- Archaeopress

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The Archaeology of
the Kurdistan Region
of Iraq and Adjacent
Regions
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Edited by
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Konstantinos Kopanias and
John MacGinnis
Archaeopress Archaeology
Copyright Archaeopress and the authors 2016
Archaeopress Publishing Ltd
Gordon House
276 Banbury Road
Oxford OX2 7ED
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www.archaeopress.com
ISBN 978 1 78491 393 9
ISBN 978 1 78491 394 6 (e-Pdf)
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© Archaeopress and the authors 2016
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Cover illustration: Erbil Citadel, photo Jack Pascal
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, in any form or
by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise,
without the prior written permission of the copyright owners.
Printed in England by Holywell Press, Oxford
This book is available direct from Archaeopress or from our website www.archaeopress.com
Copyright Archaeopress and the authors 2016
Contents
List of Figures and Tables.........................................................................................................................iv
Authors’ details...................................................................................................................................... xii
Preface.................................................................................................................................................. xvii
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Archaeological investigations on the Citadel of Erbil: Background, Framework and Results.............. 1
Dara Al Yaqoobi, Abdullah Khorsheed Khader, Sangar Mohammed,
Saber Hassan Hussein, Mary Shepperson and John MacGinnis
The site of Bazyan: historical and archaeological investigations......................................................... 11
Narmin Amin Ali and Vincent Deroche
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Short notes on Chalcolithic pottery research: The pottery sequences of Tell Nader (Erbil)
and Ashur (Qal’at Sherqat)............................................................................................................. 19
Claudia Beuger
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New Evidence of Paleolithic Occupation in the Western Zagros foothills: Preliminary report
of cave and rockshelter survey in the Sar Qaleh Plain in the West of Kermanshah Province,
Iran.................................................................................................................................................. 29
Fereidoun Biglari and Sonia Shidrang
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Activities of Sapienza-University of Rome in Iraqi Kurdistan: Erbil, Sulaimaniyah and Duhok.......... 49
Carlo Giovanni Cereti and Luca Colliva
The Achaemenid Period Occupation at Tell ed-Daim in Iraqi Kurdistan............................................. 57
John Curtis and Farouk al-Rawi
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‘Inscription D’ from Sennacherib’s Aqueduct At Jerwān: Further Data and Insights.......................... 65
Frederick Mario Fales and Roswitha Del Fabbro
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The Land of Nineveh Archaeological Project: A Preliminary Overview on the Pottery and
Settlement Patterns of the 3rd Millennium BC in the Northern Region of Iraqi Kurdistan.......... 75
Katia Gavagnin
Animal husbandry and other human-animal interactions in Late Ubaid-Early Uruk
northern Iraq: the faunal remains from the 2012 excavation season at Tell Nader...................... 87
Angelos Hadjikoumis
Hawsh-Kori and Char-Ghapi: Why the Sassanids built two monuments in the west of
Kermanshah and the south of Iraqi Kurdistan............................................................................. 101
Ali Hozhabri
Across millennia of occupation: the Land of Nineveh Archaeological project in
Iraqi Kurdistan: The prehistory and protohistory of the Upper Tigris rediscovered................... 125
Marco Iamoni
The Iraqi Institute: Education for Archaeological Research and Conservation................................. 135
Jessica Johnson, Abdullah Khorsheed and Brian Michael Lione
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Two seasons of excavations at Kunara (Upper Tanjaro): An Early and Middle Bronze Age city....... 139
Christine Kepinski and Aline Tenu
Excavations of the Chalcolithic Occupations at Salat Tepe on the Upper Tigris,
Southeastern Anatolia.................................................................................................................. 147
Tatsundo Koizumi, Minoru Yoneda, Shigeru Itoh and Koichi Kobayashi
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Insights into the settlement history of Iraqi Kurdistan from the Upper Greater Zab
Archaeological Reconnaissance Project....................................................................................... 163
Rafał Koliński
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Two Ottoman Trade Buildings (Qaisariya) in the Bazaar of Erbil from Building Archaeology
to Refurbishment Planning........................................................................................................... 173
Dietmar Kurapkat
Ninevite 5 – culture or regional pottery style?.................................................................................. 181
Dorota Ławecka
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Back to the Land of Muṣaṣir/Ardini: Preliminary report on fieldwork (2005-2012)......................... 189
Dlshad Marf
New Researches on the Assyrian Heartland: The Bash Tapa Excavation Project.............................. 201
Lionel Marti and Christophe Nicolle
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Materials from French Excavations in Erbil Area (2011-2013): Qasr Shemamok.............................. 209
Maria Grazia Masetti-Rouault and Ilaria Calini
Current Investigations into the Early Neolithic of the Zagros Foothills of Iraqi Kurdistan............... 219
Roger Matthews, Wendy Matthews and Kamal Rasheed Raheem
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About Bakr Awa.................................................................................................................................. 229
Peter A. Miglus
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Magnetic investigations in the Shahrizor Plain: Revealing the unseen in survey prospections....... 241
Simone Mühl and Jörg Fassbinder
The Bazaar of Erbil within the Context of Islamic Trade Routes and Trade Buildings....................... 249
Martina Müller-Wiener and Anne Mollenhauer
Halaf Settlement in the Iraqi Kurdistan: the Shahrizor Survey Project............................................. 257
Olivier Nieuwenhuyse, Takahiro Odaka and Simone Mühl
Contextualizing Arbīl: Medieval urbanism in Adiabene.................................................................... 267
Karel Nováček
Filling the Gap: The Upper Tigris Region from the Fall of Nineveh to the Sasanians.
Archaeological and Historical Overview Through the Data of the Land of
Nineveh Archaeological Project.................................................................................................... 277
Rocco Palermo
Satu Qala: an Assessment of the Stratigraphy of the Site................................................................. 297
Cinzia Pappi
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Helawa: A New Northern Ubaid/Late Chalcolithic Site in the Erbil Plain......................................... 309
Luca Peyronel, Agnese Vacca and Gioia Zenoni
From the banks of the Upper Tigris River to the Zagros Highlands. The first season (2013)
of the Tübingen Eastern Ḫabur Archaeological Survey................................................................ 323
Peter Pfälzner and Paola Sconzo
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Gre Amer, Batman, on the Upper Tigris: A Rescue Project in the Ilısu Dam Reservoir
in Turkey........................................................................................................................................ 333
Gül Pulhan and Stuart Blaylock
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In the Neo-Assyrian Border March of the Palace Herald: Geophysical Survey and Salvage
Excavations at Gird-i Bazar and Qalat-i Dinka (Peshdar Plain Project 2015)............................... 353
Karen Radner, Andrei Ašandulesei, Jörg Fassbinder, Tina Greenfield, Jean-Jacques Herr,
Janoscha Kreppner and Andrea Squitieri
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New investigations at Shanidar Cave, Iraqi Kurdistan....................................................................... 369
Tim Reynolds, William Boismier, Lucy Farr, Chris Hunt, Dlshad Abdulmutalb and
Graeme Barker
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Materials from French excavations in the Erbil area (2010): Kilik Mishik......................................... 373
Olivier Rouault and Ilaria Calini
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Kurd Qaburstan, A Second Millennium BC Urban Site: First Results of the Johns Hopkins
Project........................................................................................................................................... 385
Glenn M. Schwartz
The Sirwan (Upper Diyala) Regional Project – First Results.............................................................. 403
Tevfik Emre Şerifoğlu, Claudia Glatz, Jesse Casana and Shwkr Muhammed Haydar
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Tracking early urbanism in the hilly flanks of Mesopotamia – three years of
Danish archaeological investigations on the Rania Plain............................................................. 411
Tim Boaz Bruun Skuldbøl and Carlo Colantoni
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The Activities of the Italian Archaeological Mission in Iraqi Kurdistan (MAIKI):
The survey area and the new evidence from Paikuli blocks documentation.............................. 417
Gianfilippo Terribili and Alessandro Tilia
The Kani Shaie Archaeological Project............................................................................................... 427
André Tomé, Ricardo Cabral and Steve Renette
Philological and scientific analyses of cuneiform tablets housed in
Sulaimaniya (Slemani) Museum................................................................................................... 435
Chikako Watanabe
‘Carrying the glory of the great battle’. The Gaugamela battlefield: ancient sources,
modern views, and topographical problems................................................................................ 437
Kleanthis Zouboulakis
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Copyright Archaeopress and the authors 2016
Satu Qala: an Assessment of
the Stratigraphy of the Site
Cinzia Pappi*
epigraphic and archaeological evidence gained from the
fieldwork at Satu Qala revealed that Idu served not only
as a Middle Assyrian provincial capital, but also as the
seat of a local dynasty ruling between the end of the 11th
and the beginning of the 9th century BC. The seven local
kings of this dynasty (Van Soldt et al. 2013, 210-3) built
upon the political and economic collapse of the Middle
Assyrian Empire at the end of the reign of Tiglathpileser I. A royal inscription of Adad-nērārī II refers to
the Assyrian reoccupation of Idu in the early phase of the
Neo-Assyrian period at the beginning of the 9th century
BC (RIMA 2.0.99.2:34), suggesting a terminus ante quem
for the end of the dynasty. A fragmentary inscription on
a wall plaque, found reused in a later domestic context
(SQ 1064.301=SQ 11-T14 cf. Van Soldt et al. 2013, 204
fig. 14), confirms the Assyrian institutional presence at
the site, consisting of a royal building constructed by
Ashurnasirpal II. The most recent Assyrian reference
(RIMA 3.0.102.6 ii 10-12) attests to the conquest of a
number of cities belonging to Idu, but located in the land
of Zamua during the reign of Shalmaneser III. (Van Soldt
et al. 2013, 216-21)
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The view of historical developments within the area of
Idu, identified with Sâtu Qalâ on the Lower Zāb in Iraqi
Kurdistan (Van Soldt 2008), and its hinterland have so
far been closely connected to available information on
the imperial expansion of Assyria in the region. Through
the support of the Directorate of Antiquities of the
Kurdish Regional Government of Iraq,1 an international
team consisting of the universities of Leiden (2010-12),
Leipzig (2010-14), the Salahaddin University of Erbil
(2010-12), and the University of Pennsylvania (2013)
was able to conduct several seasons of fieldwork at Sâtu
Qalâ.2 Data from this fieldwork can now provide a much
wider historical sequence for the settlement.
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The historical data can be correlated with the
archeological evidence for Middle Assyrian settlements
along the river: Tall Māḥūẓ, identified with the provincial
capital Turša; Tall ‘Alī; identified with Atmannu; and the
still unidentified settlement of Tall Bāzmusiyān in the
Rāniya plain. These have revealed that Assyria controlled
the valley of the Lower Zāb at least as far as the Raniya
plain from the reign of Tukultī-Ninurta I to Tiglathpileser I (Pappi 2012). The extension of Idu’s catchment
area still remains unknown. However, according to
Middle Assyrian records, the provincial center of Idu
played an active role in political and economic relations
between Assyria and this region as a central hub for
the redistribution of agricultural products.3 Both the
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The evidence sketched above is related primarily to the
history of Idu in connection with Assyria. The evidence
from primary contexts excavated at Satu Qala provides
additional insights into the historical episodes dating
before and after the episodes known by the Assyrian
records. This study will assess the stratigraphic data
from excavations and organize the excavated materials
into occupational levels. These data, combined with
the preliminary results of the analysis of the ceramic
collections and with those of the radiocarbon datings of
some of the organic samples, collected during season
2011 and taken to Europe in 2013, will suggest a more
precise dating for the occupational sequence of the site.
In particular, I will discuss the urban layout of the site
and its occupational processes during the Late and PostAssyrian periods within a wider archaeological and
political context.
University of Leipzig (Germany) until 2015.
I here take the opportunity to thank the General Directorate of
Antiquities of the Kurdish Regional Government of Iraq and the
Directorate of Antiquities of Erbil for their generous support.
Specifically, I would like to thank Mr. Abubaker Othman Zendin
(Mala’awat), General Director of the Kurdish Regional Government,
Mr. Haydar Hussein, former Director of the Directorate of Erbil
(2010-13), and Mr. Nader Babakr Mohammad, current Director of
the Directorate of Erbil. I would also like to thank Mr. Ahmad Yodat,
director of the Museum of Ancient Civilizations of Erbil, and all
his staff for having hosted our work in 2013, and Mr. Sarkawt Sofy,
manager of the Department of Antiquities of Koya, as well as Mr.
Hemin Naman for having generously given us the permission to access
the materials stored in the Qishla of Koya during our several visits.
Thanks are also due to Lauren Ristvet for sharing preliminary data on
the ceramic typology and to Janoscha Kreppner and Rocco Palermo for
bibliographical references.
2
The project, supervised initially by W. H. Van Soldt (2010-12) and
later by C. Pappi (since 2012), was mainly supported by the Netherlands
Organization for Scientific Research NWO in 2010-11, by the Fritz
Thyssen Foundation from 2010-13. In 2013 L. Ristvet with her team
of the University of Pennsylvania joined the project as co-director.
The study season in 2013 was also supported by the University of
Pennsylvania and by the American Schools of Oriental Research.
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The systematic delivery of offerings to the temple in Assur most
likely denotes a regular economic exchange between the capital and
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Description of the Site and Excavation Areas
The site of Satu Qala is located 70 km south-east of Erbil
(Fig. 1). It consists of an oval tell, heavily eroded on its
the provincial center. For an overview of Idu in the Middle Assyrian
administrative records cf. Van Soldt et al. 2013, 217-8. A study on the
reconstruction of a model of the economic network of Satu Qala based
on the textual sources and the spatial analysis is in preparation.
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Figure 1. Map of the region. (Copyright: The Satu Qala Project).
Surface investigations in Operation D, located on the
southwestern slope of the mound, revealed that the
earliest occupational phase of Satu Qala dates back to
the Neolithic (Van Soldt et al. 2013, 207-8). However,
the archaeological evidence obtained from Operations
A and B, located on the northern and northeastern
upper part of the mound (Van Soldt et al. 2013, 201-7),
indicates a sequence of functional changes of both areas
of the site. This evidence consists mainly of stratified
Late and Post-Assyrian domestic contexts, followed by
alternating levels of graveyards and defensive structures
which can most likely be dated from the Post-Assyrian
to the Achaemenid Periods. Unfortunately, both areas
are also characterized by systematic extensive digging,
modern pits, leveling, and rebuilding activities.
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southeastern side by a branch of the Lower Zāb (Fig. 2),
while the northeastern slope is visibly worn by rivulets
caused by the winter rain and by regular digging. The
latter serves mostly to supply building materials for the
seasonal upkeep of the nearby mud-brick houses. The
main mound, covering an area of two hectares, is almost
completely covered by a modern village of mud-brick
structures, which continues at the foot of the mound along
the northern and northeastern slopes. Since 2011 the
systematic construction of concrete buildings and, more
recently, of fish ponds has almost completely covered the
area of the lower town. Inspection of satellite imagery
suggests the presence of two different landscape features
surrounding the main tell which might be interpreted
as the outline of a lower town. Confirmation of this
hypothesis is made difficult by the increasing urbanism.
However, the existence of an extensive lower town is
already suggested by the sporadic discovery of pottery
and other archaeological finds, now stored at the local
Directorate of Antiquities in Koya, by the inhabitants
during modern construction.
A Stratigraphic Assessment
Operation A has provided the best overview of the
stratigraphic sequence of the latest occupational phases
so far, with a sequence of eight occupational levels (A0
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C. Pappi: Satu Qala: an Assessment of the Stratigraphy of the Site
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Figure 2. Satellite image of Satu Qala (GeoEye 2005, OrbView-3 scene,
Level OrbView Basic Enhanced, GeoEye, Dulles, Virginia, 1/30/2005).
the Neo-Assyrian Period. In operation A, phase A7b (cf.
Van Soldt et al. 2013, 233 fig. 12) consists of two separate
domestic structures, named Buildings 2 and 3, connected
by a sloping surface. This surface is paved with pebbles
of different sizes mixed with fragments of baked bricks,
mostly reused from earlier contexts.5 Building 2 originally
had two rooms, named A and B. This internal layout,
belonging to a sub-phase A7a, does not persist into a later
reuse of the building, here assigned to a sub-phase A7b.
The latter is characterized by a domestic unit without
partition. Here, an almost complete globular storage jar
standing in the north-western corner of the room and
a domestic installation made of four baked bricks
forming a squared platform lying on the floor were
found in situ. The latter can most likely be identified
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to A7, Fig. 3), while operation B has provided five (B0 to
B4, Fig. 4). Occupational levels have been differentiated
according to the functional use of the area. Correlations
between both operations can be suggested, but not
confirmed. They provided non-continuous coverage
for the diachronic gap from the 7th BC to the most
recent episodes of the history of the region. The earliest
phases in both operations include materials dating to the
Late and Post-Assyrian periods. A closer typological
investigation, including data from the petrographic
analysis of the different fabric types, is still in progress.4
Late and Post-Assyrian Levels: A7 and B4
The earliest excavated evidence in both operations,
designated as A7 and B4, dates back to the final phase of
5
Some of the fragmentary bricks bear possession inscriptions assigned
to various kings of Idu, including Bā’ilānu (SQ11-23=SQ11T13;
SQ11-24=SQ 11T12 cf. Van Soldt et al. 2013: 211) and Edima (SQ1119 =SQ11T9 cf. Van Soldt et al. 2013, 212 and 238 fig. 25).
4
A study of the ceramic typology is in preparation. L. Ristvet
(University of Pennsylvania) generously shared preliminary data on
typological developments in the ceramic collections of Sâtu Qalâ.
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Level
Archaeological Feature
Primary Evidence for Dating
Date
Material culture. Personal
interview with villagers
Before 1989
A0
Modern village after the Anfal Campaign
A1
Modern village before the Anfal Campaign
A2
Modern village before the Anfal Campaign – siloes
A 3a
Domestic Structure – Building 1
A 3b
Burials
A4
Domestic Structure – paved floor related to
pyrotechnic structures
A5
Burials
AMS radiocarbon dating of bone
sample from Burial 1045
790BC (95.4%) 390 BC
A6
Monumental Structure
Ceramic collection
Late and Post-Assyrian
Period (7th-6th Century BC)
Ceramic collection
Late and Post-Assyrian
Period (7th-6th Century BC)
Domestic Structure – Building 2
Domestic Structure – Building 2 and 3
750 BC (10.2%) 680
670BC (3.1%) 640 BC
560 BC (82.1%) 370 BC
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6th-4th Centuries BC (?)
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A 7a
20th Century AD
6th-4th Centuries BC (?)
AMS radiocarbon dating of bone
sample from Burial 1017
A 7b
After 1989
Archaeological Feature
B0
Modern village after the Anfal
Campaign – Domestic structures
B1
Modern village before the Anfal
Campaign – bakery shop
B 2a-d
Monumental structure related to
trodden floors
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B 3a
Burials
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B 3b
B4
Primary Evidence for Dating
Material culture. Personal interviews
with villagers
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Figure 3. Occupational levels of operation A.
Domestic Structure – Storage room
Date
After 1989
Before 1989
AMS radiocarbon dating of bone
sample from Burial 3127
760 BC (18%) 680 BC
670 BC (9.9%) 610 BC
600 BC (67.1%) 390 BC
AMS radiocarbon dating of bone
sample from Burial 3139
770 BC (95.4%) 410 BC
Ceramic collection
AMS radiocarbon dating of
charcoal sample
820BC (62.6%) 730 BC
690 BC (8%) 660 BC
650 BC (24.8%) 540 BC
Figure 4. Occupational levels of operation B.
as a hearth.6 The masonry of both structures reveals
evidence for the re-use of construction materials,
including decorated tiles originally belonging to the
architectural decoration systems of the royal buildings
of the dynasty of Idu and to the palace of Ashurnasirpal
II.7 The ceramic materials found in buildings 2 and 3
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These consist of oblong and crenallated bricks glazed in blue and
yellow (SQ11-15, 16, 17, 18); and a fragmentary wall-plague bearing an
inscription of Ashurnasirpal II (SQ11-05=SQ11T14). For photographs
of SQ 11-16 (=1047.303) and SQ 11-05 (=1064.301) see Van Soldt et
al. 2013, 233-4 fig. 13-4.
6
A contemporary parallel was found at Tall Abū Ḏāhir, Phase 11.5; cf.
Simpson 2007, 84-5 with previous bibliography.
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Figure 5. Selection of bowls found in buildings 2 and 3 of Level A7a.
(Copyright: The Satu Qala Project).
materials, consisting of mudbricks, baked bricks, stones,
and burnt remains of bulk, covered an assemblage of
storage and cooking vessels, most likely leaning on a
poorly preserved pisé wall running northeast-southwest
along the southern section of the excavation area. The
radiocarbon analysis of a charcoal sample provided
a dating between the 8th and the 6th centuries BC.8
The pottery assemblage (Fig. 6) consists mainly of
closed shapes, including storage jars of different sizes,
e.g. tall straight-sided jars with knob-shaped base (cf.
Curtis and Green 1997, 90 and fig. 42; Hausleiter
2010, 324), medium-sized jars with rounded body and
base (cf. Curtis and Green 1997, 90 and fig. 41), ovoid
and globular body pots, ridged on the short neck, with
beaded (cf. Curtis and Green 1997, fig. 47, 218-21;
Hausleiter 2010, 327 and fig. 117, TG1 R1) or folded
rims (Hausleiter 2010, 327 and fig. 117, TG1 R4). Both
of the latter types also occur within the collections of
Khirbet Qasrij (Curtis 1989, fig. 35, 207 and 209).
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represent a homogenous collection dating to the Late
and Post-Assyrian Periods. The collections consist
mainly of open shapes, with some examples of storage
jars of different sizes with beaded and squared rims, well
attested elsewhere in the Late Assyrian repertoire (e.g.
Hausleiter 2010, fig. 103, FG 3.3-6). Common shapes
include wide-neck ridged jars, for which the closest
parallels are known from the materials of Khirbet Qasrij
(Curtis 1989, fig. 35-6, 210 and 218). Globular and
squat cooking pots with simple (Hausleiter 2010, fig. 19,
TK 1R1) or folded rims (Curtis 1989, fig. 41, 287) are
attested as well. Open shapes such as bowls (Fig. 5) were
found in some quantity in the inner spaces of Buildings
2 and 3. These find parallels in the plain pottery tradition
of Assyria in later periods. A good example is provided
by bowls with inverted and thickened rims, with close
parallels among the materials of both levels 3 and 4
of Khirbet Khatuniyeh and in the pottery collection of
Khirbet Qasrij (Curtis and Green 1997, 88; Curtis 1989,
47).
8
The radiocarbon age was obtained through Accelerator Mass
Spectometry (AMS) of a charcoal sample from L. 3138. The analysis,
conducted by the Center of Radiocarbon Dating of the University of
Salento (Italy), refers to 2574±40, calibrated: 820 BC (62.6%) 730 BC,
650 BC (24.8%) 740 BC, 690 BC (8%) 540 BC.
In Operation B, phase B4 yielded a domestic space as
well, almost contemporary to A7. The architectural
context is, however, almost entirely absent. Collapsed
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Figure 6. Selection of closed shapes found in Level B4.
(Copyright: The Satu Qala Project).
Erištienni.9 It was later dismantled and leveled already
in antiquity. Unfortunately, the ceramic materials
belonging to this level reveal no particular innovations.
The area next underwent a further functional change.
Phase A5 consists of a graveyard, with three burials cut
directly into A6. Two of the bodies, identified as two
female adults and a child,10 were buried in crouched
position without goods. The radiocarbon analysis of a
bone sample, indicating a date between the 8th and the
5th centuries BC,11 is too imprecise to provide a more
accurate chronological sequence for the area.
Historical Transitions and Urban Change
Although the pottery materials does not present consistent
changes, later occupational levels reveal a functional
change in both areas denoting a reconfiguration of the
urban landscape of the site. Alternating fortification
structures and graveyards replaced both domestic
contexts.
Levels A6 and A5
A monumental structure, most likely a wall, almost 3m
wide, was built to follow the general plan of the earlier
structures of phase A7 and seals the whole area (cf.
Van Soldt et al. 2013, 233 fig. 11). This structure was
again roughly built through the re-use of materials,
including both baked bricks with incised lines and bricks
bearing inscriptions of the local kings Bā’ilānu and
9
SQ 11-09; SQ 11-07; SQ 11-13 (Van Soldt et al. 2013: 203).
A report of the osteological evidence of all the burials of Satu Qala is
in preparation by Megan Luthern (Temple University) for the final
publication.
11
The radiocarbon age was obtained through Accelerator Mass
Spectometry (AMS) of a bone sample from L. 1045.2. The analysis,
conducted by the Center of Radiocarbon Dating of the University of
10
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C. Pappi: Satu Qala: an Assessment of the Stratigraphy of the Site
Levels A4-A3
In operation B, a small group of three burials, here
designated B3, was cut into the collapsed structure, here
designated B4. The graveyard consists of two different
sub-phases, named B3a and B3b, respectively. The
older burial, here named under sub-phase B3b, was cut
directly into the collapse in a shallow pit marked by a few
boulders (Van Soldt et al. 2013, fig. 19). Unfortunately,
the fragmentary preservation of pelvis and cranium do
not allow for an estimate of sex or age. However, the
analysis of the teeth, combined with the presence of an
iron blade (SQ 11-04) laid across the pelvis as burial gift,
suggests that the body should belong to a male adult.
Radiocarbon analysis of bone samples suggest, as for
A5, a date range between the 8th and the 5th centuries
BC.12 A similar deposition habit, the same posture,
and the same gift can be noticed in the record of Late
Assyrian burials of Khirbet Shireena in the Eski Mosul
area,13 while similar burials at Assur, presenting a similar
posture, usually include a wider range of funerary goods
(Haller 1954, 12-5; Hauser 2012, 144-7). Two further
burials, here assigned to a different sub-phase, B3a, were
cut into a later surface. This most likely resulted from
the continuing degradation of the structures of Level
B4. Each burial contained the body of a child found
in flexed position. The body belonging to burial 3124
was contained by two large jar fragments belonging to
different jars, closed by a baked brick. Grave gifts include
a bronze bracelet and earrings (Van Soldt et al. 2013, 206
and fig. 18). The radiocarbon analysis suggests a date
for grave 3127 between the 7th and the beginning of the
4th century BC.14 A similar child burial is attested below
the earliest Hellenistic level at Nimrud.15 A massive
mudbrick structure, related to a sequence of four trodden
floors corresponding to four sub-phases, named B2a-d,
was built on the small graveyard of Level B3. The
related surfaces are not associated with any particular
archaeological features. However, a preliminary analysis
of the pottery collections provided several examples of
jars and pots with rolled over rims, finding parallels in the
materials of Khirbet Qasrij (Curtis 1989, 48-48 and fig.
37, 227-33) as well as in Level 2 of Khirbet Khatuniyeh
(Curtis and Green 1997, fig. 63, 451-3).
Operation A again changes its functional use in the
upper levels. The main archaeological features of level
A4 include evidence of a floor, partly paved with baked
bricks. This has unfortunately been highly disturbed
by modern pits, but can still be securely connected to
domestic installations, including an oven, a fire place,
and a number of pits, indicating an outdoor area.
Biconical spindle whorls and loom weights found on the
surface of the level suggest that the area was associated
with the small-scale, domestic production of textiles.
Although the following occupational phase, designated
A3, is also associated with domestic production, the
layout changed drastically. The area was again leveled
with mudbricks. A new building, designated Building 1,
consisted of at least two rooms and most likely extended
for at least 10 m southwards. A group of three graves
belongs to this phase. These were cut into the surface
outside the building and bear no gifts. Although modern
disturbances have led to a very poor state of preservation,
the radiocarbon analysis on a sample dates the grave to
a period between the 6th and the 4th centuries BC.16
Unfortunately, due to a lack of documentation of the
fieldwork in 2010, the data to be gained by the analysis
of the ceramic collections is currently not available.
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Levels B3 and B2
The Recent History of the Village
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Finally, the three most recent levels are dated to the
modern history of the village. Phase A2 is characterized
by an open yard with the several siloes, while A1 and A0
represent levels dating to the last decades and directly
reflect urban changes connected to episodes in the recent
history of Iraq. A destruction level is also well attested
in Operation B, clearly marking the transition between
B1, which consisted of a traditional bakery dating to the
1980s.
Ar
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New Data and
Reconstruction
Perspectives
for
a
Historical
The data, collected in the two field-seasons 2010 and
2011, provide a wealth of evidence for the reconstruction
of historical developments of the site and its region. Both
had been almost completely unknown until 2008. This
evidence contributed in particular to two largely obscure
topics of the first millennium BC in the region between
Erbil and the Zagros chain: (1) the international policy
of the early phase of the history of the Neo-Assyrian
Empire; and (2) the historical developments during the
Late and Post-Assyrian periods, the main focus of this
study.
Salento (Italy), refers to 2489±45 BP, calibrated: 770 BC (62.2%) 540
BC, 790 BC (95.4%) 420 BC.
12
The radiocarbon age was obtained with Accelerator Mass
Spectometry (AMS) of a bone sample of L. 3139.2, conducted by the
Center of Radiocarbon Dating of the University of Salento (Italy),
refers to 2473±45 BP, calibrated: 760 BC (68.2%) 520 BC, 770 BC
(95.4%) 410 BC.
13
Phase 11, Grave 6 (Ball 2003: 49 and fig. 16).
14
The radiocarbon age obtained with Accelerator Mass Spectometry
(AMS) of a bone sample of L. 3127.2, conducted by the Center of
Radiocarbon Dating of the University of Salento (Italy), refers to
2418±45 BP, calibrated: 550 BC (68.2%) 400 BC, 600 BC (95.4%)
390 BC.
15
Grave PG 3, Level 6 dating to end of the 3rd century BC (Oates and
Oates 1957, 135) consists of a deposition of a child in a jar, supported
by two baked bricks, cf. Oates and Oates 1957, 153-4 and pl. 30 c).
16
The radiocarbon dates were obtained with Accelerator Mass
Spectometry (AMS) of a bone sample of L. 1017.2, conducted by the
Center of Radiocarbon Dating of the University of Salento (Italy). The
calibrated age of 2377±45 reveals a date included between 560 BC and
370 BC (82.1%).
Copyright Archaeopress and the authors 2016
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The Archaeology of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq and Adjacent Regions
historical events can be summazized in the following
three points.
1. The increasing Assyrian control of the regions
located beyond the land of Idu, i.e. Tummê and
Ḫabrūrī (Radner 2006: 51), led to the gradual
annexation of the region included between the
chain of the Ḥabb as-Sulṭān Dāġ and the Chain
Magistrale (Levine 1974: 6 Fig. 1), corresponding
mainly to the Rāniya Plain, into the imperial
territories. This process, initiated after the first
campaign of Ashurnasirpal II (e.g. RIMA 2, A.0.
101.1 i 43-58; campaign Ia cf. Liverani 1992: 1928 and 87), shifted the Assyrian frontier further
east. A recently discovered Neo-Assyrian text,
found in the region east of the Raniya plain and
dating to the end of the 8th Century BC (Radner
2015), refers to the Palace Herald. The text thus
supports Liverani’s suggestion for the location of
the Province of the Herald in the region of the
upper valley of the Lower Zab (Liverani 2004:
218; Radner 2015: 195-6) and demonstrates
Assyrian institutional presence close to the border
with the territories controlled by the West Iranian
states. Furthermore, the archaeological evidence
gained by the investigations conducted before the
construction of the Dokān dam (as-Soof 1970: 667) reveals a widespread Neo-Assyrian presence in
the Rāniya plain. As a consequence, the territorial
shift of the political and strategic interests of
Assyria towards the Zagros, which developed
gradually after the campaigns of Ashurnasirpal II
and which were likely meant to establish greater
control of the pass through the Zagros between
Qala Dizeh and Sar Dašt, would explain the
simultaneous decline of Idu/Satu Qala.
2. The subsequent Assyrian conquest of the pass of
Bābītu, the modern Bazyan (RIMA 2, A.0.101
ii 23-31; cf. Liverani 1992: 90), also opened
the route towards the heartland of Zamua,
representing an insidious enemy which has been
annexed into Assyria only under Shalmaneser III
(Radner 2006: 52), and towards the southwestern
Iranian plateau (Altaweel et al. 2012: 14). The
pass is easily accessible from the Eastern Tigris
regions located south of the Lower Zāb, e.g.
Arrapḫa and Arzuḫīna, both directly connected
to the Assyrian capitals though the ford of Altın
Köprü.
3. Finally, the relocation of the imperial capital, in
particular to Kalḫu, combined with subsequent
changes in the political and economic landscape
of heartland Assyria (cf. Harmanşah 2012: 658; Morandi and Iamoni 2015: 24-5), was partly
meant to revitalize the urban landscape of the
region located north of the main Assyrian centers.
This in turn should have improved the economic
and military exchange along the valley of the
Tigris, and in particular along Upper Zab.
Developments in the Political Landscape of Assyria
Ac
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s
The domestic architecture of levels A7 and B4 and
their related materials mainly attest to activities linked
to the consumption, preparation, and storage of food,
in addition to small-scale textile production, within the
context of a locally based subsistence economy. These
can most likely be dated to the late 7th and 6th centuries
BC. The economic frame hardly matches the economic
picture suggested by the earlier Assyrian records in the
Late Bronze Age. Furthermore, the rich architectural
elements belonging to institutional buildings of older
settlement phases, dating to the 10th and 9th century BC,
were consistently found decontextualized in the masonry
of domestic buildings of later levels. In combination
with the lack of evidence for an Assyrian institutional
presence in the 7th Century BC, their re-use highlights
the discontinuity of Idu within the Assyrian institutional
and economic developments in the flourishing phase of
the Empire.
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The data from the earliest excavated levels at Satu Qala
thus raise questions about the changing urban landscape
along the middle valley of the Lower Zāb in the Iron
Age and, secondly, about the role of Idu within the NeoAssyrian provincial system.
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The drastic change of the urban layout at Satu Qala at
least partly reflects the settlement patterns suggested
for the Neo-Assyrian periphery: a dense rural hinterland
composed of small centers. This pattern finds several
parallels in case studies conducted in the Syrian and
Iraqi Jezirah, as well in the sample areas recently
investigated in the plain of Erbil (Ur et al. 2013: 102
with previous bibliography). The economic and political
developments of Satu Qala in the late phase of the
Assyrian empire can be better explained within this
wider historical and archaeological context. The lack of
Assyrian institutional presence both led to and reflected
the decline of Idu’s political role. It also confirms the
dissolution of the infrastructure system related to both
the provincial center, which had existed until the 11th
century BC, and to the peripheral royal ‘palace’ built in
the 9th century BC. Both can be ascribed to the location
of Satu Qala as a communicative node along the Lower
Zāb. Similarly, later changes can be ascribed to a combination of political and military events, including:
(1) the first campaign of Ashurnasirpal II; (2) the
Assyrian control of the pass of Babītu; and (3) the
foundation of the new capital at Kalḫu. All of these
represent policies initiated by Ashurnasirpal II and
consolidated by Shalmaneser III. The combination of
these events served to shift Assyrian focus from the region
of Idu and the northern bank of the middle valley of the
Lower Zab to regions closer to the imperial frontiers, for
example the region close to the pass between Qala Dizeh
and Sar Dašt to the East and the region of Zamua to the
Southeast. The consequences of the above mentioned
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C. Pappi: Satu Qala: an Assessment of the Stratigraphy of the Site
Assur (BM 63283 cf. MacGinnis 2000: 335; Jursa 2003:
173) as well as Neo-Babylonian stamp seals found at
Nimrud (Parker 1955: pl. XIX 6-7; Curtis 2003: 160).
Archaeological traces of an Achaemenid presence in
the region are more common (Curtis 2005). The case
of Tall Šēḫ Ḥamad in the valley of the Ḫabūr is crucial
for the western provinces. The site shows a homogenous
continuity in the use of the Neo-Assyrian pottery until
the beginning of the 5th century BC (Kreppner 2015:
229-30; Röllig 2003), while Late-Babylonian influence
is noticeable in the administration of the site since
the beginning of the 6th century BC (Postgate 1993;
Brinkman 1993).
Assyria after Assyria
s
The radiocarbon dating showed that the areas investigated
underwent several functional changes within a relatively
short period of time. Unfortunately, the different levels
of occupation cannot be situated more precisely within
the historical timeline of Northern Mesopotamia.
However, the evidence gained can be used to locate the
latest occupational phases within absolute chronology
and thus lead to a better understanding of the historical
developments of the immediate surroundings of the
site.
Ac
ce
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The functional changes in the stratigraphic sequence
from A6, A5, A4, to A3 for Operation A (Fig. 3) and
B3 and B2 for Operation B (Fig. 4) appear at present to
have taken place within a span of two to three centuries.
This chronological analysis is based on a terminus post
quem for the levels A7 and B4 at the end of the 7th or
beginning of the 6th centuries BC, according both to
the radiocarbon analysis and to the ceramic assemblage,
and on a terminus ante quem, based on the youngest
calibrated radio carbon date for the burials in levels A3b
and B3a-b, corresponding to the last decades of the 4th
century BC. In particular, the archaeological features
of levels A6 reveal evidence for fortification activities
on the top of the tell. The ceramic assemblage does
not reveal any remarkable changes. As a consequence,
few insights into a relative or absolute date could be
provided. Furthermore, the absence of grave gifts,
combined with a variety of depositional processes,
likely reflecting a hybrid social context, likewise yields
little data on chronology. It seems certain, however,
that the drastic functional changes of the area from a
sequence of fortification to structures to graveyards,
to domestic buildings dating roughly to the time span
included between the 6th and the 4th centuries BC,
closely reflect the political changes occurring in the
region.
re
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O
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The relevant levels at Satu Qala shows neither traces
of wide-spread destruction nor traces of any kind of
administrative or institutional infrastructure. Similar
to the case of Tall Šēḫ Ḥamad, however, the ceramic
assemblage seems to be relatively homogenous. The
evidence of fortification activities combined with the
site’s strategic position on the Lower Zāb indicates a
defensive function. The site had been already used as
a defensive center during the conflicts between Assyria
and Babylonia at the end of the 2nd millennium BC (Van
Soldt et al. 2013: 218-9; Pappi forthcoming). This would
confirm the persistence of the site as a strategic center
along the valley of the Lower Zāb. This functional change
can be compared to the Achaemenid fortified palace at
Tall ad-Dēm, located further upstream in the Rāniya
plain (al-Tekriti 1960), which has been interpreted to
reflect a strategic defensive policy of the Achaemenid
power within the region.
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The discontinuous settlement sequence from the
Neolithic to at least the end of the 1st millennium BC
at Sâtu Qalâ can be correlated with historical shifts.
However, the persistence of the settlement as a strategic
stronghold and as an agricultural center indicates that
Sâtu Qalâ remained strongly tied to its environment. The
flourishing phase of Idu as an Assyrian provincial center
and, later, as an independent kingdom embedded the
site into a wide political and economic network which
connected Assyria, Babylonia, and the region beyond
the Zagros. Subsequent political shifts also influenced
the economy of Idu and its catchment area both during
the great expansion phase of the Neo-Assyrian Empire
and after the fall of the central powers of Assyria.
Developments in the urban layout of the site mirror the
functional roles of Satu Qala within this network. The
shape of this regional network, the degree to which the
roles of the site of Satu Qala extended on a regional
scale, and what effects its role as an economic hub or
defensive stronghold exerted onto the infrastructural
systems in its immediate hinterland, remain unclear. All
of these questions can only be answered through further
research in the region.
This period is characterized by the fall of the major
centers of the Assyrian heartland under the attacks of
Median and Babylonian troops and the subsequent
Achaemenid occupation of the region. Archaeological
investigations of the main Assyrian centers, e.g.
Nineveh, Assur, and in particular Kalḫu, have provided
evidence for destruction and resettlements (e.g. Curtis
2003: 160; Miglus 2000; Oates and Oates 2001: 125 and
257-8). The Babylonian Chronicle and later classical
authors provide most of the data for the historical
reconstruction of this specific period, indicating several
military campaigns by Medes and Babylonians (e.g.
Dalley 1993; Reade 2003; Rollinger 2010). However,
evidence for the Median and Babylonian presence
within the political landscape of northern Mesopotamia
remains scant. What little evidence of Babylonian
institutional infrastructures in northern Mesopotamia
has been observed includes the presence of a governor at
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Oates, D., and J. Oates. 2001. Nimrud: An Imperial
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