The New Political Geography Author(s): Peter Hall Source: Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, No. 63 (Nov., 1974), pp. 48-52 Published by: The Royal Geographical Society (with the Institute of British Geographers) Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/621531 Accessed: 16-07-2015 09:08 UTC Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/ info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The Royal Geographical Society (with the Institute of British Geographers) is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 194.128.227.202 on Thu, 16 Jul 2015 09:08:25 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions The newpoliticalgeography PETER HALL Professor ofGeography, University ofReading MS received28 February1974 and theoryin politicalscienceare sadlyill-developed.Of ABSTRACT. The connections betweentheoryin humangeography in politicalscience-normative, andpositive-itis thelasttwowhichwouldseemto have thethreetypesoftheory descriptive in geography sincethesubjecthas neitheran explicit thegreatest relevanceforgeography. Normative theoryhardlyfeatures norimplicitnormative in geography, base. Of thelikelyfieldsof politicaltheorywhichwouldbe fruitful thoseconcerning individualsand theirmotives,and decisiontheoryseemparticularly Of thepositivetheory, thetheoryofgames promising. at a micro-level andthetheory ofthefirmat a macro-level seemto havegreatpotential. shouldlearnmuchfrom Geographers of uncertainty. thepoliticalliterature on decision-making in an environment The new politicalgeographer shouldbe concernedwiththedecisionforcesaffecting thedistribution ofspaceas a scarcepublicgoodand consequently withthevalues, theorganization and theaccessto powerof groups. THEdecisionto confront a thethemeofpublicpolicyat theI974 Conference musthaveconcentrated becausethereis stillan astonishing lackofeffective connection between numberofmindswonderfully, in humangeography in politicalscience.I wouldarguethattheword'astonishing' andtheory is theory for for connection is now so clear. for the need such human justified, Younger working geographers, theirPh.Ds,aretending toturnawayfromhighly macro-models becausetheyfindthemlackquantified and thereby ingin depthof causalexplanation (theyfeel)inadequatein predictive power.They are insteadon micro-studies ofspatialdecisionprocessesbyone manor (more concentrating increasingly in interaction: thedecisionto locatea factory in a usually)a numberof peopleand groupsworking on one lineratherthananother.These area,thedecisionto buildan urbanmotorway development arehavingto forgea newbodyoftheory on theirown;yet,apartfromtheneo-Marxian frameworkers Pahl workprovided and behind like Castells French writers them, byHarvey(I973) (1970) (and, (I972) no interpretation ofpoliticalsciencemodelsis availablein spatialterms. andLefebvre (I972)), virtually In thesecircumstances, canbe no morethansuggestive. It is clearly to mycontribution impossible makea systematic whichis of potential reviewof thevastbodyof literature and to tryto relevance, it in termsmeaningful to thegeographer; in anycase,sucha systematic reviewexistsin the interpret I shalltryfirst ofBauerandGergen(I968). Therefore, to makea verygeneraltaxonomy earlychapters to focuson someofthemoreimportant ofthetheoretical work;then,withinthisframework, insights; in to tentative terms some lastly, suggest very applications. geographical THE MAIN THEORETICAL APPROACHES The simplest madein Bauerand Gergen'sreviewas in a numberofothersources,is possibledivision, betweennormative and One mayask howpeopleand groupsshouldact in theory descriptive theory. theresultstheydo, orderto getthebestresults;or one mayaskhowpeopleactuallygo aboutgetting one mayspeak whether admirable or not.But then,borrowing also fromthelanguageof economics, in it ofa thirdtype;positivetheory. Like normative this is that starts fromcertain deductive theory, it seeksto explainwhatwillhappenundercertainconrulesor premises. Butlikedescriptive theory, it provides notwhatshouldhappen.Nevertheless, becauseit hasan inherent ditions, logicalstructure, in it an implicit that to show the of alternative to seeks them consequences guide policy-makers policy actions. This three-fold classification is I believethemostusefulone.It is notalwayseasyto decidewhere within it. Somereviewsdescribewholegroupsoftheories-inparticular, belongs anyparticular theory 48 This content downloaded from 194.128.227.202 on Thu, 16 Jul 2015 09:08:25 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions andpublicpolicy Geography 49 thosederiving fromwelfare economics-asnormative whentheymightmoreaccurately be classedas I But if we the would that themainareasof possiblerelevance forgeoargue positive. accept triad, arethedescriptive andthepositive-particularly thelatter.This is simply becausetheyarethe graphers usualmodesof theorybuildingin humangeography. Ecologicalmodelsof thecity,or studiesof the urbanhierarchy, ortheranksizerule,areclassicalexamplesofdescriptive Centralplacetheory theory. and spatialinteraction arestandardexamplesofpositivetheory. The strengths and weaknesses theory ofeacharereasonably wellknownto all geographers. Normative on theotherhand,has hardlyanyplacein thegeographical tradition. At first theory, in Britain, hasnothumangeography offered sight,thismightseemodd.Particularly verystrong policy to theplanner ? Has notthisbeenthemeanswhereby rather thanarchitecture, prescriptions geography, hasnowbecomethecommonest ? The answeris surely singlemodeofentryto theplanning profession thatgeography's rolehas been,first, thesurveystageofGeddes'classicthreestagesof descriptive-in thenpositive, in themanipulation ofmodelswithinthesystems survey-analysis-plan-and approachto Plannershavesoughtnormselsewhere: fromtheirownmoralsense(especially in thepioneer planning. calculadays);fromthereceivedopinionofpressure groupsand opinionleaders;fromtheshort-term tionsof localauthority fromthepublicthrough politicians;and latterly, thoughso farinadequately, exercises in participation. It is difficult tosee howitwouldbe otherwise. Forgeography, mostclearly ofall thesocialsciences, has neither an explicitnoran implicit normative base. It mightbe argued,perhaps,thatsucha basis existedin spatialefficiency ortheconquestofthetyranny ofthefriction ofdistance. ButI do notthink thatthisis trulya norm:itis rather a description ofwhatmenseektodo inactuality, or(in otherformuaboutwhattheymightbe thought to do, forproofor disproof. The geographer is lations)a hypothesis notheresetting to be achieved, orobjective function tobe maximized. within up anyobjective Working a plannedframework, hewouldasktheplanner(orhisalterego,ifhe be a plannerhimself) tojudgethe objectiveofspatialefficiency againstotherpossibleobjectives;thenhe wouldseekto rankor evaluate theseobjectives, The same,I think,goesforanyotherso-called usingnormsdrawnfromelsewhere. normthatthegeographer the'norm'of qualityof environment. mightbe said to have: forinstance, Fromthis,I wouldarguethatgeography is mostlikelytomakea fruitful withthose intellectual marriage thatareeitherdescriptive, or positive, in character. partsofpoliticalsciencetheory Thereis, however, anotherusefulpossiblewayofclassifying in politicalscience;for,like theory the of on contributions fromothersocialsciences.Thus,justas geography, study politicsdrawsheavily humangeography has a sidethatis strongly basedon economictheory and anotherthatis as strongly basedon sociological so exactlyhas politicalscience.Verybroadly, one can saythattheories theory, derivedfromeconomics aremorelikelyto be normative thanthosederivedfromsociology. Butthisis notquitetrue,forat leasttworeasons.First,thereis theexistence ofa largeandstrongbodyoftheory in positiveeconomics, whichhas strongly influenced politicalsciencein thelasttwodecades.Downs describeshis classicEconomic as positive,and thesameverdict (I957) explicitly theory ofdemocracy muststandforBuchananand Tullock's(1962) Thecalculusofconsent and forMancurOlson's(1965) Thelogicofcollective action.Again,important whichhaveprovedextremely partsof economictheory forapplication fruitful to politicalscience-suchas thetheory ofgames-areessentially positiveeconomicswitha normative it hasto be recognized thatbotheconomics andsociology application. Secondly, havea normative stresses andtradebasis,as Olsonhaspointedout.Economics self-interest, competition offbetween andalsobetween in which state objectives persons;itsidealis so-calledParetooptimality (a no one can be madebetteroffwithout someoneelse beingmadeworseoff)and economicgrowth in mutual pursuitof thatstate.Sociology-atanyratein theclassicalParsonianformulation-stresses andadaptation ofgroupsandindividuals; itsidealis sucha stateofadjustment, which(Olson adjustment wouldprobably be an economically suggests) stagnant society.Theoriesderivedfromthesetwosources are likelyto showcleartracesof theirorigin-as one can see clearly,I think,if one compares, say, Downs(I957) withLindblom(1968).Butitis important notto overstress thecontrast. Botheconomics and Parsoniansociologydeal withcomplexmarginaladjustments betweenindividuals and between withtrade-offs and compromises in a worldwhereall objectives cannotbe groups.Bothareconcerned achieved.Andthisis centralto theworldwithwhichpoliticalscienceis alsoconcerned. This content downloaded from 194.128.227.202 on Thu, 16 Jul 2015 09:08:25 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 50 PETER HALL AN ARBITRARY CHOICE OF THEORIES Withinsucha framework, whichamonga richmultitude of candidates providethemostpromising theoretical forthegeographer? The choicemustbe personal andtosomeextent Here insights arbitrary. thenare somehostagesto fortune. andsociologically derivedsideonefindsa First,on thedescriptive American in origin-concerning individuals andtheir well-developed bodyoftheory-overwhelmingly theirrolesin thepolicy-making and ofgroups,and therecruitment motivations, process,thestructure influence ofelites.Sincethismaterial is already familiar inparttosocialgeographers, andis rapidly fairly moreso,itprovides an obviousstarting to be coupledwithanother becoming point.It needs,however, of a moreexclusively concernedwiththe theoryof bodyof descriptive theory, politicalcharacter, decisiontheory, whichis purelynormative) andof decision-making (bywhichI do notmeanstatistical formulation. Thislatterfieldincludessuchconcepts as consensus the rolestructures, policy formulation, rulesofthepolitical of the allocation and the (in game anyparticular context), handling political priorities offeedback abouttheeffects ofpoliticaldecisions. willbe The strengths andweaknesses ofsuchtheory It is sufficiently flexible andsubtletoincorporate ofpolitical thecomplexities behaviour readily apparent. as theyactually itis non-rigorous andinpractice notnecessarily happen.But,bythesametoken, (though in theory) somewhat I thinkthatit willprovidethebasisfor Nevertheless, lackingin quantification. mostofthemicrostudiesbygeographers in thenextfewyears-asindeeditis alreadybeginning to do. More difficult, butultimately are thepositivetheoriesderiving in part perhapsmorerewarding, fromtheeconomists. Theirvalueis that,thoughtheycovermuchofthesamegroundas thedescriptive thatshouldbe capableof repeatedtesting.In theory, theydo so on thebasisof deductive postulates onecan distinguish twoimportant areasofpositivetheory:first, derivedfrom particular, micro-theory vonNeumannand Morgenstern's ofgames;and secondly, derivedfromtheories theory macro-theory ofthefirm. Game theoryhas thesupremevirtuethatit is basedon thepostulated of individuals behaviour is to maximize theirutilities concerned underconditions ofuncertainty. Its relevance to politicaltheory too obviousto needstressing. Its overwhelming in is of the course difficulty practice computational zerosumgamewhich probleminvolvedin movingbeyondthesimplest typeofgame:thetwo-person, was the mainburdenof von Neumann'swork.Two Americancontributors, Rapoport(1960) and non-zero thetheory to thecase of n-person, Schelling(1960), havemademajoradvancesin applying sumgames;thatis, gamesinvolving where the is not one of situation manyplayers, purecompetition, to co-operation. butone involving Thus thetheoretical basisis available;theproblem positivereturns is computational. workdependsheavilyon thenotionofa strategy; themap,so to speak, Rapoport's of movesin a game.He showsthatin thesimplestpossibletwoperson, of all possiblecombinations zerosumgame-noughtsand crosses-thereare over15ooo different waysof playingthegameand to the overone billiondifferent forthetwoplayersto adopt.Applying thetheory possiblestrategies in real-life are invariably n-person, complexproblemsof decision-making policyformation-which non-zero sum(becausetheyinvolvestrong elements ofco-operation to achieveendsthatmayin aggrethanotherends)-it is clearthatat present be better is lessinrigorous therelevance applicagateutility tion,thanin generalunderstanding. inuncertainty. knownofthemacro-theories alsodealwithdecision-making The better Theycannot ofcourseprovidetherigourofgametheory. Buttheycan,perhaps, a of level explanasystematic provide fromDowns(I957), tionofpoliticalprocesses whichmaybe lackingin descriptive An example, theory. in commonsave is theaxiomthatan electionmaybe wonbya coalitionofminorities sharingnothing an intense fortheirrespective causes.Another, alsofromDowns,is theconceptofthepassionate concern bothpartiesnearlyalwaysadopta policythatthe the notionthatin a two-party majority: system, citizensfeel ofvotersstrongly A passionate exists,Downsargues,wherever majority majority prefers. morestrongly aboutpolicyissuesthatmostotherssharewiththemthantheydo aboutthoseissueson division whichtheyareina minority. is thatbyencouraging ofviewpoint, One implication specialization of labourin modernsociety tendstobreakup passionate andtoencourage minority-coalition majorities Downs also showsthatthe celebratedparadoxof KennethArrow-that,in certain governments. it is logically to followa majority view-makesitlikelythatanygovernment circumstances, impossible This content downloaded from 194.128.227.202 on Thu, 16 Jul 2015 09:08:25 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions andpublicpolicy Geography 5I willbe regularly defeated at thenextelection;onlyuncertainty maysavetheday,sincevotersmaynot ofgovernment knowtheconsequences policiesforthem. Buchananand Tullock(1962), similarly intothequestion:in whatparticular providerichinsights wouldindividuals circumstances orgroupsfinditworththeirwhileto supportcommunal action,either on a voluntary basisorthrough stateintervention? thattheanswerdependson theaggreTheysuggest coststo theindividual ofthelaissez-faire gateoftwosetsofcosts:ontheonehand,theexpectedexternal thatbothwillvarywiththe situation; and,on theother,thecostsoftakingaction.The authors suggest ofpeopleinvolved inreaching on a decision;andthustheysuggest number a wayofanalysing agreement thesize of themajority and forecasting thatwillbe regardedas adequateforanyparticular classof decision. To tryto summarize in thiswayis necessarily a hopelesstask.I canonlyprovide complextheories ofthetypesofapproachthatmightbe fruitful illustrations to applyin a spatialcontext. For thehuman theparticular valueof thepositivetheorists in politicalscienceis precisely thattheirapgeographer, ofa model,followed formulation as faras possibleagainstreality-isthe proach-deductive bytesting onethathasalso nowbecomecommonplace in ourscience.And,it mustbe said,geographers willalso thefactthatthemorerigorousthetheory, findfamiliar theless capableit seemsto be in generalof data.Againstthisbackground, whatmightbe themostlikelyapplications to testingagainstempirical problems? geographical SOME GEOGRAPHICAL APPLICATIONS at centralor whether First,it is clearthatthesewillmainlybe in thesphereofpublicpolicydecisions, level.(Relatedanalysesmighthoweverbe madeforpurelyprivateinvestment local government decisions-ifindeedsuchcanbe saidtoexistinthemodern world-intermsoftheinternal structure ofthe firm.)Secondly,the decisionwill have a distinctand centralspatialcomponent;almostall public involvedisposition of resources in geographical is decisions,by definition, space,butthegeographer in questions interested wherea truespatialchoiceis involved-asinthelocationofa motorway normally or a powerstationor a greenbeltor a housingdevelopment. Thirdly-andthishas becomeobvious of to the work due other and radical be willnormally Pahl, only Harvey geographers-the geographer in space as a valuableresource, interested forwhichdifferent groupsof thepopulationcompetefor variouspurposes.The politicalprocess,in thisformulation, is seenas allocating spaceas a publicgood, in otherwordsa goodthatcannotbe sold in themarket placebecauseof its nature,or is notin fact so sold becausea politicaldecisionhas beentakento removeit in wholeor in partfromthemarket inBritain).Geographers, in thedecisionprocess economy (forexamplemedicine then,willbe interested thedistribution ofspaceas a scarcepublicgood.The samespacemayhavedifferent affecting typesof valuefordifferent thelineofa proposedmotorway groupsof thepublic:forinstance, mayrepresent thedestruction of symbolic old buildings accessibility by car forone group(motoring organizations), foranother severance and destruction ofa community foranother (amenity societies), (localresidents), Thesegroupsholdtheirvalueswithvarying jobsforanother (contractors). strengths, theyhavedifferent accessto politicalpower,andtheyareofdifferent size. Fromthis,certaincentrallinesof research seemto follow.The newstyleof urbanpoliticalgeoforthatis whatheseemsdestined tobecome,willbe concerned withthevalues,theorganization, grapher, andtheaccesstopowerofgroups.He willanalysetherelationship ofthesegroupstothedecision-making whooperatethismachinery) at different relevant levelsofgovernment. (andthepersonalities machinery He willstudyhowdifferent agentsinthedecisionprocess-politicians, bureaucrats, technicians, opinionhowtheyformalliancesand coalitions, howtheybargain, each formers-interact, promiseor threaten othertoobtainobjectives. His concern, as I havestressed earlierandnowfinally stressagain,is toanalyse whathappens,nottopostulate whatshouldhappen.Yet,bytheveryfactofexposing thewaydecisions are takenin practice,I wouldexpectand hopethatthepoliticalgeographer wouldprovidepowerful forfuture suggestions improvement. REFERENCES BAUER,R.A. and GERGEN,K.J. (1968) Thestudyofpolicyformulation (New York) BUCHANAN, J. M. and TuLLocK,G. (1962) The calculusofconsent (AnnArbor) This content downloaded from 194.128.227.202 on Thu, 16 Jul 2015 09:08:25 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions PETER 52 HALL CASTELLS, M. (1972) La questionurbaine (Paris) DOWNS,A. (1957) An economic ofdemocracy theory (New York) HARVEY,D. W. (I973) Socialjustice and the city (London) LEFEBVRE,H. (1972) La penseeMarxisteet la ville(Paris) LINDBLOM, C. (1968) Thepolicy-making process(EnglewoodCliffs,N.J.) action(Cambridge,Mass.) OLSON, M. (1965) Thelogicofcollective PAHL, R. E. (1970) Patterns ofurbanlife(London) RAPOPORT, A. (1960) Fights, games,and debates(AnnArbor) SCHELLING, T. (1960) Thestrategy ofconflict (Cambridge, Mass.) VON NEUMANN, J. and MORGENSTERN, 0. (I964) Theory behaviour ofgamesand economic (New York) This content downloaded from 194.128.227.202 on Thu, 16 Jul 2015 09:08:25 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
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