanin protects the sensitive inner layers of the skin from the sun’s
damaging ultraviolet rays. Light-coloured skin again maximises ultraviolet penetration – ensuring adequate amounts of vitamin D for good health. Too much vitamin D is also detrimental, so
dark skin in tropical climates protects people from possible illness in another way. Humans have
made other physical/bodily adaptations – to high altitude (in the Himalayas and Andes), where
the inhabitants do not develop a condition known as hypoxia or oxygen deficiency; to different
temperatures – by body mass and stature; and to susceptibility – or lack of susceptibility to
infectious diseases such as sickle-cell anaemia (abnormality of the red blood cells). Populations
in tropical areas of Africa and in Greece, Sicily and Southern India have more natural resistance
to malaria (see Ember et al 2005:205–211).
5.3
EXPERIENCING “THE BODY”, OUR BODIES
Although we might not consciously remember this, our awareness and experience of our bodies
started when we were infants. We were often held, lovingly or not, we were fed when we cried,
then taught to walk, how to eat and how to behave – at the time, we were learning to do things
to and with our bodies, but according to the guidelines or rules of our context, our sociocultural
system. Toilet training, for example, varies from community to community – some swaddle their
babies, others barely cover them; in some contexts the entire family sleeps together for skin
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Our bodies, our selves
contact and body warmth, in others it is said that this would inhibit development of independence and would be harmful to people’s psychological and sexual health. Many countries now
have top-selling childcare guides which are manuals about appropriate bodily practice and child
training/discipline – usually reflecting the norms of the majority or most influential members of
that specific sociocultural system.
5.4
•
•
•
•
•
•
IMAGES AND PERCEPTIONS OF THE BODY
Are you currently trying to lose weight?
Do you attend a health and fitness centre and exercise or train with weights?
Are you getting fit and/or getting your body “into shape”?
Are there singers, movie or television personalities or sport stars who you admire and would
like to, or do, emulate, particularly as far as their appearance goes?
Have you ever changed your appearance significantly – hairstyle or colour, teeth straightened,
cosmetic surgery, botox etc?
How many people do you know who would reply positively to one or more of these questions?
It is not unusual for people to change their appearance (see next section 5.5 – Body modifications). There are those who adopt a new diet and start exercising because they want to live a
more healthy life. But there are also those who do so in order to follow the current “fashion”
or image or perception of what an attractive body is (or is supposed to) look like. Peer pressure
is also often a significant factor.
Images of the ideal body are derived from many sources – parents, brothers and sisters, relatives, friends, peer group and, currently, from and through the media – celebrities, models, sport
heroes, actors and actresses. In previous times, individuals who were regarded as having highly
regarded or prized bodies (according to the contemporary sociocultural norms of the day) would
simply have been identified from within the group. During the classical period, such bodies might
have been “captured” or depicted in sculptures or paintings.
As we said earlier on, over the years the focus has, literally and figuratively, been on the female
body. Today, however, men in various stages of undress are also to be seen more often in magazines and advertisements.
Below is an arbitrary selection of feature articles and advertisements found in O: The Oprah
Magazine:
Feature articles
•
•
•
•
Health – body wise
Style and fashion
Beauty
Interviews (accompanied by glamorous photographs) with soap opera stars and other successful, well-known women
¶ The overriding theme was improving your body and appearance and striving for success
Advertisements
•
•
•
•
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L’Oreal – “Wrinkle De-Crease”, “Let Surgery Wait!” anti-wrinkle cream (featuring model
Claudia Schiffer)
Clarins Paris – The Extra-Firming range: “Help your skin regain youthful radiance”; “Discover
age control” (this company also sells breast-firming products)
Capture. Dior – New skin in 1 hour? “Smooth your wrinkles, release your radiance”
L’Oreal Paris – Excellence Crème: Worldwide leader in hair colour
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LEARNING THEME 5
Book reviews
•
“French Women Don’t Get Fat”
What all of these have in common, is improving the appearance of women and particularly their
bodies (May 2005)
The work of artists such as Rubens (1577–1644) and Renoir (1841–1919) centred on the female
form – both these artists depicted women with curvaceous, rounded bodies. In the United
States, and anywhere else where American movies were shown, the superstar pin-ups of earlier decades (the 1950s) were Marilyn Monroe, Ava Gardner and Elizabeth Taylor – and these
women were all buxom and curvaceous.
After the 1950s, however, the ideal female body changed dramatically, becoming thinner and
thinner and more and more “boyish”. This is an example of how images and perceptions of female
attractiveness vary over time and, significantly, very few of us are immune to these dictates – the
dictates of a specific sociocultural system. Indeed, today, some sixty years after Gardner and
Taylor, the condition “Anorexia Nervosa” (the medical term for the disease of self-starvation)
is common and statistics of young people (particularly girls) dieting themselves to the point of
starvation are disturbing. A poll conducted in the USA in 1996 showed that “young girls are
more afraid of becoming fat than they are of nuclear war, cancer, or losing their parents” (“Facts
and Figures”, quoted by Delaney 2004:235).
The important question is not so much what changes occur over the years, but rather why
images and ideals of the body change.
Despite the impact of the feminist movement over the past decades, the reality still is that,
in communities all over the world, women display male wealth and prestige on and by their
bodies. In the USA, Europe, South Africa, Australia etc, particularly in the urban areas, it is now
the thin, elegant woman who displays the wealth and prestige of her husband. In rural Turkey,
however, it is the round, plump woman who demonstrates for all to see that she is well provided
for, that she has enough to eat – and this reflects honour and prestige of her husband. Fat is also
beautiful among certain African groups. At a festival in Niger, women “compete to become the
heaviest. They train for the beauty contest by gorging on food, especially millet, and drinking
lots of water on the morning before the contest” (Onishi 2001, quoted by Delaney 2004:234).
The current increasing focus on male bodies is not a shift in the sociocultural ideal of beauty from
women to men, but rather that both are being objectified, in other words, made into objects of
desire – and hence the use of both bodies in advertisements.
ACTIVITY 5.1
Cut out two advertisements from any popular magazine, one that features a man and
one that features a woman. For each advertisement do three things. First, describe
the person in the advertisement: body image, stance, expression, and so on. Second,
discuss why you think this particular image helps to sell the product in question.
Third, discuss how this particular image communicates something about the sociocultural system’s notion of males and females. You could ask a couple of friends
to comment on the pictures as well and include their comments in your analysis.
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Our bodies, our selves
5.5
BODY MODIFICATIONS
We have already mentioned the fact that dieting and exercising are common ways used by men
and women to try to change their bodies – and there are many other ways: corsets and girdles,
breast implants, liposuction, botox injections, penis enhancement, cosmetics and teeth straightening. But there are also more “unusual” examples of peoples’ bodies being modified to comply
with current sociocultural trends, particularly norms of female beauty: in Burma (Myanmar)
Padung women use neck rings to elongate their necks; in some rural areas, Chinese people still
bind little girls’ feet from a young age because tiny feet for women are regarded as beautiful.
Tattooing and scarification; body piercing; circumcision; female genital mutilation and castration
are all examples of the modification of, in particular, the female body.
Dan Brown is arguably one of the most successful contemporary novelists in the world. He
has certainly broken virtually every record with his book sales and particularly his The Da
Vinci Code made him famous. Angels and Demons was almost as successful and together with
his latest, The Lost Symbol, the fictitious Professor Robert Langden is the main character and
hero in all three, and he is a “symbolist”, an expert in the analysis of symbols and symbolism.
There is agreement, even amongst his critics, about one thing as far as Dan Brown and his
books are concerned – he does meticulous and thorough research of his topics. In his latest,
The Lost Symbol, Prof. Langdon’s main adversary is a certain Mal’akh (a male), whose body is
covered from head to toe in tattoos, in symbols. This is what Brown has to say about such
tattoos – and let us consider this for the sake of our discussion (Brown 2009:10):
The goal of tattooing was never beauty. The goal was change. From the sacrificed Nubian priests of 2000 BC, to the tattooed acolytes of the Cybele cult of ancient Rome,
to the moko scars of the modern Maori, humans have tattooed themselves as a way
of offering up their bodies in partial sacrifice, enduring the physical pain of embellishment and emerging changed beings. Despite the ominous admonitions of Leviticus
19:28, which forbade the marking of one’s flesh, tattoos had become a rite of passage
shared by millions of people in the modern age – everyone from clean-cut teenagers
to hard-core drug users to suburban housewives. The act of tattooing one’s skin was
a transformative declaration of power, an announcement to the world: I am in control
of my own flesh. The intoxicating feeling of control derived from physical transformation had addicted millions to flesh-altering practices – cosmetic surgery, body piercing,
bodybuilding, and steroids – even bulimia and transgendering. The human spirit craves
mastery over its carnal shell.
In all communities people change the appearance of their bodies in some way. Some of these
changes could perhaps more accurately be termed “body decoration” or “adornment” and they
might be permanent – scars, tattoos, (as we have seen) changes in the shape of a body part, or
more temporary – in the form of paint, cosmetics or objects such as feathers, jewellery, skins or
clothing. In addition to aesthetic considerations, body decoration and adornment in particular are
also used to designate status, rank, gender, occupation, religion and identity within a community
– and usually in keeping with its sociocultural pattern. Such “markers” include a king’s crown, the
red hunting jacket of an English gentleman, the gold-embroidered jacket of the Indian rajah, the
leopard skin regalia of the Zulu king (or that of President Jacob Zuma at his recent, and latest,
wedding), a cross, or Star of David for those with a Christian or Jewish inclination.
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LEARNING THEME 5
ACTIVITY 5.2
Can you think of an example in your own life when you were aware of trying to make
your body, or part of it, conform to a sociocultural norm or standard? How did you
do it and why? If you cannot think of such an example – or would prefer not to share
it – ask someone else if they would be willing to share such information with you.
The erogenous areas of the body are also accentuated: women's red lips, short skirts, low-cut
dresses, exposed stomach etc. Men grow beards and wear low-slung jeans. The body may also
be more permanently marked or altered, often to indicate and individual's change of status. An
example here is circumcision in various South African communities where it forms part of a
broader initiation ritual.
(Van Vuuren & De Jongh. 1999:143, 149)
Communal and individual initiation ritual forms an essential part of the transformation
process by which young people in many African communities are formally guided to adulthood. In most indigenous South African communities the initiation process coincides with
physical puberty (ejaculation and menstruation), either immediately (age 13–14) or at a later
adolescent stage (age 18–20). Initiation is gender specific, and boys and girls initiation are
distinct and separate notions. Collective initiation for girls is prominent among the Vendaspeaking (the husha and domba), Pedi or Northern Sotho (the bojale) and Tsonga-speaking
(ku tomba) communities. Girls are individually initiated amongst the Zulu, Ndebele, Swazi and
Xhosa-speakers (the intonjane). Clitoridectomy has not been part of female initiation, except
probably in the Tsonga community in Mozambique, where it is apparently still practised.
Circumcision is an integral part of male initiation except amongst the Zulu, where it was
allegedly banned by Shaka, and among the Swazi, where it was banned by Mswati. Collective circumcision is presently still practised by the Ndebele, certain Northern Sothospeaking communities (for example Pedi and Kgaga) and in Lesotho and the Free State
Province among the southern Sotho.
There seem to be three perceived levels of rationale to initiate: (1) male initiation provides
fundamental everyday integration into and recognition within (Xhosa) society, (2) strategic
and instrumental reasons (access to marital, economic and other resources), and (3), a
less important one, of a distinctive ethnic identity. Current (emic) views on male initiation
reconfirm those expressed by the 1960s urban anthropological studies.
The institution of male initiation remains intact and according to the perceptions of the
majority of the people interviewed universally accepted as a social, ritual transformation
process for symbolically integrating new men into Xhosa society. In itself physical mutilation (circumcision) is simply one part of the process, but what is crucial is to become
ritually part of the transformation order with other boys and men. Therefore, non-ritual
or deritualised circumcision is devoid of any profound and meaningful content.
Tattooing and scarification, as we have indicated, are also forms of permanently marking the body.
Scarification is practised among a number of societies such as the Nuer and Dinka in Africa and
designs are created on the body by scars that are ritually applied at particular times (eg during
initiation).
It is said that tattooing may date back as far as the Upper Palaeolithic era (10,000 – 40,000 years
ago) and that it is one of the most persistent and universal forms of body art. It is particularly
prevalent in Polynesia and a contemporary example is displayed by the New Zealand Maoris
and many of the players in their national rugby team, the All Blacks. In fact, a number of their
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Our bodies, our selves
players were recently banned from the swimming pool of a fitness centre in Japan because, to
the Japanese, the tattoos were reminiscent of those displayed by a notorious local Mafia.
ACTIVITY 5.3
Do you have a tattoo? What kind is it and where and why did you have it inscribed?
Do you have friends and/or family who have tattoos?
Make a list of all the people you know with tattoos. Next to each name on your list
describe the tattoo(s) and give the reason/explanation why the specific individual
decided to be tattooed.
Tattoos are created by inserting ink or some other pigment through the epidermis (outer skin)
into the dermis (the second layer of skin), using needles. Tattooing may simply be done because
it is regarded as attractive, but tattoos often convey different meanings about the wearer and
his or her position or status in the community. In other words, tattoos are way in which people transform and express themselves – and a way that human beings establish themselves as
sociocultural beings. Tattoos have been used to punish (eg by marking slaves or prisoners) or
to indicate clan or cult membership, religious or ethnic affiliation, marital or social position.
Tattoos communicate, not only in a simplistic sign-meaning manner, but also through colour, style,
method of execution and positioning on the body. At first conspicuously inscribed to be “read”,
the trend lately has been toward a personal or private statement and, women especially, tend
to favour smaller tattoos in intimate places. (De Mello 2008, in Haviland et al 2008:581–582).
Body piercing, female genital mutilation and castration are still more ways of permanently marking
the body and, briefly, these entail the following:
•
•
APY1501/1
Body piercing. As always, a practice such as body piercing should be understood in the particular and current sociocultural context where it occurs. Throughout the world, however,
aesthetic considerations seem to predominate (eg the pierced noses of some women in
India). Contemporary and earlier trends in body piercing do not seem necessarily to stem
from a community’s traditions and rituals over generations. For many years, ear piercing has
been common, which enables women to wear earrings securely. Almost universally practised, the Fulani of Sudan and the Masaai of Kenya are African examples of women wearing
elaborate (and quite heavy) earrings consisting of wire and beads – which result in the ear
lobe being stretched. Today, in urban contexts all over the world, young people in particular
are having their ears pierced. Some have multiple ear piercings, but also nose, eyebrow, lip,
tongue and navel piercings. Some of these are intended to indicate sexual orientation or are
said to increase sexual pleasure – the nipples, the penis, labia and clitoris have also become
parts of the body to be pierced for the insertion of rings and other objects.
Female genital mutilation. As opposed to male circumcision, genital cutting – primarily the
excision of the clitoris – is not done for enhanced sexual pleasure or hygienic reasons, but
to deny sexual pleasure. It is still practised in some 28 African countries. These practices are
often enforced by older women in a community where the sociocultural system construes
female sexuality to be rampant and uncontrollable and insists that measures be taken to
inhibit female sexuality. Despite widespread opposition and the fact that the concept of
bodily integrity is included in the International Bill of Human Rights, the practice still occurs,
particularly among African Muslims. Anthropological ethics and relativism of course also come
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LEARNING THEME 5
into play here – does a community of people have the right to pursue its “traditional practices
and values”? What about universal human rights and values?
What is your opinion on this?
Speaking out on the horrors of female ‘circumcision’
Barbaric: a generation of empowered women are campaigning to end genital mutilation,
writes Bint al-Sultan (Bint al-Sultan 2010:7):
WHEN I was “circumcised” I was five or six, but it happens to girls as young as four. It
starts as a ceremony – the girl is bought clothes, gold earrings and bangles. She has henna
put on her hands and feet: the preliminaries are regarded as a celebration where she is the
centre of attention.
But later they take her and put her in a gadha, which is shaped like a deep dish. They lay her
across it and hold her legs open; there are often three people holding her very tight when
she’s on the gadha, two holding her legs and hands, and one holding her chest and head.
The equipment is handmade: a sharp curved knife which is not sterilised. And the girl is
given no anaesthetic. It is usually mostly women in attendance. They leave a little hole or
urination. There are no stitches; they treat the wound with herbs, salt and water. It bleeds
a lot and the victim is in great pain. I was horribly frightened and crying. The ‘ceremony’
takes as little as 20 minutes or as long as an hour, depending on how much the girl struggles.
In Sudan and in neighbouring countries, female genital mutilation (FGM) is a cultural issue.
If you don’t undergo ‘circumcision’, people think you are dirty and no man will marry you.
You could say it is about ownership or protection – if someone tries to rape you, they cannot do it easily.
I came to the UK to study and about the same time suffered a great deal of bleeding and
pain, so I went to hospital. The nurses and doctors didn’t know about FGM. They looked
at me as though I was a freak and I had to explain I was “circumcised”. It turned out that
when they carried out the procedure they left part of one of my labia inside me, so the UK
doctors operated to get rid of it.
Many families in Britain take girls to their country of origin to have it done. It is a holiday,
they see family and the countryside and are then “circumcised”.
We need education that is respectful and sensitive. It can’t be a cultural confrontation, a judgment. People have been practising this for centuries and see it as embedded in their culture.
You cannot approach them aggressively – you have to invite them to talk, to show them the
consequences of FGM later on, during menstruation, childbirth and so on. We must educate
grandmothers and mothers and young children, and campaign against it.
Study Guide APY2601 – Anthropological theory in practice deals with the issue of female genital
cutting more extensively in Study unit 13: Ethnographic case study: Female genital cutting:
culture and controversy.
•
Castration. As an extreme measure to control sexuality, male castration is intended to
make men more docile and therefore less aggressive (eg guards of the female quarters in the
women’s section (the harem) of a Muslim household). However, castration for this reason
now seems to belong to history.
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Our bodies, our selves
5.6
BODY TECHNIQUES
As far as stance, bearing, moving or resting the body is concerned, there is variation among communities throughout the world. Some people are comfortable with squatting, while others always
use stools or chairs. There are different ways (styles) of walking, sleeping, dancing, jumping, climbing, coughing, spitting, bodily hygiene (bathing, caring for teeth, hair etc), swimming and eating.
Body techniques are passed on from generation to generation by teaching or by example and
are often adaptations to particular contexts; of course, gender and age also play a role.
5.7
THE SOCIAL BODY
When reference is made to the “body politic”, an analogy is being made between a human, living
body and social entities (eg a community or society). The implication is of an “organic whole”
whose independent parts function together as a unit.
5.8
BODY LANGUAGE
When we discussed body modifications (5.5 above) and body techniques (5.6), there was already the implication of “sending messages” or “conveying certain meanings” by means of the
body. Human beings communicate – and communicate extremely efficiently – via a diversity of
languages. Despite this efficiency, however, full understanding of verbal “messages” is only possible with the aid of body language.
Gestures and expressions, for example, add human emotions and intentions to a specific
verbal communication. Is the person who is “sending the message” happy, sad, cross, bored,
enthusiastic or tired? It is said that at least 90% of emotional information is transmitted by body
language and tone of voice (Haviland et al 2008:369).
The “science” of body language is kinesics and humans have a vast array of ways to communicate
by means of their bodies:
™ Gestures complement spoken messages:
¶ Nodding the head while saying “yes”
¶ Raising the eyebrows while asking a question
™ Nonverbal signals may contradict the spoken messages
¶ If the verbal communication is not true, this can usually be “read” in the body. For example:
“I love you”, “Glad to see you again after all these years”, “I am happy for you that your
team won!” might all be contradicted by the eyes or facial expression.
™ Body language is not universally the same
¶ The people of Sri Lanka move their heads slowly in a sideways movement to indicate yes
if asked to do something
¶ In Greece “no” is indicated by jerking the head back so as to lift the face (Haviland et al
2008:370)
We have 80 facial muscles capable of making more than 7,000 facial expressions! (Haviland
et al 2008:369)
“It’s not so much what was said as how it was said” – tone of voice, sighing, groaning
etc all convey a specific meaning
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LEARNING THEME 5
Finally, proxemics, the study of human beings’ perception and use of space, is also related to body
language. Differences have been discerned across different sociocultural systems – particularly
as far as the use of personal space is concerned. For example, people have different norms
as far as the space around their bodies is concerned – especially in terms of closeness when
around other people. In Spain, Portugal or Italy and in most African countries people may stand
quite close to each other, and even touch, when talking. In the United States and England, the
“personal space” is often much bigger.
5.9
BODY PARTS
Perception of “the body” or “our bodies” usually implies the whole body, including its parts –
organs, legs, hands, ears, etc – in other words, the parts of the body are not normally regarded
as separable. Due to advances in technical and medical science, however, they have become
separable – it is possible to donate a kidney to another person without the transplantation
necessarily having an effect on the donor’s life.
“Harvesting” organs from the bodies of people who have died has also become commonplace.
A logical, but harmful, consequence of such technological advances has been trafficking in body
parts, with far-reaching ethical implications:
•
•
the flow of organs “follows the money”
bodies of poor people could (are being) be viewed as commodities providing detachable
spare parts to people in the First World
If you believe you are your body, who are you if receive a body part from someone else?
What are the religious implications? (For example, in Judaism and Islam the belief is that the
body should be buried intact.)
What are your views on all this?
KEY CONCEPTS IN THIS LEARNING THEME
The body, images and perceptions and experiencing the body, body modification, body techniques,
social body, body language, body parts.
SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS
•
•
•
•
58
What is the difference between our physical bodies and the same bodies
as influenced or altered by our sociocultural system?
How, and why, do people modify their bodies?
What does “body language” entail?
What are the ethical implications of harvesting and trading in body (spare)
parts?
LEARNING THEME
Culture, Social life and Sociocultural systems
6
6
6.
CULTURE, SOCIAL LIFE AND
SOCIOCULTURAL SYSTEMS
OVERVIEW
The purpose of this learning theme is to interrogate and put into perspective the concept of
culture. The nature and characteristics of sociocultural systems are examined – as human adaptation, learned, shared, symbolic, integrated and dynamic systems.
This learning theme is organised as follows:
6.1 Introduction
6.2 Sociocultural systems (culture) as human adaptation
6.3 Characteristics of culture
CRITICAL QUESTIONS
• Although the term and concept of culture is widely accepted as valid among
the public generally and in both the printed and electronic media, its use and
relevance has increasingly been widely questioned and criticised. It is a term
particularly open to debate among social scientists and, of course, anthropologists. How should we understand the concept of culture and is it still relevant
in our globalised world?
• How do human beings adapt to their environment?
• Sociocultural systems have certain characteristic features. What are these
and what are their significance?
6.1
•
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INTRODUCTION
A number of animal rights organisations believe that the annual Umkhosi wokweshwama communal Zulu ritual (in which young men kill a young bull with their bare hands) is an outrageous
and barbaric custom that should be banned. A spokesperson for King Goodwill Zwelinthini,
responding to the possibility of court action in terms of cruelty to animals, said that this is
the way it had been done for generations, that it was Zulu culture. The organisation Animal
Rights Africa, supported by People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals, in 2009 applied
to obtain a court interdict to prevent the intended killing. This time Mr Nhlanhla Mtaka,
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LEARNING THEME 6
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
a consultant for the festival, responded in an article in the KwaZulu-Natal newspaper, The
Mercury, saying that this “was a classical case of self-appointed cultural chauvinists who wish
to prescribe to a majority how they should practise their culture” (Liebenberg 2009:2). According to Animal Rights Africa, the protection of cultural rights in the Constitution does
not imply being exempt from other national legislation. The judge of the Supreme Court
in Pietermaritzburg eventually ruled against the Animal Rights Africa application and the
first fruits festival, including the killing of the bull, went ahead. King Zwelithini commented
afterwards that “… it was a wonderful ritual which cannot be spoiled by people who claim
that they know more about our culture than we do ourselves. The ritual has been a Zulu
custom for 300 years and serves a purpose without which his [ie the king’s] people will be
lost” (Waka-Zamisa 2009:3).
President Jacob Zuma, upon recently being asked why he had never responded to Archbishop
Desmond Tutu’s criticism of his candidature for president, said that, in his culture, respect
for an older person forbade him to do this.
From Europe it is reported that there is a dramatic swing to the conservative right in politics
and government. The Netherlands, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Italy, Spain, Portugal, Austria, Switzerland, Hungary etc are all experiencing this trend. Two main reasons for this are
identified. First, the influx of millions of “difficult to integrate” Muslims from North Africa
and Turkey – that is, people who wish to retain their “ethnic and religious identity”. And
many aspects of this are said to run counter to, and even conflict with, “European culture.”
Second, people are concerned about increasing European integration and that their own
identity will be swallowed up in a “grey and neutral Europe”. Research has shown that Europeans are no longer voting for political parties’ economic policies (capitalist or socialist),
but on the grounds of ethnic and cultural factors (Scholtz 2009:17).
Newspapers and magazines often feature a regular section or column called something like,
“Art, culture and entertainment”. In one such report it is mentioned that Joseph Shabala
(founder of Ladysmith Black Mambazo), John Kani (actor, writer and director) and David
Goldblatt (visual arts) have been honoured for their dedicated contribution to the arts by
the Arts and Culture Trust (by Addendum to Beeld 2009:16).
Headed by a cabinet minister, South Africa has a Department of Art and Culture.
The international news magazine, TIME, in its November 16, 2009 edition carries an essay
by Nancy Gibbs wherein she poses the question: “… Barack Obama, who belongs … where
exactly? Kansas? Kenya? Hawaii? Harvard? None of these quite fit the blender in chief, but
it struck me recently that Obama does have a cultural home: he’s the first President from
‘Sesame Street’ ” (a children’s television educational program) (TIME 2009:52).
The same edition of TIME carries a cover story on a new form of digital communication:
“Twitter”. Following on conventional telephones, television, Internet and cellular telephones,
Twitter, the managing editor of TIME claims, will change the way we communicate and live.
He also cites Marshall McLuhan who suggested that the medium is the message, that is, the
idea that technological form shapes and determines the culture.
A while ago one of our students visited the department and, in the course of general conversation, mentioned that he had been to the State Theatre in Pretoria to attend a recital
of a philharmonic orchestra to, as he put it, “… catch some culture”.
At a UNESCO/NEPAD conference held at Unisa in 2004, the then Minister Pallo Jordan in
opening the conference said, “The nurturing and valuing of diversity among cultures is critical …”. In presenting a paper during the same conference Vilakazi commented, “We must
abandon our contempt for the culture of rural people – use (their) culture and traditions – for
the new African culture” (De Jongh 2007:82).
(We have italicised the word culture in each of the sections above.)
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Culture, Social life and Sociocultural systems
ACTIVITY 6.1
Write down your responses to the following questions:
(1) Do you regard yourself as having (a) culture?
(2) If your answer is “yes” to the above question, do you know people with a similar
or different “culture”?
(3) What is it about peoples’ “culture(s)” that causes you to suggest that they
are similar or different?
(4) Explain what you consider culture to be.
Culture is probably one of the most frequently used words in anthropology. The term is
also commonly used in other disciplines and, as we saw above, by the public and media at large.
But culture is also a term that has had a diversity of meanings ascribed to it – again, witness the
examples listed above. Not even anthropologists, who have been using the term more frequently
and for longer than other disciplines, agree on its meaning. There are virtually as many definitions of culture as there are anthropologists who write about the concept.
The first formal attempt to define culture was that of the British anthropologist, Sir Edward
Tylor, in 1871 (Tylor 1958:1):
Culture … is that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, arts, morals, law custom,
and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society.
There have been many subsequent attempts at defining the concept of culture – to the extent
that, by the early 1950s, already the two American anthropologists Al Kroeber and Clyde
Kluckhohn had identified 162 different definitions (1952).
Several anthropology modules in this department pay particular, and in some respects,
more comprehensive attention to the concept of culture:
•
•
•
Only study guide for APY2601 – Anthropological theory in practice (study unit 1 – The notion of
culture)
Only study guide for APY2701 – Sociocultural solutions to problems of human adaptation (study
unit 1 – Anthropology in today’s world)
Only study guide for APY3702 – Applied anthropology: contemporary human issues and the practice of Anthropology (study theme 1 – The anthropological approach and the anthropological
Difference)
An important phrase in Tylor’s definition is “acquired … as a member of society”, because this
emphasises the fact that culture is not obtained biologically, but by growing up in the context of
a particular group, community, or society and therefore learning those particular cultural “ways”
or style of life. Recent definitions more specifically differentiate between the actual behaviour of
people and the ideas, values and perceptions that lead to or result in that behaviour.
We have already used the term culture several times in this module and shall continue to do so.
However, we have already indicated the fact that sociocultural system is probably a more accurate
term for peoples’ culture – but we shall use culture for the sake of brevity. Sociocultural systems
are generated (and transmitted from one generation to the next) by individuals interacting with
each other and with their sociocultural and physical environments. Sets of relationships established by interacting individuals in a particular sociocultural and natural context may become
repetitive over time and thus constitute a pattern. Should this generally become the behaviour
pattern for a significant number of people, it may in essence constitute what we may call their
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culture. People who share similar ideas and values and behaviour patterns and thus a sociocultural
system may be recognised as belonging to the same self-identified group.
As is illustrated by our student’s comment above, and by features in newspapers such as “Art,
culture and entertainment” or organisations such as the Arts and Culture Trust, culture is still
often popularly perceived as referring to refinement or even civilised behaviour. Cultured people appreciate and participate in the finer things in life: poetry, literature, painting, sculpture,
symphony, opera, theatre and ballet.
While art and the arts (music, dancing etc) are indeed part of people’s sociocultural system
or culture, there is much, much more to consider. All people are cultured, “have culture”, and
certainly not just those with a western European or classical education. In fact, culture permeates all human activity.
Because the word culture means so many different things, some academics, including some
anthropologists suggest that it is no longer a valid word and should no longer be used in the
discipline. Eriksen (2004:27–31) claims that there are four basic objections as far as the concept
of culture is concerned:
•
•
•
•
The use of the plural, cultures, of the word culture. Culture unites people; all human beings are
cultured and all have a language, religion, political and economic system and social organisation – this is what makes us uniquely human. But the plural, cultures, divides human beings
in that it emphasises differences between groups of people.
Culture encourages delineation and the identification of differences between groups – yet
there are often significant differences within a group. Also, globalisation has resulted in a
transnational (“transcultural”) flow of cultural elements, and younger people particularly,
throughout the world, now acquire the same cultural “references”.
The political use of the concept of culture. The anthropological concept of cultural relativism
has been used (and abused) to promote the claims of a particular group, to discriminate
against others and to justify exclusion by means of aggressive nationalism. This kind of use
of the word culture reduces the complexities of societies to a few simple categories and
encourages a kind of “we” versus “them” attitude.
The whole concept of culture is rather general and vague, and is used to refer to a conglomerate of various things. Although anthropologists have refined the definition of culture over
the years, the concept is still used “out there” to explain issues, problems and practices:
young men killing a bull; the effects of immigration into Europe; different ways of raising
children; conflict in schools; attitudes to foreign workers; different styles and preferences
for music or clothing. These examples suggest there is a need to be more specific and to
consider more closely the specific circumstances, context and historical development of
such aspects of people’s behaviour.
Despite these objections, and they should be heeded, a more precise use of the word “culture”
remains a useful anthropological tool. The reality is that, in many ways, humans are similar and
often behave in similar ways. But there are also frequently relevant, systematic and sometimes
striking differences between persons and groups, and some of these differences – possibly some
of the more important ones – are caused by the fact that the people who belong to these various groups have grown up in different sociocultural environments.
One of our colleagues has thoughts about some of these issues – about those realities that
we experience on a daily basis and about the use and perceived meaning of “culture” in South
Africa today:
Now that difference is no longer legislated in this country, it is seemingly thrust in our
faces, almost on a daily basis. Of course I am not predicating that we meekly accept, and
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Culture, Social life and Sociocultural systems
bear with, the notions “out there” – whether these be of South Africans at large or of our
own colleagues. And I am not saying that if we use concepts such as “culture”, “tribe” or
“ethnic group” that we do so on “their” terms. Of course we are dealing with ambivalent
conceptual constructs susceptible to ideological and contextual variables. Clearly, functioning
as we do best “from the margins”, we should interrogate their conceiving of “culture” for
example, and that we do so as the complex variety of possible ways in which people order
and comprehend their inter-relations with others – their emphasis may be on space or
place, identity, ethnicity, socioeconomic status or whatever. Perhaps we sometimes neglect
our “empirical mode”, not that this produces incontestable “facts”, but it does place us in
a better position to interrogate the considerations, variables or discourse which resulted
in those “facts”. Simply, we should interrogate why people invoke such terms and notions
in particular situations.
We should be dealing with those South Africans “on the ground”, who are living or constructing their strategies or realities, sometimes within the affinities of “group” – sociocultural or otherwise. And seemingly, being encouraged or sanctioned or underpinned by
allowances (with explicit terminology to this effect) in the South African Constitution (Act
108 of 1996) and also in legislation like the Traditional Leadership and Governance Framework Act (No 41 of 2003) where the roles and responsibilities of “traditional leaders” and
“traditional communities” are explicitly articulated. (De Jongh 2006(a):11–12)
Then there are also the indigenous peoples’ rights discourse, land claims countrywide
often in the name of a “tribe” or “traditional community”, human rights law, the currency
afforded such terms and principles in the media, and lastly and importantly, that social life
in this country is often still construed and articulated in terms of essentialist parameters.
People themselves do not necessarily regard culture as a hindrance – they often in fact
employ culture for particular purposes. People in South Africa, as elsewhere, increasingly
“play” their culture, identity, ethnicity and heritage according to certain objectives, in different contexts and for particular “audiences”. People of course, make, and remake their
culture. Historical variables and contemporary exigencies play important roles in why and
how people shape, present and perceive (their) “culture”. A more dynamic, dialectical and
agentic way of understanding culture accepts that it is contested and connected to relations
of power. “Culture” is now part of the discourse of contemporary society and through
innovative individuals, decision-makers and politicians, has been employed in a variety
of domains (Wright 1998:7). Culture is redefined for different agendas, for example, for
political ends.
One of my postgraduate students, for example, is currently working in Cape Town with
transnational “professional migrants” from elsewhere in Africa. She is finding that they
are not only faced with extreme xenophobia, but are experiencing, socially and in the
workplace, the jockeying between, for example, self-perceived “Zulu” and “Xhosa” (Shea
2006). These migrants’ experiences suggest that people here are still often marked by
colour and “culture”, and confirm that social relations are often relations of power. (De
Jongh 2007:81–82)
We have noted some of the pitfalls of essentialising or “over-popularising” culture, but it would
be counterproductive, even naïve, to discard, or disregard, a concept that helps explain that
people with different backgrounds, who have been raised in distinctly different environments,
live – to a greater or lesser extent – in different (not better or worse) life-worlds and see the
world in certain ways.
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ACTIVITY 6.2
When you first arrived at Unisa (or a regional office) to register
OR
Every day in your work environment
OR
When last you stood in a queue to renew your license or pay an account
OR
When you went shopping in a big shopping complex:
• you encountered people very different from yourself, people who come from different places, who have different values, different “ways” of “doing”, communicating
and of dress, and perhaps different tastes in food and music. You would have
become more aware of these things if you had the opportunity to speak to them
and perhaps got to know them a little better.
THE IMPORTANT POINT IS, WHAT DO YOU MAKE OF THIS? HOW DO YOU INTERPRET
THESE DIFFERENCES?
• Do you simply think “they are just different” and continue to associate with people
who are familiar – and similar – to you/yourself?
• Do you disregard them by ascribing the differences to your perception that they
belong to certain categories such as race, ethnic or language group, different
religious background, place or region or country that they come from, their socioeconomic (poor, wealthy) class, or their upbringing and values?
• Or do you simply/also consider them to have different natural or particular talents
and characteristics, whether physical, intellectual or creative?
Carol Delaney (2004:18) quotes Sylvia Yanagisako who, at a small conference in 1993, made a
case for the concept of culture. Yanagisako argued:
[We] need to explore and refine explanations of difference other than what I call the
three R’s: Race, Religion, and Reason or Rationality. These three Rs were the forms of
explanation of social difference … in the 19th century, they incorporated hierarchical and
unidirectional notions of progress and advancement but they end by putting the beliefs and
values of white, Christian, Euro-American males at the top.
[The concept of culture should be retained because it] is the conceptual and discursive
space we reserve to struggle to refine our understandings of social differences and similarities. It is that elusive abstraction we find it impossible to agree upon, but one that we find
it equally impossible to live without. Perhaps we know what this concept isn’t better than
we are able to grasp what it is. Culture is learned not inherited [ie it is not biological]; it is
shared and not idiosyncratic [ie it is not psychological]; and it is particular and not universal
[ie it is not a matter of philosophy].
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Culture, Social life and Sociocultural systems
6.2
•
•
•
•
•
SOCIOCULTURAL SYSTEMS (CULTURE) AS HUMAN
ADAPTATION
How do humans develop sociocultural systems, or culture?
How do humans meet the challenges of survival?
How do humans respond to the challenges of adapting to their physical or natural environment?
How do humans adapt to each other (ie their human environment), for example, in order
to live together in smaller or larger groups, and with people in other groupings?
How do humans:
regulate relationships between kin?
maintain health and prevent sickness?
regulate relationships within a community and between communities?
satisfy the need for creative expression?
communicate?
provide for their material needs?
provide for the need to explain the inexplicable and to relate to supernatural beings?
provide for a process of learning or acquiring or passing on acquired knowledge and appropriate behaviour, that is, culture?
¶ ensure that they live together in an orderly manner?
¶
¶
¶
¶
¶
¶
¶
¶
These questions are intended to focus our attention on the fact that human adaptation has
become mainly cultural and not biological, and that different aspects (parts) of culture, that is,
the various sociocultural systems, are more specific responses to the demands of living (and
living together) and that they thus fulfil particular functions.
During their evolutionary development, humans, like all animals, have continually faced the challenge of adapting to their environment (Haviland et al 2008:319). By means of natural selection,
organisms adapt, biologically, as more favourable anatomical and physiological features develop
(ie to cope with the environment). For example, body hair protects mammals from the effects of
extreme temperatures; other physiological traits (eg fangs and claws) enable animals to protect
themselves and, of course, hunt for food (see Learning theme 4 – The human species, where
do we come from and what is so natural about “human nature”?).
The term adaptation refers to a gradual process by which organisms (including animals and
humans) adjust to the conditions of the locality in which they live (Haviland et al 2008:319)
Human beings, however, have progressively become dependent on cultural, rather than biological, adaptation. Because humans have a combination of particular intellectual and physical
attributes, abilities and skills they have increasingly adjusted and changed their environment rather
than adapted to it.
Refer again to Learning theme 4 – The human species, where do we come from
and what is so natural about “human nature”?
Human beings do not have enough hair or fur covering their bodies to protect them in cold
climates, but they can make coats and blankets (even electric blankets!) and fires and build
shelters or houses to protect them from the cold. Human beings all over the world use a vast
array of objects – tools, artefacts and appliances – which they use to shape or manipulate the
environment to their benefit. If we consider only the procurement/production and processing
of food, imagine a situation where:
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LEARNING THEME 6
•
•
•
•
there were no ploughs, tractors and harvesting machinery to produce food
the San (Bushmen) did not have no bows and arrows or digging sticks to hunt game or dig
for roots or bulbs
kitchens did not have stoves, fridges, ovens, pots or kettles with which to prepare food
there were no matches or lighters to start a fire
This list is, of course, endless.
ACTIVITY 6.3
Compile your own list of objects or tools in the room where you are studying or any
other room in the house or flat where you are staying – remember many of these
might seem “obvious” – a chair, a cellphone, your wristwatch, clothing etc.
By manipulating the environment, human beings have been able to live in different, even extreme
environments, from the dry, hot Kalahari Desert to the icy Arctic regions. The process of doing this is what is known as the technology or material culture of a community. Importantly,
though, human beings have not only adapted to their environment by means of material objects
– they have also developed different sociocultural systems, that is, different ways of organising
their lives and themselves to better deal with the environment. The various aspects or systems
of culture are manifestations of human beings’ creative responses to the challenge of survival,
of adapting to the environment and to other people within or beyond their own group.
Note again the list of questions at the beginning of this section (6.2 Culture as human
adaptation).
These creative responses produce culture and, of course, the different aspects and systems of
culture (ie the various spheres of human activity). Let us consider a few examples:
•
•
•
•
•
•
66
The production, as well as the distribution and consumption of food, takes place in an organised manner. This is how a community’s economic system comes into being.
The human body is exposed to disease and ailments as well as psychological and psychic
deviations. In order to prevent disease and restore health, people create a medical system.
People are not only threatened by diseases, but may also be threatened or attacked by other
people. This means that all human beings take measures to protect and defend themselves,
often in a highly organised manner. This is how a military organisation or system comes
into being.
Human adaptation in order to survive in the natural environment is not an individual effort.
People associate with each other in order to reproduce, they marry and start family units
and organise themselves in other social units so that they can live together in an orderly
manner. This is how the kinship system comes into being (see Learning theme 8 – “Blood
is thicker than water”: relatives and relations, kinship and friendship).
A political system develops from the appointment or recognition of a leader or an authoritative body which makes rules and laws and which is accepted and obeyed by the members
of the community.
A judicial system comes into being because people need rules and laws if they are to live
together in an orderly manner. These rules and laws are enforced by means of courts and
other sanctions. The judicial system is headed by recognised leaders or officials (eg judges).
Culture, Social life and Sociocultural systems
•
•
•
In order to pass on accumulated knowledge and the rules for correct behaviour to children
and young people, every community has an informal or formal education system. All education systems are based on the deep-seated values and norms of the community.
People not only try to live in harmony with others, but most communities believe in the
existence of non-human forces or supernatural beings. These beings and forces are believed
to have a very definite influence on the life of the community and the people who make up
that community. In order to remain in harmony with these forces and beings, prayers are
said and ritual acts are performed. This is how religious systems are created. (See Learning theme 9 – Religion, the supernatural and magic?)
People also have certain emotional experiences that they express by means of sound, colour,
rhythm and movement. This is the basis of all communities’ artistic life – song, literature
(poetry and prose), paintings and dance.
Having explained all of this we must also sound a note of caution: the development of culture
and its various systems is not as deliberate, mechanical or simplistic a process as it may seem.
Instead, it depends on people – people with different personalities and peculiarities. Also, not
everything that people do is an endeavour to adapt to a particular environment. For example,
people do not just react to an environment as a given; instead, they react to it as they perceive
it, and different people perceive and experience the same environment differently. They also
react to things other than the physical environment: their own biological natures; their beliefs
and attitudes; each other; other people; and changing circumstances and conditions.
In brief, people develop and perpetuate and adapt their sociocultural systems to deal with the
demands of living – but some sociocultural practises are, or become, maladaptive and create
new problems; there is also the challenge of having to adapt to new demands imposed on
a community by the environment.
6.3
CHARACTERISTICS OF CULTURE
Anthropologists have studied a vast array of sociocultural systems or cultures for more than
a hundred years, right up to and including, contemporary times. This has enabled them to
develop an understanding of the main features or characteristics all human communities have
in common: each community or group’s sociocultural system is learned, shared, symbolic, integrated,
all-encompassing and dynamic.
Let us now discover what each of these cultural features or characteristics entails – by considering how we have experienced, and are experiencing, our own culture.
6.3.1 Culture is learned
Humans have the ability or capacity to learn. We all learn our culture by growing up in and with
it. Anthropologists refer to the process of learning a culture enculturation or socialisation: this is
the way culture is transmitted or carried over from one generation to the next. Importantly,
therefore, culture is not biologically inherited.
The Karretjie people, the itinerant sheep-shearers of the Great Karoo of South Africa, “learn
their culture” in a very distinctive way (De Jongh 2010:188, 194–195, 197–198):
Their childhood years, for most of the Karretjie People, entailed times of great flux
and fragmentation, a ceaseless process of shifting localities and changing relationships
with others where factors such as poverty, domestic disruption and personal uncertainty are the reality of their lives. They gain educational skills within their families
and community, i.e. the karretjie (donkey cart) domestic unit is the primary entity within
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LEARNING THEME 6
which they acquire knowledge peculiar to their lifestyle and environment. They do
not have the same access to formal schooling as children from other contexts because
certain barriers prevent them from exercising their basic right to education and its
associated benefits.
As formal education is a recent and extremely limited development for the Karretjie
People, the process through which the children are prepared for full participation in
their community is still an essential function of the karretjie unit. Informal education is
part of everyday life and the children learn by observing and imitating their parents,
other adults and siblings’ activities. The experience of moving to an outspan or farm
in itself is educational because they cover vast distances and frequently encounter new
regions and sets of people.
Karretjie children play together as a group well into adolescence although there is an
increasing tendency for girls’ and boys’ activities to separate as they become older. A
special relationship between a boy and a girl is not always clearly apparent in the sense
of them sharing time and activities apart from the rest. The itinerant lifestyle and the
small close-knit Karretjie community at a particular outspan preclude this. Informal
learning thus remains one of the main functions of the karretjie domestic unit. Older
children do not only play an active role with regard to sibling-care, they are also a
valuable source of domestic labour. Girls are more involved in activities surrounding
the immediate karretjie unit with chores such as sweeping, washing clothes, preparing
food and feeding pets and chickens. Boys also look after the donkeys, fetch water and
firewood and sometimes assist with chores such as washing clothing. Play for pleasure
and recreation and learning-by-playing also feature prominently in the Karretjie children’s
lives. Some of the games depict aspects of their daily realities and others reflect some
of their aspirations. With stones, sand, mud, sticks and old tins the little boys would
build their “farms”, one of them being the baas (boss) and the others the farm hands.
Or they would “drive” the rusty shell of a wrecked motor car found next to the road.
The little girls make stokpoppe (stick dolls) and play mother and baby or daughter.
From an early age boys accompany their fathers to the shearing shed. When they are
older and skilled enough, boys start shearing independently and as a result, often form
an independent karretjie unit. During her study amongst a group of Gypsies, Okely
(1983:162) observed that “the learning context for travelling children is most often on
the basis of one adult per child; a parent or relative. Learning is by direct example and
practice in circumstances similar to those they will experience as adults”. Thus many
Karretjie boys start shearing when they are still in their teens. Often they are trained in
shearing by observing and assisting their fathers during a shearing assignment. Children
younger than 14 years are not recruited into activities such as shearing because the
type of labour requires a certain measure of strength and can be done most efficiently
by adults or older and stronger boys.
You might suggest, quite rightly, that most animals seem to display learnt behaviour in the sense
that they exhibit shared behaviours. However, the degree to which such behaviour is instinctive
or learned varies. Ants, for example, have patterned behaviour, division of labour, construction of
anthills and food-fetching columns or lines – but they do these things without having been taught,
which means they do all this instinctively– and therefore their behaviour cannot be considered
sociocultural. Vervet monkeys again share certain behaviours which they learn – they all respond
to a certain call which means “danger” of some kind (eg a prowling leopard). Chimpanzees, on
the other hand, fashion a branch into a stick to scratch termites out of a nest – and the young
ones learn how to make this “tool” from their parents. This aspect of “culture” is learnt by trial
and error or imitation and many primates may be said to possess an elementary culture, the
difference with humans being that of degree.
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Culture, Social life and Sociocultural systems
What sets human beings apart, however, is the ability to use symbols (see following section).
Symbols enabled human beings to communicate in a complex manner by means of language.
Symbols or combinations of symbols thus signify or stand for certain things and thus convey
meaning. (See Learning theme 4 – The human species, where do we come from and what is so
natural about “human nature”?)
Like all animals, humans also become thirsty or hungry and thus have to eat or drink. But humans, unlike animals, do not usually just eat or drink whenever the urge to do so arises. Culture,
however, prescribes that humans eat at certain times, that they eat certain things, prepared
in certain ways – furthermore, culture dictates how food is eaten and even where it is eaten.
Food preference varies from community to community (or society) – dog meat is a delicacy
in China, but for many people the idea is abhorrent. In South Africa many people enjoy biltong
or bacon and eggs, but in India or Israel, eating raw beef or pork, respectively, is taboo. Food
is also not only eaten by humans to satisfy hunger; it may be used to celebrate rituals or during religious activities or for a “business lunch”. On the basis of cultural learning, then, people
create, remember and deal with ideas – they understand, apply and live by various systems of
symbolic meaning. Put differently, through enculturation – the learning of culture, people acquire
socioculturally appropriate ways of satisfying basic biologically and socially determined needs:
food, sleep, shelter, companionship, security, sexual gratification and procreation.
We can speak of something being cultural, therefore, if it is learnt behaviour, belief, attitudes,
values or ideals generally shared (see next section) by most members of a group.
ACTIVITY 6.4
Consider your own life thus far – your experiences from as long ago as you can remember: growing up, your family, going to school and all the subsequent years until
today – and then answer the following questions:
Why is your home language the language that you generally speak every day?
How did you come to know what proper or acceptable behaviour is? For example
• appropriate table manners
• respect for older people
• criminal versus law-abiding behaviour
Why do you prefer certain foods as opposed to others?
Why do you watch soccer rather than rugby matches or vice versa?
Why do some other people speak different languages and have different views about
some of the issues and practices that you take for granted?
Having thought about these questions, would you say that you learnt your distinctive style or way of life?
6.3.2 Culture is shared
If an individual thinks or behaves in a certain way, that thought or action might be personal, an
idiosyncratic habit or mannerism – peculiar only to that person. For a thought, action, belief or
particular kind of behaviour to be regarded as cultural, it must be shared by most of the people
in a group. Even if not everybody practises the behaviour, it is still considered cultural if most
or a significant number of people regard the behaviour as appropriate.
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LEARNING THEME 6
Refer to Learning theme 8 – “Blood is thicker than water”: relatives and relations, kinship and
friendship. In this learning theme we deal with, amongst others, different forms of marriage:
• Monogamy – the marriage of one man to one woman
• Polygyny – the marriage of one man to two or more women
Monogamy is regarded as an appropriate form of marriage by most white South Africans
and it is also practised as such by the majority of all South Africans who marry.
Polygyny is regarded as an acceptable form of marriage by many Zulu-speaking South Africans, particularly in rural KwaZulu-Natal, but is actually practised by a minority of those
people – note the recent divergent reaction to President Jacob Zuma’s recent marriage to
his fifth wife.
What is important for our purposes, however, is that in both cases we are dealing with a
cultural practice – acceptable behaviour.
Beliefs, values, behaviours, memories and expectations which are shared link people together
– and they share these because they grew up together and learnt (see previous section) this
shared culture by observing, imitating, listening, being taught, talking and interacting with each
other in a group context. However, there are different – what we may call “levels” – of sharing
cultural characteristics. Thus, we share many values, beliefs, practices or behaviours (and/or
other similarities) with:
•
•
•
•
Family or friends
Segments of our population whose ethnic or regional origins, religious affiliations and/or
occupations are the same or similar to our own (an “ethnic group” or “community”)
With most other South Africans (or the citizens of whatever country you happen to be living in) (our “society”)
With people beyond our own community, society or country, that is, people who have similar
interests or origins (see Ember et al 2005:222)
If there are smaller groups within a community or society with distinguishable practices or patterns of behaviour, we might refer to them as a subculture or as having a subculture.
In this learning theme particularly, but throughout this module, we have referred to different
kinds of groupings of people. Although we have normally used the term community, it might
be useful to put some other kinds of groupings into perspective as well:
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Society:
An organised group of interdependent people who generally share a common
territory, language and sociocultural system and who act together for their
wellbeing and survival.
Community:
The definition of a community is similar to that of a society, except that the
concept of a society is a construct of anthropologists and is therefore less “real”
than a community. A community is at a lower systemic level than a society, is
more localised, is self-perpetuating and has more easily identifiable boundaries
(ie it is a “natural” unit). Perhaps it is worth pointing out that a new dimension
has come about by way of the development of the internet, Facebook, “chat
rooms or dimension groups” etc. These could be regarded as virtual communities – and, in fact, are more important as groupings to some of their
Culture, Social life and Sociocultural systems
avid participants than the participants’ own, conventional communities (see
Learning theme 7 – Identity and ethnicity).
Ethnic group:
People who collectively and explicitly identify themselves as a distinct
group based on various sociocultural features, such as shared ancestry
and common origin, language, customs and beliefs. (See Learning theme
7 – Identity and ethnicity.)
A culture:
A way of referring to a group, such as a community or society, which shares
similar sociocultural characteristics.
A subculture:
A distinctive set of standards and behaviour patterns by which a group
within a larger community or society (or “culture”) functions, while still
sharing some common practices with those larger groupings.
Finally, we should keep in mind that, although culture may be shared by members of a community,
it is not unvarying – in other words, it is not exactly the same for each individual. Each person
does not share precisely the same version of their culture. For one, the roles of individuals differ. For example: males and females – gender roles; age – different roles for adults and children;
status – leaders and followers, wealthy and poor; environment – rural and urban, etc.
6.3.3 Culture is symbolic
The most important symbolic feature of culture is language (see section 6.3.1 above). Human
beings use words, to represent ideas, concepts and objects to convey meaning. Language, as
symbols, makes learning and sharing experience possible and it also enables humans to transmit
or convey information – a sociocultural system – from generation to generation.
Symbols are signs, sounds, objects or anything to which meaning is attached. As long as people
agree on their meaning, symbols have significance and can be communicated. Symbols, other
than language, play a role in most aspects of a socioculture. A symbol might be:
•
•
•
•
•
a national flag
a wedding ring
the emblem of a national sports team
a religious symbol (eg an Islamic crest, Jewish star of David or a Christian cross)
a political insignia (eg the Swastika of Adolf Hitler's Nazi Germany)
More often than not, such symbols evoke emotions, fervour, patriotism or devotion.
ACTIVITY 6.5
Make a list of all the symbols you are aware of or have encountered, for example
•
•
•
•
a national flag
road or traffic signs (no entry, one way, yield, speed limit etc)
religious symbols
examples from the economic world (companies, products, logos etc)
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LEARNING THEME 6
6.3.4 Culture is integrated
We have already explained that culture consists of different “parts” or sociocultural systems
that function together as an organised whole. The anthropological perspective endeavours to
perceive the way of life, or culture, of a community as a totality, that is, all of its cultural activities – this approach, as we have explained, is known as holism (see Learning theme 1 – What is
anthropology?). Thus the various aspects or systems of culture do not function in isolation, but
are integrated or interdependent.
An example of the integration of culture is the harvest feast (incwala) celebrated by the Swazi:
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
The incwala is primarily a dramatic performance of rituals dedicated to the ancestral spirits in
order to strengthen the position of the king. The ancestral spirits are related to the Swazi’s
religious system and the office of the king to the political system. The rituals therefore link
the two.
The initiative for arranging the incwala is taken by the Dlamini clan of which the king is a
member. As we point out in Learning Theme 8, a clan is a kinship unit that forms part of a
society’s kinship system. Kinship is thus linked to a society’s political system.
The link between the military and the office of the king is strengthened by the involvement
of all the most important regiments during the incwala rituals.
The feast links the economic system to both the military and the political system, because
the regiments are ordered by the king to weed his mother’s lands (which are part of the
economic system). Large quantities of beer and meat are consumed during the feast and this,
too, strengthens the links between the economic and the political aspects of Swazi society.
The preparations for the incwala feast involve everybody in Swazi society. Everybody goes
out into the veld to collect the ritual necessities for the feast. Any stranger who crosses
their path during this mission is fined. This, of course, means that the judicial system is part
of the feast.
The robe of office worn by the king and the costumes and clothes worn by other people all
form part of Swazi society’s material culture.
The songs which are sung and the dances performed are interspersed with symbolic ritual – in
other words, the creative aspect of Swazi society is directly linked to the office of the king.
From the above it is clear that the political aspect or system of the Swazi with the office of the
king as cultural focal point, forms the basis for the integration with the other aspects of their
socioculture system. This can be illustrated by the following diagram:
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Culture, Social life and Sociocultural systems
6.3.5 Culture includes everything
We have already explained that culture includes all aspects of human activity (see 6.1 above). The
concept of culture encompasses thus so-called refined culture, “popular” culture, conventional
behaviour and even seemingly trivial behaviour, and all human activities and endeavours.
6.3.6 Culture is dynamic
Although some sociocultural systems or cultures are certainly conservative – in the sense of
resisting change – all cultures are dynamic and are, to a lesser or greater extent, changing all
the time.
Parents and grandparents often tell their children and grandchildren how “times have changed”
and how different “things” were when they were young. When we go back to the place where we
were born or where we grew up, we can indeed see that changes have occurred. The fact of the
matter is that change is constant. Sociocultural change is universal – it occurs everywhere, all the
time. And those few things that do appear to stay are, in fact, also changing (albeit very slowly).
That said, sociocultural continuity is as much a characteristic of culture as sociocultural change.
Communities strive to preserve and maintain the tried and trusted, the familiar sociocultural
patterns. Indeed, conservatism can be said to be an inherent human trait, and this trait is reflected in sociocultural systems everywhere.
The matter of sociocultural change is dealt with more extensively in Module APY3702 –
Applied anthropology: contemporary human issues and the practice of anthropology.
Nowadays, change is often the result of influences from beyond the community or society.
Furthermore, as we all know, the pace of change has greatly accelerated. Although individuals
and groups may still be inventive or innovative, today change is often precipitated by external
contact or influences.
Given the environmental changes, both physical and sociocultural, that have been part of human
experience since prehistoric times, humans have had to initiate sociocultural change or have
had to accept and adapt to change in order to survive, that is human agency by way of individual
initiative or action always plays a role.
As contact between people with different sociocultural systems has increased (as a result of travel
or tourism [direct contact], or through the electronic and other media, including the internet
[indirect contact]), so has the pace of change. People follow or respond to trends or fashions
and to the ways other people do things. New ideas, values or behaviour may be adopted – or
explicitly rejected.
Sociocultural change can, of course, be as gradual and slight as to be unnoticeable. In some of
the remote rural areas of the world, people may be unaware of change, even though change has
touched every corner of the globe – hence the term “globalisation”. Change can often be sudden, even dramatic. Take, for example, the widespread and far-reaching changes which resulted
from the event that is now referred to as “9/11”. Or that caused by the Tsunami in the Indian
Ocean in 2004. Or the impact of the devastating earthquakes that have just occurred in Haiti
(ie at the time of writing, in 2010).
Anthropologists have always been interested in the relationship or interaction between the
individual and the “system” – and the system can be “culture” or the “sociocultural system” or
the “community” or “society”. To a greater or lesser extent, individuals, as part of a community
and culture, are always constrained by its rules, norms or accepted patterns of behaviour – and
also by the perceptions, attitudes and actions of other members of the same group. Although
sociocultural rules provide guidelines and set certain standards for behaviour, individuals do not
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LEARNING THEME 6
always behave or act according to such dictates. Human agency comes into play. In other words,
human beings are not passive beings who always act blindly according to the requirements of
the system. And individuals are not programmed robots; they learn, interpret, perceive and even
manipulate the rules in certain ways – and often to suit their own interests.
The interaction between human agency and system or culture is for the itinerant sheep-shearing
Karretjie People of the Great Karoo of South Africa of a particular kind given their circumstances
(De Jongh 2005/6:30–35):
In as much as the Karretjie People have become part of a regional “Karoo culture”, their
strategies and actions take place, on the one hand, according to the parameters set by this
system. On the other, even given their situation of inequity, their strategising and choices
may be intended not only to change their own particular patterns of behaviour, but also
to “challenge”, though often ineffectually, the prescriptions, rules, norms and beliefs of the
wider community.
Despite the fact that they regard the philosophy and life of a wanderer as core values, a
significant number of Karretjie People sooner or later contemplate an alternative lifestyle.
Although this may be instigated by compelling circumstances, they are always realistic about
the hardships of an itinerant lifestyle. When the rare opportunity to settle on a farm presents
itself they thus seriously consider such a possibility.
Isolated cases of Karretjie units opting to settle on the fringes of towns have increasingly
become a trend in recent years. Such a deliberate decision was more often than not prompted
by deteriorating conditions “on the road” – decreasing shearing opportunities, disagreements
with farmers, internal squabbles and so on. But it also stemmed from perceived better opportunities to procure employment and to be closer to the facilities in town.
In referring to Karretjie agency I have probably underplayed the conservatism in their system.
Ortner has pointed out that highly patterned and routinised behaviour has a central role
to play in systematic reproduction (1984:150). It is probably true to say that Karretjie life
is characterised more by continuity and that they often proceeded with their conventional
and familiar activities without much reflection. The Karretjie People have been, however, at
least partly instrumental in creating the “mould” which is the set of unwritten rules, norms,
conventions and beliefs which guide their everyday life, their interpersonal relations and their
interaction with people beyond their own community. Their kind of voluntarism (agency),
however, has always been, and to a large degree is still today, subject to the conditions set
by history, particularly by a sociopolitical dispensation which has committed them to the
wrong side of an asymmetrical relationship with the wider, particularly farming, community.
As is probably universally the case, for the Karretjie People change is not usually the intended
consequence of action, it is more often a fortuitous result of conventional performance or
a reaction to circumstances. The Karretjie People have a flexible social system and elastic
patterns of mobility – necessarily providing each Karretjie (donkey cart) unit with a spectrum
of alternatives when faced with the numerous risks that are part and parcel of the lives of
itinerants. Innovative actions thus often take place under duress and may be regarded as
exceptional, but they become conventional in some cases and may eventually even become
the norm.
A number of questions are still not satisfactorily answered. Can we talk of agency truly at
work in the case at hand? Have the Karretjie People effected any changes in the system
and structures that really matter, that is, at the district and Karoo-wide level? Or have they
simply managed to ineffectually challenge the system, or to begin to opt out of that part of
the system that directly affects them or to only rearrange their lives within the enduring
wider system?
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Culture, Social life and Sociocultural systems
Secondly, the most far-reaching changes in the Karretjie People’s lives were brought about by
forces beyond their control, for example, changes in the agricultural economy of the region.
They have now had the vote for eleven years, live in a democracy directed by arguably one
of the best constitutions in the world – one which together with appropriate legislation
enshrines the principles of equitable access to resources, fair labour practices etcetera – yet
a tacit local and regional system remains in place which at worst decapacitates these people
and at best countervails any attempts at effective agency.
If a significant number of individuals no longer find aspects of their system or culture acceptable
– because, for example, it has not sufficiently adapted to changing circumstances or has become
oppressive, they will initiate, or try to bring about, change. An influential leader may come to
the fore who mobilises, organises and directs their sentiments into action. In extreme cases this
may take the form of an uprising or even a revolution, but it can at least become a movement for
change – anthropologists often refer to these changes as “cultural adjustment” or “revitalisation
movements” – in other words, human agency in action.
KEY CONCEPTS IN THIS LEARNING THEME
Culture, sociocultural system, human adaptation, characteristics of culture, society, community,
ethnic group, subculture, human agency
SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS
•
•
•
•
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“The term sociocultural system more appropriately describes people’s way
of life and strategies for living than culture.” Explain.
What does the phrase “sociocultural system as human adaptation” mean?
We have dealt with six characteristics of sociocultural systems (culture) in
this learning theme. Identify these different characteristics and illustrate
each one with an example.
What does “human agency” entail?
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LEARNING THEME
LEARNING THEME 7
7
7
7.
IDENTITY AND ETHNICITY
OVERVIEW
The purpose of this learning theme is to deal with the significance of identity, both individual
and sociocultural or group identity. In doing this, we shall interrogate contemporary issues such
as gender, sexuality, ethnicity and xenophobia. We shall also discuss the different ways in which
people signify or express identity (eg through language, architecture, food, oral histories, art, etc).
This learning theme is organised as follows:
7.1
7.2
7.3
7.4
7.5
7.6
Introduction
Identity and the self
Social and group identity
Gender and sexuality
Ethnicity and xenophobia
Identity/ethnicity – expressed, signified, represented
CRITICAL QUESTIONS
• Given the sociocultural significance of naming individuals in many communities,
why do you think your parents gave you the name they did? Does your name have
any influence on your sense of self?
• South Africa now has to cope with the phenomenon of xenophobia. What is
xenophobia, and in your opinion and experience, what are the root causes of this
contemporary problem?
• Ethnicity is the way people draw “we-they” distinctions – does this have both
positive and negative implications?
• Identity/ethnicity finds its expression in many ways, including language, art,
architecture and food – what does this entail and how significant are these
expressions of identity/ethnicity?
7.1
•
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3
INTRODUCTION
Some time ago, 2000 Zimbabweans were driven out of an informal settlement near De Doorns
in the Western Cape by local residents. Their houses were also broken down and they are
regarded as “incomers” – people who come from outside, foreigners. When asked how one
identifies a Zimbabwean, a resident Ms Busi Matyeni said that, “You will see that the men
Identity and Ethnicity
wear six pocket trousers and they walk like cowboys, and the clothes that the women wear
are old fashined, not like that worn by the Xhosas and the Coloureds” (Wyngaard 2009:4).
Yet subsequent investigations revealed that, although there were also “outsiders” from other
countries (eg Lesotho) living in the same informal settlement, only the Zimbabweans were
targeted – in other words, the attacks were “ethnic specific”.
This incident followed several other similar occurrences only a few months previously
throughout South Africa. Zimbabweans, Nigerians, Mozambicans and other foreign nationals
were targeted and persecuted. After being identified as alien or illegal immigrants, they were
accused of a variety of “misdeeds”, from “stealing our jobs” to trafficking in illegal substances.
•
Lenri Shea, an ex-colleague and postgraduate student in this department did her fieldwork
among professional migrants in Cape Town. Her research participants were skilled professionals from Benin, Kenya and Burundi who now work and live in Cape Town. She reports
on some of their experiences as well as her own findings (Shea 2008:23, 138, 139):
South Africans have become increasingly intolerant and xenophobic … (there is) latent
hostility that often culminates in verbal and physical attacks.
Xenophobia has (also) taken on institutional proportions, with civil service officials mirroring the stereotypes of society …
The research participants felt that their position as outsiders was (further) compromised
by their visibility, i.e. that they looked foreign. Some tried to change their hairstyle and
dress “like South Africans” and one even took elocution lessons to neutralise his (foreign) accent.
The research participants themselves also had to come to grips with the matter of their
own identity because it has the implication of multiplicity … for example who exactly
is a French-speaking, black male from Benin working in Cape Town and residing in a
middle-class suburb? … when people move, identities, perspectives and definitions change.
Before intense and widespread violence erupted in Alexandra Township near Johannesburg
and then spread to other places in South Africa in May 2008, few South Africans had ever
heard of the word “xenophobia” – let alone knew what it meant. With the media reporting
on 35,000 foreign African nationals fleeing their homes and 62 killed, xenophobia in its popular
usage by South Africans soon came to be understood to mean hostility toward and hatred
of “unknown” or strange people – these sentiments are usually subjective and irrational and
the people, in the South African case, foreign Africans. In other words, people react to such
strangers or foreigners according to a particular identity which is ascribed to them – as a
category of people, not as individuals whom they have come to know. The “markers” for such
“identifying” could be any of a variety of features, including language, appearance (clothing,
hairstyle, “race” etc) gender, religion, ethnicity and behaviour.
•
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Finally, an example from outside South Africa. Symptomatic of a general swing to the (conservative) right in western European politics, virtually every government has expressed
concern, or instituted regulations or legislation, to curb the perceived threat to their way
of life (culture) of significant, and increasing, numbers of people with “foreign customs” who
are settling in their countries. These immigrants (in many cases previously migrant or guest
labourers) have progressively begun to make demands peculiar to their own sociocultural
system, or at least to leave their particular cultural “footprint” in their adopted country. At
the time of writing, the Swiss people are currently debating the issue of allowing minarets
to be built in Switzerland:
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LEARNING THEME 7
A Ban on Minarets
Muslim and European leaders have denounced a Swiss referendum to block the construction
of minarets – mosque towers from which Muslims are called to prayer – as discriminatory
and xenophobic. More than 57% of voters supported the ban, put forward by the far-right
Swiss People’s Party. “It is a bad answer to a bad question”, an official from the Organisation of the Islamic Conference told reports. “I fear that this kind of thing is simply a gift to
extremism and intolerance.” (TIME 2009:5)
ACTIVITY 7.1
If you happen to be visiting a foreign country, how would (or did) the locals respond
to you?
What “identity” would they (or did they) ascribe to you?
On what, do you think (or have you experienced), would they base this “identifying”
or categorisation?
What have your perceptions been of foreigners whom you encountered in your country?
7.2
IDENTITY AND THE SELF
Siphon Chimoti, Susan Jones, Jan Joubert, Moses Masimini, Gertruida Breytenbach, Koot Arnoster, Brendan Pillay, Kaizer Mcinga and Lena Filander are the names of people, in fact no,
these are the names of individuals. When parents decide on a name or names to give to their
newborn baby girl or baby boy this is the name he or she will be known by, usually for the rest
of their lives. But it is much more than a name, it is also an identity and that name or form of
identification will always be associated with that person and her/his personality.
Many communities have a naming or name-giving ceremony because personal names are regarded
as important means of self-definition. Through naming, a group acknowledges a child’s birthright
and establishes the child’s social identity. Without a name an individual has no identity, no self.
Self-awareness develops from childhood and socialisation or enculturation plays an important
role. Self-awareness is important for successful social and sociocultural functioning, because it
entails the ability to identify oneself as an individual creature, to reflect on oneself and to evaluate oneself. This, in turn, enables a person to assume responsibility for his or her conduct, to
learn how to interact with others and to assume different roles in his or her group – whether
family, community or society. This is how an individual’s personality develops – and governs the
distinctive way a person thinks, feels and behaves (see Haviland et al 2008:381–382).
So one’s name is a symbol of identity. In many sociocultural systems, a child usually takes the
surname of his or her father. In Spain and Portugal, a person carries the surnames of both father
and mother. In Spain, a woman does not take her husband’s surname at marriage. In Arabic and
Scandinavian communities a person may be named as the son or daughter of a certain person
(eg Mohammed ben Yusef (the son of Yusef) or Anderson). The current trend in many countries
is for women to keep their maiden names – particularly professional women who wish to be
identified as such. There is also a trend to combine the surnames of both the husband and wife,
thus preserving the identity of each (Aceves & King 1979:337).
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Identity and Ethnicity
Anthropology has been criticised for tending to emphasise the social/sociocultural at the expense
of the individual. However, the individual can contribute the significant subjective dimension to
the experiences, practices and discourses of day-to-day living. Of course, the experience of being
a woman, or being black, or being a Muslim, or being elderly, or being Afrikaans-speaking will
always depend on many locations, situations, roles or whatever, all of which are also constructed
socially or socioculturally (Moore 1994:3–4). The important question is how we construct and
acquire identities, and the logical perspective is to always give consideration to the interaction
between the individual and the social.
We should also always keep in mind that identity is not a static category, but a continuous process and could more accurately be called identification (Eriksen 2994:156) – in other words, it is
not something you either have or do not have:
When we speak about identification (or identity) in anthropology, we always refer to social
identification. In the philosophy of identity, the term is used differently, and in everyday
language, identity may equally well refer to the uniquely individual as to social groups. Social
identification has to do with which groups a person belongs to, who he or she identifies
with, how people establish and maintain invisible but socially efficient boundaries between
us and them. (Eriksen 2004:156–157)
Henrietta Moore (1994:1–2), in her evocative book, A passion for difference, reminds us that
difference is linked with sameness and that deciding on differences is one way of delineating
identities; furthermore, thinking about difference entails thinking about identity and/or sameness. Difference(s) from others are frequently about forming and maintaining group boundaries,
but identity and difference are not so much about categorical groupings as about processes of
identification and differentiation.
Identity has become so important in anthropology during recent decades because questions
concerning identity have become important – socially, culturally and politically – in many
of the societies we study. Some readers will immediately think about ethnic and nationalist
politics, rights claims from minorities and religious revitalisation, but the question is even
more far-ranging.
All these movements expressed similar concerns with identity; they defined the group as
being based on a shared identity (gender, colour or place/nationality), and they insisted that
the meaning and significance of their shared identity should be redefined. Being a woman,
black or an inhabitant of a certain state should henceforth mean something different from
what it had.
Of the many social identifications that may give persons living in complex societies a sense
of belonging, we may briefly mention language, locality, kinship, nationality, ethnic membership, family, age, education, political views, sexual orientation, class, religion and gender as
some possibilities. Of these, gender and age are the most fundamental; no society exists
where gender and age are not socially significant. All these ways of identifying may give a
secure sense of belonging to a group. In some societies, like segmentary lineage societies,
the different segments of the clan become important; in a city, the local neighbourhood
may be the main site of community feeling; and to some, professional identity may actually
be more important than national identity.
(Eriksen 2004:156–157)
7.3
SOCIAL AND GROUP IDENTITY
Human beings thus spend a lot of time and energy “creating” themselves and others, and formulating ideas about social identity: who “we” are, and who “they” are. Human beings do this
in a host of ways: through language, performance, art, material culture, ritual and other media.
Every human group or community, small or large, has a vision of its own characteristics, and
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LEARNING THEME 7
defines these in comparison to others. As we have seen, there are many sub-divisions of identity
according to categories such as kinship, gender and sexuality, age, class, education, political ideology, religious beliefs and so on. Larger communities or societies contain sub-cultural groups:
indigenous communities; ethnic groups; immigrant populations; rural and urban inhabitants. And
there are more specialised groupings, defined by profession, or by their interest in particular
sporting activities. Some years ago, Benedict Anderson (1991) coined the now well-known
phrase “imagined communities” to describe how people identify themselves, and there are many
such communities: social, professional and ideological. These communities can be quite specific
(eg the various international scientific communities are not large, but they share a common
professional identity). And people are linked by other common interests (eg by music or art)
(Strang 2009:138).
Today, of course, people are increasingly discovering or developing their commonalities in a new
kind of “place” – cyberspace (Joshi 2009:1):
The idea of identity, both personal and communal, is a constantly changing phenomenon
through time, across cultures and within context. The rise of technological advancement
has introduced societies to a new form of existence and new and innovative ways of performing identity. This new form exists in “cyberspace”, a place which academics argue is an
arena where self-identity can be explored without the constraints of “real life” boundaries.
Cyberspace ostensibly allows individuals to explore their identities in multiple ways by allowing their imagination to take the self to areas that cannot be easily explored within the
“real world” context. One of the spaces to explore such identities is a social networking
site, known as Facebook. What started out as an application for college students has blossomed into a billion dollar industry which connects people globally. Facebook has become
an area of interest within social science disciplines. Themes such as identity, gender and
race have already caught the attention of many researchers and have drawn them into
conducting research within the “space” of Facebook.
CASE STUDY
The 11,000 hectares of land which today comprises Buysdorp (“Buys town”) is situated in
the foothills of the remote Soutpansberg (“Salt Pan Mountain”) of the far northern Limpopo Province of South Africa. A hybrid community of some 300 individuals (de facto) or
a few thousand (de jure), the Buys people have been confronted with successive political
dispensations over the years. Having over decades developed autonomous structures and
procedures of local governance, the “fit” with the pre-1994 South African government was
as comfortable as it was unacceptable to the new post-1994 democracy. Still, their history
of interaction and intermarriage with surrounding communities has shaped perceptions of
phenotypical and genotypical singularity and resulted in strategies to articulate their autochthony in order to define their ethnicity and to develop a kind of “moral geography”, their
model of space, of their land.
These progeny of Jean du Bois, a French Huguenot who arrived at the Cape in 1688, but
more particularly of his great-grandson Coenraad de Buys, were in 1888 granted this exclusive tract of land by President Paul Kruger for services rendered to the Transvaal Republic.
An uncommonly tall man with unusual strength of character, Coenraad de Buys married or
cohabited with several indigenous women, including the niece of the great Matabele king,
Mzilikazi, and left an indelible imprint on the late 18th, early 19th century human, historical,
political and sociocultural landscape of South Africa.
Three of the nine offspring of this latter union, the brothers Michael, Gabriël and Doris,
played a decisive role, not only in the establishment of Buysdorp and the early dynamics
of the region, but were eventually instrumental in the development of a value system of
exclusivity, despite a lifetime of intensive involvement with other people in the area.
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Identity and Ethnicity
More or less from the time of their first involvement with, and the influence of the missionaries and their interaction with the Voortrekkers/Boers, however, they gradually seemed
to adopt a deliberate strategy of ridding themselves of “native ways” and of accentuating
their characteristics as a singular community. Even today they call attention to practices
they have only recently relinquished, e.g. the holding of a wake before a funeral, digging a
grave only on the day of a funeral, etc.
The Buys phenomenon is of course intrinsically part of the wider South African “coloured”
debate. They experienced racial and ethnic classification in different contexts and at different
levels. Most of the older people have a history of living and working “outside” somewhere in
the rest of South Africa where they experienced the attitudes of other South Africans. The
Population Registration Act, No 30 of 1950 formally categorised them as “coloured”, the
Act in fact made allowance for a category “Other Coloured” for those who did not obviously qualify for the six sub-categories of coloured such as the Malays, Griquas, Rehoboth
Basters, Nama, etc. Then, in the late 1950s, the government formalised ethnic groups or
nations as opposed to races, and finally in the “new” South Africa the Buys people became
part of an encompassing local government structure.
In many ways, therefore, they had come to regard themselves as a people of a middle world;
accepted fully by neither the blacks nor the whites, and they perceive themselves to be
under siege. It is “we” versus “they”, and the “they” includes the government, municipality, the black individuals and communities contesting their land, journalists, writers and all
strangers. Their suspicion of such organisations and people is rooted in the knowledge that
these outsiders want to take control of Buysdorp away from them, that they want the Buys
land, that they visit and chat to them and then go away and write about a “Village where
Verwoerd’s (a previous prime minister and apartheid mastermind) spirit lives on” (Sunday
Times, 2 October 2000) or a “King of the Bastards” (Millin 1950).
The people of Buysdorp have thus embarked on a strategy of both identity politics and the
politics of identity. In attempting to draw a distinction between these two analytical orientations, Hill and Wilson (2003:2–3) admit that they overlap in real terms and the Buysdorp
material seems to demonstrate this. It is suggested that “identity politics” refers to “top
down” processes whereby various social entities attempt to mould collective identities, based
on ethnicity, race, language and (importantly in this case) place, into relatively fixed frames
for undertaking political action. It is also a way to view how culture and identity, variously
perceived to be traditional, modern, local, religious, ethnic or whatever, are articulated,
constructed, invented, etc. to achieve political ends.
“Politics of identity” again refers to a more “bottom up” process through which local people
challenge, subvert, or negotiate culture and identity and contest structures of power that
constrain their lives (Hill & Wilson 2003:2). Thus more a matter of political practices and
values that are based on subscription or ascription to various social and political identities.
Various political, economic and other social pressures that would mould collective identities based on ethnicity, race, language, and place are, in reality, contested and confounded
by peoples’ abilities to juggle multiple, often contradictory, identities – and we have seen
this in the case at hand.
The Buysdorp community experience once again has alerted me to the fact that there is
much more to the conventional ethnicity phenomenon than meets the eye. It has again
shown me that scholars, and governments, must proceed circumspectly when dealing with
people who identify, and can be identified, as a distinct grouping – and that such identification is multi-faceted, even sometimes Janus-faced.
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LEARNING THEME 7
Accommodation is possible; many national constitutions make provision for this. I believe that
the Buyses of this world can be acknowledged and allowance can be made for them, even in
terms of and recognising the integrity and the localism of their identity and ethnicity. Such
a localised entity must, however, be subject to basic human rights principles and can never
be absolutely exclusive. “Pure” particiularism is not the way to go, because to consistently
defend the rights of all such identities is to open the door to reactionary groups and antiuniversal and constitutional principles. In the South African situation there is the precarious tension between nation-building and accommodating “cultural expression”. Given that
inter-group relations are often based on power, a group perceived as different from others
may constitute that very difference “… on the basis of the exclusion and subordination of
other groups” (Laclau 1996:51).
The Buys endeavour is in many respects benign; to all intents and purposes they simply wish to
be allowed to live and manage their lives in their own way. But this “way” should not inhibit,
or infringe on, the “ways” of others. (De Jongh, 2006:75, 80, 82; De Jongh 2007:27, 35, 38)
As we will see in Learning theme 8 – “Blood is thicker than water”: relatives and relations,
kinship and friendship, kinship or “relatedness” plays an important role in the formation of different groupings and each implies a specific identity for the individual who is a member of such a
group. Let us take family as one such example, because a person’s primary identity is intimately
linked with and expressed in family terms – every person at birth becomes a member of a family with a certain ascribed identity and the expectation of a role to be played. The sociocultural
system has rules which classify the individual and determines the relationship between him or
her and others in the group. All communities have created systems of labelling to identify an
individual in terms of sexual availability or their role in child-rearing. A woman who physically
bears a child might be known as the “mother” of the child. Two siblings who share the same
mother know each other as “brother” and “sister”. The sister of the woman who bore the
children is referred to as the “aunt” of the children. In another community with different labelling customs, she might be regarded by the children as a mother, the same title accorded the
woman who gave birth to them. The titles in themselves are not of great importance; what is
important is the behaviour associated with the title and the implied identity of the person. What
does an aunt or a sister or a mother do? What is the appropriate behaviour that a son should
exhibit toward his mother (rather than his aunt)?
ACTIVITY 7.2
To what extent does your own membership of a particular group, entity, party, association, team or any other category (language, nation, sexual preference, physical appearance, gender, etc) imply that you have a particular identity as opposed
to others – what has your experience been of this “identity”: positive or negative?
We have seen that sociocultural identity is a consciousness derived from a variety of traits and
characteristics of a human group that make it socioculturally distinct from other groups. Such
traits include language, traditions, beliefs, a sense of common origin and an “ethos” – the moral
values and orientation of the group. Ethnic groups may have creation myths which indicate how
they view themselves or others – they could even have “cultural heroes” and these are important
as symbols of group identity and pride.
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Identity and Ethnicity
Clothes and objects are significant identity signifiers or markers – as are altering the appearance of the body with cosmetics, paint, tattoos or scarifications (NB see Learning theme
5 – Our bodies, ourselves, section 5.5, Body modifications). These are ultimate forms
of social identification – people’s identities are manifest/displayed/made physical in this way.
Portable symbols of identity “attached” to the person, include books, radios, i-pods, cellular
phones, cars – musical tastes and other preferences and even standpoints on issues – which
can also be displayed in T-shirts and can therefore, like clothing in general, “make a statement” – including a statement about the wearer’s socioeconomic status. (Eckert, quoted
in Delaney 2004:209–210)
7.4
GENDER AND SEXUALITY
One of the most fundamental aspects of human identity is that of gender, but comparison between communities reveals that there are wide variations in ideas about how many genders exist,
and how these are composed, whether by genital anatomy (as in most Western communities),
by density of flesh and bone (as in Nepal) or by inclination and behaviour (as in communities
where gender categories are more fluid). Harrier Whitehead’s (1981) early research with Native American sociocultural systems, for example, observed that it is common for three gender
categories to be accepted: male, female, and a third, more mixed category.
Human communities have equally diverse ideas about sexuality and how this is constituted. Jennifer
Robertson’s (2005) comparative research with lesbian and gay “cultures” in different communities reveals many sociocultural differences in how sexuality is perceived, represented and experienced, and she notes wide variations in the extent to which same-sex unions are considered
to be acceptable – see Learning theme 8, section 8.4: Marriage (see Eriksen 2004:139).
The government of Ghana is currently persecuting, and seriously considering, legislation and
the death penalty for gays in that country.
The anthropology of gender often focuses on how ideas about masculinity or femininity are upheld
in different sociocultural contexts. Henrik Ronsbo (2003:157, as quoted by Eriksen 2004:139),
for example, working with young male footballers in Central America, concluded that sport
plays a key role in creating their local identities, providing a process similar to that previously
offered by religious brotherhoods. “Young men, when playing football, and other villagers, when
watching it, embody personal and social identities.”
Although it is fairly generally accepted that differences of gender are located in all bodies, the
anthropological perspective distinguishes between sexed bodies and socially constructed genders.
The female and the male, as flesh and bone, are of course necessary features of bodily identity.
Not as readily apparent, however, is whether sex necessarily differentiates between bodies and
that gender is (only) the set of variable social constructions placed upon such differentiated bodies. Thus Moore (1994:14) suggests that this is not a satisfactory explanation, but that “gender
differences are internal to all bodies and are part of the process through which bodies are sexed”.
In Study guide APY2601: Anthropological theory in practice, the issues of sex and
gender are dealt with more extensively:
Topic 5
Study unit 10
Study unit 11
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:
:
:
The anthropology of sex and gender
Why sex as well as gender?
Developments in the anthropological study of gender
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LEARNING THEME 7
Study unit 12 :
Study Unit 13 :
A focus on South Africa
Ethnographic case study: “Female genital cutting: culture and
controversy”
Henrietta Moore further suggests that we cannot be fully aware of either the unconscious or
the social determinants of gender identity, but that we can be sure that it is not simply a passive
identity acquired through socialisation or enculturation. Identities of all kinds are shaped through
practical engagement in lives lived, and thus have both individual and collective dimensions (see
sections 7.2 and 7.3 above). Because anthropology is inclined to focus on groups or collectivities,
the important dimension of how social or group representations of gender influence subjective
constructions and then, in turn, how subjective/individual representation or self-representation
of gender influences its social construction, deserve closer attention.
We also need to keep in mind how the experience of race, sexuality, class etc affects the experience of gender.
7.5
ETHNICITY AND XENOPHOBIA
Ethnicity is usually defined in terms of a kind of sociocultural “character” or “disposition” (ethos)
– the values, expectations, attitudes and behaviour of a group of people. Members of an ethnic
group would then have a common genetic and/or linguistic, religious, national and sociocultural
background. Such a group would be distinguished by people from outside who do not belong to
the group, and from inside, that is, people who regard themselves as belonging to such a group.
Sociocultural “markers” are important in defining an ethnic group, whereas physical characteristics are not, except where either members or non-members make them important.
Ethnicity is a way in which people draw “we-they” distinctions. Ideas or perceptions about
ethnic groupings involve concepts of race, ethnic identity, ethnic symbols and relationships
among ethnic groups (see Howard 1989:272).
CASE STUDY
THE KARRETJIE PEOPLE OF THE GREAT KAROO – ELUSIVE IDENTITIES
The itinerant sheep-shearing Karretjie (donkey cart) People of the arid Great Karoo of South
Africa are among the poorest of the poor. They represent a rural underclass. Although they
trace descent from both the early KhoeKhoen and San, there is no historical continuity between the present-day impoverished foragers and their pre-colonial nomadic forebears. The
structural position of the Karretjie People, particularly their asymmetrical relationship with
the wider community, was largely shaped by historical events. Their wandering lifestyle was
a response to the expansion of commercial agriculture, especially the production of wool,
in the region. Although several factors have recently started a trend toward sedentarism,
most Karretjie People are still confined to their temporary shelters on the verges of the
country roads. They have no land, or even free access to any space or place. Although they
have, for generations, rendered an important service to the agricultural economy of the
sheep-farming Karoo, they have remained, at best, largely socio-economically “invisible” to
the local population or, at worst, strangers in their own land.
The Karretjie People are widely perceived to be different and are stereotyped as being sly
and shifty and as sheep-stealers and slaughterers who are often drunk. Farmers refer to
them as Karretjie-Boesmans (Donkey cart Bushmen) and, ironically, according to their own
perception and that of other sections of the community throughout the region, they are a
people apart.
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Identity and Ethnicity
The distinctive lifestyle of the Karretjie People and the high premium placed on mobility
and on a network of interrelations as a sociocultural resource have been conducive to the
development of an in-group feeling and a kind of local consciousness among them. The resultant communality and feeling of solidarity find expression not only in spatial, but also in
social separateness and distinguishing behaviour patterns.
The recognition that they have received locally has often come in pejorative terms: Boesman
(Bushman) or Hotnot (Hottentot). Nationally, “recognition” came with their being arbitrarily
categorised as “coloured” within the apartheid system, but acknowledgement in terms of
poverty relief initiatives from successive governments was either not forthcoming or has
still to affect their lives significantly. The Karretjie People are not untouched by coloured
and Khoesan identity politics. Opportunistically “discovered” as citizens by the main political
parties for the 1994 election, they have become increasingly sensitised to the realities of disempowerment and political manoeuvring. They have, however, not yet asserted themselves:
although they are aware of their Khoesan roots, their self-perception is still ill-defined and
their autochthonous status not explicitly articulated.
One woman captured the general mood when, tending the cooking fire at her roadside
camp, she remarked “Ons is te arm om bruin mense te wees. Ons is die geel mense.” (We are
too poor to be brown [coloured] people. We are the yellow [San] people.) (De Jongh,
2000:1, 3; 2002:441, 459)
Thus, as we have said repeatedly, ethnicity is based on actual or perceived sociocultural similarities (by the members of a group or category) and differences (between that group and others).
Ethnicity is, of course, a process, dynamic, and not just a fixed category and it thus comes to
the fore when people claim a particular ethnic identity for themselves and are defined by others
as having a distinct identity. (The Karretjie people case study above is a clear example of this.)
Ethnicity can also assume a racial dimension when it is assumed to have a biological or physical
basis. Most countries in the world are not ethnically homogeneous, and are in fact what has
been termed “multicultural” – South Africa has, for example, been referred to as the “Rainbow
Nation”. In such contexts ethnicity can be expressed in peaceful coexistence; but also – and
unfortunately quite frequently and particularly when it assumes a racial dimension – in discrimination and violent confrontation – as is demonstrated by the phenomenon of xenophobia. (See
the section on race and racism in Learning theme 4.)
7.6
IDENTITY/ETHNICITY – EXPRESSED, SIGNIFIED,
REPRESENTED
In this final section we include a number of brief statements to illustrate how people indicate
who they are in a variety of ways – how people communicate to others, how they “show and
tell” outsiders their identity:
*language
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is a key signified or marker of identity because language entails
and communicates concepts, values and sociocultural categories characteristic of the people who speak the language. This is why the language
of a minority group is often their means of asserting or reasserting
themselves in a multicultural context. The reindeer-farming Sami of
northern Norway and certain Griqua-Khoekhoen groups in South
Africa are now again teaching their young their traditional languages
(which were threatened with extinction).
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LEARNING THEME 7
*architecture
*food
*oral histories, art
and performance
*tourism
*museums and
cultural heritage
86
people express creative agency through their built environment – their
houses (and gardens) and other buildings or structures (and parks and
landscaping). Human beings interact with their physical environment:
the houses and other structures that they create are often extensions
of their individual and family identities – but can also reflect collective
or sociocultural identities.
also contributes to the construction of sociocultural identity. Sociocultural beliefs and practices regarding food are critical in determining
what people eat or drink (we have referred to food preferences and
taboos several times in previous learning themes). Note, for example, the growing emphasis on health foods in some communities; the
preference for more expensive bottled spring or filtered water rather
than tap water, etc.
are all a rich source of ideas about how people perceive and communicate their identities, beliefs and values. Oral histories are, of course,
closely related to language – they “tell” who the people are, where
they come from and how they identify and represent themselves. A
range of visual media also communicates people’s identities. Art usually
provides a significant means of understanding different sociocultural
systems – people express themselves through art, they reveal their
concerns, values, desires and current issues through their art. People
also interact with others through their art – take “souvenir art” for
tourists for example. “Art” may also be expressed through clothing and
decoration (see Learning theme 5 – Our bodies, ourselves). Less “tangible” expressions of identity are also important – people communicate
and self-identify through the performances of songs, dances, stories
and plays. Through these means people not only convey a particular
sociocultural identity, but also address contemporary socio-political
and other concerns and issues.
is a kind of “frontier” where people with different sociocultural systems meet and interact and “perform” their identities to each other.
Host communities are not just passive recipients of the effects of
tourism, and nor do they only negotiate relationships to their own
benefit – they also find ways of representing their own system and
identity. (Module APY3704 specifically deals with tourism and pilgrimage.)
museums have generally endeavoured to represent sociocultural realities and this is often where people first see and learn about the sociocultural systems and characteristics of “other” communities. Although
the early trend in museum ethnographic exhibitions tended to be the
display of “exotic cultures” of “primitive” peoples, this has no longer
been the case for several decades. Where anthropologists have been
involved, this change in approach is derived from a changed relationship
between the anthropologist and the people he/she studies (ie it is now
a relationship of collaboration and this translates into shared control
over the representational process). For anthropologists working in
museums it is not only a matter of designing and explaining exhibitions
– it is also, and importantly, about being a sociocultural “translator”
and mediating relationships and interaction between communities with
different sociocultural systems. (The Department of Anthropology and
Archaeology at Unisa houses a museum which is well worth a visit.) A
Identity and Ethnicity
*film
natural extension of the research and other work done in museums
is that of the field of “cultural heritage”. This is concerned with the
ways in which heritage is exposed or revealed – through landscapes,
architecture (see above), customary practices, the use of resources,
the identification of sacred sites – generally how “space” is turned into
“place”. Increasingly, communities who self-represent themselves ethnically or as “indigenous” are keen to define or articulate their identity
for social, political and economic reasons – and thus much cultural
heritage work is intended to support claims for land or resources.
(See the Buysdorp case study in 7.3 above.)
much like representation in museums, the use of film to communicate
identity also went through the “exotic/savage” colonial period. Again
it was, and is, a matter of who controls the process. Ethnographic
film is an important means of depicting, or communicating knowledge
of, “other” communities and their sociocultural systems. You might
have seen one or more of the following films – if not make an effort
to do so, they are still available. These films all reflect the extent to
which the local or indigenous people where involved (or not!) in the
production of a vision of their sociocultural identity: Crocodile Dundee
(1986); The Gods Must be Crazy (1980); The Rabbit Proof Fence (2000);
and Ten Canoes (2006) (see Strang 2009:74, 74; 124, 126, 127; 144, 145,
146; 151, 152, 154, 155).
KEY CONCEPTS IN THIS LEARNING THEME
Identity, ethnicity, xenophobia, gender, sexuality
SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS
•
•
•
•
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Are individual/personal and group/sociocultural identities conflicting concepts and experiences?
Explain the phenomenon of xenophobia and refer to contemporary examples to illustrate your answer.
“Two fundamental aspects of human identity are gender and sexuality.”
Critically consider this statement.
Identity and ethnicity are expressed or signified by people in many other
ways – analyse at least six of these different manners of representation.
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LEARNING THEME
LEARNING THEME 8
8
8
8.
“BLOOD IS THICKER THAN
WATER”: RELATIVES AND
RELATIONS, KINSHIP AND
FRIENDSHIP
OVERVIEW
The purpose of this learning theme is to explain how human beings, as social beings, organise
their lives, particularly their contact and interaction with each other or other people. We shall
discuss the different ways in which people organise their relationships with others – whether
by means of social networks, kinship, marriage, family or other groupings.
This learning theme is organised as follows:
8.1
8.2
8.3
8.4
8.5
Introduction
Social organisation by kinship and marriage
The study of kinship
Marriage
Conclusion – the importance of kinship relations and the value of kinship studies
CRITICAL QUESTIONS
• “Relatedness or kinship is still, despite the effects of change all over the world,
important for most people.” What does this statement imply?
• Why are kinship, marriage and family regarded as universal ways of organising
human relationships and human belonging?
• A variety of kinship/descent systems and forms of marriage are found throughout
the world. What are these and what are their characteristics and functions?
8.1
3
INTRODUCTION
Sometime during the course of this week, and probably today, you had contact with other people.
Some of them would have been strangers (eg the people you passed in the street). Others you
would have been familiar with or even known well – fellow students, colleagues at work, friends,
your current boy- or girlfriend and especially, your relatives or family. Of all these encounters
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“Blood is Thicker than Water”: Relatives and Relations, Kinship and Friendship
and relationships, those with family/relatives/kin and best friends are likely to have been more
frequent and intensive than your encounter with others.
“Blood is thicker than water” – an expression meaning that the ties of relationship or kinship are more important than relationships with other people.
Relatedness or kinship is still, despite the effects of change all over the world, important for most
people. All people everywhere have kin. “You can choose your friends”, the popular saying goes,
“but you can’t choose your family”. This means you do not acquire your relatives voluntarily – you
are born into a family, have parents, brothers and/or sisters etc and from birth already have a
kinship network. The people who make up this network usually remain part of your life forever.
Even people who may deny that kin are important in their lives may find out, as the Northern
Ndebele saying goes: “You can never run away from your family”. According to the late Professor Eileen Krige, who was noted for her work among the Lobedu of the Limpopo Province:
Kinship is the greatest bond between people; beside it, taken all in all, any other single tie
fades into insignificance … kin share your joys and sorrows, give support in your hour of
need and advice in the affairs of life (from her book, The realm of a rain-queen [1980:82–83]).
However, as important as kinship and family relations may still be for some people in some areas,
this is no longer the case for all people everywhere, at least not to the same extent. During the
early period of anthropology kinship studies were dominant. This was probably because anthropologists at first mainly studied rural, “traditional” or preliterate and pre-industrial communities
– and amongst such people kinship was all-important. Traditional communities organised almost
all aspects of their lives on the basis of kinship and descent. Inheritance, property rights, succession to leadership positions, composition of local groupings, ancestor worship and religion
were all organised according to the principles of kinship or relatedness.
Industrialisation, urbanisation, globalisation and also the “electronic revolution” have brought
far-reaching changes to the way people organise themselves. A significant number of people
now live in towns and cities, are part of a political state or nation, function in a labour market
and money-economy and are exposed to the mass media and the internet. Individualism now
often substitutes for kin and family in people’s lives.
Re-read section 2.4 “Fieldwork methodology, methods and techniques” in Learning theme
2 – The anthropological way: doing fieldwork – research. Pay particular attention to:
• The genealogical method – used to study kinship, descent and marriage
AND
• Social network analysis – a method that is used to study relationships outside kinship and
marriage
Still, human beings are social beings and we organise our lives, particularly our contact and
interaction with others, by means of different kinds of social relationships – we function and
exist in a network or web of such relationships. In Learning theme 6 – Culture, social life
and sociocultural systems, we explained that people organise their lives by means of different
sociocultural systems –some anthropologists refer to these as aspects or universals of culture
(ie religion, a political system, economic system etc). We could have simply called this learning
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LEARNING THEME 8
theme, “social organisation”, because it includes all the different ways human beings organise their
relationships with others – social networks, kinship, marriage, family and different groupings.
Most of us will probably agree that we, and people in general, love our/their mother and father,
brothers and sisters, husband or wife, and of course, children. Also, we would agree that “family” is important. But how important is kinship? Kottak (2008:211) has suggested that people in
nonindustrial communities spend a lot of time with their kin – at home, in the fields, with their
herds. But many other people (Kottak was thinking particularly of Americans) spend, particularly, their weekdays with nonfamily members and then have to do “balancing acts” to ensure
they spend some time with their families while also complying with the demands of a job or
other commitments.
QUESTIONS:
•
•
•
•
•
How did your parents deal with their work/family/home responsibilities?
As a child in their house, how did you experience this?
Did your mother and father divide their work, child care and domestic responsibilities between them?
If you are already a parent, how do your arrangements differ from that of your parents?
If you are still single and/or not yet a parent, do you think your approach to parenting will
differ from that of your parents?
ACTIVITY 8.1
Think about all the people you had contact with during the previous week. Make two
lists of these people, one your family and relations (“kin”) and one for everybody who
is not related to you.
Next to the name of each person on these two lists indicate:
• where you came into contact with these people
• the number of times (frequency) you had contact with them
• the approximate duration of each contact
This activity will tell you whether you spend most of your time with your family or
your friends and colleagues.
8.2
SOCIAL ORGANISATION BY KINSHIP AND
MARRIAGE
Given the discussion in the preceding section, and given examples of contemporary rural communities, it is difficult not to accept that kinship is less important in urbanised, commercialised and
industrialised communities than it is in rural “traditional” communities. However, describing
these communities as “kinship-based communities” (Eriksen 2004:117) is often an exaggeration.
Although kinship in such communities regulates marriage practices, political power and land
distribution or use, human agency (individual or group strategies) also plays a role, despite the
“rules” of kinship.
By the same token, as we have suggested, kinship still plays an important role in contemporary communities.
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“Blood is Thicker than Water”: Relatives and Relations, Kinship and Friendship
Studies of local communities in western Europe and North America confirm that many
social networks are kinship-based, and that significant resources flow through them. It can
be anything, from help in job seeking to the exchange of services between brothers-inlaw. The social networks of many are never tighter, more existentially important and filled
with meaning than during collective, kinship-based events such as Christmas parties and
vacations at family properties (Eriksen 2004:118).
Eriksen goes on to suggest, and with this we are in agreement, that although kinship in such communities does not always regulate everything from economic activities and marriage to place of
residence and value outlooks, there is no reason to assume that it is so unimportant that anthropologists who study these communities can afford to neglect it.
So now let us experience something of how kinship “works”.
8.3
THE STUDY OF KINSHIP
We have established that anthropology is the study of human beings and it is therefore appropriate
that we study human beings by examining the ways in which people associate with each other.
Generally speaking, persons live in association with each other. Extreme individualists, such as
hermits, who attempt to completely isolate themselves from others, are the exceptions. It seems
appropriate to begin our study of these associations and relationships with those that are based
on human birth and reproduction – in other words, kinship. Moreover, anthropologists study
humans in a sociocultural context, and kinship is an important basis of social life. Without insight
into the ways in which kinship relationships in these communities are organised and experienced,
the behaviour of members of such communities is often incomprehensible. In addition, for many
people in the world, kinship provides the basis for other social relationships. By studying kinship
in other communities, we are better able to understand our own system and the role it plays
in our lives. Furthermore, social objectives such as child welfare and the alleviation of the living
conditions of the poor will remain unattainable without a thorough understanding of family life
and “relatedness”.
ACTIVITY 8.2
• Name THREE reasons why you regard the anthropological study of kinship as
important for a better understanding of people.
• Before we start with an in-depth study of kinship, have another look at the list
of relatives and kin which you compiled for activity 8.1.
8.3.1 Kinship relations: terms, symbols and diagrams/
genealogies
Kinship relations based on socioculturally recognised ties of descent and marriage are characteristic of all communities. The term “kinship” usually refers to two types of relationships:
those determined by rules of descent and those determined by rules of affinity. In referring
to descent, we mean people who are related to us by blood or birth or someone who traces
his or her origin through a line of successive ancestors – these are also termed consanguineal
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finity refers to affinal kin or affines and these are people related to us by marriage (a person’s
husband or wife and all his or her relatives, as well as all those people who are married to our
consanguineal kin, along with their relations).
In our study of kinship these two sets of relations will, as far as possible, be discussed separately.
However, in practice, these two sets of relations are usually interconnected.
Descent can be traced
•
•
•
patrilineally
matrilineally
cognatically
through the father’s line (father, father’s father, etc)
through the mother’s line (mother, mother’s mother, etc)
through the father and the mother, all four grandparents and all eight
great-grandparents and even further back
Note that a combination of patrilineal and matrilineal descent reckoning can be
found in double or bilineal and parallel descent systems.
We can also determine how a person is related to other individuals, by looking at how they
are descended from people in earlier generations. By following the links between individuals, it
is possible to compile a genealogy or family tree that depicts all the descendants of a single
ancestor or number of ancestors.
8.3.1.1 Kinship terms
Some kinship terms used in English, for example, have more than one meaning. Terms such as
father, mother, sister, brother, husband, wife, son and daughter are clear. Other terms such
as uncle, aunt, cousin, nephew and niece may refer to a number of different relations and are
therefore not always specific.
The term “aunt” may refer to a mother’s or a father’s sister. “Uncle” may refer to a mother’s
brother or a father’s brother. “Cousin” may refer to a daughter or son of the father’s brother
or sister; or it may refer to a daughter or son of the mother’s sister or brother.
Although these distinctions may not be important in urban or industrialised communities, the
position is completely different in rural, more “traditional” communities. In these communities,
a person’s relationship to an “uncle” who is a father’s brother is completely different from that
to an “uncle” who is a mother’s brother. Indeed, some communities categorise the father and
the father’s brothers as “fathers”, and the mother and the mother’s sisters as “mothers”.
Similarly, the English term cousin groups a mother's brother's daughter, mother's sister's daughter,
mother's brother's son, mother's sister's son, father's brother's son, father's sister's son, father's
brother's daughter and father's sister's daughter together.
Anthropologists may partly resolve the problem of the multiple meanings of the term “cousin” by
referring to the children of the father’s sister and the children of the mother’s brother as crosscousins. Similarly, the children of the father’s brother and the mother’s sister may be referred to
as parallel-cousins. But under some circumstances even this is not accurate enough. When using
kinship terms we must avoid ambiguity (words having more than one meaning).
From what we have said so far, it is obvious that setting out a genealogy can be very tedious and
confusing. Fortunately, we can use symbols to help us.
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8.3.1.2 Kinship symbols
There are a few recognised and commonly used symbols in anthropology that have enabled us
to simplify the description of genealogical connections. There are two sets of symbols:
•
•
verbal symbols
diagrammatic symbols
Verbal symbols
The verbal symbols used in kinship studies are simply abbreviations (short forms) for
everyday kinship terms that make the description of kinship relations easier.
Unfortunately, these symbols have not been standardised, which means that there are at least two
sets of verbal symbols currently in use in anthropology. Note, however, that in this module
we use only one set, the one most commonly used:
Kinship term
Codes
Father
Fa
Mother
Mo
Husband
Hu
Wife
Wi
Brother
Br
Sister
Si
Son
So
Daughter
Da
To help you to become familiar with these verbal codes, we will use them in the discussion that
follows. You must familiarise yourself with these codes before you continue with this
section.
Combinations of the above abbreviations are used to describe kinship relationships. So, for
example, FaSiSo is father’s sister’s son and MoBrWi is mother’s brother’s wife.
ACTIVITY 8.3
Go back to the previous two activities and add these symbols to each of the individuals you have identified as kin or family members.
Diagrammatic symbols
These symbols will be presented in various steps, each building on the other. Each step will
also be indicated on a larger diagram to familiarise you with the way they appear in a genealogy.
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Step 1
The diagrammatic system of symbols used in kinship studies consists of a triangle (U) for a
male person and a circle (O) for a female person. A vertical line between two such symbols
indicates that one person is the forebear (forefather/“foremother”) of the other – who is his
or her descendant. Thus the following diagrams mean that
1 is the Fa of 2
Or
1 is the Mo of 2
that 2 is the So of 1
or 2 is the So of 1
REMEMBER: IN THIS TYPE OF KINSHIP DIAGRAM THE OLDEST GENERATION
IS AT THE TOP AND THE YOUNGEST GENERATION IS AT THE BOTTOM.
Step 2
We can extend the diagram by adding further generations, for example,
2 is Fa and 1 is FaFa to 3
2 is the Mo and 1 is MoMo to 3
In these diagrams, 1 belongs to the first or oldest generation and 3 to the third or youngest
generation.
Step 3
An overhead bracket (
) combining a number of symbols horizontally indicates siblings,
that is, brothers and sisters. Note that each of the siblings must be joined to the overhead
bracket. The diagram below indicates that 3 and 5 are brothers and 4 and 6 are their sisters.
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A DIAGRAM INDICATING SIBLINGS IS READ FROM LEFT TO RIGHT, WHICH
MEANS THAT, IN ORDER OF SENIORITY, 3 IS THE ELDEST OF THE SIBLINGS
INDICATED IN THE DIAGRAM AND 6 IS THE YOUNGEST.
ACTIVITY 8.4
Complete the following using the diagram above.
(The top line has been done for you.)
3 is Br to 6
4 is Si to 6
5 is ….. to 3
6 is ….. to 4
6 and 4 are ….. to 3 and 5
3 and 5 are …. to 4 and 6
Step 4
This diagram can now be extended further by indicating the Fa of this sibling group, as the following example shows:
1 is Fa to 3, 4, 5 and 6 who are siblings
ACTIVITY 8.5
Draw a ring around all the groups of siblings (brothers and/or sisters) in the diagram
below using a red pencil. You should find FIVE such groups.
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Step 5
A marriage is indicated by combining two symbols with a bracket below the symbols
.
The following diagram means that 1 is married to 2 or 1 and 2 are husband and wife.
Some anthropologists use the = sign to indicate a marriage:
We also use this method at times, especially for cases where one man is married to more than
one wife at the same time, as shown in the following example:
This method is also used when one woman is married to more than one husband at the same time.
Step 6
Divorce is indicated by crossing out the marriage sign:
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ACTIVITY 8.6
(1) Using the blue pencil, draw circles around all the marriages indicated in the
diagram.
(2) Which marriage indicated in the diagram has ended in divorce? That between
.......... and .............
Step 7
A deceased person is indicated by crossing out the symbol for that person:
Step 8
By combining all these diagrammatic symbols we can indicate a family tree or genealogy in which
1 and 2 are the original parents. They have four children: 3, 4, 5 and 6. Of these children one
(4) has died, and the other three have married (keep in mind that we may use the two different
ways to indicate marriage). Their affinal kin (those related by marriage) are 7, 8, and 9, while the
marriage of 6 and 9 ended in divorce. The two married sons each have children who are the
third generation. The third generation therefore has four members: 10, 11, 12 and 13.
PLEASE NOTE THAT, IN ORDER TO UNDERSTAND THE RELATIONSHIPS
BETWEEN PERSONS, YOU MUST FOLLOW THE LINES CONNECTING THEM.
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Line of origin
A line above a symbol is the line of origin, which links that person to his or her ancestors and to
siblings and other descendants of the same ancestors. For example, in the diagram for step 8,
the line above 3 vertically connects the individual to his or her parents (1 and 2) and horizontally
to his siblings (4, 5 and 6).
Line of procreation
A line below a symbol is the line of procreation linking that person to his or her spouse (husband
or wife) and to his or her children and subsequent descendants such as grandchildren. Thus, in
the diagram for step 8, the line below 3 connects him to his children (10 and 11).
These steps provide us with the basic techniques for drawing up a genealogical or kinship
diagram. Such a diagram can include any number of generations, all marriages concluded by
members of this kin group, all deaths and divorces, as well as all descendants of the different
individuals included in the genealogy.
ACTIVITY 8.7
(1) Who are the descendants of 1 and 2?
(You should find 12 people.)
(2) Find the five marriages indicated in the diagram.
Who are the marriage partners in each of the marriages?
(3) Which marriage is indicated as having ended in divorce?
(The marriage between … and …)
(4) How many generations are indicated in the diagram?
(5) Which persons in the diagram belong to the third generation?
(You should find 8 people.)
(6) Which person is indicated as having died?
(7) How many sets of siblings are indicated?
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The term Ego
If a genealogy has to show specific relationships between people, the researcher chooses one
person to illustrate his or her relationships with others in the kin group. The person selected will
be called EGO, a Latin word meaning I. Any person appearing in the diagram can be designated
Ego. That person then becomes the starting point for analysing the genealogy.
ACTIVITY 8.8
Mark 4 on the diagram in activity 8.7 as the Ego, or starting point, and complete the
following list, which shows the relationship between Ego (4) and the other persons
in the diagram. The first six have been done for you.
Ego and 1
Ego and 2
Ego and 3
Ego and 7
Ego and 6
Ego and 13
Ego and 14
Ego and 15
Ego and 10
Ego and 17
Ego and 12
Ego and 16
Ego and 18
1 is her Fa
2 is her Mo
3 is her Bro
7 is her BrWi
6 is her Si
13 is her So
14 is her …
15 is her …
10 is her …
17 is her …
12 is her …
16 is her …
18 is her …
8.3.2 Why are kinship diagrams/genealogies useful in
anthropological studies?
(1)
(2)
(3)
(4)
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It is a compact visual representation of a kin group and, as such, enables us to get an
idea of its size, range and depth. In communities where kinship plays an important role,
it is not uncommon to have a genealogical diagram covering four to five generations and
including more than 150 persons.
A completed diagram can be used by a researcher to make further enquiries into kinship
relations, kinship terms, marriage and succession and inheritance rules and norms of
behaviour. Since the researcher knows the names of individuals in the diagram, questions
can be asked about relations between specific persons because he or she knows exactly
where they fit into the kinship structure. The researcher can, for example, ask what
terms they use when referring to each other and the kind of behaviour expected of them.
The diagram can be used to describe and illustrate the kind of relations, behaviour and
kinship terms that occur in the community being studied. After completing the research,
the anthropologist normally presents his or her findings and the diagram is likely to be
an important part of such a report.
Kinship diagrams or genealogies also provide basic information regarding the relative
rank of descendants and marriage arrangements (eg form of marriage and the incidence
of preferential and secondary marriages), the size of families, etc.
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LEARNING THEME 8
ACTIVITY 8.9
NOW FOR SOME FIELDWORK OF YOUR OWN!
Draw up a kinship diagram of your own family starting with your parents. Add yourself and your siblings and then your children (if you have any) and the children of your
siblings as well as your affinal kin. Note that you can use actual names instead of
numbers if you want to.
Please note that no two members of a genealogy occupy exactly the same position
or status in the kinship structure. Their positions will always differ to some extent
according to gender (sex), seniority, age and according to the nature of the relationships linking them in the genealogy, that is, whether they are related by descent or
by affinity (marriage). For this reason, the nature of kinship relationships described
with reference to a particular member of a genealogy will differ from those described
from someone else’s point of view.
8.3.3 Systems of descent reckoning and descent groups
NOTE: we shall deal with kinship established by marriage in section 8.4.
We have explained that the term “kinship” refers to two kinds of relationships, namely, relationships of descent and relationships of affinity or marriage. In this section we shall deal, firstly,
with relationships determined by descent.
Anthropological research has not yet identified any community which has no form of descent
reckoning. In some communities, it is extremely important and in others of very little importance. It seems, however, to be a universal feature of human communities that human beings
give some recognition to ancestry and that ancestry is used in some way to order relationships
between individuals. The ways in which this is done will be discussed in subsequent sections.
8.3.3.1 Descent systems
The four descent systems we will discuss here, are as follows:
•
•
•
•
cognatic descent
unilineal descent
double or bilineal descent
parallel descent
Cognatic descent systems
In cognatic or bilateral descent systems descent is traced through both parents, four grandparents
and all eight great-grandparents; in other words, through both males and females. “Bilateral”
means two-sided. This indicates that the kin of both parents are of equal importance for
descent reckoning.
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Cognatic or bilateral descent reckoning is found among most so-called Western communities, the Eskimo and the San/Bushmen.
In a cognatic descent system, it is difficult to trace descent very far back because the number of
ancestors to be taken into account doubles with each ascending generation. This is illustrated
in the diagram below (where the fourth ascending generation after Ego has 16 ancestors):
Genealogical knowledge in cognatic systems therefore does not usually go beyond three generations if it is based on memory and not backed up by written records. Such written records
are usually only kept by those particularly interested in their ancestry and by royal families. In
the case of royalty, these records are essential to determine who may succeed to a particular
title or position.
The reasons why genealogical knowledge exceeding three generations is hardly ever important
to westerners are as follows:
•
•
•
Westerners do not usually inherit from a relative to whom they are connected after more
than three generations have elapsed.
In western societies there are usually no prescribed norms of behaviour applicable that require an individual to recognise relatives beyond the range of three generations. For example,
there is no obligation to keep in contact, to exchange news of family events such as births,
marriages and deaths or an obligation to give assistance in times of need.
Connections beyond the range of three generations are usually due to preference rather
than prescription.
Although a cognatic system makes provision for the possibility of genealogical knowledge over
at least three generations, increased urbanisation and the other factors we mentioned earlier
may lead to a further reduction in the number of kin with whom individuals actually have a
relationship. We therefore distinguish between effective kin and nominal kin.
Nominal kin are all the individuals who are acknowledged as kin according to the principles of
the kinship system. In the case of a cognatic descent system, this may include all descendants of
a person’s ancestors on the father’s side and on the mother’s side.
Effective kin, on the other hand, are only those with whom a person actually still has some or
other relationship. Among urbanised people, the importance of effective kinship has decreased.
Re-read 8.1: INTRODUCTION.
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Unilineal descent systems
“Unilineal” – one (direct) line
Patrilineal descent systems
Many communities in Africa and elsewhere follow a system of unilineal descent reckoning. In
a unilineal descent system, descent is reckoned through only one parent. This does not
mean that the excluded relatives are ignored or forgotten. In many unilineal communities, these
relatives have a very important function. For example, when a person who is a member of a
patrilineal descent group dies, members of his or her mother’s patrilineal descent group may
be called on to perform certain rituals at the funeral.
Where descent reckoned through the Fa and his male ancestors is emphasised, the line of
descent is traced through the Fa, the FaFa, the FaFaFa and so forth. Such a system is called a
patrilineal descent system. “Pater” is Latin for “father”. The following diagram illustrates the
tracing of descent in the patriline (patrilineally).
DIAGRAM ILLUSTRATING A PATRILINEAL DESCENT SYSTEM
In the diagram above, Ego would trace descent through 30, 11 and 1. The members of the same
patrilineal descent group or patrilineage as Ego are shaded in black. This shows that, in each
generation, both sons and daughters belong to the descent group of the father. Note, however,
that although a man’s sons and daughters all belong to his descent group, only the males pass on
membership of the group to their children. In other words, the children of female members belong
to their own father’s descent group. After marriage, however, a woman remains part of her
father’s descent group.
The most senior male belonging to the patrilineal descent group is known as the
apical ancestor. In the diagram above the apical ancestor would be 1.
ACTIVITY 8.10
Which members of the patrilineal descent group in the diagram above would pass on
membership of the group to their children?
Write down the numbers. Before writing down these numbers you should note that,
in a patrilineal descent system, only males pass on membership of a descent group
(eg clan or lineage) to their children.
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Matrilineal descent systems
Descent may also be traced through the Mo, the MoMo, the MoMoMo and so forth. This system
is called a matrilineal descent system. “Mater” is Latin for “mother”
A matrilineal descent system is the opposite of a patrilineal descent system. Membership of a
matrilineal descent group is only passed on through women, although members include both
men and women. In other words, both sons and daughters belong to the descent group of the mother,
but only the daughters pass on this membership to their children. After marriage, a man remains a
member of his mother’s descent group.
The following diagram illustrates how a matrilineal descent system works.
DIAGRAM ILLUSTRATING A MATRILINEAL DESCENT SYSTEM
In the diagram above, Ego would trace descent through 31, 13 and 4. The members of the same
matrilineal descent group or matrilineage as Ego are shaded in black to enable you to identify them.
The most senior female belonging to a matrilineal descent group is known as the apical
ancestress. In the diagram above it is 4.
ACTIVITY 8.11
Which of the members depicted in black shade pass on membership of the matrilineage
to their children? Write down the numbers. Before writing down these numbers you
should note that, in a matrilineal descent system, only females pass on membership
of the descent group (eg clans or lineages) to their children.
Obviously, in a unilineal descent system, it is possible to trace descent over more generations
than in a cognatic descent system – because each name of an ancestor represents one generation.
In Africa, where unilineal descent systems are common, people’s knowledge of their ancestors
often stretches over eight generations and, in the case of royal families, it may stretch over as
many as fifteen or more generations.
Characteristics of patrilineal and matrilineal descent systems
Patrilineal descent systems – ideally:
•
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They are characterised by patronymy which means that children bear the family name of
their father.
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•
•
•
•
•
They provide for patrilineal succession, which means that a man’s place is taken by his So
and then his SoSo.
A man’s property is inherited in the male line.
Place of residence after marriage is with the Fa’s people.
Authority is in the hands of the father.
Patrilineal descent systems are inclined to be more restrictive about a woman’s sexuality.
They usually prohibit premarital and extramarital sex for women and make it very difficult
for a woman to divorce her husband.
Matrilineal descent systems – ideally:
•
•
•
•
•
•
They are characterised by matronymy, which means that children bear the family name of
their mother.
They provide for matrilineal succession, which means that a man’s place is first taken by
his Br and then by his SiSo and not by his own So.
They have matrilineal inheritance of property whereby a man’s property is inherited by
someone in the matriline (female line); for example, his SiSo.
Place of residence after marriage is with the Mo’s people.
Authority is in the hands of the MoBr.
Women tend to have more domestic authority and more value is placed on their lives.
Sexual restrictions are more or less the same for both men and women.
ACTIVITY 8.12
Using two columns compare the characteristics of patrilineal and matrilineal descent
systems systematically. The following criteria should be used for such a systematic comparison: name giving, rule of succession, rule of inheritance, residential arrangements after marriage, practising of authority and sexual restrictions on men and women.
Double or bilineal descent systems
In a double or bilineal (“two lines”) descent system, descent is traced separately through
both male and female lines. In a bilineal descent system, patrilineal descent is used for
certain purposes, while matrilineal descent is used for other purposes.
In a bilineal descent system, each line of descent is therefore used for a specific purpose.
EXAMPLE
Among the Herero of Namibia, matrilineal descent is mainly of economic importance in
that property is inherited matrilineally, while patrilineal descent has religious importance
(because religious knowledge and leadership at rituals are determined patrilineally.
The difference between cognatic descent, unilineal descent and double descent becomes clear
when we consider the position of individuals in relation to their four grandparents.
In a unilineal descent system, descent is traced through one grandparent only.
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In a bilineal descent system, descent is traced through two grandparents, namely the FaFa
and MoMo.
In a cognatic descent system, descent is traced through all four grandparents.
Note: Double descent is therefore not the same as cognatic descent. Compare the two relevant
diagrams.
DIAGRAM ILLUSTRATING DOUBLE DESCENT
In the diagram below, the persons through whom Ego would trace descent if he/she belongs to
a community practising double descent are in solid type.
ACTIVITY 8.13
Compare the diagram of a cognatic descent system with that of a double or bilineal
descent system to establish the fundamental difference between the two systems.
Parallel descent systems
A very rare, but nevertheless interesting form of descent reckoning, is a system of parallel descent. According to this system, males reckon descent through their fathers and females
through their mothers.
A parallel descent system is found among the Saha, a group living in the Santa Marta mountains in northern Columbia, South America. Among the Saha, males reckon descent through
their fathers and females reckon it through their mothers. Likewise, males inherit property
from their fathers and females inherit from their mothers.
DIAGRAM ILLUSTRATING PARALLEL DESCENT
In the diagram below 7, being a male, would trace descent through 5, 3 and 1 (who are all
males). On the other hand, 8, being a female, would trace descent through 6, 4 and 2 (who are
all females).
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LEARNING THEME 8
ACTIVITY 8.14
Talk to someone belonging to a system of descent reckoning that differs from your
own system and compare the way in which each one’s descent system affects your
lives. Are there differences? Similarities?
ACTIVITY 8.15
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Using the diagram above, answer the following questions.
(1) Who is the apical ancestor of Ego’s patrilineal descent group?
(2) If Ego belonged to a group practising matrilineal descent, who would be the
apical ancestress of this group?
(3) How many persons are there in the patrilineal descent group of which 1 is the
apical ancestor? (20 or 12)
(4) Through whom would Ego trace descent if he belongs to a group tracing descent cognatically? (Identify 10 persons.)
(5) Through whom would 51 trace descent if she belongs to a group practising
parallel descent?
(6) If Ego is a Herero, through whom would he have access to religious knowledge?
(If you cannot work this out, refer back to the section on double descent
systems.)
ACTIVITY 8.16
SOME MORE FIELDWORK
With reference to your own relatives, complete the following sentences:
• My nominal kin include … (list kinship relations)
• My effective kin include … (list names and kinship relations)
• My descent system can be described as … because of the fact that …
8.3.3.2 Descent groups
In this section we shall discuss the different descent groups identified by different communities,
all of which are derived from the different systems of unilineal descent reckoning that we have
just discussed. These groups, namely, lineages, clans, moieties and phratries, do not consistently occur in all communities with unilineal descent reckoning. Neither do all communities
have all these groups. For example, communities with lineages do not necessarily have clans.
Good examples of this are the Northern Sotho and the Tswana-speaking people of South Africa.
Where such groups do occur among communities, they have certain characteristics in common
that enable us to draw conclusions about their general nature.
Lineages
The first of these groups whic we discuss, the lineage, is also the smallest of the four:
The genealogical basis of lineages
In the previous section we pointed out, that in unilineal communities, knowledge of a descent
line often includes as many as eight generations. Moreover, in many communities in Africa and
elsewhere, all or most of the descendants, deceased or alive, of an ancestor who lived five or
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more generations ago are known. It is not uncommon for individuals to be able to describe, from
memory, the exact genealogical position of each of these descendants in the order of their birth.
In many instances, such genealogies may include 150 to 200 individuals and sometimes even more.
This kind of genealogical knowledge is found among patrilineal and matrilineal groups
in Africa.
Anthropologists use the term “lineage” to refer to a set of people whose descent from
a common ancestor can be traced through known links. Since the relationship of every
member to the founding ancestor of the lineage is known, the relationship of every member to
the other lineage members can be precisely described in genealogical terms.
Such comprehensive genealogical knowledge does not necessarily mean that the entire lineage
constitutes any kind of group that meets for particular purposes. At the same time, however,
this knowledge is not preserved without reason. The question therefore remains: why would
so many details about so many individuals be remembered if it served no purpose whatsoever?
Intensive study has revealed that the individuals who are thus known may have a particular
sociocultural significance in some communities.
Lineage activities
The extent of the involvement of lineage members
The question can be asked whether all or some of the members of a particular lineage ever act
together as a group, and if so, for what purpose or purposes.
From research among the Nguni (ie Xhosa-, Swazi-, Zulu- and Ndebele-speakers) it has become
clear that there is hardly ever an occasion when all members of a lineage are present.
Lineage members usually live far apart and, where some members are in permanent employment,
it has become difficult to arrange meetings of all lineage members. Even where the location of
all lineage members is known and they can be informed of activities taking place, it is taken for
granted that not everybody will be present on every occasion.
What usually happens is that lineage members who can be present at particular occasions do
attend.
Economic activities
Lineage members do not act together as an economic unit. The lineage acts independently
as far as economic activities are concerned.
When big tasks such as hoeing, weeding, harvesting or home improvements need to be done,
work parties are organised. Among rural Xhosa-speakers, such work parties are called amalima.
Volunteers are invited to come and help with the work, and those who respond to the invitation
are treated to food and beer in exchange for their labour. Help is also given with the expectation that those who receive help will reciprocate at some other time. Although there may be
lineage members among the workers, the majority of them will probably be neighbours and
other volunteers.
Land ownership
Nor is the lineage a land-holding unit, although legislation and people’s perceptions concerning
land ownership do not coincide. However, the lineage does not control and no longer allocates
land to its members. Land is currently allocated by the political authorities. The rights to a
building-site for a house, or a piece of agricultural land, and the right to graze a fixed number
of stock on common grazing land are allocated to heads of families. When the person who has
such rights dies, these rights revert back to the political authorities who may, and usually do,
re-allocate these rights to his successor. What happens in practice is that the members of a
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lineage group living in the ward (a section of a headman’s or chief’s area of jurisdiction) come
together and decide who should succeed to these rights. Understandably, these people usually
appoint a lineage member. Their decision is usually accepted by the headman and his council,
who then advise the authorities accordingly.
Settling of disputes
Where conflict arises between lineage members, it is important that it be resolved without
delay. The urgency is partly due to the fear of the ancestors sending misfortune on the group if
the matter is not settled. A meeting of all related homestead heads residing in the same ward
is called under the guidance of the lineage head or lineage elder, who is genealogically the
most senior member of the lineage living in the ward. Among Xhosa-speaking people, this elder
is known as the inkulu. The composition of the group which meets like this depends on which
lineage members are locally available.
Religious and other activities
All rituals relating to the ancestors take place under the guidance of the lineage head.
He may live in another ward and may have to travel some distance to preside over these rituals. If the ritual is one of particular importance, all lineage members must, whenever possible,
be informed. They are expected to be present, but if they have valid reasons for being absent,
this is not held against them. Today, there are a number of reasons why ancestor rituals attract
smaller numbers of people in attendance. These reasons include the following:
•
•
•
dispersal of lineage members
employment commitments
conversion to Christianity
Other occasions when members of the lineage group come together are initiation ceremonies, marriages and funerals.
Kinds of lineage groupings
Among the Nguni people (ie Xhosa-, Zulu-, Swazi- and Ndebele-speakers), whom we have been
using as examples, mainly two kinds of lineage groups may be formed:
•
•
The local group. This consists of the lineage members who reside together in the same
locality, and who are mainly concerned with the maintenance of peaceful relations, These
groups settle disputes and deal with tensions,
Groups who come together for special occasions. These consist of lineage members
who come together to perform specific rituals on ceremonial occasions.
Thus, a lineage as a whole never comes together as a group. Usually those attending consist of
members who find it convenient to be there. The importance of the lineage is that it is a set
of people from among whom a group may be recruited for specific purposes. In this respect,
it distinguishes a category of people to whom an individual may look for assistance, advice and
support under certain circumstances.
Clans
The members of the first of the unilineal descent groups which we discussed above, that is,
lineages, can trace their descent to a common ancestor who lived a number of generations
previously. However, in many communities, and even today, there are larger groups which are
referred to as clans (or sometimes “sibs”). Although clans are found throughout the world, they
are currently more common among rural, traditional communities. In earlier periods, clans also
occurred throughout Europe, but only the Scottish Highlanders with their characteristic tartan
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kilts (a pleated skirt), are contemporary examples of such groups. However, these clans have
lost most of their sociocultural significance and functions.
Members of clans claim to be descended from a common ancestor, but are unable to
demonstrate such descent. Very often, the ancestor to whom clan members refer lived up to
fifteen or twenty generations ago may even have been a mythical being. Clans found in communities with a system of patrilineal descent are known as patriclans and in matrilineal systems,
matriclans.
Differences between lineages and clans
Clans differ from lineages in that their membership is based on fictive descent. This means that
members are unable to definitely or accurately determine or trace their descent. In the case
of lineages, however, descent can be genealogically traced. Clans, as we have indicated, are
also much larger than lineages. Although clans do share certain common characteristics, these
characteristics cannot be said to be universal.
This is why the characteristics of clanship described below should not be seen as a model example of a clan, but as a list of features that may occur in various combinations.
Clan names
Although genealogical descent cannot be demonstrated, each individual’s clan membership is
known. This is because the clan name is transferred from parent to child. In the case of patrilineal clans, as among Xhosa-speaking people, the children inherit the clan name of the father,
while among communities with matrilineal clans the name of the mother is passed on to her
children. A woman in a patrilineal community retains her clan name, but does not pass it on to
her children. Likewise, in matrilineal communities, men do not transfer their clan names to their
children. The clan name is often the name of the apical ancestor or it may refer to an event in
the clan’s history.
Extensive genealogical knowledge is therefore not needed to prove clan membership. Through
their clan name individuals know to which clan they belong and who the other members of
their clan are. This is similar to the use of surnames in Western communities – except that the
consequences are more far-reaching.
In some Nguni communities such as the Southern Ndebele, clan names are also used as
surnames. Among the Xhosa, however, each individual has a surname as well as a clan name
(isiduko).
Clans and lineages
Where communities have clans as well as lineages, each clan consists of a number of lineages. It is, however, impossible to determine how each lineage fits into the clan structure. We
can assume that the lineages are like segments of a clan, but we do not know the exact position
of these segments in the clan structure.
Hierarchy of clans
In many communities where clans occur, a distinction is made between royal clans and commoner
clans. The royal clans are those to which traditional chiefs belong (eg the Mahlangu clans of the
Southern Ndebele). Within these royal clans, however, chieftainship is restricted to certain lineages, so that the status of clan members who do not belong to these lineages does not differ
significantly from that of commoners.
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Clan dispersal
Clans are not localised groups, although evidence suggests that this was the case in pre-colonial,
pre-contact times – particularly among the rural Zulu- and Swazi-speakers. Currently clans are
dispersed and members are found in different villages and wards. Clan membership remains
important, however, particularly amongst the Nguni people in general and individuals know
what clan they belong to.
Kinship relations between clan members
An important characteristic of a clan is that it is a category of people who are descended from
a common ancestor and are therefore related or share the same blood. Belief in common descent therefore forms the basis of relations between clan members. An important consequence
of this is that clans are usually exogamous units. This means that clan members may not marry
each other. Sharing a common clan name is accepted as proof that the persons concerned have a
blood relationship. A further consequence is that clan members are expected to offer hospitality
as well as material and moral support to each other.
Note that what is socioculturally accepted as blood ties between persons need not be
based on “biological facts” to be relevant. In some communities it may include a very limited
category of people (eg one’s parents and siblings), while in the case of a clan system it may
include thousands of people. It is a matter of perception and definition – sometimes a church
or religion is also prescriptive in terms of who is allowed to marry whom.
In the system that you are familiar with, are so-called “first-cousins”, that is sons and daughters of brothers and sisters allowed to marry? If not, why not?
Clan membership and religion
Clan membership can have important consequences for the practice of traditional religion. For
example, many Xhosa-speaking people believe that:
•
•
•
clan members have common clan ancestors to whom all members are related
each clan is associated with a number of mythological animals that are identified with the
clan ancestors and that are believed to influence the wellbeing of the living
members of each clan have a particular kind of clan medicine (ubulawu) that is effective for
clan members only – this medicine is used on ritual occasions
Corporateness
A corporate descent group is a group that acts together as a whole (eg regarding economic or
religious activities).
Note, however, that clans among South African communities do not form corporate groups.
An example of a clan functioning as a unit is found among the Tungus (or the Evenki as they
are nowadays called) of Northern Asia (and more specifically of Russia, China and Mongolia)
where a clan has the right to the proceeds of a hunt undertaken by any of its members.
Whatever animals have been hunted belong to the clan and not the hunters. The hunting
territory also belongs to the whole clan and is distributed among families within the clan.
Moreover, although families can own their own reindeer, they do not have exclusive rights
over these animals. If a large number of reindeer die of disease, the rest of the reindeer may
be divided among all the families. (Shirokogoroff 1935:296)
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Totemism
In some communities, clans are totemic. The term “totem” refers to an animal, plant or other
object that is especially valued by a particular group. The group may be named after its totem
and may believe itself to be descended from the totem. The group usually follows certain rules
of conduct with regard to its totem (eg by not killing or eating an animal or plant depicted on
the totem). See also section 9.2 of Learning theme 9 – Religion, the supernatural and magic.
EXAMPLE
Among the Southern Ndebele, the Ndzundza people have totemic clans. The Mahlangu clan,
which is the royal clan, has the reedbuck (ihlangu) as its totem; the Ntuli clan has the mamba
snake as its totem; the Skhosana clan has the quail and the Sibanyoni has the guinea-fowl.
Where two clans have the same totem, they are believed to be related and therefore do
not intermarry.
Phratries
The term phratry is derived from the Greek word phrater, which means a brother, and “phratry”
may therefore be translated as “brotherhood”. A phratry is a unilineal descent group made up
of two or more putatively related clans. By “putatively” we mean that the relationship cannot
be accurately traced, but is a remembered relationship.
A clan may sometimes split into two or more independent clans (eg owing to an increase in its
size). Members of the clans may continue to recognise their common origin by not intermarrying. This recognition also finds expression in attitudes of friendliness and solidarity towards
each other, and by helping with funeral arrangements.
Phratries do not occur in Southern Africa, but are found among several American Indian groups
and in other parts of the world. Among the Crow Indians, for example, there are 13 clans divided into six phratries.
EXAMPLE
The Kapauku Papuans, who live on the central highlands of western New Guinea, are an
example of a community composed of lineages, clans and phratries. Every Kapauku belongs to
a patrilineage, a patrilineal clan and a phratry (which includes his clan). The Kapauku believe
that the phratry was originally a single clan, but that a quarrel ensued and, as a result, the
younger brother was expelled and formed a new clan. In view of the belief that the clans
originated with two brothers, the members of the two clans are considered to be related.
Kapauku clans are exogamous and members of the same phratry who belong to different
clans may marry.
Moieties
The term “moiety” is derived from the French word moietie which means half. It is used in
anthropological literature to describe a system of dual organisation in which a community is
divided into two sections.
Communities with small populations are sometimes divided into two unilineal descent groups,
each of which is called a moiety. The members of such moieties claim to be descended from
a common ancestor (although such descent cannot be accurately traced). A moiety is therefore
like a large clan, but the bonds among the members are not as close as those found in a clan.
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Moieties do not occur in Southern Africa, but are common in Australia, Melanesia, India and in
several parts of North and South America.
Moiety membership involves specific prescriptions, rights and obligations. Moieties are exogamous, that is, members of one moiety are required to marry someone from the other moiety.
Members of one moiety may have to render certain services for members of the other moiety
(eg burial and initiation rites). They may also compete in games or occupy different parts of a
settlement.
EXAMPLE
Among the Tlingit of Alaska, a man does not perform labour for his own moiety members,
neither does he use them to do any work. A member of the Raven moiety uses members
of the Wolf moiety to build a house for his house-group or to perform ritual duties such
as piercing his children’s ears or initiating them into secret communities. Likewise, a Raven
member performs similar services for the Wolf moiety. Feasts are arranged by one moiety
for the other. There is continuous rivalry and competition between these two moieties that
may eventually lead to serious tension between them.
Moieties are associated with opposites.
EXAMPLE
Among the Winnebago of Wisconsin in North America, moieties are named “those above
(the earth)” and “those on earth”. The former includes clans named after birds, while the
clans of the latter are named after land and water animals. In former times, these moieties
also occupied different halves of the village.
8.3.4 Concluding remarks
Although various types of unilineal descent groups have been identified, this does not mean that
all communities with unilineal descent groups have only one type of descent group. Many communities have combinations of two or more types (eg lineages and clans or clans and phratries
but no lineages). A community with phratries must of course have clans but, other than this,
any combination of descent groups is possible.
As far as the sociocultural significance of descent systems is concerned, anthropological research
has shown that there is a relationship between the size and degree of localisation of such groups,
and the extent to which particular groups act as a whole in economic, religious and political
activities. Larger localised groups – such as local lineages or clans – may have economic as well
as political significance. Dispersed lineages and clans will emphasise religious activities, simply
because it is impossible for their members to participate effectively in economic activities.
ACTIVITY 8.17
(1) Identify the most important similarities and differences between clans and
phratries.
(2) Distinguish the most important characteristics of clans and lineages.
(3) Describe, in not more than 40 words, the most important characteristics
of moieties.
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8.4
MARRIAGE
At the beginning of this learning theme we explained that the term “kinship” refers to two kinds
of relationships: descent and affinity.
In section 8.3 we discussed descent. We will now discuss the second kind of kinship relationships: those resulting from marriage. These are, as we have indicated, called relationships of
affinity or affinal relationships.
8.4.1 What is marriage?
There is no single definition for all the different types of marriage found in human communities. Attempts have been made to define marriage in terms of its most important functions.
For example, we are told that marriage is an institution that controls and sanctions rights over
sexual activity; or that it is the institution that makes provision for the procreation and care of
children. Neither of these definitions, however, covers all possible variations of marriage found
throughout the world, and nor is the procreation of legitimate children necessarily dependent
upon marriage. Nor does marriage only occur between a man and a woman.
EXAMPLE
Among the matrilineal Wambo of Namibia, a girl who has undergone the initiation ceremony
is considered to be an adult and has the same status as a married woman. Even if she does
not get married she can bear children who are fully accepted as legitimate.
Communities may have different attitudes regarding male-female relationships, but one such
relationship which is found in all communities is marriage – marriage can therefore be said to
be universal. But this does not mean that everybody in all communities gets married. What it
does mean is that most of the people in such a community usually get married – in other words,
marriage is customary. Nor does it imply that marriage is the same in all communities; there
are variations in how people marry, whom they marry and also to how many people one can
marry at the same time. Marriage is not even necessarily the basis for a family or family life any
longer. All communities, however, still have parent-child social units. Single parent families are
also becoming more common, because individuals are electing to have children without contracting a marriage.
Perhaps we should settle for a description of marriage as simply a socially approved sexual and
economic union between persons (usually between a man and a woman or women). Note that gay
marriages are increasingly being legally sanctioned in several countries (see Ember et al 2005:350).
If we consider marriages around the world, we do find mostly man-woman marriages, but note
that there are other forms of marriage. For example, marriages involving more than two spouses,
domestic partnerships that are not legally sanctioned, civil marriages (licensed and legalised),
religious marriages, and same-sex marriages (even in some “traditional” communities such as
amongst the Nuer in Sudan) (see Kottak 2008:228).
What categories does your marriage (or possibly intended marriage) or that of your parents
fall into?
In the next few sections we shall discuss: different forms of marriage, choice of partners and
the contracting and dissolution of marriage.
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8.4.2 Forms of marriage
Monogamy
This is the most common form of marriage throughout the world. Monogamy is the marriage
of one man and one woman. When society practises this form of marriage, another marriage
may only be concluded after the death of one of the partners or the dissolution of the marriage
by divorce.
Polygamy
This is a form of marriage in which a person is married to more than one partner at the same
time. There are two forms of polygamy, namely, polygyny and polyandry. (See the section below
“Choice of partners”, for further information on these two concepts.)
Choice of marriage partners
All communities have certain requirements that must be met by an individual in order to qualify
for marriage. In addition, all communities, even those with the concept of a free choice of marriage
partners, recognise certain restrictions in the choice of marriage partners. Some communities
have preferences which influence the selection of partners.
Arranged marriages
In some communities, the parents choose marriage partners for their children. In other words,
the marriage is arranged. By this we mean that close kin or their representatives arrange marriages while the future marriage partners are still in their infancy. Such marriage arrangements
are directed to forging new economic and social ties between two kin groups. This type of
arrangement is becoming less prevalent as people increasingly want more say in the choice of
their marriage partner. Arranged marriages were formerly common among the Hindu, Chinese,
Japanese and also in eastern and southern Europe (it was the normal form of marriage for royalty).
EXAMPLE
According to Mönnig, among the “traditional Pedi” parents sometimes arrange for the future
marriage of their children. In this case, the arrangement will be made by the boy’s parents
sending a bull to the girl’s parents while both boy and girl are still children. This arrangement
takes precedence over other arrangements that the boy may make in the future. Neither
party can cancel the arrangement without the consent of the other and the return of the
bull (Mönnig 1967:130, 200).
Maturity or adulthood
In some communities, maturity or adulthood is associated with a specific age; in others it is
associated with particular ceremonies known as puberty ceremonies that are performed to
initiate individuals into adulthood.
According to South African law, persons over the age of 18 may contract a legal marriage
without the consent of their parents or guardians. Males under the age of 18 and females
under 15 years of age may only marry with the consent of their parents or guardians and
the Minister of Home Affairs.
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Restrictions based on kinship
Exogamy
As we explained earlier, exogamy means that marriage partners must be chosen from outside
one’s own specified group, for example, a family, lineage and clan.
Often the prohibition is based on the assumption that members of such a group are blood
relatives and to marry would therefore be regarded as incest. The prohibition may also be supported by supernatural sanctions, such as the belief that children born of such marriages could
be malformed or weak or suffer from mental illness.
EXAMPLE
Among more traditionally-inclined Xhosa-speakers and other Southern Nguni in general,
clan exogamy is still widely observed, and cases where it is ignored may be regarded as
exceptional. Often, the revenge of the ancestors is believed to be incurred by those who
break this rule.
Although we have mentioned marriage prohibitions in the same context as incest prohibitions,
the two are not synonymous, because incest has to do with sexual relations, while exogamy
pertains to marriage relations. Although the two concepts refer to closely related matters, they
are not identical. There are marriage prohibitions that are not related to incest prohibitions. In
some communities fathers may have intercourse with their daughters, but they may not marry
them. Exogamy described in terms of incest prohibition is therefore not universal.
Alliance theory
Alliance theory refers to rules of exogamy which prohibit members of a group from taking marriage partners from inside their own group. They must take marriage partners from neighbouring
groups with whom relations are frequently tense or hostile. These tense or hostile relations are
then, in theory, tempered by such alliances. Experience has shown that the forming of alliances
creates valuable ties outside one’s own community or group, as is implied by the proverb “we
marry our enemies and keep the peace”.
Confusion of roles
Another viewpoint on exogamy states that marriage within the group leads to a confusion of
roles. Expected behaviour towards those in your own group differs from that which applies
to affinal kin. Among Xhosa-speakers, for example, relations between members of the same
clan resemble those between brothers and sisters, while relations between affinal kin are more
formal because behaviour is restricted by rules of respect and avoidance. Marriage within the
clan would therefore mean that individuals would be placed in positions where contradictory
rules of conduct would apply, for example where an individual is a clan member as well as an
affinal kin member.
Promotion of solidarity
A further theory explaining exogamy is that it encourages internal solidarity and cohesion within
a descent group by preventing jealousy and competition among group members over marriage
partners. When you have to marry outside the group there is less competition for available
marriage partners within the group.
Other prohibitions
There may also be a prohibition on marriage between an individual and members of certain
other groups.
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Among Xhosa-speakers again, for example, an individual may not marry someone belonging to
the clans of any one of his four grandparents. This is illustrated in the diagram below. Ego may
not marry anyone who is a member of the clans of his FaFa, FaMo, MoFa and MoMo.
Such prohibitions are sometimes related to ritual avoidance.
EXAMPLE
Among the Southern Ndebele, members of certain clans do not intermarry (eg members
of the Mahlangu and Kabinde clans). This prohibition is sometimes explained by referring
to a relationship between these two clans according to which a member of the Kabinde
clan acts as medicine man for the king, who is a member of the Mahlangu clan. Those who
explain the prohibition in this way say that the powerful medicine used by the medicine man
may be dangerous for a marriage relationship. Others say that they do not marry because
a member of the Kabinde clan may substitute a member of the Mahlangu clan in a leviratic
union. (The levirate is discussed towards the end of this section.)
Preferential marriages
Besides prohibitions, some communities prefer or prescribe that a marriage partner be chosen
from a certain group. The rule that expects someone to marry within a certain group is known
as endogamy. Endogamy may take various forms.
Caste endogamy
This form of endogamy is found in India where marriage within one’s own caste is prescribed.
This is especially the case among the higher castes. However, a woman may attempt to marry
into a higher caste.
EXAMPLE
In some parts of Africa where various classes are distinguished within a community, endogamy
is also practised. Among the Maasai of Kenya, a warrior will not marry the daughter of an
iron-worker because she belongs to a class grouping beneath his own.
Alliance endogamy
When a person is prohibited from marrying within his own group (exogamy), he may at the same
time be expected to marry someone from another particular group, that is, within the alliance.
This is known as alliance endogamy.
Local group endogamy
This occurs where there is more than one descent group in a village. When a man wants to
marry he is expected to choose a wife from another descent group, but within the same village
as his own.
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EXAMPLE
Among the Ashanti of Ghana, taking a marriage partner from outside one’s own village is
considered unsafe, because the family background and character of the prospective bride
is not known.
Kin group endogamy
The most common form of endogamy is marriage with a certain category of relative. This is called
kin group endogamy and may take the form of parallel-cousin marriage or cross-cousin marriage.
Cross-cousin marriage is a marriage between the children of siblings of a brother and a sister;
in other words, marriage to a MoBr’s child or to a FaSi’s child. Cross-cousin marriages are believed to strengthen relationships that have already been established between kin. People who
practise cross-cousin marriage believe that it is beneficial for relationships within the family if
the bride becomes a daughter-in-law in a family she already knows, because this reduces the
amount of tension in the family.
Mönnig believes that the main reason for preferential marriages among the Pedi is that the mother
of the groom knows that she will be cared for in her old age (Mönnig 1967:199).
Parallel-cousin marriage is a marriage between the children of same-sex siblings. In other words,
marriage between the children of two sisters or marriage between the children of two brothers.
This form of marriage is not as common as cross-cousin marriage. Marrying a FaBrDa keeps
the marriage goods within the ranks of the same descent group and may also mean the giving
of fewer marriage goods (because the bride is the daughter of the paternal uncle).
Various South African communities, however, prohibit marriages between cousins.
EXAMPLE
Xhosa-speakers consider both cross and parallel-cousin marriages to be incestuous and also
object to them on practical grounds. As we said earlier on, prescribed behaviour between
affines is seen as being in conflict with the rules that apply to agnatic kin. The position of
a daughter-in-law among the Xhosa is notoriously difficult and daughters-in-law often find
themselves in situations marked by conflict.
ACTIVITY 8.18
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(1)
(2)
(3)
(4)
(5)
Who are cross-cousins to 11?
Who are parallel-cousins to 11?
Who are cross-cousins to 13?
Who are parallel-cousins to 13?
Draw a diagram which includes the families of your father’s brothers and father’s
sisters and then indicate those who are your cross and parallel cousins.
8.4.2.1 Choice of marriage partners in secondary marriages
Polygamy
A secondary marriage is a marriage concluded after a first or primary marriage. The first marriage has not been dissolved and both partners are still living. The second marriage therefore
establishes a polygamous marriage. Polygamy refers to a form of marriage that involves more
than two marriage partners at the same time. It has two forms: polygyny and polyandry.
Polygyny is a marriage involving one man and two or more women. Where polygyny is practised,
the wives may be unrelated or they may be sisters. A marriage between a man and two sisters
is known as sororal polygyny. Sororal polygyny is favoured by some communities, for example,
the Pedi, because it is believed that close ties and good relationships between the sisters will
promote unity and peace in the family.
NOTE: President Jacob Zuma’s recent marriage to his fifth wife is an example of polygamy.
As you know, the President’s decision to practise polygamy has made him the focus of a
great deal of media attention.
EXAMPLE
Xhosa-speakers prohibit sororal polygyny although polygyny as such is practised. The reasoning here is that since polygynous marriages are often characterised by jealousy and tension
between wives, it is worse when two sisters are involved in such a union. The prohibition
also extends to women belonging to the same clan.
The following illustrations show how polygyny and sororal polygyny are indicated in a
kinship diagram.
Polyandry is a marriage involving one woman and two or more men. It is a rare form of marriage that occurs only in a few communities, examples being in Tibet, Nepal, India and Sri Lanka.
There are two types of polyandry: fraternal polyandry (where a woman is married to two
brothers) and heterogeneous polyandry (where the husbands are not related).
The following illustrations show how fraternal and heterogeneous polyandry are indicated in a kinship diagram.
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EXAMPLE
Polyandry is found among the Toda of India. In the Himalayan mountains, where these people
live, there is a shortage of land and the practice of polyandry is a way of adjusting to this.
Even if a woman has more than one husband, she can only be pregnant with one child at a time,
and this keeps the population within the limits that a harsh environment can support.
Polyandry is also found among the Inuit (Eskimo) of the Arctic where, in the harsh icy conditions,
it is very difficult for a single man to provide for a family on his own.
In Tibet, polyandry is a result of the limited agricultural land that is allocated to a family and has
to be passed down to the sons. Instead of a continuous division of land among the sons (which
makes each inherited portion smaller and smaller), brothers marry one woman and keep the
family land intact.
Levirate
Levirate is the continuation of a deceased man’s marriage by his brother or another male
relative. The leviratic husband cares for the widow and her children and assumes the sexual
privileges of the deceased husband. Any children born of the union are, however, considered
to the sons and daughters of the deceased husband. Levirate is based on the assumption that
a marriage is not terminated by the death of the husband, because it is primarily an alliance
between two descent groups.
While the levirate is practised by certain Southern Nguni such as the Mpondo, it is not
practised by Xhosa people who consider it to be incestuous.
Sororate
We have already referred to sororal polygyny. There are, however, two forms of sororate besides
the polygynous form. The first is where a man has the right to claim his deceased wife’s sister
as a substitute (in which case it is not actually a secondary union); the second is where a man
may claim his barren wife’s sister as an ancillary (supplementary) wife.
All three forms of sororal unions occur among the Pedi. The common factor in all three is,
however, that a man has the right to claim his wife’s sister as a second, substitute or ancillary wife.
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Ghost marriage
Ghost marriages take place where a man dies before he can marry, especially if he dies in battle.
It is then the duty of his brother or another male relative to marry a wife and raise children in
his name. This means that the spirit of the deceased man is married to the woman and marriage
goods paid in his name. This form of marriage usually occurs where the deceased occupied an
important position in the lineage and must therefore have descendants to continue his line.
8.4.3 Contracting a marriage
Contracting a marriage involves a number of different actions and may also take place over a
fairly long period of time. Among non-western communities it is quite common for the contracting of a marriage to be a gradual process that starts with negotiations, and which is only
finalised after many years.
The contracting of marriage varies from a highly individualised, primarily legal transaction between the two partners (a western marriage) to a series of legal, ritual and ceremonial acts that
involve large numbers of kin among other communities.
8.4.3.1 Ceremonial and ritual acts concerning marriage
We distinguish between rituals and ceremonies.
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A ceremony is any important formal act that is performed with dignity. It need not necessarily be linked to religion.
A ritual act is one that has definite religious or magical significance.
Note, however, that it is not always possible to clearly distinguish between the two.
The contractual or legal aspect of a marriage that takes place in a Christian church is so closely
interwoven with the ceremonial and ritual acts that it is very difficult to distinguish between them.
The same is true of marriage practices among preliterate or preindustrial communities and, in
particular, of marriages amongst the indigenous communities of southern Africa. The legal, ritual
and ceremonial aspects may be so closely interwoven as to be indistinguishable.
EXAMPLES
Research among the Dikgale, a Northern Sotho-speaking community, has shown that the
ancestors are informed about the intended marriage and that it is essential to obtain their
approval if the marriage is to be a success (De Beer 1979:153).
Among the Lovedu, another Northern Sotho community, a traditional marriage is accompanied by a religious ceremony during which a goat is slaughtered and a prayer offered to the
ancestors on behalf of the bride (Krige & Krige 1943:154).
8.4.3.2 Contractual factors
In all communities, contracting a marriage has legal implications, since it involves rights and duties. Concluding a marriage therefore involves reaching an agreement or concluding a contract.
The contracting parties may vary. In western communities the contract concerns the bride and
bridegroom as well as their parents or representatives, all of whom sign the marriage register
as their witnesses to make the marriage legal. In preindustrial and more traditional communities
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it is often a contract between two groups of people, for example, descent groups such as the
lineages of the bride and bridegroom. The bride and bridegroom are often not even present
when the negotiations take place.
There are, however, ways in which the couple may indicate their own wishes and even try to
force their respective kin groups to take their wishes into consideration. This may be done by
means of an elopement. However, elopement as such does not constitute a marriage since the
usual requirements for a valid marriage (negotiations and transfer of marriage goods) must still
be complied with.
EXAMPLE
Among the Nguni, the ukuthwala (to carry; to elope) practice has become common. Ukuthwala means that a man and a woman run away together and then afterwards inform their
respective kin of their whereabouts. Ukuthwala may also occur with the full knowledge and
co-operation of either the girl’s or the man’s kin group. Note that the girl may be captured
when she is fetching water or wood and carried away by the man’s kin.
Where the marriage contract is between two kin groups, they maintain a permanent interest
in the marriage and may even take on the responsibility of solving problems that may occur in
the marriage. These problems may be caused by misbehaviour or disrespect towards affinal kin,
adultery, neglect of the woman or the woman’s failure to fulfil her duties.
In the previous section we discussed the sororate and pointed out that, where a wife is barren, or has died without having children, the husband may claim her sister as an ancillary or as
a substitute wife. This shows that the wife’s relatives also have responsibilities regarding the
marriage contract. The levirate indicates that the wife is not bound to the husband alone, but
to his kin group (since the marriage contract is between two groups).
One or more of the following may also form part of the contractual factors in a marriage:
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transfer of marriage goods
bride service
exchange of brides
dowry
Transfer of marriage goods
This is a gift of money or goods from the groom and his kin group to the bride’s father. The gift
gives the groom and his descent group the right to marry the bride and the right to any children
born of the marriage. The transfer of marriage goods occurs throughout the world, but is particularly common in Africa and Oceania. It is a common feature in the conclusion of marriages
amongst more traditional black South Africans. Marriage goods may take the form of livestock,
food, money or agricultural implements. Transfer of these goods is compulsory and forms part of
the marriage agreement. The amount and type of goods are negotiated beforehand. The amount
and nature of the goods differ from society to society, depending on the status and wealth of
the groups concerned as well as the educational standard, beauty, age and whether the bride is
a virgin. Note that the delivery of marriage goods does not mean that the woman is bought like
a slave. Marriage goods are associated with communities in which women have a low status, but
they do provide the bride with some security. (Because, if the marriage fails through no fault of
the woman, the groom’s family has to forfeit the marriage goods.) Furthermore, the delivery of
a large amount of marriage goods tends to stabilise the marriage.
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Bride service
This requires the bridegroom to work for the bride’s family, sometimes before the marriage
begins and sometimes after the marriage has already taken place. Bride service varies in time
from a few months to a few years. It was traditionally found among the Bemba of Zambia.
Exchange of brides
This happens where a sister or female relative of the bridegroom is exchanged for the bride.
Communities where this practice is found tend to have an economy based on horticulture – in
other words, women make a significant contribution to the economy. Families cannot afford to
lose her contribution, hence the exchange.
Dowry
This involves the transfer of a considerable amount of goods or money from the bride’s family
to the bride herself. It is not a transaction between the family of the bride and the family of the
bridegroom. A dowry is possibly intended to provide support for a woman and her children. It
may also be intended to attract the best possible husband for the woman, especially in communities with a high degree of social stratification. The practice of the dowry is still found in parts
of eastern Europe, France, Italy and India.
8.4.4 Residential arrangements after marriage
In communities in which newly married couples usually live with or are close to their kin, several
patterns of residence are found:
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Patrilocal or virilocal residence: Residence after marriage is with or near the man’s kin
group. This type of residence is found among communities with a patrilineal descent system.
Matrilocal or uxorilocal residence: Residence after marriage is with or near the wife’s kin
group. This type of residence is found among communities with a matrilineal descent system.
Bilocal residence: The couple live alternately with the husband’s group and the wife’s group
for a fixed period of time. This type of residence is found among the Dobu of Melanesia.
Avunculocal residence: The son and his wife settle with or near his mother’s brother. This
type of residence is found in only about four per cent of communities.
A fifth pattern of residence after marriage is neolocal residence in which the newly married couple live entirely separate from their kin. Both the son and daughter leave home after
marriage and set up their own nuclear families. The new family is independent and not subject
to the authority or supervision of the husband’s and wife’s kin groups. This type of arrangement is becoming more common throughout the world, particularly in urban environments.
When couples live with or near a particular set of kin, they may live in the same household as
the kin group, thus creating an extended family. Alternatively, they may live separately (ie as an
independent nuclear family living close by).
“Adolescent rebellion” appears to occur more frequently in communities with neolocal residence.
This is probably because, when family members remain dependent on each other throughout
their lives, rebellion is unwise. This kind of dependence is found, amongst others, in communities practising patrilocal and matrilocal residence.
However, in communities where neolocal residence is the norm, there is considerable job and
geographical mobility. This means that adolescents have a wide variety of choices, because
neolocal residence usually forms part of a money economy, which is characterised by occupational specialisation. In addition to this, rapidly changing technology often means that children
are more “advanced” than their parents and this, too, leads to tension. This does not mean
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that adolescent rebellion is inevitable or natural, but it does mean that it is more likely to occur
where neolocal residence is the norm.
If a married couple lives patrilocally, the wife may be far from her own kin. She will be the outsider
among a group of relatives who have lived together for a long time. This has important consequences for her status and behaviour. Among Xhosa-speakers, a married woman’s behaviour is
governed by hlonipha rules of which examples are given below.
Where matrilocal residence is practised and a man comes to live with his wife’s kin, the husband is the outsider. Note, however, that in such a matrilineal society authority and therefore
decision-making is in the hands of the woman’s brothers.
Hlonipha rules for traditional Xhosa-speaking married women
Food:
Initially she may not drink milk or eat meat of animals belonging to her husband’s kraal.
Cattle:
No woman may enter a cattle kraal while she is menstruating. A married
woman may not enter the cattle kraal at her husband’s home. She is not permitted to work with cattle, to milk them or to herd them. After menopause
an exception may be made to these rules.
Hut:
A traditional Xhosa hut is divided into two areas by an imaginary line. The left
side is the men’s side and the right side is for the women. A young bride is not
permitted to enter the men’s side. She is also not permitted to approach the
hut directly from the front, but must first move around the back of the hut.
Clothes:
Initially, while she is still a bride (umtshakazi) she wears her head scarf tightly
around her head and low over her eyes. She must also cover her shoulders
with a shawl. After the birth of her first child she becomes a young wife (umfazana) and is then permitted to wear her head scarf more loosely and higher
on her forehead, while her shawl is worn around her waist under her arms.
8.4.5 Dissolution of marriage
A marriage is usually contracted with the idea that it will be a lasting bond and, as we have
seen, there are rules and other measures to ensure this. The different roles of spouses are set
out in terms of rights and duties. The involvement of kin groups may also serve to support and
stabilise the marriage.
That said, marriages are not equally stable in all communities. In many matrilineal communities,
for example, marriages are unstable and frequently dissolved. Among the Bemba of Zambia,
where the family is not an independent unit, marriage in its early stages is characterised as having many elements of a trial and temporary union. Where marriage in matrilineal communities
is described as being unstable, this is usually ascribed to particular features of the matrilineal
system itself, for example, the fact that children belong to their mother’s descent group and
that the wife’s brother has authority over his sister’s children. He also has the responsibility of
supporting them.
Although all communities have arrangements directed to stabilising marriage, various provisions
are made for the dissolution of unsuccessful marriages. Among some people this can only be
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done by a court of law, but amongst others it can be done by the marriage partners themselves
and the kin groups concerned. Marriage can also be dissolved unilaterally by one party.
A Hopi (American Indian) wife, for example, merely used to put her husband’s personal
belongings outside her house door to dissolve the marriage.
Although there are no universal grounds for the dissolution of marriage, the most common
grounds are the following:
Barrenness, impotence, adultery, incompatibility, laziness, economic inadequacy of the
husband in providing for his wife and children, strife, ill-treatment and accusations of
witchcraft (Vorster 1981:104).
Among western communities, a marriage is dissolved upon the death of one of the spouses but this
is by no means a universal rule. Among black South Africans for example, a traditional marriage
is not dissolved by the death of the husband. It is seen as continuing, and in some communities
the levirate is based on this perception. In many communities, the kin group of the deceased
appoints a male kinsman of the deceased to continue the marriage and to procreate children
for the deceased. The male kinsman also has to provide for the widow and her children.
There is, then, a considerable degree of variation in practices regarding the dissolution of a marriage. Such variations not only occur in between communities, but even within groups sharing
the same sociocultural system.
ACTIVITY – RESEARCH
Identify the form of your own marriage(s) or that of your parents (if you are not
married), and state the following:
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requirements concerning the choice of marriage partner(s)
marriage arrangements
contractual and ritual aspects of the marriage(s)
marriage ceremony
residential arrangements after marriage
dissolution of the marriage (if applicable)
So far, we have dealt with relationships in general (8.1 Introduction) and social organisation (8.2
Social organisation by kinship and marriage; 8.3 The study of kinship; and 8.4 Marriage). We
shall now conclude this learning theme by highlighting the importance of kinship relations and
explaining the value of kinship studies.
8.5
CONCLUSION – THE IMPORTANCE OF KINSHIP
RELATIONS AND THE VALUE OF KINSHIP STUDIES
Membership of descent groups such as clans and lineages is acquired through birth and a person
cannot simply renounce this membership. Today, a member of such a lineage or clan may well
go to work in an urban centre and break his or her ties with other members in the rural area.
Among the Xhosa and Northern-Sotho speakers, people who do this are regarded with contempt. They are referred to as itshipa (derived from the English word “cheap”) among Xhosa
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speakers, and lekgolwa among Northern-Sotho speakers (derived from the Northern-Sotho
word, o kgotšwe, which means “to be estranged from your people”). Note that the word lekgolwa
falls within the same noun class in Northern Sotho as a thief (lehodu) and coward (lefšega) – in
other words, the person is categorised as an outcast.
Such a person not only estranges him/herself from the living members of the clan or lineage,
but also from the ancestral spirits, who are the custodians of the values of the clan and lineage
and who continue to have an influence on the lives of the living.
Some years ago, a North-Sotho teacher who was estranged from the members of his lineage
in the rural area, shortly after his wedding contacted them after many years. It was soon
evident that he wanted his two children to attend school in the rural areas because he was
particularly concerned about his daughter’s welfare in Soweto where he was living, and he
wanted to safeguard them against the influences of the city. He wished to ask his deceased
father’s younger brother if the children could live with him and attend a school nearby.
The senior members of the particular lineage were called together and they had no objections to the children attending school there. However, their father had to formally become
a member of the lineage again. He was reprimanded about his unacceptable behaviour and
was made aware of the fact that he had set his children a poor example by forgetting both
the living and the deceased members of his descent group. He was ordered to make money
available so that a ritual could be performed to the ancestors; this would rectify the disturbed
relationships and enable them to sanction his restored membership into the community.
8.5.1 The role of the Makhadzi among the Venda
Among the Venda the presence of a man’s linked sister with whom he has close ties is
essential in his life. In fact, several events among the Venda could not take place if such a
sister, known as makhadzi, was not present. She is, for example, responsible for naming
children and without her presence traditional leaders cannot be nominated and their position cannot be affirmed. Furthermore, she is the ritual channel to the ancestor spirits and
her involvement is essential when sacrifices are brought to these spirits.
CASE STUDY
A black employer of a pharmaceutical company was critical of the way in which the medical
aid of the particular firm defined “dependants”. According to him he had indicated on his
membership form that, in addition to his nuclear family members, his mother was also one
of his dependants. On one occasion when he sent in a claim from a medical practitioner
that treated her, the medical aid refused to pay the particular claim. Once the matter had
been investigated by an anthropologist, the following facts became evident:
He is his mother and deceased father’s youngest son and is of North Sotho origin.
According to the North Sotho sociocultural system the youngest son, as mošala lapeng (literally: he that remains in the home or on the property), inherits the mother’s
residence once his father has passed away. According to Northern Sotho views, he
is compelled to care for her: within the context of the medical scheme she should
therefore qualify as a “dependant” of her son.
Medical schemes generally, or originally, derived their definition of dependants from a
nuclear family model, that is, they only recognise their employees and their wives and
children as dependants.
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Furthermore, employers are often insensitive when, for example, black employees
request leave to attend a marriage ceremony or a funeral of kin. Since their presence
is sometimes indispensable during such occasions, employers need to be aware of the
nature and responsibilities inherent in a particular sociocultural system.
8.5.2 The value of and insights gained from the study of kinship
A study of the kinship system of communities, particularly more traditionally orientated, and
often rural, communities gives an understanding of and insight into
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the formation of groups such as clans and lineages.
the choice of marriage partners – whom someone may or may not marry and even whom
someone is supposed to marry.
an individual's rank in relation to other people, for example, his or her relative rank as a
member of a lineage or clan. In many communities an ascribed position (a position occupied
through birth), such as that of a chief or senior traditional leader, is more important than an
achieved or acquired position (obtained through a person's own efforts), such as the position
of the headmaster of a school. Where more than 30% of South Africa's black population
still function under the traditional authority system, it is important to take note of ascribed
leadership in which genealogical knowledge is of paramount importance in the designation
of leaders.
inheritance of material goods. (often directly linked to rank.)
place of residence – where and with whom a person should live, especially after marriage.
the context within which relations with the supernatural are maintained. Who, for example,
officiates during rituals and who attends such rituals. For employers and other stakeholders
it is important to take note of this, because people feel that they are entitled to leave in
order that they may attend these rituals and fulfil their responsibilities.
work situations especially among some Oriental people, where family members under the
leadership of an elder, have a common goal and loyalty toward one another, thus forming a
more dedicated work force, for instance organ builders in Japan. Another example is that
among some African people certain kin, who are not a spouse or children, are regarded as
dependants in terms of who qualifies for medical aid membership.
which kin to approach for support or help in a crisis or everyday affairs.
the context and functioning of such communities. It is often impossible to understand the
sociocultural system of people without a thorough knowledge of their kinship system since
the kinship system has a decisive influence on political organisation, economic activities,
religious systems, et cetera. Although the influence of traditional kinship institutions may
decrease under conditions of change in urban areas, research in these areas demonstrates
that kinship networks still fulfil important roles in cities. Furthermore, ancestor rituals that
are performed in the urban areas are still attended by kin. Even in urban communities generally, kinship has retained significance for interpersonal relationships. Couples who are both
employed, are sometimes dependent upon their parents to look after their children during
the day or when they go out at night to social events.
KEY CONCEPTS IN THIS LEARNING THEME
kinship, descent, affinity kinship, genealogy, patrilineal, matrilineal, cognatic, generation, siblings,
cross-cousins, parallel-cousins, EGO, nominal kin, effective kin, patronymy, matronymy, lineage,
residence patterns, lineage activities, clans, phratries, moieties, fictive descent, totemism and
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corporate groups, marriage, exogamy, alliance theory, preferential marriage, endogamy, secondary marriage, polygamy, polygyny, polyandry, fraternal polyandry, heterogeneous polyandry,
levirate, sororate and ghost marriage, marriage goods, exchange of brides, neolocal residence,
patrilocal or virilocal residence, matrilocal or uxorilocal residence, avunculocal residence, bilocal
residence, itshipa, lekgolwa, makhadzi.
SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS
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Name three reasons why the anthropological study of kinship is important
in terms of our understanding of other people – and ourselves.
Distinguish between the various systems of descent reckoning, namely,
cognatic, unilineal, bilineal and parallel descent systems.
Explain what is meant by nominal kin, effective kin, patrilineal and matrilineal.
Explain the significance of lineages for certain communities in terms of
economic and religious activities, the possession of land, and the settling
of disputes.
Distinguish between lineages, clans, phratries and moieties.
What are the characteristics of clans?
Differentiate between the various forms of marriage and also explain the
difference between primary and secondary marriages.
Describe the requirements for selecting a marriage partner in different communities throughout the world. How do these requirements differ?
How are incest and exogamy related?
List the different patterns of residence after marriage that are found
among communities throughout the world.
Give some examples of the grounds for dissolving a marriage in various communities.
LEARNING THEME
Religion, the Supernatural and Magic
9
RELIGION, THE
SUPERNATURAL AND MAGIC
9
9.
OVERVIEW
The purpose of this learning theme is to examine and explain beliefs and practices regarding the
supernatural found in human communities the world over.
This learning theme is organised as follows:
9.1
9.2
9.3
9.4
9.5
9.6
Introduction
What is religion – and magic?
The supernatural
Religious communication: revelation
Religious communication: ritual
Religion today?
CRITICAL QUESTIONS
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What is religion?
Why does every community and/or society in the world have a religious system?
Why do people “need religion”?
What is the function of religion?
How do people communicate with the supernatural?
What is the future of religion?
9.1
3
INTRODUCTION
Human beings live in circumstances and environments over which they have very little control.
Natural disasters are an example. Despite the development of technological expertise and scientific knowledge, tsunamis, earthquakes, and erupting volcanos still take us unawares and kill
many thousands of people all at once. Even if we know what causes such events, we still find
ourselves asking the question: why?
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We all live with the knowledge of death, but even that inevitable reality remains, for many
people, unbelievable.
Although we now understand the biology of conception and birth, birth remains, in many
ways, “miraculous”.
The universe and our planetary system still remain puzzles.
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How do you conceptualise our universe, and all solar systems billions and trillions of
light years away?
What lies beyond the “last” solar system; what keeps all of these systems together,
do they “hang” in space, what is “space”; where does it all end; is there an end; what
is infinity?
Human experience has always involved events that cannot be explained or understood, and
people have always developed ways to deal with such matters. All communities have religious
or belief systems just as they have economic, political, kinships and other sociocultural systems.
(Re-read sections 6.2 and 6.3.4 of Learning theme 6 – Culture, social life and sociocultural systems.)
Although all people in communities or societies around the world have beliefs that can be termed
religion, these beliefs vary a great deal. In subsequent sections, we shall deal with these differences in religious beliefs and practices. We shall also look at similarities between them, to see
if we can find out what constitutes the very nature or essence of religion.
9.2
WHAT IS RELIGION – AND MAGIC?
Not only do all contemporary communities in the world have some form of religion, but archaeologists have found evidence of religious belief associated with Homo sapiens who lived some
60,000 years ago (re-read again Learning theme 4). The human species, where do we come from
and what is so natural about human “nature”? Early human beings started to deliberately bury
their dead, and the remains of food, tools and other objects have been found in graves – we can
only assume that the communities believed that these were needed in some sort of afterlife.
Rock paintings and other forms of prehistoric art also contain symbolism that suggests people
believed in the existence of supernatural spirits and that they tried to communicate with, or
perhaps even influence them (Ember et al 2005:447).
Given the prehistoric indications and the documented evidence of historic religions and the
contemporary universal reality of religion, it is not surprising that it has been the subject of
extensive discussion, speculation, research and theorising. As long as 2,500 years ago, Herodotus compared some 50 religions which he had encountered in his travels throughout Greece.
He found many similarities and also found evidence of the spread of religious worship. In the
intervening years scholars, theologians, historians and philosophers have considered and deliberated about religion, sometimes presuming the superiority of their own forms of religion; at
other times ridiculing the simplicity of other systems; and yet others also expressing scepticism
concerning all such beliefs (Ember et al 2005:447).
As we are well aware by now, anthropologists are not in the business of “better” or “worse”, our
interest is in the nature of religion and why all communities have religion. We are also interested
in how and why it varies from community to community, and even within a particular community.
When we say that every community or society has a religion, this does not necessarily imply
that all individuals in such a grouping are adherents of that religion. It simply means that the
majority, or a significant number, of people practise or support a particular belief system.
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Psychologists and sociologists have also developed definitions of, and theories to account for,
religion and the fact that it is found universally. We shall be looking at all this in more detail later
on in this learning theme.
MAJOR WORLD RELIGIONS
(By percentage of world population 2005)
33% Christianity
(including Catholic, Protestant, Eastern Orthodox, Pentecostal,
Anglican, Monophysite, AICs, Latter-day Saints, Evangelical, SDAs,
Jehovah’s Witnesses, Quakers, AOG, Nominal etc)
21% Islam
(Shiite, Sunni etc)
16% “Nonreligious”
(including agnostic, atheist, secular humanist etc)
14% Hinduism
6% Primal Indigenous
(including African Traditional/Diasporic)
6% Chinese Traditional
6% Buddhism
0,36% Sikhism
0,22% Judaism
(There is also a small category of “other”.) (www.adherents.com as cited by Kottak 2008).
Various theories have been put forward to account for the fact of religion, and some of these
are very briefly dealt with below:
9.2.1 The need for religion
Ember et al (2005:448–449) have identified four theories for the origin of religion
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Edward Tylor was one of the earliest social scientists to propose such a theory. He suggested
that religion originated in people’s speculation about dreams, trances and death. The dead,
people and animals seem real in dreams and trances and this suggested a dual existence for
all things – a physical, visible body and a psychic, invisible soul. At death the soul permanently
leaves the body and, because the dead appear in dreams, people came to believe that the
souls of the dead were still around.
Reversion to childhood feelings. Although much of Sigmund Freud’s early interpretation
of the origin of religion is rejected by social scientists today, his idea that events in infancy
can have long-lasting and powerful effects on beliefs and practices in adult life is widely accepted. Helpless and dependent on parents for many years, infants and children inevitably
and unconsciously view their parents as all-knowing and all-powerful. When adults feel out
of control or in need, they may unconsciously revert to their infantile and childhood feelings.
They may then look to gods or magic to do what they cannot do for themselves, just as they
turned to their parents to take care of their needs.
Anxiety and uncertainty. Freud also thought that humans would turn to religion during times
of uncertainty, but that they would eventually outgrow the need for religion. Bronislaw Malinowski claimed that, in fact, people in all communities are faced with anxiety and uncertainty.
They may have skills and knowledge to take care of many of their needs, but knowledge is not
sufficient to prevent illness, accidents and natural disasters – the most frightening prospect
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•
is death itself, hence the intense desire for immortality. Malinowski thus saw religion as born
from the universal need to find comfort in times of crises.
The need for community. All theorists seem to agree on one thing: that, regardless of the
different beliefs and rituals, religion satisfies certain psychological needs common to all
people. That said, social scientists tend to believe that religion originates from society and
serves social, rather than psychological, needs. For example, the French sociologist, Emile
Durkheim, indicated that humans experience the “push and pull” forces of society – society
directs people as to what is right or acceptable behaviour and prescribes against wrongdoing. These forces of public opinion, custom and law are largely invisible and inexplicable and
hence mysterious – thus people came to believe in gods and spirits. This, in turn, confirms
a person’s place in society – which enhances feelings of community.
9.2.2 The functions of religion
Religious beliefs and practices serve a variety of psychological and social functions, and the
similarity to the needs outlined above should be clear. Haviland et al (2008:570–571) provide a
number of examples of these:
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An orderly model of the universe. This psychological function plays a key role in establishing
orderly human behaviour. Through special stories, accounts or myths people find answers to
important questions such as: what does the universe look like, how does it work, and what
is my place in it? The accounts of creation in the Book of Genesis are good examples of this.
Religion reduces the fears and anxieties of individuals by explaining the unknown and making
it understandable. These explanations typically assume the existence of supernatural beings
and powers, which people may potentially appeal to or manipulate as a means of dealing
with crises.
Religion plays a role in social control through notions of right and wrong and provides guidelines for acceptable behaviour.
A psychological function linked to the previous one is a community or society’s moral code.
Since it is considered to be divinely ordained, this moral code lifts the burden of responsibility off the shoulders of the individual.
A social function also touched on in the previous section is the role of religion in the maintenance of social solidarity (eg by means of common participation in rituals and beliefs). This
helps to bind people together and reinforce their identification with their particular group.
Religion also performs a function in education (eg during initiation or transition rituals – rites
of passage or rites of intensification).
Definitions of religion reflect the same problem as definitions of many other fields of anthropological enquiry: the moment we try to define them, we find that certain phenomena simply
do not fit into the framework of the definition. So often, the religious variations between different sociocultural systems are so great that they cannot all be covered by a single definition.
For example, EB Tylor (1958) attempted a definition of religion in 1871 as “belief in spiritual
beings”. Although this certainly pinpoints a very important aspect of religion, and no doubt of
most religions, certain religions (eg Buddhism) do not place much importance on the existence
of spiritual beings.
Again, the anthropologist AFC Wallace provided a wider definition of religion as “a kind of human behaviour – which can be classified as belief and ritual concerned with supernatural beings,
powers and forces” (Wallace 1966:6–7). This definition is wider than that of Tylor and, although
not satisfactory in all respects, better suits our present purpose. More recently, Ember et al
(2005:447) have further refined Wallace’s workable definition as:
any set of attitudes, beliefs, and practices pertaining to supernatural power, whether that
power be forces, gods, spirits, ghosts, or demons.
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For a better understanding of this definition, and to enhance its usefulness, we should briefly
consider certain terms and concepts that are used in it, for example attitudes; beliefs; practices
and supernatural (as opposed to natural) – the term magic is also used in the title of this learning
theme, so this will also be put in perspective.
Although religion and magic are closely related, and although anthropologists often discuss them
in the same context, they are not identical concepts. This brings us to the question of how we
distinguish between religion and magic.
Some anthropologists base their distinction between religion and magic on the attitude or intention involved. Religionis associated with an attitude of dependence, while magic is associated with
the intention to manipulate.
The problem with the distinction based on attitudes is that attitudes
•
•
•
•
are subjective and highly individualistic
are not easily identifiable
are strongly influenced by individuals’ emotional condition
vary and are subject to change
The criterion of attitudes is nevertheless a useful one, since it focuses on religious experience
and behaviour.
The distinction based on attitudes does not always coincide with that between personal beings
and impersonal powers. An individual or a group may perform an act which attempts to manipulate a personal supernatural being, in which case, the act is magical. However, if we use Tylor’s
distinction, the act is religious because it is directed towards a personalised being.
On the other hand, we may say with more certainty that manipulation of an impersonal power
is definitely magical, and that supplication of a personal supernatural being in an attitude of
dependence is definitely religious. Very often, however, the distinction is not as clear as this.
Perhaps the safest thing to say here is that magic and religion are polar concepts. This means
that many acts fall somewhere between the two poles of “pure” religion and “pure” magic (Pauw
1970:11–12; 14–16).
In our view, it is impossible to classify all phenomena as either belonging to the sphere of religion
or of magic. For example, sacrifices to gods or spirits (personal beings), though religious acts,
are often coupled with rites designed to bring about specific results (by somehow forcing the
supernatural beings to grant the requests). So a religious act often includes a magical element.
For this reason, reference to religion in the following sections will often imply magic as well.
Our aim is therefore rather to develop a general framework of the whole magico-religious complex
of ideas and practices. We want to make this framework as wide as possible, so as to include
as many magico-religious phenomena as possible. Therefore we shall be looking at all kinds
of components of religion, such as beliefs, ritual, religious functionaries (persons acting in religious acts), and so forth.
It is furthermore important to keep in mind that what many people regard as religious, is in the
sociocultural systems of other communities embedded in other aspects or systems of everyday
life ie it is often difficult to separate religion from the economic, political and other aspects of
a sociocultural system. Also, preliterate or more traditional (“small-scale”) communities often
have no full-time priests and no exclusively religious activities. In the context of our own system
or community, it is often difficult to decide whether a particular practice or event is purely religious – or religious at all. This, of course, again emphasises the fact that a sociocultural system
is an integrated whole (Ember et al 2005:447).
Although all sociocultural systems include religious systems, there is considerable variation in the
content of these systems. For example, in perceptions of the supernatural and in the explanaAPY1501/1
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tions given for phenomena such as disease, death, lightning, misfortune, affluence, and so forth.
Likewise, there is considerable variation in beliefs and practices directed at obtaining assistance
from the supernatural and maintaining satisfactory relationships with the supernatural.
It is not the aim of anthropological study to obtain factual knowledge of supernatural beings or powers. The aim, instead, is to understand the great variety of conceptions of the
supernatural within the context of particular sociocultural systems or communities. Anthropologists will unavoidably be influenced by their own beliefs and their own conception
(or denial) of the supernatural. It is, however, their task to understand any religious system
in terms of its meaning for its adherents.
9.3
THE SUPERNATURAL
The term “supernatural” needs qualification. John Beattie remarks that the trouble with distinctions such as those between “natural” and “supernatural” is that they represent a subjective
view of other sociocultural systems, namely, attributing to other cultures the categories that
are characteristic of western society (Beattie 1964:203). Although the concept “supernatural”
is clear to many English speakers, it is often foreign to other languages in the sense that there
is no equivalent indigenous term for it in such languages. In many languages, the term “supernatural” is thus translated by means of combinations of words in order to make it even vaguely
understandable.
What is considered supernatural – powers believed to be not human or not subject to the laws
of nature – varies from community to community. Some of this variation is influenced by what
people in a community regard as natural. For example, some illnesses that many of us are familiar
with are believed to result from the natural action of bacteria and viruses. However, in communities across the world and even among people in our own context, illness is thought to result
from supernatural forces and, as such, are part of a specific religious belief system.
Such sets of beliefs also vary over time within a community or society. For example, in the biblicalChristian tradition, floods, earthquakes, volcanic eruptions, comets and plagues/epidemics were
considered evidence of an angry God intervening in human affairs. Nowadays it is generally accepted that these are simply natural occurrences – even though some believe that supernatural
forces are still involved (Ember et al 2005:447).
The so-called “western worldview” has often been explained in terms of a triangle in which a
clear distinction is made between humans, nature (the natural) and the supernatural:
THE SUPERNATURAL
HUMANS
NATURE
Although these three components are also present in other worldviews, they do not form a
triangle of three different categories; in other words, a sharp distinction is not drawn between
them. As Robert Redfield has said: “The triangle of man, nature, God is originally no triangle
at all” (Redfield 1952:35). This means that, while non-western peoples are conscious of what
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is described in western thought as humans, nature and the supernatural, they do not always
distinguish between the last two categories but instead tend to see them as a unity.
Note that, in this learning theme, we use the distinction between humans, nature and the
supernatural purely for analytical purposes.
Ideas and perceptions that people have about the supernatural include the following:
9.3.1 Spirits of the dead
Belief in the continued existence of humans after death is widespread. Conceptions regarding life
after death vary according to the views about the nature of humans found in different communities. Sometimes, as in the case of many more traditionally inclined black people in Southern
Africa, there is a vague idea of a distinction between a person’s body, spirit, and what is sometimes called his or her shadow. There is also the idea that the spirit or shadow may leave the
body temporarily during sleep, and at death permanently, for the spirit world. Among people
of the world there is often a common belief that a person has a spiritual element besides his
or her physical or biological makeup. But among most people, views about the exact nature
of the spiritual element or elements are often vague, including among people with otherwise
quite complex religious systems. Nonetheless, it is fair to say that most human communities
believe that the dead continue to exist in some form or other.
Our reference to “spirits” in the caption of this section is, for want of a better term, because
the part or aspect of humans that is believed to survive after death is sometimes referred to as
a spirit, or a soul. Very often, this part is believed to be immortal.
Among more traditional communities in South Africa, it is often believed that human beings
are made up of three entities: the body, the soul (life force) and the spirit. When a person
dies, the soul and the spirit leave the body and continue to exist as a single entity. It is this
entity that, after death, has the power to influence the living.
They also believe that all deceased persons live within the world of the ancestors, but that
only those that are remembered by their kin are honoured as ancestor spirits. Ideas about
where this world of the ancestor spirits is are often vague, but the general perception is
that, after death, they are found
•
•
•
•
•
•
under the ground
in the heavens
where the sun sets
in sacred mountains (eg Modimolle in the Limpopo Province)
in sacred objects or animals (among many Venda-speakers)
in close proximity to or in the homes of their descendants (in urban areas)
About the ability of the dead to communicate with or to influence the living, beliefs vary. Religious practices such as spiritism and the ancestor cult are based on the belief that the dead have
the power to influence the living.
People who practise ancestor cults generally believe that the dead:
•
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have greater powers than the living
are omniscient (have unlimited knowledge) as far as the living are concerned
can influence the wellbeing of the living
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For many traditional communities in South Africa, there is a close connection between
their kinship system and the ancestor spirits. Indeed, the lineage not only consists of the
living, but of the deceased as well. In fact, the living and deceased form a single, functionally
integrated association. Among Zulu-speakers, Berglund (1976:28) for example speaks of
“an association, a togetherness which takes honour and respect of seniors for granted, but
allows for intimacy and an atmosphere of mutual trust as expressed and experienced in the
sharing of food”. People who had a high status when alive are seen as the most influential
of the ancestor spirits.
Usually, however, their influence is believed to be limited to their close kin. The kind of influence that they are believed to exercise includes the sending of prosperity or of misfortune in
the form of ill-health, damage to property by means of lightning, all kinds of losses, misfortune
at work, and so forth.
Good relationships with the ancestors are considered to be essential and are maintained by
means of rituals performed within kin groups. In many traditional communities, these rituals
usually include the killing of an animal such as an ox or a goat, libations of beer, and the invoking
of the ancestors.
ACTIVITY 9.1
Do you believe that ancestor spirits should be remembered and honoured by their
kin? Do ancestor spirits play any role in your life or that of your family? Have you ever
participated in an event (eg a ritual) where ancestor’s spirits were honoured? If so,
write short notes on life as well as on an event in which these spirits were honoured.
If not, do you know someone who has? If so, conduct an interview with this person in
which these questions are posed. Write a short report on your findings.
In South Africa, Christian teachings perhaps represent the most widely accepted body of beliefs concerning what happens to us after we die. However, even within this one religion, there
is no consensus about life after death. It is believed that, although a person’s body dies, his/
her soul is immortal, and that it therefore continues to live after death. However, the possibility of communication between the living and the dead is denied by most Christians. Usually,
practices such as visits to the graves of dead kin, the erecting of gravestones, or the placing of
flowers upon graves are performed for reasons of loyalty and sentiment, and not as a means
of communicating with the dead.
Beliefs concerning the dead are closely related to kinship systems and this has to be kept in mind
if we wish to understand practices in connection with the dead.
9.3.2 The supernatural in nature
We have already referred to the fact that not everybody distinguishes humans, nature and the
supernatural as completely different categories. People from some sociocultural systems believe
that these merge or overlap, and that the supernatural is present in natural phenomena.
John Beattie claims that the merging of the natural and the supernatural in the cosmology
of such communities can be explained in terms of inadequate technological development.
Such communities have no way of controlling natural phenomena and diseases. According to
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Beattie, if humans have no way of controlling phenomena, they tend to spiritualise them. They
ascribe quasi-human (seemingly human) attributes to such forces in an attempt to come to some
kind of agreement with them – by invocation and sacrifice.
There are several ways of spiritualising natural phenomena. They may be believed to be inhabited by spirits, for example, the spirits of the dead, or they may be regarded as gods.
The ancient Greeks believed in various gods who were closely identified with specific parts
of nature. The god Zeus was believed to live on mount Olympus, and the clouds, lightning
and thunder were the signs of his presence. Poseidon was the god of the sea. Sailors invoked
him with hymns at the beginning of a voyage and appeased him with prayers and sacrifices
at the approach of a storm. Apollo was the god of the earth, the patron god of healing,
eloquence, poetry and music. These three gods, Zeus, Apollo and Poseidon, represented
heaven, earth and the sea and formed the great triad of the Greek pantheon.
Likewise, the religion of the Norsemen, the ancient inhabitants of Scandinavia, consisted of
the belief in various gods that were the personified powers and phenomena of nature. So,
for example, there was a god of the sea, a god of the hills, and so forth. The thunder was
the rattle of Thor's chariot, the lightning the flash of his hammer, the wind was Sleipnir, the
horse of Odin, the dew was foam from the bit of the horse of Night.
Association of natural phenomena with supernatural beings occurred in many of the other
great religious systems of the past (eg in the religion of the ancient Egyptians, where the sun
was identified with the god Ra).
Natural phenomena and supernatural beings are also associated in present-day Hinduism,
where the sun, the moon and the seven planets are regarded as gods that influence the
lives of people. Each of these navagraha (planets) dominates the life of the individual for a
certain period. Curiyan, the sun, dominates the world scene for six years and during this
period human life is unstable. Then follows Sanderin (the moon) that again dominates the
world scene for sixteen years, and in this way each of the planets in turn influences human
life. When a child is born, the pancankam (Tamil calender of the stars) is consulted to find
out which planet dominates the world scene, so that rituals can be performed that will
neutralise the influence of a planet that has been personified as malevolent. Apart from the
nine “planets” there are twelve stellar (star) constellations (racis) that determine a person’s
character at birth. If, by consulting the pancankam, it is found that a person’s life is dominated
by a malevolent raci, rituals are performed to neutralise its influence (Wessels 1984:29–30).
The examples given above are an indication of the close relationship between religious ideas
and natural phenomena. The natural environment is therefore not only important for peoples’
material and technological system, but also for their religious system. Usually, the more they
directly depend upon, or are subject to, the influences of the natural environment, the greater
the influence of the natural environment on their religion.
ACTIVITY 9.2
Name examples from your own context of the connection between religious perceptions and the natural environment.
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Many Venda-speakers in the Limpopo Province believe that certain groves are inhabited by
the spirits of dead senior traditional leaders. There are also believed to be spirits who live
in rivers and lakes, such as Lake Fundudzi, which is associated with the ancestral spirits of
the guardian of the lake. They also believe that the large pool below the Phiphidi Falls is
inhabited by the ancestral spirits of the Ngona (one of the first inhabitants of Vendaland),
who can be heard dancing under the water. People who have to cross these falls make
offerings of hair and ornaments in order to appease these spirits.
Xhosa-speakers believe in abantu bomlambo (people of the river), who are associated with
deep pools and who are believed to harm their victims, especially during the night; it is also
believed that these beings can also cause mental and other illnesses. Offerings are made at
these pools to ward off any misfortune caused by the abantu bomlambo.
Zulu-speakers have a unique goddess, Nomkhubulwana, who is associated with spring. She
is honoured by women and girls in KwaZulu-Natal when the crops begin to grow. She is
also associated with rain: it is believed that if no rites are performed in her honour, she
can destroy the crops.
9.3.3 Gods
There are only a few examples of religious systems that are characterised by monotheistic
beliefs, that is, belief in one God. Examples are Christianity, Islam and Judaism. Theological
doctrines within these systems setting out the “characteristics” or “attributes” of God do not
necessarily reflect the opinions of individual believers, but instead indicate what adherents are
expected to believe. Within these systems there are also various emphases or differences in
doctrine, which means that none of these systems have absolute uniformity of opinion or belief.
Nevertheless, most followers of these religious systems would agree that the Supreme Being
is living, invisible, immutable (unchanging), eternal, almighty, holy, omniscient (having unlimited
knowledge), good, and so forth.
More frequently, however, religious systems are characterised by belief in a number of gods
(polytheism). Hinduism is a contemporary example of this.
Usually one of these is believed to be a supreme being while the others are subordinate to him.
So, for example, Zeus ranked higher than the other gods in the Greek pantheon, and he has
been called the father of the gods. This is also the case among many African people, where belief
in a supreme being and in one or more minor gods often occurs.
The !Xũ (San/Bushmen) believe in a great god who lives in the eastern sky and a lesser god
who lives in the western sky.
Many Zulu-speakers believe in a high god, uNkulunkulu, who is the creator or first cause. In
addition, they believe in a power called “Heaven” or “The Lord of Heaven”, who is responsible for thunder and rain. Beside these, they believe in Nomkhubulwana, the daughter of
uNkulunkulu. She causes the maize to grow, and in springtime ceremonies are performed
for her and songs are sung in her honour (see above).
The question of the active involvement of a deity or deities in everyday affairs has to be considered briefly. Beliefs in this connection vary between two opposites.
At one extreme it is believed that the deity, after completing his task of creation, withdrew
from the world and is no longer actively involved in it. For this reason he is never approached by
people and they do not attempt to enter into a personal relationship with him. This is referred
to as deism.
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The opposite view is that the deity is not only fully aware of everything that happens, but that he
in fact determines the course of events, even in minute detail, and that he maintains a personal
relationship with his creatures. This is referred to as theism.
There are also those who reject belief in a god or gods. Such rejection is known as atheism.
Why some communities have monotheistic views and others polytheistic views is a matter of
debate. Thus far it has not been possible to state without any doubt that there is a decisive relationship between monotheism or polytheism and a particular type of community. All we can say
with any certainty is that religious beliefs tend to change as a result of contact between communities and, of course, as a result of war and conquest.
The Biblical Israelites, for example, were in contact with their neighbours, the Egyptians,
Babylonians, Assyrians, Philistines, and others. In the process they were influenced by their
neighbours, sometimes to the extent of adopting the gods of their neighbours.
9.3.4 Totems
The word totem is derived from a Native American language, where it refers to clan membership. In the course of time it has come to be used by anthropologists to describe a number of
customs in which social groups are associated with animals, objects or other phenomena. A
totem, therefore, is an animal or object that is linked with a particular group. As such,
the concept is used for a wide range of beliefs and practices in connection with the relationship
between groups and animals or objects. There are nevertheless certain characteristics that are
fairly common, although not universal. These will be described briefly below.
Firstly, the origin of the group may be believed to be closely connected with its totem. The
totem may be described as the group’s ancestor.
Totemism often occurs in connection with unilineal descent groups such as clans or lineages,
that is, groups that believe themselves to be descended from a common ancestor. Where such
groups are exogamous, they are referred to as totemic clans. Very often these groups are
named after their totems (see section 8.3.2 of Learning theme 8).
So, for example, a member of the Sibanyoni clan among the Southern Ndebele may state
that they are descended from the guinea-fowl. In fact, the name “Sibanyoni” is derived from
the term isiba lenyoni (the feather of the bird) and refers to the guinea-fowl. In this case the
totem is associated with the clan ancestors, and this association is so close that the totem
is actually indicated as the clan ancestor.
In some cases, however, (eg among many Sotho-speaking people of South Africa), the groups
with which totems are associated do not have any of the characteristics usually ascribed to clans,
such as exogamy, and are therefore referred to as totemic groups and not as clans (Mönnig
1967:234). In any case, having the same totem constitutes a special bond of unity and is therefore also a basis of cooperation between the members of a group, or of different groups sharing
the same totem. This is often also accompanied by rules of exogamy, so that people having the
same totem do not intermarry.
But totemism is not only associated with unilineal descent groups. It may also be the symbol of
the core group of people in a community. For example, the core group of the Northern Sothospeakers has the porcupine as its totem.
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The French anthropologist Claude Levi-Strauss explains the significance of totemism as symbolising the distinctions between social groups. In other words, totems emphasise the differences
between groups: in the same way as animal or plant species or other objects differ from one
another, so do the groups differ from each other.
Secondly, the totem may also be closely linked with the group’s wellbeing, which is why the
totem has to be respected and protected. Where the totem is an animal or plant, it may not be
killed or eaten by a member of the totemic group. Very often this prohibition is supported by
supernatural sanctions. For example, it is believed that anyone killing or eating the totem will
become insane or ill. In other cases, the opposite holds true. For example, among the Australian
aborigines, the totem may actually be an animal or plant species that forms an important part
of the group’s diet. In this case, the group performs special rituals to ensure the proliferation
of the species and thus the survival of the group.
Among people who venerate the same totem there is usually an attitude of friendliness and
helpfulness, including giving each other help in difficult times.
ACTIVITY 9.3
Do you know anybody who belongs to a lineage or clan which has a totem? You could
perhaps approach a Sotho-speaking or Venda-speaking person since many of these
people still venerate or respect some or other game animal or reptile (e.g. lion, elephant, leopard, crocodile) as their totem. The totem of the Northern Sotho-speakers
of Sekhukhuneland is the porcupine (noku). If a person wants to find out someone else’s
totem, s/he usually asks “o binang” (“What do you dance or venerate?”), to which the
reply is “I dance such or such an animal”.
9.3.5 The supernatural in particular objects, words and actions
Various objects may be of religious significance because of their close association with supernatural beings or powers. The following are examples of such objects (“objects” sometimes
include words and/or actions):
• Images of gods and spirits are often believed to be the temporary seat of such beings.
Rituals performed by the Tamil Hindu of KwaZulu-Natal include the use of various objects
that signify the presence of gods. A permanent family altar may contain a brass vessel
with water as the seat of the goddess Gange, as well as a Kamaksi lamp, which is the
seat of the goddess Kamaksi, the guardian of the home. Other seats of gods are framed
pictures or representations of the gods. On special occasions a temporary seat may be
clarified butter and seeds are offered to her. Figures of gods may also be drawn in ashes
as an indication, to these gods, of the place where their presence is required (Wessels
1984:19, 20, 47, 54, 59).
• A fetish is a special kind of object to which supernatural powers are ascribed in some
societies. It is believed to be the temporary abode of supernatural powers or spirits.
Among the Ashanti of Ghana a fetish may consist of the horn of an antelope, bones of
animals, wooden objects, and so forth. A fetish also contains various ingredients by means
of which a spirit is induced to dwell in it and its potency is evoked. These ingredients may
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include parts of plants, but also parts of animals such as teeth, pieces of skin, strands of
hair, and claws.
•
•
•
•
Fetishes may be used for various purposes such as protection against witchcraft, witch
finding, or success in war. They can be used for offensive as well as defensive purposes.
Medicines. People’s views about substances used as medicines often include the belief
that these substances have supernatural properties. In such cases, the effectiveness of
the medicines is ascribed to some symbolic association between the medicine and the
purpose for which it is used.
Charms, talismans or amulets. These are objects that are used for protection against
misfortune and for securing strength, health and good fortune. They may be worn on the
body, or placed in various positions where their influence is needed. For example, inside
or under houses, under a threshold, or in gardens and fields.
Spells. In the same way that supernatural powers are believed to be present in particular
objects, they may also be associated with words and actions. The term “spell” is used to
describe a series of words that are recited or sung and which is believed to be capable
of achieving a desired end. The uttering of a person’s name may form part of a spell. In
some communities, a name is not only a designation, but is also representative of the
person or the entity itself. Uttering a person’s name can thus be used to harm or to
obtain power over the person, which is why names may sometimes not be uttered and
have to be substituted by other names or descriptive terms.
Simulation. This refers to the symbolic performance of behaviour and gestures that
represent a desired occurrence (ie in an attempt to make the occurrence a reality). The
Arunta of Australia believe that a certain descent group is capable of increasing the supply
of a specific larvae considered to be a valuable food source. The simulation is enacted in
a ceremony where the dancers, with their bodies painted white, imitate the movements
of the new-born insect.
ACTIVITY 9.4
What role, if any, does the supernatural play in your life or that of your family
or community?
9.3.6 Mana and related concepts
The anthropologist RR Marrett used the concept “animation” to describe the belief that the world
is inhabited by impersonal powers which work in living beings as well as in non-living objects. The
best known example of animation is the concept of mana, which occurs among Melanesian and
Polynesian people. There it refers to an impersonal power, associated especially with chiefs, but
also with other people and strange or unusual objects. Similar beliefs occur throughout the world.
Although there are vernacular terms for this power in all communities where this belief occurs,
the Melanesian and Polynesian concept mana is widely used by anthropologists to describe it.
Although mana is believed to reside in persons, they do not possess it in equal amounts. Rulers and nobility are believed to possess more mana than ordinary people, and men have more
than women. Those who possess the most mana are considered to be dangerous and should
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consequently be avoided. On the other hand, people may increase their mana in various ways,
especially by performing certain rituals.
Possession of mana is believed to be indicated by success or skill, and the victory of a warrior
or the skill of a craftsman is ascribed to the mana they possess.
As stated above, certain objects may also contain mana, particularly objects that are found to
be powerful (eg a weapon that kills an enemy or a hunting weapon).
Although mana is in itself believed to be neither good nor evil, it can be used for good or evil
purposes. A person with mana must therefore know how to use this power, otherwise it may
prove to be harmful to him (or her) and to others. It must be treated with respect and the
persons and objects believed to contain mana must be avoided. Mana is thus closely associated
with the concept of taboo.
9.3.7 Independent dangerous powers
Certain conditions and events are associated with dangerous powers (eg menstruation, childbirth
and death). In many communities these conditions and events are associated with ritual impurity
and are considered to be possible sources of pollutionFor this reason, people who are in such
a condition or involved with such an event must be avoided for some stipulated period of time.
Among the Xhosa-speaking Gcaleka of the Eastern Cape, for example, certain forms of ritual
impurity are described as umlaza. Umlaza is dangerous for the community, for livestock (except
pigs and fowls), and for lands and medicines. A person has umlaza after sexual intercourse
and also after touching meat, especially fatty meat. A woman has umlaza during menstruation and after a miscarriage, in which case it is said that she leaves a track (umkhondo) that
must not be crossed by animals lest they become ill. Umlaza may be removed by washing
the hands or the body with water.
In view of its potential danger, a number of precautions or avoidance rules must be observed
by anyone having umlaza. Thus, for example, a man with umlaza must not milk the cows,
handle medicines, enter the initiation hut, or come near the crops in the garden. Likewise, a
woman in this condition must not enter the cattle kraal, or touch anything connected with
cattle (eg milk or milk calabashes), and nor may she decorate herself with the traditional
Xhosa red ochre (Olivier 1976:100–101).
9.3.8 The supernatural as a source of evil
The supernatural is also believed to be a source of evil, particularly when used by witches, in
that supernatural means may be used with malevolent (evil-minded) intent by people who are
believed to have the knowledge, power and disposition to do so. There are two categories of
acts associated with the malevolent application of supernatural powers, namely witchcraft and
sorcery. The anthropologist Evans-Pritchard defined witchcraft as the inherent (inborn) power to
harm other people by supernatural means. He distinguishes this from sorcery, which is learned
and is the harmful or aggressive use of magic.
Witches are said to achieve their goals by using familiars, that is, beings with supernatural
characteristics that help the witch to achieve his or her evil purpose. Examples of familiars are
baboons, cats, snakes, birds, exhumed corpses, and beings that are half animal and half human.
The best known example of such a familiar among traditional communities in South Africa is
uThikoloshe. Witches are believed to perform their evil acts at night when they gather to eat the
flesh of their victims and to indulge in their orgies.
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Sorcerers, on the other hand, are said to use material means, words or actions. Since they do
not have an inherent desire to harm all other people, they only use it for personal reasons, for
example to get rid of an enemy.
9.4
RELIGIOUS COMMUNICATION: REVELATION
Our main objective here is to discuss the ways in which the supernatural is believed to communicate with human beings, and how humans in turn seek to communicate with the supernatural.
In the whole process, of course, people are often involved as groups, so that interpersonal
relations are also influenced by interaction with the supernatural. So, for example, people may
participate in religious activities as kin groups, as communities, or as voluntary adherents of a
particular religion, irrespective of kinship or community membership. For this reason, interpersonal relations cannot be ignored and we shall therefore refer to these where necessary.
Communication is a two-way process – a reciprocal process between two parties, in this case
between humans and the supernatural, but also between people themselves. The initiative may
be taken either by the supernatural revealing itself to humans, or it may be taken by humans
seeking contact with the supernatural or with other people.
Few religious acts can, however, be singled out as exclusively belonging to either the one or
the other category. Usually both kinds of activities coincide in any religious activity. During a
Christian church service, for example, hymns and prayers are supplications (humble pleas) to
God, while Scripture reading and preaching are perceived as God's word to humans. A statement
in the form of a confession of faith may also be directed to other people. For the purposes of
this discussion, we shall distinguish between revelation, where the supernatural is believed to
impart knowledge to humans, and ritual, where human activity is directed at the supernatural
(and, in a secondary sense, at other people).
Prayer is not a means of revelation, but an act of communication with the supernatural (initiated by human beings).
ACTIVITY 9.5
According to your beliefs, how do(es) God/other supernatural beings reveal Himself/
Herself/themselves to you?
9.4.1 Revelation
Knowledge of the supernatural is imparted to and acquired by human beings in various ways. In
their study of these ways anthropologists are not concerned with the truth or misconceptions
of people’s religious beliefs. Instead, anthropologists are interested in what these beliefs tell us
about people and their sociocultural systems and how beliefs function in the broader system
(Hiebert 1983:372).
9.4.2 Myths
The popular meaning of the term myth is that of a false belief or a fictitious event or idea. Anthropologists, however, use the term “myth” in a different sense. In anthropological theory myths
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are to refer to tales that are transmitted from generation to generation; myths are stories of
cosmic origins or events, and give meaning to human beings and their world. In anthropology,
the term myth therefore generally refers to tales which are sacred or religious in nature and
are concerned with the origin or creation of natural, supernatural or sociocultural phenomena.
It is not always possible or easy to distinguish myth from oral traditions or oral history. Oral
traditions are presented as history, as an interpretation of events that actually occurred in some
remote time. Myth, on the other hand, is not trying to prove something, or to convey practical,
verifiable information about some state of affairs (Beattie 1964:211). Myths are therefore not
histories or rational explanations of the world as it is.
For this reason myths may sometimes seem to be superstitious mixtures of irrational ideas or
fantasies. However, since myths are not reports of actual events, they must not be interpreted
literally. The American anthropologist Paul Hiebert says that myths are (Hiebert 1983:372–373):
fanciful and poetic commentaries of what the people think is the very basis of the world
and life. Because they are based on visionary and intuitive insights into the mysteries of the
universe, they must be understood as philosophies garbed in symbolic and poetic literature.
9.4.3 Revelations during altered states of consciousness
Dreams and visions, together with trance and possession, belong to a category of experiences
that psychologists call “altered states of consciousness”. Such states of consciousness refer to
experiences of which one is aware, but which differ from the ordinary (eg during trance or
hypnosis) (Jordaan & Jordaan 1984:291).
The degree of consciousness in such cases varies. Dreams and possession form the two extreme
states, while vision and trance are located between these two extremes.
DREAMS
VISION
–
TRANCE ì
POSSESSION
The importance of these experiences for the anthropological study of religion is that such states
are often ascribed to the influence of supernatural forces or beings. Moreover, different communities interpret these states in terms of their particular sociocultural contexts.
9.4.3.1 Dreams
In contemporary western sociocultural systems, dreams are usually interpreted in terms of
psychological or psychoanalytic principles, according to which the content of dreams is closely
related to people’s experiences, desires and circumstances. Many people, however, believe that
dreams have revelatory or supernatural meaning. (Examples can be found in respect of revelations
from the supernatural. In the Christian Bible, for example, a number of incidents are described
where people received revelations of future events by means of dreams, for example, Joseph and
Daniel in the Old Testament. In ancient times, attempts were sometimes made to be receptive
to such dreams, for example, where someone would sleep in the temple of a certain god or in
some other sacred place in order to receive advice from a deity.
In preliterate and pre-industrial communities dreams often play a major part in religion, medicine and magic. Dreams are regarded as sources of information about the future or about the
supernatural, and are therefore regarded as messages from the supernatural realm.
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The tragic cattle-killing episode of the Xhosa-speaking people during 1856–1857 took place
after a young girl, Nongqawuse, and her paternal uncle, Mhlakaza, claimed that they had
dreamed of their senior tribal ancestors accompanied by Russians who had been fighting the
English in the Crimean War, and who would come to help the Xhosa to drive the English into
the sea. Out of respect for these ancestors the Xhosa killed thousands upon thousands of
their own cattle and destroyed incalculable tons of their grain, expecting that the prophetic
dream of Nongqawuse would be carried out by their experiencing an over-abundance of
wealth, the return of their ancestors and the dispersion of all whites.
The prophetic dream turned into a nightmare for the Xhosa and Thembu and tens of
thousands lost their lives during the ensuing famine. The political and military power of the
traditional leaders were greatly weakened and large numbers of Xhosa and Thembu people
moved into the then Cape Colony in search of work (Pauw 1975:22–23).
9.4.3.2 Trance
During a trance, an individual experiences or sees or hears things he or she would not normally
experience (Miller 1979:96). Furthermore, during a trance, a person does not respond to stimuli
in a normal way. Trance can be induced in various ways, including by means of drugs and by
means of rhythmic music and dancing.
One of the best known examples of revelations during such conditions is that which occurred
at Delphi, an old Greek settlement on the southern slope of mount Parnassus where an important shrine of Apollo was erected. A woman, called the Pythia, sat on a tripod above a crevice
that emitted fumes of mineral gas, which presumably induced a state of semi-consciousness.
Her statements during this state of trance were carefully studied by the priests as guidelines in
political and religious matters.
9.4.3.3 Visions
Visions usually occur when the recipient is awake or in a trance. Many religious systems include
reports of visions during which individuals received communications from the supernatural.
Mohammed, the prophet of Islam, is reported to have been visited by the angel Gabriel
when he retired to a cave in the desert near Mecca. During this vision, Gabriel presented
him with a silken scroll containing the Qu’uran, the heaven-sent book.
Within the context of Christianity, reports of visions are especially associated with the
Roman Catholic Church. One of the best known examples is the vision of the Virgin Mary
by a fourteen year old girl, Bernadette Soubirous, in 1858 at Lourdes in south-western
France. While collecting firewood near the river, Bernadette saw the figure of Mary above
a cave. During the following weeks the vision was repeated 18 times, and on the last occasion Bernadette received the instruction to build a church on the site. Bernadette’s claims
about her visions were subsequently acknowledged as valid by the Church hierarchy. Since
receiving a vision is a highly individual expreience,k its acknowledgement by others depends
upon the person's ability to convince them of the authenticity of the experience.
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9.4.3.4 Possession
As explained above, possession is an extreme form of an altered state of consciousness. In the
case of possession, the individual is believed to be inhabited by and to become one with an
external power or spirit. There are different types of possession, both malevolent and benevolent. Malevolent possession is when the person is believed to be possessed by an evil spirit or
devil that manifests itself as a form of illness. Benevolent possession occurs where someone is
inhabited by benevolent spirits who speak and act through his or her body. Only the latter form
of possession is relevant for our present discussion. John Beattie further distinguishes between
mediumship and shamanism.
•
•
Mediumship describes a person under the control of a spirit which communicates with other
people through the possessed person (the medium sometimes speaks in an unusual manner,
or with an unusual accent).
In the case of shamanism the possessed person is believed to command and control the spirit
by which he/she is possessed.
We shall deal with shamanism subsequently. Here our concern is with the kind of possession
that Beattie calls mediumship.
The American anthropologist Melville Herskovits describes spirit possession as found among
many Africans and African Americans as the supreme expression of their religious experience.
The personality of the individual is displaced by that of the god or spirit, and s/he is held to be the
deity him or herself. The possessed person often undergoes a complete change of personality,
and likewise his/her facial expression and behaviour become completely different (Herskovits
1948:66). Possession is also a way of ascertaining the will of the supernatural beings that control
the universe.
Among certain communities in the Limpopo and Mpumalanga Provinces, such as the Venda-,
Northern-Sotho- and Tsonga-speakers, ancestor spirits reveal themselves through possession.
A possessing spirit (lelopo: plural: malopo) causes illness and this can be seen as a sign that a
ancestor spirit wishes to possess a person. The malopo illness cannot be seen as a form of
punishment; in fact, the possessed person is “chosen” (by means of illness or a dream) as
a favourite to act as medium for the lelopo spirit. In this case, the possessed person is the
medium and he or she has no choice but to be a conduct, in effect, for the ancestor spirit.
The medium, who is usually a woman, may be possessed by a family member or a foreign
spirit. A foreign spirit is usually someone who was killed during war by a member of the
medium’s descent group. The medium is then chosen to bring the necessary offerings and
to create a home for the alien spirit and to restore harmonious relationships between the
alien spirit and the medium’s family.
The initial possession of the person usually takes place under the guidance of a malopo doctor (North Sotho: ngaka ya malopo). People who are possessed form a cult group that acts
under the leadership of a malapo doctor.
Someone who fails to act on the “notification” or directive of the spirit is likely to suffer
serious consequences. The Northern Sotho-speakers who Kriel (1992:262) consulted
claim that people who did not take note of the “symptoms” sent by the particular ancestor
spirit(s) became insane. This insanity usually takes the form of pointless wandering about
and aggression.
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ACTIVITY 9.6
Ask the people you know well whether they have had experiences of the supernatural.
9.4.4 Experience as revelation
Belief in the existence of supernatural beings and powers is frequently accompanied by belief in
their ability to influence the lives of the living. This is why prosperity and misfortune are often
interpreted as:
•
•
•
•
having a supernatural origin
indications of the benevolence, displeasure or satisfaction of supernatural beings
indicating a person’s moral failure, shortcomings or, alternatively, his/her goodness
the result of a person’s ability to manipulate supernatural powers
The meaning attached to experience may not necessarily be derived from the nature of the
experience itself. Misfortune, for instance, may be interpreted as punishment for wrongdoing
or the work of malevolent supernatural beings. Alternatively, however, it may be seen as a form
of trial and testing. Likewise, good fortune may be seen as an indication of a supernatural being’s benevolence or satisfaction (eg winning the Lotto). A particular event may also be seen as
having a natural cause, without interference of a supernatural being, or as pure coincidence. If
the source or meaning of an event is not known, a diviner may be consulted.
9.4.5 Divination
Divination is a method of consulting the supernatural in order to obtain information that is
only available to supernatural beings. Such information may concern any aspect of life where
uncertainty or complete ignorance makes a solution by rational means impossible (eg the future,
illness, bewildering events, etc). Divination does not take place during an altered state of consciousness, but instead is a procedure. In his Dictionary of Anthropology Winick (1970) provides
a list of 44 different methods of divination, which is an indication of just how widespread the
practice of divination is.
Herskovits divides divining methods into two broad categories, namely divining that is performed
by means of devices believed to be independent of the diviner, and those methods in which
contact is made with a spirit in order to obtain information (Herskovits 1948:370).
Interestingly enough, divination is still practised in industrial, western societies in the form of
card reading (the Tarot), crystal-ball gazing, and so forth. In these cases, there is no particular
deity or spirit that is consulted, and the persons practising divination in these forms rely for
their information on the means them-selves, or on someone having the knowledge to interpret
such means.
Mönnig 1967:80–88 describes six methods of divination among the Pedi (Northern Sotho-speakers):
•
•
•
•
•
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the use of a doll
the use of a set of four calabashes
examining the entrails of a goat
the use of a single calabash
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•
direct consultation of ancestor spirits
The most common method of divination among the Southern Nguni is consultation with a diviner who diagnoses the problem and its cause by means of a method called ukuvumisa. In this
case, the clients sit in a semi-circle, while the diviner squats opposite them. The diviner has to
determine the nature of his clients’ problem by making statements to which his clients react.
After each statement they clap and shout “siyavuma” (we agree). From the tone of the response
he judges whether his diagnosis is correct. By means of a process of elimination the problem is
eventually discovered, after which the diviner offers his advice.
9.5
RELIGIOUS COMMUNICATION: RITUAL
NOTE: a more extensive analysis of ritual is given in Study Guide APY3703 – Themes
in anthropology: the relevance of ritual.
We need to start by distinguishing ritual from ceremony.
A ceremony may be described as an action or a series of actions performed with dignity and
solemnity ie in a serious and formal way, (eg the opening of parliament), contracting a civil marriage, and so forth.
A ritual, on the other hand, is a ceremony that is directly related to belief in the supernatural.
Within the Christian context, for example, acts such as baptism, and communion can be defined
as rituals.
ACTIVITY 9.7
Name a few rituals performed in your own community or that you have experienced
in other people’s communities.
Rituals may be analysed and classified according to their form, meaning, and sociocultural function (Pauw 1976:170):
9.5.1 The form of rituals
From our definition it is clear that a ritual may be either a very complex activity involving large
numbers of people, or it may be a simple act performed by a single individual. In its most comprehensive and complex form, a ritual may involve a combination of actions, words and objects
performed by a group of persons at a specific place on a specific occasion. In a study of ritual it
is necessary to give attention to all these features, namely actions, words, objects, the persons
participating, the place of the ritual and the occasion.
9.5.2 Actions
A distinction must be made between approved ritual acts and those that meet with the community’s disapproval.
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Approved ritual acts are acts that are sanctioned within the context of the community and sociocultural system in which they are carried out. Such acts are recognised as achieving purposes
that are considered legitimate by the community.
Ritual acts that meet with the community’s disapproval are those directed to harming or even
killing other people (or causing damage to property). Witchcraft and sorcery fall into this category (although these forms of ritual act are not always condemned). However, we must not
assume that all forms of sorcery are always condemned.
According to Beattie, sorcery is not always evil, because it may be used against bad people
(eg where members of Azande society employ magical means to punish the unidentified
murderers of a deceased kinsman). Rulers are also entitled to use sorcery against their
enemies (Beattie 1964:213).
The actions performed in a ritual are not always restricted to ritual occasions alone. What often
distinguishes ritual acts, though, is the magico-religious context in which they are performed.
Eating, drinking, washing and dancing, for example, constitute normal activities in any community.
However, where they are performed as part of a particular ritual, these acts acquire a certain
meaning. The same applies to other acts that frequently form part of rituals (eg walking in a
procession, kneeling, going on a journey, fasting, abstinence from sexual intercourse etc).
That said, the following are examples of specifically ritual acts:
9.5.2.1 Purification
Acts of purification often form part of rituals, and may be the main ritual act itself. Purification
consists of cleansing of the body of dirt or removing some form of ritual impurity from the
person or community.
According to the beliefs of Tamil Hindu in KwaZulu-Natal, persons in certain conditions
may not participate in rituals. All waste matter discharged by the body causes impurity and
is referred to as “bad dirt”. Menstruating women or people who have recently had sexual
intercourse are impure. Likewise, anybody who comes into contact with them, or with the
objects with which they have been in contact also becomes impure. Such impurity must
be removed by Gange, the goddess of water. Before people can participate in rituals, they
therefore have to “bathe”, which usually means that they have to wash their hands, faces
and feet (Wessels 1984:25).
Purification also consists of the removal of ill-feeling and the solving of disputes between participants in a ritual.
Among the Southern Nguni, it is common to hold a meeting of descent group members
before performing a ritual in order to reconcile members involved in a quarrel with each
other. It is believed that the ancestors will not accept sacrifices brought on their behalf if
this is not done.
On an individual level, confession is a common act of purification. Winick (1970:129) defines
confession as the “discharge of guilt by admitting wrongs and errors, and thus cleansing the soul
or the community of guilt”.
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In Christianity, it is considered essential to confess one’s sins in prayer or before a priest
before partaking of communion.
9.5.2.2 Sacrifice
Some anthropologists distinguish between offering and sacrifice. Offering is described as the
ritual giving of food or objects to a supernatural being or power, while sacrifice is said to refer
specifically to the ritual killing of an animal or a person on behalf of such a supernatural being.
In this module, we prefer to ignore this terminological distinction, and take the term “sacrifice”
to refer to gifts and to the ritual killing of an animal.
Sacrifice is a very common feature of many religions, including those practised by traditional communities. It also forms part of advanced religions such as Buddhism and Hinduism.
Many communities in Africa express commensalism, that is, a communion meal that symbolically
unites the living and dead. The latter, like the living, are honoured by a feast during which a beast
is slaughtered. InSouth Africa, sacrifice is performed by the living to establish communion with
the ancestral spirits (Hammond-Tooke 1974:353).
The objects sacrificed cover a wide spectrum, including animals, agricultural products, flowers,
food, drink, and cultural objects. If an animal is killed, its death may be accomplished by ritual
slaughtering, strangling or drowning. The body may be burnt as a whole, or it may be eaten
during a ritual feast.
9.5.3 Words
Although some rituals are performed in silence, rituals are usually characterised by specific
formulae, speeches or songs. An essential part of Christian baptism is the trinitarian formula
(in which reference is made to the three persons, Father, Son and Holy Spirit in one Godhead).
In this case, the formula is such an integral part of baptism that baptism administered without
this formula is commonly regarded as invalid. Likewise, prayers directed at supernatural beings
and words of dedication also belong in the category of “ritual”.
9.5.4 Objects
Like actions, the objects and substances used in rituals may be similar to those used in everyday
activities. In rituals, however, these objects and substances are first dedicated to a supernatural
being. In traditional communities in South Africa, examples of such objects and substances are
food, traditionally brewed beer, snuff, condiments, incense, agricultural products, flowers and
other natural objects.
9.5.5 Persons
9.5.5.1 Participants in rituals
The form of a ritual also varies according to the nature of the participants. Rituals in which a
whole society or community is involved may be described as communal rituals (eg rituals performed for chiefdoms or nations). Besides these, descent groups such as clans or lineages may be
involved in rituals performed on behalf of the group as a whole, in which case we refer to them
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as kinship rituals. Likewise, the groups participating in rituals may be constituted on a voluntary
basis (eg a church). As pointed out earlier, rituals may also be performed by a single individual.
9.5.5.2 Leaders in rituals (practitioners)
Persons acting as leaders in the performance of rituals usually do so as intermediaries between
a group of people and a supernatural being or power. The emphasis in their work may be on
representing the people to the supernatural or acting on behalf of the people, or vice versa.
Often, however, it is impossible to draw such absolute distinctions, since the two kinds of roles
may be fulfilled by the same individual, and may therefore coincide or overlap. Various kinds of
such ritual leaders occur, of which the following are the most common.
Priest
A priest is the person who acts as ritual leader with the purpose of establishing and maintaining communication between a group of people and the supernatural. The emphasis in his work
is upon representing people with a supernatural being, although he may also speak and act on
behalf of such a being. The priest represents this group of people before a supernatural being,
and may also speak and act on behalf of such a being.
There are two kinds of priests:
•
•
Firstly, there is the priest whose position is hereditary within a descent group. He may be
the head of a family, lineage or clan; he acts as mediator between the group and the supernatural. In the case of religion based on the ancestors, the position is based on genealogical
rank and leadership and is therefore usually not confined to ritual duties. He acts as a priest
only when the need arises, and his function is therefore not a highly specialised one.
Secondly, there is the more specialised kind of priest, whose position depends on a period
of formal training. This person’s function is purely a religious one. He (or she) very often
receives intensive training for this work, and his office is based on this training (rather than
some charismatic experience).
Prophet, diviner, traditional healer and shaman
Prophet
The prophet represents the supernatural in the sense that he speaks on its behalf, often revealing
the future, but also announcing the will of the supernatural being. The prophet speaks because
he or she is commanded by the supernatural to do so.
Diviner
The diviner also provides knowledge of the supernatural, but at the request of the people.
Whereas the prophet relies for his knowledge on his personal relationship with the supernatural,
the diviner uses standardised procedures to interpret evidence found in various signs.
As far as ritual is concerned, the role of a prophet or diviner is usually that he informs people of
the necessity of a particular ritual, and the procedures to be followed. He may also participate
in the ritual itself, but does not usually take the lead.
Traditional healer
A traditional healer specialises in healing and, sometimes, the overcoming of other forms of
misfortune. This may include securing financial success and protecting people from evil forces.
A herbalist is a particular type of a traditional healer who has specialised knowledge of the
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curative properties of plants and roots. In an earlier section we pointed out that the distinction
between the natural and the supernatural is a peculiarly western worldview and not a universal
one. This is apparent from the work of traditional healers: they may well have empirical knowledge of the medicinal properties of plants, but the effect of their remedies is also often ascribed
to the workings of supernatural forces.
Shaman
The term “shaman” originally referred to a Siberian traditional healer. It is currently also used
to refer to someone who is both a traditional healer and a diviner.
Among the North Sotho-speakers such a specialist is known by the generic term, ngaka. A true
ngaka has to be called by the ancestral spirits to practise this occupation and also has to be
trained by an experienced ngaka in the knowledge of healing remedies and remedies that will
ward off the effects of malice.
9.5.6 Place
The place where a ritual is performed is often of specific importance, since the effectiveness
of a ritual may be considered to depend upon it being carried out in the correct place. Rituals
may be performed in church buildings, temples, at the graves of the ancestors, sacred natural
places such as rivers and mountains, or in or near the homestead, for example in a cattle kraal.
Among the Northern Sotho of the Limpopo Province rituals to the ancestral spirits are
performed (go phasa badimo) at shrines (dithokola) in the courtyard in front of the hut. These
shrines vary in form and may consist of a small mound of earth containing a sacred plant,
black river stones or even a piece of antheap. A bulbous plant with a red flower, known
as titikwane or legwama, is mainly used as a sacred plant that is planted in the shrine’s cupshaped hollow by the Northern Sotho. When the ancestral spirits are invoked, beer mixed
with water, snuff, blood of the sacrificial animal or fowl, is usually poured into the hole.
9.5.7 Occasion
The time when a ritual is performed may be linked to specific events such as a misfortune or
crisis. Alternatively, a ritual may be performed at a certain time of the natural cycle (eg during
certain agricultural seasons). Also, of course, certain rituals are performed during stages in
the life cycle – after birth, at puberty, marriage, and at death. A distinction is therefore made
between occasional rituals, that is rituals not performed on a regular basis, and cyclical rituals,
that is rituals performed at particular stages of a natural cycle.
The malopo cult
The malopo cult is an addition to the traditional religious views and medical practices of
Northern Sotho-speakers. Although it is related to their original religious views, it also
brought about change to the lives of women who, today, are now accepted as ritual specialists
and healers in the cult. Furthermore the malopo cult also has therapeutic value in modern
society, a society that is marked by stress and alienation.
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Boersema (1984:32) indicates that the origin of the malopo cult can be ascribed to the
changing socioeconomic role of, especially, the women in the rural areas of the Limpopo and
Mpumalanga provinces. Men and sons who work in the metropolitan centres are sometimes
away from home for extended periods, as are married daughters who often follow their
husbands to urban areas. If the men do not send money home regularly, which frequently
happens, then the women must ensure that there is an income. Furthermore, in the absence
of men, who previously lived with their families within the context of extended families, it
is the women who have to make decisions about the household and the children.
Under these circumstances, the malopo cult fulfils an important role. Cult members frequently meet and this creates a feeling of unity and security. As a nyaka ya malopo (malopo
doctor), the woman is no longer ever alone, because she regularly has to train new initiates
to the cult. She is also continuously in contact with the ancestor spirits and consults them
about decisions that have to be made. This confirms the close ties between the living and
the deceased.
A malopo dance and ritual is also an occasion during which all the people from a particular
area get together to socialise and relax. Large amounts of beer are consumed during the
drawn-out malopo dances and the dances, with their wild rhythms, provide excitement and
escapism from an often dreary existence. Through this modern stress and fears are discharged.
Furthermore, the communication with the ancestors is confirmation of the fact that the
living can depend on help and support from the supernatural in times of illness or stress.
The malopo cult also ensures that malopo doctors get an income – an important factor in
rural communities. Unfortunately, of course, there are also malopo doctors who strive for
status and a good income and who consequently exploit people. Indeed, malopo doctors
are often of the most affluent people in the community.
That said, the malopo cult undoubtedly empowers its female members, although they do not
enjoy the same status as the traditional practitioners and diviners (dingaka ya ditaola) (see
Kriel 1992:220; 418). During the malopo dances and the rituals that accompany them, there
is a pertinent focus on the dingaka ya malopo and the importance of women is emphasised.
According to Kriel (1992:430), female members constitute approximately 76% of the cult in
certain regions of the Limpopo Province.
Initiation
Treatment of a person who has the malopo illness (see above) takes place under the leadership of a malopo doctor. The doctor also acts as a medium for the ancestral spirits. The
treatment of the medium is combined with performing malopo dances and a purification rite,
during which he/she is usually incorporated into the ranks of the malopo doctors.
Malopo dances, during which a fair amount of alcohol and especially traditional beer is
consumed, form the focal point of the ritual. During such a dance, which is regulated and
frequently changed by deep compelling rhythmic drumming, the spirit is invited to manifest
itself in the medium. The medium is encouraged to dance with the cult group for long periods
continuously, to provide the spirit with the opportunity to possess him or her. When the
spirit eventually manifests itself within the medium, the spirit makes requests of, and gives
directives to the medium and the dancers.
According to Boersema (1984:27), the spirit may give the medium a directive to wear a
particular outfit during a future possession. After the initiation of the medium into the ranks
of the malopo doctors, the spirit can once again visit the medium without the medium falling
ill. It is only when another spirit wants to manifest himself/herself in the same medium that
the possession will be accompanied by illness.
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LEARNING THEME 9
According to Kriel (1992:266), during a malopo dance the malopo mediums and qualified
malopo doctors enter a trance as a result of “the combination of compelling rhythmic drumming, heightened emotional tension, breathing disturbances, dietary disturbances, physical
exhaustion, and the intake of alcohol and other anaesthetising and hallucinogenic drugs as
well as auto-suggestion”. It is during this trance, when the medium experiences memory
loss, that the possessing spirit speaks to spectators and participants. In fact, the personality of the possessing spirit takes over the body of the medium while the latter is in trance.
The treatment of the sick medium and his/her initiation into the ranks of the malopo-doctors
should be regarded as the first step towards restoring disturbed relationships between
descent groups if someone has been murdered. Towards the end of the malopo-dances a
sacrificial animal, which has been chosen by the possessing spirit, is slaughtered to restore
harmony between the descent groups.
Traditionally, the malopo cult did not form part of the religious and medical views and
practices of the ethnic groups of the Limpopo and Mpumalanga provinces. It reached the
northern parts of South Africa from Malawi and Zimbabwe during the beginning of the
previous (20th) century. According to the literature, spirit mediumship especially prevails
among the Shona of Zimbabwe and certain tribes found in Malawi (see Gelfand 1967:8–11
and Beattie and Middleton 1969). The dance sessions are a strong reminder of the izangoma
dances of the Ndebele and other Nguni-speakers. In the case of the latter, the nature of
the possession differs from that of malopo possession because, while the traditional practitioner or diviner communicates the message of the ancestor spirits, his or her body is not
possessed by the possessing spirit’s personality (see Hammond-Tooke 1989:127). Nor has
izangoma-possession developed into a cult.
9.5.8 The meaning of rituals
There is common agreement among anthropologists that the most important distinguishing
feature of rituals is the presence of a symbolic element (because, a ritual, to be a ritual, must
convey meaning).
The objects used in ritual may be chosen because of their association with, say, some inherent
quality. Water may be used in ritual because of its coolness and purifying quality. The colours
red, white and black often have magico-religious significance when they are used in rituals. In
many communities the three colours refer to certain fluids, secretions or waste-products of the
human body. Thus red is a symbolic colour for blood, while white is often a symbol for breastmilk or semen, and black is sometimes associated with faeces and urine (Turner 1966:80). Among
many North-Sotho speakers, however, red, black and white are associated with the following
symbolic meanings Hammond-Tooke 1981:136–137):
•
•
•
red – consolidation and strengthening (eg relationships between the deceased and members
of their descent group)
black – protection and strengthening as well as a cooling effect (eg the tšhidi herb-like remedies that eliminate ritual impurity; also associated with death, but this could be attributed
to westernisation)
white – health, purity especially ritual purity
In traditional African communities, blood is associated with the ancestral spirits. If a sacrificial animal is slaughtered, it is the “blood (madi) which is the part especially desired by
the ancestors” (Hammond-Tooke 1981:88). The blood of the sacrificed animal is therefore
essential for establishing communication with the ancestor spirits. For economic reasons,
today chickens are often slaughtered instead of cattle or goats.
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Religion, the Supernatural and Magic
In the case of the Gcaleka of the Willowvale district in the Eastern Cape, traditional beer
instead of a sacrifice is used to communicate with the ancestors, especially when migrant
labourers return from the urban areas. This change was necessary as a result of unusual
external circumstances (see McAllister 1985:121).
Sacrifice may have various meanings. John Beattie points out that a sacrifice is often made with
the intention that the supernatural being will respond – by providing the community with blessings and protection. Relationships between the living and the supernatural are often based on
reciprocity and exchange. There is mutual dependence between humans and the supernatural.
In the same way that human beings need the goodwill and protection of a spirit, the spirit itself
is also thought to need the attention of human beings.
Presenting a gift to a spirit is often done symbolically (eg by killing or destroying it by burning it
or scattering it on water). Where the gift is in the form of food, it may be left for the spirit to
“lick” before it is consumed by the people (human beings are thus believed to have communication
with the spirits by eating the same food). Since sharing food or drink is, in many sociocultural
systems, a sign of goodwill, reconciliation and friendly relations, this idea is extended to the
relationship between human beings and the spirits.
The gift that is offered up in sacrifice is often identified with the person who offers up the sacrifice so that, symbolically, he or she is actually offering up part of himself (or herself). This is
why there is usually an act of consecration by means of which evil is transferred from the person
to the victim, so that it is destroyed together with the victim.
The words spoken may be a prayer or a praise poem, sometimes directed at the supernatural,
and may also be a declaration on behalf of the supernatural.
The meaning of a ritual is also closely connected with its intended effect or purpose. The purpose may be the restoration or reinforcement of vitality, cleansing or purging from dangerous
influences, opposing hostile forces or beings, and establishing, maintaining or restoring relations
with the supernatural (Pauw 1976:170).
As you know, traditional rituals are still practised in South Africa, despite the influence of Christianity and increasing urbanisation:
•
•
•
•
•
•
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The recent killing of a young bull during the annual Umkhosi wokweshwama communal ritual
in KwaZulu-Natal. (See Learning theme 6.)
In December 1998 two bulls were slaughtered by locals during a ritual for the ancestors
when the then President Thabo Mbeki was welcomed back to his home town, Ngcingwana,
in the Eastern Cape.
The slaughtering of an ox in April 2000, in Craighill Park (an upper-class suburb of Johannesburg) caused a great deal of unhappiness among the white residents who lived in the area.
(The animal was slaughtered by the family of a black woman who had recently recovered
from a serious illness. The animal was offered up in thanks to the ancestor spirits. The white
residents felt that the slaughtering of animals should only ever take place in an abattoir.)
In order to thank the ancestors for their intervention in helping her win the title of “Miss
South Africa”, Jackie Mofokeng asked her family to have a feast of thanksgiving.
The evening before South Africa won the Africa Cup for soccer in 1996, a goat was slaughtered in the middle of the field to beg the ancestors for their blessing of the game.
In the early 1990s, a number of employees at a Dulux paint factory at Umbogintwini, near
Durban, died in inexplicable ways. This compelled some of the black employees to consult a
sangoma in order to determine the cause of the sudden deaths. After consulting the ancestors
the sangoma determined that a number of Zulu men who had died in a tribal battle against
Pondos at the site where the paint factory was later erected were dissatisfied because they
had suffered a brutal death, and this had not been acknowledged in any way. According to the
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LEARNING THEME 9
sangoma, in order to reconcile these spiritis, two cows and two goats had to be slaughtered
to bring peace back into the factory. After a great deal of opposition from both Indian and
white staff, management gave their permission for the reconciliation ritual to be performed.
(The resistance of the Indian personnel can be ascribed to the fact that the majority of Indians in
KwaZulu-Natal are Hindus who regard cows as sacred animals which should not be slaughtered.)
ACTIVITY 9.8
Choose any ritual from your own context and analyse it in terms of the topics discussed in this section so far:
Ritual
Application
Identify the ritual
Actions
Words
Objects
Persons
Place
Occasion
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9.6
RELIGION TODAY?
Globalisation, rapid sociocultural change and the growth of scientific knowledge throughout
the world led some scholars, in the past, to suggest that the practice of all forms of religion
would decline and, in fact, die out. (Some writers have even, somewhat dramatically, posed the
question,The Death of Religion?) In fact, today, religion is more important than ever to many
people, and not only to people from traditional communities. Indeed, according to some anthropologists, scientific and technological development has contributed to the continuing practice
of religion in modern life by producing new anxieties and raising new questions about human
existence (Haviland et al. 2008:552). Although some traditional, mainline Christian religions for
example, have shown some decline, nondenominational spirituality is on the rise.
Developments in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries have shown that, to paraphrase
Mark Twain, the rumours of the death of gods and religion were greatly exaggerated. Religion survived the onslaught of modernisation and secularisation, evincing its characteristic
and almost infinite capacity to adapt to and absorb extra-religious influences. Not only did
religion not quietly fade away, but it thrived and multiplied, producing more religions and
religious movements. (Eller 2007:275)
9.6.1 Indigenous African churches
Among the fastest-growing religious communities in the world are the indigenous churches of
Africa. Over the last half century, the number of registered indigenous denominations in southern Africa alone has doubled from about 5,000 to 10,000. It is estimated that more than half
of Christian church members in the region belong to indigenous churches. An example is the
Amanazaretha Church founded by a Zulu prophet, which is popular among fellow Zulu-speakers
in KwaZulu-Natal.
NOTE: Your other introductory module, Study Guide APY1601 – Culture as human resource in the African context deals more extensively with African Initiated Churches (AICs),
and also with religion in the African context and sociocultural change in African communities.
9.6.2 Fundamentalist religions
Kottak (2008:297) describes antimodernism as the rejection of the modern in favour of what is
perceived as an earlier, purer, and better way of life. This viewpoint grew out of disillusionment
with Europe’s Industrial Revolution and subsequent developments in science, technology, and
consumption patterns. Antimodernists typically consider technology’s use today to be misguided,
or think technology should have a lower priority than religious and cultural values.
Religious fundamentalism is regarded as a contemporary form of antimodernism. Eller (2007:276)
explains that religious fundamentalism derives its name (and much of its energy) from the notion of “fundamentals”, those things – beliefs, behaviours, organisational structures and moral
considerations – that are felt by members of a group to be most essential and central, the oldest,
deepest, and truest aspects of the human person. Fundamentalists ascertain an identity separate from the larger religious group from which they arose – this reflects their belief that the
principles on which the larger religion is based have been corrupted, neglected, compromised,
forgotten or replaced with other principles (Kottak 2008:297).
Fundamentalist religious are on the rise and more often than not they have a strong antiscience
position. Examples include Islamic fundamentalism in countries such as Afghanistan, Algeria, and
Iran; Jewish fundamentalism in Israel and the United States; and Hindu fundamentalism in India.
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LEARNING THEME 9
Christian fundamentalism is represented in the dramatic growth of evangelical denominations
in the United States, Central America, and sub-Saharan Africa (where it often takes the form
of Indigenous African Churches – see above).
Two recent newspaper features provide some comment on contemporary religious fundamentalism. One is a report and the other a letter taken from the personal columns:
“FIVE CHURCHES, SCHOOL ATTACKED IN ‘ALLAH’ ROW
Muslims object to Christians’ use of Arabic word
WOULD-BE arsonists in mostly-Muslim Malaysia struck at a convent school and a fifth
church yesterday while church leaders called for calm in a row over Christians’ use of the
word ‘Allah’ to refer to God.
The row, over a court ruling that allowed a Catholic newspaper to use ‘Allah’ in its Malaylanguage editions, prompted Muslims to protest at mosques and sparked arson attacks on
four churches that saw one Pentecostal church gutted.
Yesterday Malaysians packed churches to listen to sermons of ‘reaching out in friendship to
all, including Muslims’ and ‘keeping the peace in multi-religious Malaysia’, but many felt their
religious rights were being trampled.
‘There are extremists in this country and the government seems unable to do anything,’ said
Wilson Matayun, a salesman who attended Mass at St. Anthony’s Church in Kuala Lumpur.
Matayun is from Sabah state on Borneo island, where a large number of non-English-speaking
Christians have used the Arabic word ‘Allah’ for decades. Christians account for 9,1% of the
28 million population.
Malaysia is mainly Muslim and Malay, but there are sizeable ethnic Chinese and Indian communities who mainly practise Christianity, Buddhism and Hinduism. They handed the government
its biggest losses in 2008 state and national elections, in part due to feelings of religious
marginalisation and growing disillusionment with corruption. – Reuters” (Koswanaye 2010:9).
AND
“MUST WE BAN BELIEFS CONTRARY TO OUR OWN?
THE RECENT controversy surrounding the ukweshwama (first fruits) ritual slaughter of a
bull has brought into sharp focus cultural, traditional and religious beliefs of one group of
people opposed by another group with a different set of beliefs.
This is done often to the point of forcing the beliefs of one group on to another: In all this,
God has been forgotten. We tend to follow human laws rather than God’s laws. We forget
that animals are put on this Earth by God for humans to use, for labour, for their skins or
for consumption.
This fostering and often forcing of one person’s belief on to another is the cause of many
problems in this world. This is the crux of the problem that Muslims face all over the world,
with the banning of head scarves in France and minarets in Switzerland.
The fostering of non-Islamic democracy, with its pornography, couples living together out
of wedlock, and many other un-Islamic practices, is forced upon whole countries such as
Afghanistan and Iraq by countries that do not respect the beliefs of Muslims. This is the
main reason for the ill feelings that many Muslims have towards America. Christians and
Jews have been allowed to flourish in Muslim countries for centuries. History will tell you
that Palestine was such a country before 1948.
Must we all now think of banning church steeples and bell towers?” (Haffejee 2010)
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Religion, the Supernatural and Magic
In Christianity, fundamentalists are “born again”, as opposed to “mainline”, “liberal”, or “modernist” Protestants. In Islam they are jama’at (in Arabic, enclaves based on close fellowship) engaged
in jihad (struggle) against “western culture” hostile to Islam and the God-given (shariah) way of
life. In Judaism they are Haredi, “Torah-true” Jews. All such groups see a sharp divide between
themselves and other religions, and between a “sacred” view of life and the “secular” world
(Kottak 2008:297).
KEY CONCEPTS IN THIS LEARNING THEME
Religion, magic, supernatural, functions of religion, spirits, gods, totem, fetish, mana, revelation,
witches, sorcerers, myths, divination, ritual, practitioners, sacrifice, malop illness, fundamentalism.
SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS
•
•
•
•
•
Distinguish between religion and magic as analytical and explanatory
concepts.
Write short sentences explaining the following terms and concepts: prayer,
revelation, myth, oral traditions, altered states of consciousness, trance,
visions, possession, shamanism, divination, ritual, ceremony, approved
ritual acts, disapproved ritual acts, purification, sacrifice, communal rituals,
kinship rituals, priest, prophet, diviner, medicine-man, herbalist, shaman,
occasional rituals, cyclical rituals, life cycle, cosmic cycle and rites of passage.
Explain the role of dreams, trance, visions, possession and divination in
religion.
Identify rituals or ritual acts in your own life world – indicate the nature
and function of these. What is the meaning of ritual?
Which of the following best illustrates the unity between the ancestor
spirits and the living members of their descent group?
1.
2.
3.
4.
2
3
4
5
•
1.
2.
3.
4.
7
8
9
A primitive ethical code
An attitude of dependence
Personalised spiritual beings
The intention to manipulate
Which of the following is a ritual leader who represents the supernatural?
1.
2.
3.
4.
10
11
12
13
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A prayer
A praise poem
The sharing of food
The wearing of an amulet
Magic is associated with
6
•
Prophet
Diviner
Traditional healer
Priest
159
FURTHER STUDIES IN ANTHROPOLOGY
FURTHER STUDIES IN
ANTHROPOLOGY
“Confucius once remarked: ‘find a job that you love doing and you will never work a day in
your life’. He was, of course, quite wrong. My granny, while less prophetic, used to say: ‘No job
that was ever worth doing is without moments of grind.’ For me, anthropology has been – and
remains – an inspiration. It has taught me about the world we live in and, perhaps more significantly, about the hidden structures that shape societies. It teaches you how individuals, ideas
institutions and events connect (both at local and global levels). For those who are interested in
otherness, or for those who want to understand the conditions of their own existence, I would
say anthropology is a must.” (Shore in Strang 2009:81)
In the introduction to this module we gave you an indication of the undergraduate syllabus in
anthropology offered in this department.
APY1501: ANTHROPOLOGY – THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL
STUDY OF CULTURE IN A MULTICULTURAL CONTEXT
First level:
APY1501:
Anthropology – the anthropological study of culture in a multicultural context]
APY1601:
Culture as human resource in the African context
Second level:
APY2601:
Anthropological theory in practice
APY2701:
Sociocultural solutions to problems of human adaptation
APY2602:
Anthropology and health care
Third level:
APY3701:
Qualitative research methodology: the anthropological strategy
APY3702:
Applied anthropology: contemporary human issues and the practice of
anthropology
APY3703:
Themes in anthropology: (1) The relevance of ritual: (2) Orality and oral tradition
APY3704:
Themes in anthropology: (1) African material culture; (2) tourism and pilgrimage
Apart from serving as an introduction to anthropology, APY1501, together with APY1601, also
serves as a basis for progressing to the study of the other modules. If you choose anthropology
as one of your majors and you successfully complete these modules (and those in the other
subjects/disciplines that you registered for) you will comply with the requirements for a Bachelor of Arts (BA) degree. This will qualify you to further your studies in anthropology and thus
to register for an Honours degree in anthropology (there are certain preconditions for being
admitted) – in other words, you would begin to specialise in anthropology.
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Religion, the Supernatural and Magic
The anthropology Honours syllabus in this department consists of the following papers:
PAPER 1
HANTNA4 (In 2011
the code changes
to APY4801)
ANTRHOPOLOGICAL RESEARCH
PAPER 2
HANTALK (In 2011
the code changes
to APY4803)
GENERAL ANTHROPOLOGY: THEORETICAL
PERSPECTIVES
PAPER 3
HANTAEC (In 2011
the code changes
to APY4802)
AFRICAN ETHNOGRAPHY
PAPER 4
HANTAPP (In 2011
the code changes
to APY4804)
APPLIED ANTHROPOLOGY
PAPER 5
HANTREH (In 2011
the code changes
to HRAAR81)
ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH ARTICLE
Once you have successfully completed the Honours degree in anthropology, you can apply
to register for the Master of Arts (MA) (which entails doing fieldwork/research and writing a
dissertation). After this, you can go on to do a doctorate (PhD). This requires doing original
research on a specific topic/issue/problem related to people in a particular context, and writing
up your findings in a thesis.
At undergraduate (BA) level, you will have to decide which other subjects, other than anthropology, you register for – at first and second level, and then at third level (ie your “other” major).
The following subjects are particularly compatible with anthropology: psychology, archaeology,
history, political science, sociology and geography. Also useful are: development studies, environmental studies, health studies, education, business management, architecture and urban planning.
An honours or master’s degree in anthropology are both useful qualifications for a variety of
careers.
To practise as a professional anthropologist, you will need to complete a doctoral thesis. You
can directly approach the person whose research you feel your interests relate to most closely.
Since anthropology is one of the “original” scholarly disciplines, it is offered at most universities
(see Strang 2009:164).
All of this information is readily available on university websites, and a quick search will find lists
of universities in each country, and their contact details. Most are also happy to send prospective students further information and, in most cases, and certainly at Unisa, you are welcome
to contact the members of staff at any time or to make an appointment to visit the department
to discuss your future plans in anthropology.
You can access the Department of Anthropology and Archaeology by going to the Unisa website:
http://www.unisa.ac.za/dept/vir/html
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ANTHROPOLOGY ASSOCIATIONS AND NETWORKS
ANTHROPOLOGY ASSOCIATIONS
AND NETWORKS
American Anthropological Association (AAA)
http://www.aaanet.org/
Anthropology Matters Postgraduate Network
http://www.anthropologymatters.com/
Association of Social Anthropologists of Aotearoa/New Zealand (ASAANZ)
http://asaanz.rsnz.org/
Anthropology Southern Africa (ASnA)
http://www.asnahome.org
Association of Social Anthropologists of the UK and the Commonwealth (ASA)
http://www.theasa.org/
Australian Anthropological Society
http://www.aas.asn.au/
Bureau of Applied Research in Anthropology (BARA)
http://barabeta.bara.arizona.edu/instruction/
Canadian Anthropological Society (CASA)
http://www.cas-sca.ca/
C-SAP (Birmingham)
http://www.c-sap.bham.ac.uk
(The Higher Education Academy Subject Network for Sociology, Anthropology, Politics)
http://www.c-sap.bham.ac.uk/
European Association of Social Anthropologists
http://www.easaonline.org/
Network of Applied Anthropologists UK
http://www.theasa.org/networks/apply.htm
Political Ecology Society (PESO)
http://jpe.library.arizona.edu/eco-1.htm
Royal Anthropological Institute
http://www.therai.org.uk/
Society for Applied Anthropology, USA
http://www.sfaa.net/
Wenner-gren Foundation
http://www.wennergren.org/
World Council of Anthropological Associations
http://www.wcaanet.org/
162
ANTHROPOLOGY ASSOCIATIONS AND NETWORKS
ANTHROPOLOGY JOURNALS
American Anthropologist
http://www.aaanet.org/publications/ameranthro.cfm
Anthropology in Action
http://Berghahn Booksbooksonline.com/journals/aia/
Anthropology Matters Journal
http://www.anthropologymatters.com/journal/
Anthropology Southern Africa
http://www.unisa.ac.za/dept/vir/html
Anthropology Today
http://www.therai.org.uk/pubs/at/anthrotoday.html
Cultural Anthropology (Journal of the Society for Cultural Anthropology)
http://www.culanth.org
Current Anthropology
http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/toc/ca/current
Human Organisation (Journal of the Society for Applied Anthropology)
http://www.sfaa.net/ho/
Irish Journal of Anthropology
http://www.anthropologyireland.org/ijajournal1.htm
Journal of Anthropological Research
http://www.unm.edu/~jar/
Journal of Political Ecology
http://jpe.library.arizona.edu?
Oceania
http://www.arts.usyd.edu.au/publications/oceania/oceania1.htm
Practicing Anthropology
http://www.sfaa.net/pa/pa.html
Sites: A Journal of Social Anthropology and Cultural Studies
http://asaanz.rsnz.org/
The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology
http://rspas.anu.edu.au/anthropology/tapja/
The Australian Journal of Anthropology
http://www.aas.asn.au/aas_taja.php
“VIRTUAL” LIBRARIES IN ANTHROPOLOGY
http://www.intute.ac.uk/socialsciences/anthropology/
http://www.aaanet.org/publications/anthrosource/
http://vlib.anthrotech.com/
(Strang 2009:172–175)
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