A M B I X , P a r t 3, N o v e m b e r 1983
T H E O R Y OR P R A C T I C E ? T H E E I G H T E E N T H - C E N T U R Y D E B A T E O N
T H E SCIENTIFIC S T A T U S O F C H E M I S T R Y
B Y CHRISTOPH M E I N E L *
T o say that chemistry has to approach its subject matter, the m a t e r i a l structure of the w o r l d
a n d the causes of m a t e r i a l transformations, i n a theoretical a n d p r a c t i c a l manner, experientia et ratione, is a commonplace observation w h i c h can also be said of other fields.
Nevertheless, there seems to be a closer relationship between theory a n d practice i n chemi s t r y i n the sense of an interdependence between b o t h fields. A l r e a d y i n the seventeenth
century, chemists agreed u p o n this as an almost self-evident m a x i m . If, however, i n
academic arguments either the one or the other aspect dominated, a n d at one point theory,
a n d at another point practice, was considered to be the real master of the subject, then this
was u l t i m a t e l y due to the after-effects of m e d i a e v a l scholastic schemes of scientific classificat i o n a n d their influence on the conception of science, c o m b i n e d w i t h a usually a n d a l l too
superficial d i s t i n c t i o n between itecopiit a n d irpäfys.
J e a n Beguin's w e l l - k n o w n Tyrocinium Chymicum of 1608 is a good example of the long
line of authors who first of a l l sought to define the character a n d p a r t i c u l a r nature of
alchemy a n d then thoroughly, a n d for better reasons, of m o d e r n chemistry i n the altercation
of b o t h theory a n d practice :
1
2
3
C u m autem omnes disciplinae vulgo sint v e l theoricae v e l practicae, C h y m i a n o n
acquiescens i n cognitione et contemplatione c o r p o r u m m y s t o r u m ut scientia P h y s i c a ;
sed finem habens TO ipyov repaypa . . . etiamsi forte i n v e n i a n t u r , q u i theoria sola
contenti a d jucundissimas artis hujus iyx^prjtJ ^
. . • per accidens se n o n accingant.
1
4
T w o generations later R o b e r t B o y l e methodically discussed the permanent a n d immediate
lack of theory concerning the practice of chemistry a n d developed one of the first e m p i r i c a l
conceptions of theory. B y p u t t i n g experiment as the checking device for theories right i n t o
the centre of his chemical research p r o g r a m m e , he thereby finally banished the scholastic
formal-speculative concept of theory f r o m the sphere of scientific theory formation. E a r l y
h i s t o r i c a l surveys of chemistry, as long as they were not merely out to antedate as far as
possible the beginnings of the subject at a n y price, also looked u p o n the connection of theory
a n d practice as the origin of chemistry as a science.
Short, popular a n d easily remembered
formulae such as scientia practica, philosophia per ignem or s i m p l y pyrosophia characterized
this specific nature of chemistry.
5
6
U n d e r the impression of the scientific revolution, reflection on the a i m a n d m e t h o d of
chemistry was r e v i v e d at the beginning of the eighteenth century, b u t it d i d not however
surpass the conclusions w h i c h h a d already been reached o n the question of the relationship
between theory a n d practice. If M i k h a i l L o m o n o s o v i n 1741 p u t forward i n his Elementa
Chimiae Mathematicae as the p r i m a r y theorem the postulate that the real chemist must be
b o t h a theorist a n d a practitioner, a n d if Pierre Joseph Macquer later eloquently pointed
7
8
* Institut
B u n d e s s t r . 55.
für
Geschichte
der
Naturwissenschaften,
Universität
H a m b u r g , 2000 H a m b u r g
T r a n s l a t e d f r o m the G e r m a n b y E l k e T e i c h m a n n ( U n i v e r s i t y of Leicester).
13,
out the close connection between raisonnement
a n d experience,
9
t h e n b o t h convictions m a y
well have already belonged to a firm r h e t o r i c a l store a n d become c o m m o n knowledge to the
extent t h a t a more detailed discussion o n the relationship between the t w o fields d i d not
appear to be urgent as far as c h e m i s t r y was concerned.
a n d give w a y to a new, violent c o n t r o v e r s y
T h i s basic attitude was to change
o n l y i n connection w i t h K a n t
10
1 1
a n d as a result
of the consciously felt c h e m i c a l r e v o l u t i o n , w h i c h gave rise to the heightened awareness of
theory shown b y the generation of chemists f o l l o w i n g L a v o i s i e r .
H o w e v e r , we shall not
consider this later development i n the present study.
T h e c o n v e n t i o n a l d i v i s i o n of theoretical a n d p r a c t i c a l c h e m i s t r y was therefore adhered
to f r o m s t u b b o r n h a b i t , w i t h few questions being raised concerning the inseparable connect i o n between
the t w o spheres.
F o r example,
Macquer's famous Ehmens
Théorique, w h i c h appeared i n 1749, was s h o r t l y followed b y his Elemens
de
de Chymie
Chymie
Practique,
where i t seemed as t h o u g h i t was a case of two themes w h i c h h a d to be i n d i v i d u a l l y t r e a t e d .
12
Nevertheless, the extent to w h i c h the o l d contrast between theory a n d practice h a d already
been b l o t t e d out is i n d i c a t e d b y the v e r y fact t h a t M a c q u e r largely defined his theoretical
chemistry on the basis of its operations—"séparer . . . examiner . . . decomposer . . . composer
. . . combiner . . . reunir . . . r e j o i n d r e " — a n d that he closed each v o l u m e w i t h a chapter on
1 3
" T h e o r i e de l a construction des v a i s s e a u x " a n d on " T h e o r i e de l a construction des f o u r n e a u x " , w h i c h we w o u l d c l e a r l y assign to the p r a c t i c a l side of the subject.
W r i t e r s of c h e m i c a l textbooks u n f o r t u n a t e l y o n l y v e r y rarely gave accounts of the
criteria of such subdivisions.
W h e n e v e r t h e y d i d so, however, d i d a c t i c arguments for the
keeping u p of the t r a d i t i o n a l d i v i s i o n seem to have been to the fore.
As Macquer argued,
14
o n l y theoretical c h e m i s t r y allowed a logical, systematic representation f r o m basic to c o m plex, f r o m k n o w n to u n k n o w n ; p r a c t i c a l chemistry, on the other h a n d , opposed systematic
exposition, because here the subject m a t t e r (e.g. the procedure of analysis) d i c t a t e d the f o r m
of representation.
F o r the same reason other c o n t e m p o r a r y authors declared themselves i n
favour of a d i v i s i o n i n t o d i d a c t i c a n d p r a c t i c a l c h e m i s t r y (chemia
practica,
experimentalis)
instead of the c o n v e n t i o n a l t e r m s .
dogmática—chemia
15
T h i s , however, o n l y solved the p r o b l e m of the theory a n d practice i n discussion w i t h i n
the discipline.
I n w i d e r contexts the question whether c h e m i s t r y works m a i n l y theoretic-
a l l y or m a i n l y p r a c t i c a l l y kept t u r n i n g u p again wherever this d i v i s i o n interferred w i t h
another ancient-mediaeval d i v i s i o n a l s y s t e m ; n a m e l y wherever i t came to represent chemi s t r y as true science, scientia, or as mere art, ars.
A s late as the seventeenth c e n t u r y no less
a person t h a n D a n i e l Sennert, a first-rate c h e m i c a l a u t h o r i t y himself, denied the subject the
q u a l i t y of a scientia b y reserving searches for u l t i m a t e causes e x l u s i v e l y to Physica
allowing
only productive
chemistry.
16
7roirföts—principally
with
a
pharmaceutical
and by
objective—to
T h i s idea also r e m a i n e d unchanged to a great extent i n the p u b l i c o p i n i o n of
the eighteenth century.
I n 1786 even I m m a n u e l K a n t himself categorically denied the
p o s s i b i l i t y of c h e m i s t r y becoming m a t h e m a t i c a l a n d deductive, a n d decided t h a t i t c o u l d
therefore
" n i c h t s mehr als systematisch
eigentliche Wissenschaft w e r d e n "
1 7
K u n s t oder E x p e r i m e n t a l l e h r e , niemals
aber
(be no more t h a n a s k i l l e d art or e x p e r i m e n t a l science,
never a real science).
T h e chemists of the eighteenth c e n t u r y never t i r e d of fighting this verdict a n d t r y i n g to
prove that their subject was a real scientia.
T h e y even produced their o w n l i t e r a r y f o r m of
chemical programmes, w h i c h h a d the sole function of p r o m o t i n g c h e m i s t r y a n d representing
i t as a science i n its o w n r i g h t .
18
There is scarcely a definition of the subject f r o m the pen of
an eighteenth-century chemist w h i c h d i d not push the r a t i o n a l a n d scientific aspect to the
fore. B u t t h i s made it necessary at the same t i m e to assign a specific character to the n e w l y
understood science of c h e m i s t r y i n such a w a y as to d e l i m i t i t f r o m physica, the most general
science, as w e l l as from n a t u r a l h i s t o r y a n d p h a r m a c e u t i c a l p r a c t i c e .
A s regards content,
genuinely chemical levels of e x p l a n a t i o n , like the phlogiston theory, or specific research
programmes i n v o l v i n g the concept of elements, the theory of combustion, or the concept of
affinity, c o u l d be p r o v i d e d , w h i c h allowed a p l a i n a n d consistent definition of c h e m i c a l
knowledge a n d l a b o r a t o r y procedures.
19
T h e argument about theory a n d practice, r e v i v e d again i n the context of the scientiaars debate, can however not o n l y be seen i n the i n t e r n a l development of chemistry. A more
i m p o r t a n t reason is to be l o o k e d for i n the sociological field a n d can o n l y be understood f r o m
the p a r t i c u l a r w a y i n w h i c h chemistry became i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d as a n academic discipline.
L e t us t r y to p u t ourselves i n the position of the y o u n g subject of c h e m i s t r y at the
beginning of the eighteenth century, of a subject p a r t i c u l a r l y i n w h i c h the s t a n d a r d quotat i o n of grey theory a n d the green trees of l i f e — w h i c h , notably, comes f r o m the m o u t h of
M e p h i s t o — s w i n g s to the other extreme. F o r i t was precisely the experimenting chemist
who h a d to b r u s h off soot a n d dust f r o m his coat before he entered the honourable meeting
of his learned faculty colleagues.
H e r m a n Boerhaave's i n a u g u r a l lecture as professor of
chemistry i n L e i d e n i n 1718 clearly shows i n i t s opening sentences the w a l l of d i s a p p r o v i n g
reserve w h i c h the representative of a n a p p a r e n t l y v e r y unacademic, ungainly, technical a n d
even d i r t y business, such as chemistry, h a d to face:
H a n c videtis sortem m e a m hodie, q u i c o r a m P r i n c i p i b u s i n República V i r i s , i n
consessu sapientissimorum Professorum, i n conspectu denique h o m i n u m i n o m n i
scientiarum genere perfectissimorum, v e r b a habere cogar de C h e m i a ! de C h e m i a !
quae áspera, hórrida, laboriosa, a commercio S a p i e n t u m remota, ignota E r u d i t i s v e l
suspecta, ignem, fumos, ciñeres, sordes spirans, v i x u l l a amoenitatis specie c o m mendata habetur.
20
T h i r t e e n years later Boerhaave's successor, H i e r o n y m u s D a v i d Gaubius, repeated the same
c o m p l a i n t f r o m the same lecturn using almost the same w o r d s : Instead of well-stacked
bookshelves the chemist o n l y possessed his apparatus, a n d i n the m i d d l e of ovens, vessels a n d
pokers he was seen " n o n otiose a d p u l p i t a m desidentem, sed atrás carbone m a n u s . "
The
origin of c h e m i s t r y f r o m the practice of metallurgists already gave a w a y its l o w status:
2 1
ab illiterato hoc rudique d o m i n u m genere p r i m u m exercita, d e p u r a t a dein et
obscurata ab impostoribus, i n se hórrida, laboribus plena, plena periculis, ab otiosis
speculationibus a l i e n a .
22
T h a t is w h y the learned men's repugnance at the " f a d e s m o n s t r o s a " of chemistry was o n l y
too comprehensible.
23
T h e unfortunate association w i t h a l c h e m y meant a further burden. A f t e r a l l , i t h a d
been precisely the f a l l i n g apart of theory a n d practice, the discrepancy between highest
theoretical d e m a n d a n d a most disillusioning reality, w h i c h h a d discredited a l c h e m y : i t
p r o m i s e d the philosopher's stone a n d rushed its disciples i n t o disaster; i t promised life's
elixir for w h i c h the alchemist w o r k e d himself to death. I t is o n l y too understandable t h a t
chemistry d i d e v e r y t h i n g to demarcate itself from its predecessor a n d that i t d i d not w a n t to
have a n y t h i n g i n c o m m o n w i t h alchemy b u t the n a m e :
L a C h y m i e . . . n ' a heureusement rien de c o m m u n que le n o m avec cette ancienne
C h y m i e , et cette conformité est méme encore u n m a l pour elle, par l a raison que e'en
est u n p o u r une filie pleine d'esprit et de raison, mais fort peu connue, de porter le
n o m d'une mere fameuse par ses inepties et ses extravagances.
24
W i t h regard to p u b l i c opinion, however, the image of the chemist still almost coincided w i t h
t h a t of the alchemist.
T e x t b o o k s a n d p r o g r a m m e speeches of c h e m i s t r y are full of com-
plaints about this distorted image.
G a b i e l F r a n c o i s V e n e l a p t l y characterized the s i t u a t i o n
i n the E n c y c l o p e d i c :
Les personnes les moins instruites ne distinguent pas le chimiste d u Souffleur; T u n et
T autre de ees noms est également mal-sonnant pour les oreilles. Ce préjugé a plus
n u i au progrés, d u moins ä l a propagation de Tart, que des i m p u t a t i o n s plus graves
prises d a n le f o n d méme de l a chose, parce q u ' o n a plus craint le ridicule que l ' e r r e u r .
25
I t was of little help when V e n e l merely dissociated himself f r o m the gushing speculations of
the alchemists a n d referred to the m u c h tighter a n d completely different relationship of
theory a n d practice i n c h e m i s t r y i n order to d e l i m i t i t also f r o m those occult a n d speculative
schools of thought w h i c h l i k e d to see themselves as "higher c h e m i s t r y " i n the eighteenth
century.
Quelques demi-philosophes seront peut-étre tentés de croire que nous nous sommes
eleves aux généralites les plus hautes; mais nous savons bien au contraire, que nous
nous en sommes tenus aux notions q u i découlent le plus i m m e d i a t e m e n t des faits et
des conoissances particuliers, et q u i peuvent éclairer de plus prés l a p r a t i q u e .
26
I n the concurring judgement of the t i m e , the two factors w h i c h were h e l d most responsible for the delay i n recognition of chemistry as an academic d i s c i p l i n e a n d true science were
t h a t the s t i g m a of the mere technical c l u n g to the subject a n d that i t came f r i g h t f u l l y close
to the s h a d y practice a n d theoretical deception of a deceitful a l c h e m y . I n a textbook where
the m a i n a i m was to educate a real chemicus theoretico-pradicus instead of a b l i n d empiricus,
J o h a n n C h r i s t i a n Z i m m e r m a n n gave the following reasons for the l o w regard of c h e m i s t r y :
daß i . die wenigsten Personen wissen, was eigentlich die Chemie sey, u n d das W o r t
Chemie insgemein . . . v o r A l c h y m i e nehmen, u n d dieserhalb mehrentheils einen
C h y m i c u m einen A l c h y m i s t e n , G o l d - K o c h oder Betrüger z u nennen pflegen, . . . u n d
daß 2. die Haupstücken der Chemie, ohne eine gehörige gesunde Theorie oder ohne
die physicalischen U r s a c h e n z u wissen oder einzusehen, n a c h empirischer A r t ,
mehrentheils n u r einzeln t r a c t i r t werden u n d , d u r c h die Gewohnheir, gröstentheils z u
kunst- u n d handwercksmäßigen Professionen geworden sind u n d auch also bearbeitet
werden.
27
Wherever theory a n d practice were m a i n l y understood as a separation between i n t e l lectual disposition a n d m a n u a l a c t i v i t y i n order to differentiate between ars a n d scientia, i t
no longer meant a mere quarrel of methods w i t h i n the discipline for c h e m i s t r y (which h a d
a n y w a y already decided this question for itself i n principle), b u t rather social acknowledge-
m e n t a n d r a n k order i n the system of sciences. J o h a n n Georg M e n n , first a p p o i n t e d professor of c h e m i s t r y at Cologne i n 1777, m a y therefore have h a d good reason for fearing t h a t
it might:
z u geringschätzig erscheinen, daß i c h m i c h hier bey gemeinen V e r r i c h t u n g e n , die m a n
n u r der m i t t l e r e n Klasse der Menschen z u überlassen gewohnet ist, etwas umständl i c h aufgehalten u n d diese z u r E m p f e h l u n g der Chemie angebracht h a b e .
28
Since questions of the system of sciences a n d their h i e r a r c h y were of great i m p o r t a n c e at
universities a n d i n learned societies, if o n l y because of their i n s t i t u t i o n a l structure, the connection of c h e m i s t r y w i t h the w o r k s h o p or even the a c t i v i t y of a n apothecary, was to its
p a r t i c u l a r disadvantage i n the academic w o r l d , as l o n g as t h i s c o u l d cause a conflict of
interests between professional ethics a n d aspects of career for the i n d i v i d u a l chemist. T h u s ,
i n a n o b i t u a r y of M a c q u e r i t is i n d i c a t e d h o w far remote a n academic a t t i t u d e a n d a professor's d i g n i t y s t i l l was f r o m p r a c t i c a l w o r k i n a l a b o r a t o r y :
L o r s q u e les progrés des conoissances les [professeurs] ont forces a sortir des écoles
p o u r interroger l a nature dans les laboratoires, ils ont c r u q u ' i l étoit de leur dignité
d ' y paroitre avec leurs robes: ils sesonts réduits, p a r cet appareil, a Timpossibilité d ' y
faire autre chose que d i s c o u r i r .
29
I t is therefore n o t s u r p r i s i n g t h a t the professor of c h e m i s t r y at the J a r d i n d u R o i i n P a r i s ,
a l t h o u g h u s u a l l y treated as equal to the other professors, h a d to be content w i t h the title of
a démonstrateur.
30
E n l i g h t e n e d contemporaries were quite conscious of the s o c i a l i m p l i c a t i o n of the d i v i s i o n
i n t o theory a n d practice. I n his Discours Préliminaire of the Encyclopédie, D ' A l e m b e r t
h a r s h l y judged this social class-judging d i v i s i o n i n t o free a n d m e c h a n i c a l arts a n d b r a n d e d
it as an i n s t r u m e n t of power of the p h y s i c a l l y inferior, intellectual r u l i n g classes.
Denis
D i d e r o t judged s i m i l a r l y on the separation of the arts libéraux f r o m the arts méchaniques.
31
Cette d i s t i n c t i o n , quoique bien fondee, a p r o d u i t u n m a u v a i s effet, en avilissant des
gens tres-estimables et trés-utiles, et en fortifiant en nous je ne sais quelle paresse
naturelle, q u i ne nous portoit deja que t r o p ä croire, que donner une a p p l i c a t i o n
constante et suivie ä des experiences et ä des ob jets particuliers, sensibles et
matériels, c'étoit déroger ä l a dignité de l'esprit h u m a i n ; et que de pratiquer, o u
méme d'étudier les arts méchaniques, c'étoit s'abbasisser ä des choses dont l a
recherche est laborieuse, l a m e d i t a t i o n ignoble, l ' e x p o s i t i o n difficile, le commerce
deshonorant, le n o m b r e inépuisable, et l a v a l e u r m i n u t i e l l e .
32
T h e baffling, almost literal, coincidence of these arguments w i t h those of the debate about
the status a n d r a n k of c h e m i s t r y shows t h a t the e m a n c i p a t i o n of the subject was also p a r t
of the great h i s t o r i c a l process i n w h i c h the new bourgeoisie r e p l a c e d the o l d contemplative
ideal of life b y a new one, w h i c h contained the ideas of progress a n d active f o r m a t i o n of the
w o r l d . I n 1802 H u m p h r y D a v y p u t the chemist's new w a y of seeing himself at the beginn i n g of his c h e m i s t r y lectures at the R o y a l I n s t i t u t i o n :
Science has given to h i m a n acquaintance w i t h the different relations of the parts of
the e x t e r n a l w o r l d ; a n d more t h a n t h a t , i t has bestowed u p o n h i m powers w h i c h m a y
be almost called creative; w h i c h have enabled h i m to m o d i f y a n d change the beings
surrounding h i m , a n d b y his experiments to interrogate nature w i t h power, not s i m p l y
as a scholar, passive a n d seeking o n l y to understand her operations, b u t rather as a
master, active w i t h his o w n i n s t r u m e n t s .
33
I n this context, i t is most remarkable how, since the m i d d l e of the eighteenth century,
c h e m i s t r y h a d carried t h r o u g h the tendency to give u p the sterile a n d restrictive d i s t i n c t i o n
between theory a n d practice a n d replace i t w i t h the modern, s t i l l c o m m o n , d i v i s i o n of the
subject i n t o pure a n d a p p l i e d chemistry, chemia pura a n d chemia applicata.
W h a t at first
sight o n l y seems to be a m i n o r shift of t r e n d , or even a mere battle of words, attentive
contemporaries soon recognized as a carefully constructed re-conception of c h e m i s t r y as a
whole.
A f t e r a l l , i t meant the a b o l i t i o n of the fruitless d i v i s i o n i n t o theoretical science
a n d p r a c t i c a l arts.
F r o m then o n , the k i n d of w o r k , be i t m a n u a l or intellectual, was no
longer to decide the r a n k of the subject, b u t its real r a n k a n d d i g n i t y was to derive solely
f r o m its research aims.
I n pure c h e m i s t r y this points at principles a n d laws of m a t e r i a l phenomena a n d transformations; i n applied c h e m i s t r y i t points at their u t i l i z a t i o n for men's needs.
T h e most
i n t i m a t e connection of chemical t h e o r y a n d e x p e r i m e n t a l practice was, however, imposed
on b o t h areas as a self-evident c o n d i t i o n .
T h e origin a n d descent of this conception can be determined v e r y precisely.
O n 10
A u g u s t 1751 the great Swedish chemist J o h a n n G o t t s c h a l k W a l l e r i u s , a representative of the
best mineralogical-chemical a n d a g r i c u l t u r a l - c h e m i c a l school of thought i n S c a n d i n a v i a ,
wrote the " B r e f o m Chemiens rätta Beskaffenhet, N y t t a och W ä r d e " to a n anonymous
addressee, who h a d i t p r i n t e d i n the same y e a r .
34
H e r e we meet e x p l i c i t l y the new distinc-
t i o n for the first t i m e :
U m eine gründliche K ä n t n i s v o n der Chemie z u erlangen, halt i c h es v o r das bequemste, dieselbe i n die abgesonderte (chemia pura) u n d die ausübende (chemia
applicata) einzuteilen. . . . D i e abgesonderte Chemie ist eine Wissenschaft v o n der
V e r m i s c h u n g u n d d e m Grundstoffe (principiis)
[sie] der Körper. D i e ausübende
Chemie ist eine K u n s t , welche zeiget, wie m a n d u r c h V e r m i s c h u n g oder T e i l u n g der
K ö r p e r verschiedene, bei vielerlei Zufällen i m gemeinen L e v e n nüzliche Stoffe
zubereiten k ö n n e .
35
T h e m o d e l for the n a m i n g was a v o w e d l y mathematics, w h i c h h a d already been f a m i l i a r
w i t h the d i v i s i o n i n t o pure a n d applied m a t h e m a t i c s for some t i m e .
I n the v e r y same
year, 1751, W a l l e r i u s p r o g r a m m a t i c a l l y i n t r o d u c e d the new conception i n m i n u t e detail i n
his dissertation De nexu chemiae cum utilitate reipublicae.
T h r o u g h his t e x t b o o k on
p h y s i c a l chemistry, first w r i t t e n i n Swedish, a n d i n L a t i n a n d G e r m a n translations, i t
decisively influenced the S c a n d i n a v i a n a n d G e r m a n t r a d i t i o n .
W a l l e r i u s modified his
o r i g i n a l ideas i n the textbook insofar as he n o w recognized that, w i t h the help of his new
36
31
38
distinction, not o n l y the o l d d i v i s i o n i n t o t h e o r y a n d practice became untenable, b u t also
the tiresome quarrel about ars a n d scientia h a d come to an end, as applied c h e m i s t r y c o u l d
n o w see itself as a " p r a c t i s i n g science" i n a l l its parts.
D e n n die Theile der angewendeten Chemie b e k o m m e n das Ansehen der W i s s e n schaften oder der ausübenden Wissenschaften, i n d e m sie nach Gründen errichtet
werden, welche die reine Chemie h e r g i e b t .
40
O n this basis W a l l e r i u s created his later, often adopted, sub-division of a p p l i e d c h e m i s t r y
i n t o nine single branches, n a m e l y m e d i c a l chemistry, stone chemistry (Lithurgica), salt
chemistry (Halurgica), fire chemistry (Tejurgica), m e t a l chemistry (Metallurgica),
glass
c h e m i s t r y (Hyalurgica), economic chemistry, colour chemistry (Chromatica) a n d arts or
crafts c h e m i s t r y (Chemia technica sen opificiaria) .
A c c o r d i n g to W a l l e r i u s , each of these
areas of a p p l i c a t i o n s h o u l d be established on the principles of pure c h e m i s t r y as the c o m m o n
" f u n d a m e n t u m , n o r m a atque m a n u d u c t r i x " , a n d each of t h e m was to represent a n independent, self-contained science, c o m p r i s i n g b o t h theoretical a n d p r a c t i c a l aspects.
4 1
4 2
I n a d d i t i o n , t h a n k s to the successful publications of the indefatigable C h r i s t i a n E h r e n fried W e i g e l , the m a n who, as professor of chemistry i n Sweden's Greifswald, p l a y e d the
unique p a r t of a mediator between S c a n d i n a v i a n a n d G e r m a n chemists, W a l l e r i u s ' s conception r a p i d l y made its w a y i n t o G e r m a n t e x t b o o k s .
T h i s was the case i n p a r t i c u l a r ,
when the new generation of textbooks beginning w i t h E r x l e b e n ' s Anfangsgründe
der
Chemie** i n 1775, superceded the older recipe collections or works w h i c h were s u b d i v i d e d b y
chemical operations. T h e new d i v i s i o n i n t o pure a n d applied c h e m i s t r y soon entered
general systems of l e a r n i n g .
- —
43
45
A d m i t t e d l y few authors made such a clear d i s t i n c t i o n i n their terminology as W a l l e r i u s
or W e i g e l d i d . T h e latter h a d specifically pointed out that one s h o u l d ''angewandte oder
besondere Chemie . . . m i t der ausübenden oder practischen n i c h t v e r w e c h s e l n " .
B u t f r o m t h e n on i t was the idea of pure a n d applied science i n W a l l e r i u s ' s sense t h a t f o r m e d
the basis of the t e r m i n o l o g i c a l distinction, a n d n o t the other w a y r o u n d , w h e n pure, p h y s i c a l
or theoretical c h e m i s t r y was s t i l l almost used s y n o n y m o u s l y a n d contrasted w i t h applied,
p r a c t i c a l or e x p e r i m e n t a l chemistry. T h e change of m e a n i n g was to be such a complete one
t h a t since the early nineteenth century the t e r m " p r a c t i c a l c h e m i s t r y " has almost entirely
disappeared f r o m the technical terminology of most languages.
46
T h e r a p i d v i c t o r y leads one to assume that the idea h a d , so to speak, been i n the air for a
l o n g time. W e also find i t , almost simultaneously w i t h W a l l e r i u s ' s Bref of 1751, in
L o m o n o s o v ' s unfinished outline of a teaching course of p h y s i c a l c h e m i s t r y , a n d , i m p l i c i t l y ,
i n Venel's exposition on chemistry i n the Encyclopédie*
I n fact, the d i s t i n c t i o n between
pure a n d a p p l i e d c h e m i s t r y fitted effortlessly i n t o the conception of science of the E n l i g h t e n ment, w h i c h h a d p u t to the fore the aspect of utilité, the c o m m o n usefulness.
B y establishi n g the subject on the f o r m u l a " p u r e a n d a p p l i e d c h e m i s t r y " W a l l e r i u s t i g h t l y j o i n e d the
w a y the discipline saw itself to the great a n d f o r w a r d - l o o k i n g trends of his t i m e , the p h i l o sophical r a t i o n a l i s m a n d scientism of the E n l i g h t e n m e n t as w e l l as to the p r o g r a m m e of
general usefulness w h i c h was to c u l m i n a t e i n u t i l i t a r i a n i s m .
T h e u t i l i t a r i a n argument
formed the image of c h e m i s t r y i n the eighteenth century to such a n extent t h a t since
Boerhaave's Elementa Chemiae
of 1732, always quoted as a shining example of this,
scarcely one textbook of chemistry a n d h a r d l y one chemical periodical came f r o m the press
w i t h o u t r e c o m m e n d i n g itself to the reader w i t h the argument of the subject's usefulness.
E v e n eighteenth-century definitions of c h e m i s t r y regularly i n c l u d e d this aspect in the
characterization of their subject.
47
8
49
50
51
I t is also noticeable h o w strongly, p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the l i n k i n g of chemistry to general usefulness, the subject's connections w i t h cameralistics [Kameralwissenschaft] a n d economics
gained acceptance.
T h i s aspect of the h i s t o r y of c h e m i s t r y has been quite w r o n g f u l l y
neglected. J o h a n n J o a c h i m Becher, the i n t e l l e c t u a l ancestor of phlogiston t h e o r y in the
seventeenth century, h a d already been b o t h a chemist a n d a p o l i t i c a l economist. G e o r g
E r n s t S t a h l , the great theorist of chemistry, h a d simultaneously prepared the w a y to
a p p l i c a t i o n w i t h i m p o r t a n t s t a n d a r d works of m e t a l l u r g y a n d technology of fermentation
(Zymotechnia).
I n this t r a d i t i o n the followers of S t a h l increasingly incorporated c h e m i s t r y
together w i t h the a g r i c u l t u r a l reform movement, a n d w i t h technology (in B e c k m a n n ' s
sense) i n t o the economic p r o g r a m m e of the m o d e r n state. I n relation to the increase a n d
i m p r o v e m e n t of the country's products a n d to the t a p p i n g of new sources of r a w m a t e r i a l ,
c h e m i s t r y promised economically i m p o r t a n t contributions to the increase of p r o d u c t i v i t y
a n d the raising of p u b l i c f u n d s .
T h e m i n i n g i n d u s t r y i n G e r m a n a n d S c a n d i n a v i a n coal
a n d steel areas, the b i g F r e n c h state monopolies like the p r o d u c t i o n of saltpetre a n d porcel a i n a n d , last b u t not least, the a g r i c u l t u r a l societies w h i c h were established everywhere on
the Continent based on the B r i t i s h m o d e l i n the second half of the eighteenth century, h a d
a n influence on this p a r t i c u l a r attitude towards chemistry t h a t should not be underestimated.
I t is remarkable t h a t later on economic theorists a n d reformers often assigned
c h e m i s t r y to the u n i v e r s i t y subject of economics, after this connection h a d already been
realized i n seventeenth-century Sweden, the c o u n t r y of origin of c h e m i c a l m i n e r a l o g y a n d
a g r i c u l t u r a l chemistry, i n S t o c k h o l m ' s Bergskollegium.
F o l l o w i n g this example the
universities of U p p s a l a (1750), L u n d (1758) a n d A b o (1761) h a d affiliated their new chairs
of chemistry to economics, not to medicine, as was u s u a l elsewhere.
I n G e r m a n y , too,
such chairs of chemistry were established w i t h i n n e w l y created cameralist faculties (Gießen
1777, L a u t e r n / H e i d e l b e r g 1774, M a i n z 1785) or i n independent economic institutes ( R i n t e l n
a n d M a r b u r g 1789).
53
54
55
N o t least must this i n s t i t u t i o n a l development be seen as a consequence of t h a t revaluat i o n of the subject, after w h i c h practice was no longer considered as l o w w o r k , b u t a n
application w h i c h i m m e d i a t e l y c o n t r i b u t e d to general usefulness as the highest social a i m .
I n t h i s w a y i t became possible to declare the subject's innate utilitas to be the v e r y proof
a n d measure of its academic nobilitas, as H i e r o n y m u s D a v i d G a u b i u s h a d already resolutely
done i n his Oratio inauguralis,
of 1731.
56
qua ostenditur, Chemiam artibus academicis jure esse inserendam
I t is obvious t h a t such a n a t t i t u d e of m i n d meant t h a t p u r e l y speculative
c u r i o s i t y r e m a i n e d suspicious.
N o u s convenons au contraire que l a perfection des A r t s , l a découverte de n o u v e a u x
objets de manufacture et de commerce sont, sans coñtredit, ce q u ' i l y a de plus beau,
de plus interessant dans l a C h y m i e , et ce q u i l a r e n d v r a i m e n t estimable.
Que
seroit-elle en effet sans cela? s i ce n'est une science purement théorique, capable
d'occuper seulement quelques esprits abstraits et spéculatifs, mais oiseuse et i n u t i l e
a l a société.
57
I t w o u l d therefore seem to be i n line w i t h the conclusions being presented i n this paper
t h a t i n 1803, at the just refounded E s t o n i a n U n i v e r s i t y of D o r p a t , the first chair of "theoretical a n d a p p l i e d c h e m i s t r y " was established i n the P h i l o s o p h i c a l F a c u l t y , a n d the n e w l y
appointed professor, A l e x a n d e r N i k o l a u s Scherer, addressed his i n a u g u r a l lecture to the
question In welchem Verhältnisse stehen Theorie und Praxis der Chemie gegeneinander ?
H i s answer was t h a t the opposition between theory a n d practice c o u l d n o t exist for the
chemist, because theory i n its true sense was the embodiment of practice; a n y so-called
theory w h i c h d i d not a p p l y to practice was " n i c h t Theorie, sondern ein H i r n g e s p i n s t " .
Scherer, who h a d managed a stoneware factory near P o t s d a m t i l l the beginning of h i s
b%
59
academic teaching, concluded t h a t i t w o u l d not be u n t i l the c o n t r a r y view merged i n t o the
synthesis of a science a p p l i e d to the right end t h a t one w o u l d get a w a y f r o m :
dem V o r u r t h e i l e , welches bisher alle Theorie gegen sich erweckte, daß sie den
höchsten Zweck alles menschlichen Wissens, Gemeinnützigkeit u n d A n w e n d b a r k e i t
aufs menschliche L e b e n , vereitele.
60
E v i d e n c e like these p r o g r a m m a t i c a l words of Scherer can be taken as a n expression of
the intellectual i d e n t i t y or the conscious self-representation of a discipline. B u t this
obviously illuminates o n l y one aspect of the historical process. T h e h i s t o r i a n is s t i l l called
u p o n to confront such claims w i t h h i s t o r i c a l reality. F o r us, however, such utterances
r e m a i n invaluable indicators of the spirit of an age, a n d of the mentalities a n d motives of its
contemporaries, a n d should therefore be t a k e n i n t o the historical account even if t h e y were
mere intentions w i t h o n l y l i m i t e d i m m e d i a t e p r a c t i c a l consequences. F o r , a d m i t t e d l y , at
least i n the development of science, consciousness must be counted as a d r i v i n g force i n
history.
I n t h i s context, the sources cited w i l l have m a d e clear t h a t chemistry of the eighteenth
century, i n its a t t e m p t to achieve support a n d acknowledgment as a scientific, academic
discipline, was forced to see that the t r a d i t i o n a l d i s t i n c t i o n between theory a n d practice
was an i n c r i m i n a t i n g heritage.
I n 1751, when i t was for the first t i m e e x p l i c i t l y replaced b y
the d i v i s i o n of the subject into pure a n d applied c h e m i s t r y as a s y m p t o m of a new understanding of science, chemistry was able to reduce its o w n aims a n d its p u b l i c image to a
c o m m o n denominator w i t h the spirit of the E n l i g h t e n m e n t i n terms of uUlitas.
T h i s reorientation, w h i c h was expressed i n the terminological change f r o m theoretical a n d p r a c t i c a l
chemistry to pure a n d applied chemistry, has no doubt c o n t r i b u t e d to the fact t h a t at the
end of the eighteenth century, chemistry enjoyed a w i d e p o p u l a r i t y a n d received such a
r a p i d , fresh impetus t h a t at last i t even acquired the attribute of being the favoured science
of its t i m e .
6 1
REFERENCES
I.
Schipperges has s h o w n t h a t the d i s t i n c t i o n was a general, h i s t o r i c a l l y almost i n v a r i a n t t h e m e for
older medicine.
Sudhoffs Archiv,
See H e i n r i c h Schipperges, " D i e arabische M e d i z i n als P r a x i s u n d als T h e o r i e " ,
43
(1959), 3 1 7 - 2 8 ; idem, " Z u m T o p o s v o n 'ratio et e x p e r i m e n t u m ' i n d e r älteren
Wissenschaftsgeschichte", i n : Fachprosa-Studien.
Geistesgeschichte,
2.
Beiträge zur mittelalterlichen
Wissenschafts-
und
ed. b y G u n d o l f K e i l , B e r l i n , 1982, p p . 25-36.
See N i c h o l a s L o b k o w i c z , Theory and Practice.
History of a concept from Aristotle
to Marx,
Notre
D a m e , L o n d o n , 1967; a n d for the t e r m i n o l o g i c a l - h i s t o r i c a l aspect L u t z Geldsetzer, ' " S c i e n c e ' i m
französischen S p r a c h u n d D e n k r a u m " , i n : Der Wissenschaftsbegriff.
Untersuchungen,
Historische
und
systematische
ed. b y A l w i n D i e m e r (Studien z u r Wissenschaftstheorie, 4) M e i s e n h e i m , 1970,
p p . 76-89.
3.
See also examples i n E b e r h a r d S c h m a u d e r e r [ed.], Der Chemiker im Wandel der Zeiten.
geschichtlichen
4.
Entwicklung
des Berufsbildes,
J o a n n e s B e g u i n u s , Tyrocinium
Chymicum,
Skizzen
zur
W e i n h e i m , 1973.
c o m m e n t a r i o i l l u s t r a t u m a G e r a r d o B l a s i o , 2 n d ed.,
A m s t e r d a m (1669), p . 2, w i t h t h e editor's footnote: " C u m experientia practicae v e r i t a t e m theoriae
corroboret, unice v e r u m C h y m i a t r i a e s t u d i o s u m eo a l l a b o r a n d u m esse censemus, u t m a n u a l i
experientiae n o c t u d i u q u e i n c u m b a t , q u o t a n d e m d u l c i s s i m a hujus artis u s u r a frui p o s s i t " .
5.
See M a r i e Boas, Robert Boyle and Seventeenth-Century
a n d m o r e recently E l i s a b e t h Ströker, Theoriewandel
Jahrhundert,
F r a n k f u r t / M a i n , 1982, p p . 33-42.
Chemistry, C a m b r i d g e , 1958, esp. p p . 2 0 5 - 8 ,
in der Wissenschaftsgeschichte.
Chemie im 18.
6.
P r e v i o u s l y H e r m a n n B o e r h a a v e , Sermo
academicus
de chemia
1718, p . 12 a n d also [ G a b r i e l F r a n c i s V enel] Chymie,
suos errores
i n : Encyclopédie
sciences, des arts et des metiers, T o m e I (Paris 1751), p p . 435-436.
expurgante,
ou dictionnaire
Leiden,
raisonné
des
F o r further reference c o m p a r e
also J o s t W e y e r , Chemiegeschichtsschreibung
von Wiegleb
S c i e n t i a r u m , R e i h e A , 3) H i l d e s h e i m , 1974,
while t he M a r x i s t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of the h i s t o r y of
c h e m i s t r y w o u l d keep to the d o g m a t i c - s y s t e m a t i c
(1790) bis Partington
(1970).
(Arbor
separation of t h e o r y a n d practice, as
does
W i l h e l m S t r u b e , Die Chemie und ihre Geschichte ( F o r s c h u n g e n z u r Wirtschaftsgeschichte, 5) B e r l i n ,
1974, a n d idem, Der historische
7.
Weg der Chemie,
V o l . I-II, L e i p z i g , 1976-1981.
F o r parallels i n medicine, see R i c h a r d T o e l l n e r , " M e d i c i n a T h e o r e t i c a — M e d i c i n a P r a c t i c a .
P r o b l e m des Verhältnisses v o n T h e o r i e u n d P r a x i s i n der M e d i z i n des 17. u n d 18.
i n : Theoria
cum Praxi.
A k t e n des I I I .
Zum
Verhältnis
von Theorie
und Praxis
im
17. und
18.
I n t e r n a t i o n a l e n Leibnizkongresses, H a n n o v e r 1977, V o l . I V :
Des
Jahrhunderts",
Jahrhundert.
Naturwissenschaft,
T e c h n i k , M e d i z i n , M a t h e m a t i k (Studia L e i b n i t i a n a S u p p l e m e n t a , X X I I ) W i e s b a d e n , 1982, p p . 6 9 738.
M i c h a e l L o m o n o s s o w , Elementa
L o m o n o s s o w , Ausgewählte
9.
chimiae
Schriften,
[Pierre Joseph] M a c q u e r , Dictionnaire
2iéme ed., T o m e I, P a r i s , 1778,
mathematicae
(1741), G e r m a n i n : M i c h a i l W a s s i l j e w i t s c h
V o l . I : Naturwissenschaften, B e r l i n 1961, p . 70.
de Chymie,
contenant la théorie et la pratique
pp. X X X V - X X X V I :
de cette science,
" L a théorie ne p e u t étre utile q u ' a u t a n t
qu'elle n a i t des experiences deja faites, ou qu'elle nous m o n t r e Celles q u i sont ä faire; c a r le raisonnem e n t est en quelque sorte l'organe de l a v u e d u P h y s i c i e n , mais l'expérience est son t o u c h e r ; et ce
dernier sens d o i t c o n s t a m m e n t rectifier chez l u i les erreurs auxquelles le p r e m i e r n'est q u e t r o p
sujet.
S i l'expérience q u i n'est p o i n t dirigée p a r l a théorie est toujours u n t á t o n n e m e n t aveugle, l a
théorie sans l'expérience n'est jamais q u ' u n c o u p d'oeil t r o m p e u r et m a l assure; aussi est-il c e r t a i n
que les p l u s i m p o r t a n t e s découvertes
que l ' o n ait faites dans l a C h y m i e , ne sont dues q u ' a l a
r e u n i o n de ees d e u x grands secours".
10.
C o m p a r e J o h a n n Bartholomäus
T r o m m s d o r f f , Versuch
einer allgemeinen
Geschichte
der
Chemie,
E r f u r t , 1806, p a r t I I I , p p . 134-146, a n d especially Ströker (1982, see note 5), p p . 253-98.
11.
K a n t ' s Metaphysische
Anfangsgründe
the second e d i t i o n of Kritik
der Naturwissenschaft
der reinen Vernunft
(1786) i n p a r t i c u l a r a n d the preface t o
(1787) h a v e s t r o n g l y influenced chemists' t h i n k i n g ,
as i n the case of J e r e m i a s B e n j a m i n R i c h t e r a n d especially F r i e d r i c h A l b r e c h t C a r l G r e n .
12.
[Pierre Joseph] M a c q u e r , Ehmens
Pratique,
contenant la description
de Chymie
Théorique,
P a r i s , 1749;
des operations fundamentales
idem,
de la Chymie,
Élemens
de
Chymie
T o m e I-II, Paris,
1751.
D e s p i t e t h e i r titles b o t h w o r k s are m o r e concerned w i t h facts t h a n theories.
13.
M a c q u e r (1749, see note 12), p p .
14.
M a c q u e r (1751, see note 12), I, A v a n t - p r o p o s .
15.
A n t o n R i d i g e r , Systematische
Chymie,
L e i p z i g 1756,
Scheidekunst,
16.
1-2.
Anleitung
zur reinen
und
überhaupt
applicirten
p. 26; see also C h r i s t i a n E h r e n f r i e d W e i g e l , Einleitung
oder
allgemeinen
zur
allgemeinen
V o l . I—III, L e i p z i g , 1788-1793, I, p . 92.
D a n i e l Sennert, De Chymicorum
cum Aristotelicis
et Galenicis
consensu ac dissensu
(1619), i n : Opera,
V o l . I, L y o n , 1656, p p . 181-2.
17.
I m m a n u e l K a n t , Metaphysische
Anfangsgründe
der Naturwissenschaft,
R i g a , 1786, V o r r e d e , p. X ,
i n : Werke, ed. b y W i l h e l m W e i s c h e d e l , V o l . 8, D a r m s t a d t , 1975, p . 15.
18.
C h r i s t o p h M e i n e l , " D e p r a e s t a n t i a et utilitate C h e m i a e .
i m Spiegel ihres p r o g r a m m a t i s c h e n S c h r i f t t u m s " , Sudhoffs
19.
21.
Archiv,
65
(1981), 366-89.
T h i s a i m w h i c h exists i n a l l these p r o g r a m m e s a n d especially i n c h e m i s t r y textbooks is p a r t i c u l a r l y
clear i n V e n e l ' s c o n t r i b u t i o n " C h y m i e " to the Encyclopédie
20.
Selbstdarstellung einer j u n g e n D i s z i p l i n
(see note 6).
B o e r h a a v e (1718, see note 6), p . 2.
H i e r o n y m u s D a v i d G a u b i u s , Oratio inauguralis,
qua ostenditur,
esse inserendam,
L e i d e n , 1731,
22.
Ibid., p . 13.
23.
24.
M a c q u e r (1778, see note 9), I, s.v. C h y m i e , p . 373.
25.
V e n e l (1751, see note 6), p . 408.
26.
Ibid., p . 419.
27.
J o h a n n C h r i s t i a n Z i m m e r m a n n , Allgemeine
chemiam
artibus academicis
jure
p . 7.
Ibid., p . 13.
D r e s d e n , 1755-6, I, p . 2.
Grundsätze
der theoretisch-practischen
Chemie, V o l . I - I I ,
28.
J o h a n G e o r g M e n n , Rede von der Notwendigkeit
29.
F . V i c q D ' A z y r , " E l o g e de M a c q u e r " , i n : Éloges lus dans les séances publiques
Médecine,
30.
der Chemie,
Köln,
1777.
de la Société Royale de
5 (1785), 45.
J e a n - P a u l C o n t a n t , L'enseignement
de la chimie au Jardín
Royal des Plantes
de Paris,
Cahors, 1952,
pp. 42-4.
31.
" D i s c o u r s p r e l i m i n a i r e des E d i t e u r s " , i n : Encyclopédie
32.
[Denis D i d e r o t ] , " A r t " , i n : ibid., p .
33.
(1751, see note 6), I, p . X I I I .
714.
H u m p h r y D a v y , A discourse introductory
to a course of lectures on chemistry, delivered i n the theatre
of the R o y a l I n s t i t u t i o n o n the 21st of J a n u a r y 1802, i n : The collected works of Sir Humphry
Davy,
ed. b y J o h n D a v y , V o l . II, L o n d o n , 1839, p . 319.
34.
J o h a n n G o t t s c h a l k W a l l e r i u s , Bref
öfwersändt,
35.
om Chemiens
rätta Beskaffenhet,
och War de, t i l N . N .
1751.
Ibid., p p . 3 - 4 ; here t a k e n f r o m a n a p p a r e n t l y u n a u t h o r i s e d a n d n o t v e r y reliable t r a n s l a t i o n " V o n
der C h e m i e " , Monatliche
61-95, 2
Beiträge
ed. b y J o a n D a n i e l D e n s o , B e r l i n , 1 (1752),
zur Naturkunde,
(1752), 161-76; here p . 64.
Different, however,
i n the o r i g i n a l : "Chemia
W e t t e n s k a p o m k r o p p a r n a s b l a n d n i n g , theras p r i n c i p i e r o c h
36.
Nytta
o c h af h o n o m t i l T r y c k e t befordradt, S t o c k h o l m , U p p s a l a ,
pura
är en
grundämnen".
T h e o r i g i n of this d i s t i n c t i o n i n the m a t h e m a t i c a l sciences has n o t been d e t e r m i n e d , b u t there also
the d i v i s i o n i n t o speculative-theoretical
or p r a c t i c a l m a t h e m a t i c s seems to h a v e been the u s u a l
case, as i n [Jacques] O z a n a m , Dictionnaire
Mathématique,
A m s t e r d a m , 1691, p . 2: " L a speculative
ou théorique s'arréte s i m p l e m e n t ä l a conoissance d ' u n e chose.
executer une chose".
L a t e r the contrast between Mathématica
L a p r a t i q u e enseigne ä faire et á
pura ("quae q u a n t i t a t e m
c o n s i d e r a t a m tractat, p r o u t a m a t e r i a a b s t r a h i t u r " ) a n d Mathematica
mixta
absolute
( " i n q u i b u s praeter
c o n s i d e r a t i o n e m q u a n t i t a t i s . . . e t i a m s u b j e c t u m , c u i inest, c o n n o t a t u r " ) , takes over, as i n J o h a n n e s
W a l l i s , Mathesis
Encyclopédie,
Universalis
(1657),
m
Opera Mathematica,
:
V o l . I, O x f o r d , 1695,
T o m e X , N e u c h a t e l , 1765, p p . 188-9, s.v. Mathématique.
a b l y gave e q u a l weight to all four categories, b y t r a n s l a t i n g Mathesis
angebrachte
Mathematick"
(Christian W o l f f
[ed.], Mathematisches
a n c
* still i n the
Christian Wolff remarkimpura
Lexicon,
sive mixta b y
"die
L e i p z i g , 1716,
col.
866-9), while the later revision of this l e x i c o n c l e a r l y f a v o u r e d the d i v i s i o n i n t o " M a t h e s i s p u r a sive
s i m p l e x — M a t h e s i s i m p u r a v e l m i x t a , die angebrachte M a t h e m a t i c k " i n the place of the d i s t i n c t i o n
between
theoretical a n d p r a c t i c a l m a t h e m a t i c s
L e i p z i g : G l e d i t s c h , 1734, col. 811-15).
(Vollständiges
Mathematisches
Lexicon,
part
I,
H e r e also a s i m i l a r r e - o r i e n t a t i o n takes places as i n c h e m -
i s t r y so t h a t i n the e n d G e o r g S i m o n Klügel,
Mathematisches
Worterbuch,
1.
Abtlg., Vol. I l l ,
L e i p z i g , 1808, s.v. M a t h e m a t i k , o n l y k n e w the d i s t i n c t i o n between p u r e a n d a p p l i e d categories.
37.
L a u r e n t i u s H i o r t z b e r g , Dissertatio
chemica de nexu chemiae cum utilitate röipublicae,
Gottschalk Wallerius, Stockholm,
38.
J o h a n n G o t t s c h a l k W a l l e r i u s , Chemia
physica
D e l I—II, V o l . I - V , S t o c k h o l m 1759-1768.
authors of textbooks,
praes. J o h a n n
1751.
. . . förestellande
chemiens
natur o c h
beskaffenhet,
I n the case of W a l l e r i u s a n d n u m e r o u s
subsequent
the t e r m " p h y s i c a l c h e m i s t r y " c o n t a i n e d a clear d e m a r c a t i o n f r o m the
medical-pharmaceutical tradition i n chemistry.
39.
See esp. T o r b e r n B e r g m a n , Anleitung
Chemie und die allgemeinsten
zur Vorlesungen
Verschiedenheiten
über die Beschaffenheit
natürlicher
Korper,
und den Nutzen
L e i p z i g , 1770, 2 n d . ed., S t o c k h o l m , L e i p z i g , 1779; a n d idem, An essay on the usefulness of
and its application
London,
40.
to the various
occasions
der
f r o m the Swedish, S t o c k h o l m ,
chemistry
of life, transí, f r o m the G e r m a n b y J e r e m y B e n t h a m ,
1784.
J o h a n n Gottschalk
W a l l e r i u s , Physische
Chemie,
welche von der Natur
und
Beschaffenheit
der
Chemie . . . handelt, f r o m the L a t i n b y C h r i s t i a n A n d r e a s M a n g o l d , Schleusingen, 1772, p . 15.
41.
Ibid., p p . 3-11,
42.
H i o r t z b e r g / W a l l e r i u s (1751, see note 37), p . 7.
a n d also i n W a l l e r i u s (1751, see note 34), p p .
43.
C o m p a r e i n p a r t i c u l a r C h r i s t i a n E h r e n f r i e d W e i g e l , Grundriß
V o l . I—II, Greifswald, 1777,
der allgemeinen
theoretischen
Chemie,
Chemie,
V o l . I-II,
Berlin, Stettin,
V o l . I, F r a n k f u r t / M a i n , 1817,
J o h a n n C h r i s t i a n P o l y k a r p E r x l e b e n , Anfangsgründe
C o m p a r e J o h a n n J o a c h i m E s c h e n b u r g , Lehrbuch
Berlin, Stettin,
1792,
1781,
Chemie,
Handbuch
u p to L e o p o l d G m e l i n , Handbuch
der
p p . 3-4.
45.
Vorlesungen,
der reinen und angewandten
to w h i c h reference was m a d e b y J o h a n n C h r i s t i a n W i e g l e b ,
44.
pädischer
7-28.
der Chemie,
Göttingen,
der Wissenschaftskunde.
§ 56, p p . 212-213.
1775.
Ein
GrindriQ
A n anonymously
encyklopublished
Handbuch
der gemeinnützigen
Chemie bei verschiedenen
chymischen
Arbeiten,
L e i p z i g , 1785,
divides
c h e m i s t r y w i t h o u t hesitation i n t o learned a n d useful (pp. 4-5).
46.
W e i g e l (1788, see note 15), I, p . 98.
André-Marie A m p e r e , Essai
47.
N o systematic d i s t i n c t i o n between these areas was m a d e before
sur la Philosophie
M i c h a e l L o m o n o s s o w , Prodromus
des sciences, Paris, 1834.
ad veram chimiam
physicam
(1752-1754), G e r m a n i n : L o m o n o s -
sow (1961, see note 8), p p . 199-237.
4
48.
V e n e l (1751, see note 6), p p . 408-37.
49.
Geldsetzer (1970, see note 2), p . 83.
50.
See also K a r l H u f b a u e r , The Formation
of the German Chemical
Community,
B e r k e l e y , L o s Angeles,
L o n d o n , 1982, p p . 13-29.
9
51.
H e r m a n n B o e r h a a v e , Elementa
52.
H e i n r i c h J a n t z e n , Johann
chemiae,
L e i p z i g , 1732, w i t h elaborate e x p l a n a t i o n of the useful-
ness of c h e m i s t r y i n medicine a n d the m e c h a n i c a l arts (pp. 80-115).
thesis, K ö l n ,
53.
Joachim
Becher als theoretischer
und praktischer
Privatökonom,
Ph.D.
1925.
F o r the cameralist p r o g r a m m e of c h e m i s t r y i n the 18th c e n t u r y , see especially C h r i s t i a n E h r e n f r i e d
W e i g e l , Vom Nutzen
der Chemie insbesondere
in Absicht
auf Pommern
betrachtet, G r e i f s w a l d ,
1774,
p p . 2 0 - 2 1 : " W e n n n u n die M a c h t , der R e i c h t h u m u n d der W o l s t a n d eines Staats n a c h der M e n g e
der begüterten
E i n w o h n e r desselben geschätzt w e r d e n darf, w e n n sich selbige auf die
häufigere
E r z i e l u n g , bessere V e r a r b e i t u n g u n d einen stärkern A b s a t z der L a n d e s p r o d u c t e , auf die daraus
erwachsende
einträgliche
Beschäftigung
mehrerer E i n w o h n e r , auf einen stärkern
Umlauf
des
Geldes, auf die V e r b r e i t u n g u n d A u f n a h m e des H a n d e l s , auf das U e b e r g e w i c h t der ausgehenden
W a a r e n gegen die e i n k o m m e n d e n gründen, die C h e m i e aber, wie i c h es n u n k u r z erwiesen habe, z u
E r r e i c h u n g dieser V o r t h e i l e i n m a n c h e r A b s i c h t sehr wol a n g e w a n d t werden k a n n , j a n o t h w e n d i g
erfordert w i r d , so m u ß ein jeder P a t r i o t i s c h e r Bürger wünschen, daß sie hier m e h r geachter, m e h r
getrieben, m e h r z u r V e r e d l u n g unsrer L a n d e s p r o d u c t e angewandt werden m ö g e " .
i n C h r i s t i a n E h r e n f r i e d W e i g e l , Der Einfluß
schwedischen
zum Behuf
Pommerns,
Greifswald, 1775;
des bürgerlichen
P i c k e l ] , Von dem Nutzen
Künste
54.
Kenntnisse
S i m i l a r l y also
in die Oekonomie,
G[eorg] A[dolf] Suckow,
Lebens und der Oekonomie,
und Einfluß
und Wissenschaften,
chemischer
besonders
Von dem Nuzzen
M a n n h e i m , L a u t e r n , 1775;
verschiedene
1785.
F o r a recent s t u d y of s u c h influences see Charles C o u l s t o n Gillispie, Science and Polity
the end of the Old Regime,
des
Chymie
[Johann Georg
der Chemie auf das Wohl eines Staats und auf
Würzburg,
der
P r i n c e t o n , N . J . , 1980, esp. p p . 50-73, 368-87, 391-413.
in France
at
T h e similarity
i n the p a t t e r n of i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n a n d the m u t u a l s u p p o r t of c h e m i s t r y a n d economics are
evident f r o m the still v a l u a b l e W i l h e l m Stieda, Die Nationalökonomie
A b h a n d l u n g e n der K g l .
55.
See H u g o Olsson, Kemiens
als
Universitätswissenschaft,
Sachs. Ges. der Wissenschaften, phil.-hist. Klasse, 25
(1906), N o . 2.
historia i Sverige intill är 1800 ( L y c h n o s B i b l i o t e k , 17:4) U p p s a l a ,
1971,
pp. 40-51.
56.
G a u b i u s (1731, see note 21), p . 10.
57.
M a c q u e r (1778, see note 9), I I , p p . 4 8 8 - 9 , s.v. L a b o r a t o i r e de c h y m i e ; see also P i e t r o M o s c a t i ,
Discorso
académico
dei vantaggi
delta educazione
p . 35: " L ' i m p o s t o r e fraudulento si c o n t e n t a
filosófica
del
nello studio delta chimica,
mirabile, l'ozioso c o n t e m p l a t o r e
M i l a n o , 1784,
*
della sterile
curiositä, i l filosofo e b u o n c i t t a d i n o n o n dee cercare che l'utile ed i l v e r o " .
58.
A l e x a n d e r N i c o l a u s Scherer, In welchem Verhätnisse
stehen Theorie
und Praxis
der Chemie
gegenein-
ander ?, D o r p a t , 1803.
59.
61.
Ibid., p . 14.
60.
*
Ibid., p . 16.
See also K a r l H u f b a u e r , " S o c i a l S u p p o r t for C h e m i s t r y i n G e r m a n y d u r i n g the E i g h t e e n t h C e n t u r y :
H o w a n d w h y d i d i t c h a n g e ? " , Hist.
note 50), p . 29.
Stud. Phys.
Sei., 3 (1971), 2 0 5 - 3 1 ; a n d H u f b a u e r (1982, see