"Retrieving European Lives"
by Charles Tilly
RETRIEVING EUROPEAN LIVES
C h a r l e s Till y
Utaiversi t y of Michigan.
June 1984
t o a p p e a r in O l i v i e r Zunz, e d i t o r ,
RELIVING THE PAST ( U n i v e r s i t y of N o r t h carol-ina !#L86tf#)!
Why Go Back?
How d i d
European
cause,
Europeans l i v e
regions
eras,
and
or
effect,
the
big
changes?
were
what
the
--
correlation
development
of
capitalism,
on
connections
between
s t r u c t u r a l changes such as the growth of
the
In d i f f e r e n t
the
very
large
n a t i o n a l s t a t e s and
one
hand,
and
changing experiences of o r d i n a r y people,
on t h e o t h e r ?
complex second q u e s t i o n m e r e l y a m p l i f i e s
the first.
muted
its
or
amplified
form,
this
--
question
the
The
In its
defines
the
c e n t r a l m i s s i o n o f European social h i s t o r y .
Many e x p e r t s t h i n k o t h e r w i s e .
Despite appearances,
t h e f i r s t p l a c e , my d e f i n i t i o n i s r a t h e r m o d e s t .
historians
In
the
preface
History,
.
incline
politics
his
"Social
nega,tively
left
analysis:
which
to
imperial
Trevelyan
G.M.
definitions.
defined
to
out
as
."
Economic
popular
offered
one of
history,"
he
the
history
Trevelyan
conditions
For s o c i a l
their
d e f i n i t i o n s of
enormously
the
argued
underlie
a
field.
E n g l i s h Social
best-remembered
declared,
of
in
"might
be
with
the
people
for
a
the
three-layered
social
scene,
i n turn provides the foundation f o r p o l i t i c a l events.
"Without social h i s t o r y , " he c o n t i n u e d , "economic h i s t o r y is
b a r r e n a n d p o l i t i c a l h i s t o r y is u n i n t e l l i g i b l e . ,I 1
Perhaps
negatively,
because
Trevelyan
defined
his
social
history
l a t t e r - d a y p r a c t i t i o n e r s o f t h e a r t h a v e commonly
a n n o u n c e d more
positive
programs.
But
those
programs
have
been
Social
e q u a l l y massive.
history
"might
defined
be
,"
commen ts P e t e r B u r k e
"as t h e h i s t o r y o f s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s ;
t h e h i s t o r y of
t h e social s t r u c t u r e ; t h e h i s t o r y o f e v e r y d a y l i f e ;
history
of
private
life;
the
history
of
the
social
s o l i d a r i t i e s and social c o n f l i c t s ; t h e h i s t o r y o f social
classes;
the
separate
and
definitions
history
as
are
of
mutually
very
groups
social
far
dependent
from
being
'seen
both
.
units'
as
These
synonymous;
each
c o r r e s p o n d s t o a d i f f e r e n t approach, w i t h its advantages
.
and d i s a d v a n t a g e s "
Some
group
of
scholars
has
opted
for.
each
of
these
a p p r o a c h e s , and o t h e r s still.
Yet
most
hopelessly
of
these
claims.
ambitious
rela t i o n s h i p s "
f o r example,
any ordinary historian
d e a l more.
definitions
might
social
of
The
history
"history
make
social
of
e n c o m p a s s e s almos t a n y s u b j e c t
claim
After all, politics,
study,
to
diplomacy,
a great
plus
war,
economics ,
and important p a r t s o f c u l t u r a l production c o n s i s t o f s o c i a l
relationships.
throughout
What
is
t h e domains o f
more , s o c i a l
relationships
t h e social s c i e n c e s and
extend
into
the
s t u d y o f o t h e r a n i m a l s t h a n homo s a p i e n s .
To t h e e x t e n t t h a t p e o p l e who d e f i n e s o c i a l h i s t o r y a s
t h e h i s t o r y o f s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s mean w h a t t h e y s a y ,
are c l a i m i n g a n e m p i r e .
In
t h e Netherlands today,
they
a number
of s o c i a l h i s t o r i a n s a t t a c h t h e m s e l v e s t o a d i s c i p l i n e c a l l e d
Maatschappijgeschiedenis:
is
imperialism
the
apparently
history
alive
of
after
society.
the
all;
Dutch
very
name
d e c l a r e s a n e x c e e d i n g l y a m b i t i o u s program.
To b e s u r e , t w o c o m p e t i n g m e a n i n g s o f t h e w o r d " h i s t o r y "
confuse the issue.
connection
of
On t h e o n e h a n d we h a v e
experiences
time,
in
t h e analysis o f t h a t c o n n e c t i o n .
on
h i s t o r y as t h e
the other
h i s t o r y as
In the f i r s t sense,
social
r e l a t i o n s h i p s c e r t a i n l y have a h i s t o r y ; t h e y have connections
over time.
humanly
I n t h e second s e n s e , however,
possible
to
construct
a
I d o u b t t h a t i t is
coherent
h i s t o r y o f a l l social r e l a t i o n s h i p s ;
analysis
of
the
t h e o b j e c t o f s t u d y is
s i m p l y too c o m p l e x , d i v e r s e , a n d b i g .
,
versions
as
Some s o c i a l h i s t o r i a n s h o p e t o r e c a p t u r e a n e t h o s ,
an
Social
well.
history
has
less
other
ambitious
o u t l o o k , a r h y t h m o f e v e r y d a y l i f e i n much t h e m a n n e r t h a t a
professional
They g i v e
us
traveler
sketches
portrays
of
an
exotic
age,
of
climes
a
city,
and
peoples.
a
of
social
class.
S t i l l o t h e r s r a k e t h e coals o f
the p a s t f o r evidence
bearing
on present-oriented
theories of
theories:
fertility
decline, of capital accumulation, of authoritarianism.
then
produce
studies
that
differ
little
in
They
texture
from
c o n t e m p o r a r y a n a l y s e s o f t h e same p h e n o m e n a .
All o f t h e s e e f f o r t s q u a l i f y a s s o c i a l h i s t o r y .
them,
a t times,
produce outstanding
work:
A l l
of
Richard Trexler 's
fresh interpretation of
uses
social
history
political events.
would
be
the
Montaillou,
a
provides
about
the
to
deftly
i n Renaissance
give
meaning
Our u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f
poorer
an
without
village.
f e r t i l i t y decline
in
telling
critique
empirical
transition
from
well-known
Roy
Le
ethnographic
Pyrenean
to
Florence
European s o c i a l l i f e
Emmanuel
essentially
fourteen th-century
analysis of
public l i f e
Ladurie's
account
of
Lesthaeg he 's
Ron
nineteenth-century
high
to
of
low
a
Belgium
standard
notions
fertility.
Social
h i s t o r i a n s c a n claim t h e s e a c c o m p l i s h m e n t s p r o u d l y .
a
As
distinct
to
opposition
s t a t e c r a f t and
enterprise,
political
national
social
history
history
defined
politics.
In
grew
up
terms
in
France , f o r
in
of
example,
t h e A n n a l e s o f Marc B l o c h a n d L u c i e n F e b v r e ( i n s p i r e d t o some
e x t e n t by Emile Durkheim's program f o r a r e g a l s o c i o l o g y and
Fransois
Simiand s
search
for
suprahistorical
rhythms
to
a c c o u n t f o r t h e e b b and f l o w o f h i s t o r i c a l e x p e r i e n c e ) c a l l e d
for
a
events
global
that
would
surpass
and
explain
mere
.
In
sought
history
England,
to
likewise,
construct
Marxists
histories
and
resting
other
firmly
materialists
on
changing
modes o f p r o d u c t i o n and c o r r e s p o n d i n g s h i f t s i n p o p u l a r l i f e ;
well
Webb,
b e f o r e World
of
exemplified
J.L.
War' 11, t h e w o r k s o f
and
Barbara
Hammond,
the contributions of
S i d n e y and B e a t r i c e
and
English
of
R.H.
radicals
Tawney
to social
history.
I n Germany,
Max Weber
and
his
followers
typified
t h e e f f o r t t o p l a c e t h e h i s t o r y of E u r o p e a n s t a t e s i n a b r o a d
c o n t e x t of social experience.
Although
counterparts
narrow
all
these enterprises
elsewhere
political
in
history,
a 1t e r n a t i v e :
different
(not
Europe)
formed
each
them
of
global
t o mention
in
to
opposition
implies
history,
their
the
a
somewhat
history
of
material l i f e , t h e c o m p a r a t i v e s t u d y o f s o c i e t i e s , and so on.
What
more,
is
specialties,
social
each
history
typically
social s t r u c t u r e or p r o c e s s :
agricultural
history,
crime a n d p u n i s h m e n t ,
many more.
The
field
long-established
branches
concerned
into
with
demographic
history,
t h e h i s t o r y of
of
particular
a
family history,
set
urban
the
history,
history
of
social movementst
and
as a whole also o v e r l a p s with o t h e r
specialties,
such
as
labor
history
and
economic h i s t o r y .
Finally,
the
negation
of
existing
f r e q u e n t l y engages social h i s t o r i a n s of
the acceptance
country,
answers.
and
of
the prevailing
political
histories
a given country
questions concerning
in
that
i n b a t t l i n g f o r a c o m p e t i t o r to t h e p r e v a i l i n g
Thus,
a s ~ i i r q e n Kocka
points
Out,
German
social
h i s t o r i a n s find it d i f f i c u l t to escape a compelling question:
Why t h e N a z i s ?
As a result
t o some e x t e n t e a c h c o u n t r y h a s
i t s own b r a n c h a n d b r a n d o f s o c i a l h i s t o r y .
A Program for European Social History
actually
As
a
includes
consistent
wide
with
field:
most o f
around
a
as
a
history
all
not
of
them
are
unclear.
strong-poled
magnetic
h a s a clear r a t i o n a l e p i v o t s
that
social
European
itr
social
boundaries
Its
resembles
core.
see
European
enterprisesr
other.
t h e work
I
then
of
history
single
activityr
range
each
social
European
practiced
concerns
history's
central
reconstructing
ordinary
p e o p l e ' s experience o f l a r g e s t r u c t u r a l changes.
The
side.
statement
As
a
has
matter
a descriptive
of
side
description,
between
small-scale
experience
informs
a
large
of
all
As
a matter
share
h i s t o r i a n s a c t u a l l y do.
the
and
a
and
normative
search
for
large-scale
the
work
of
links
processes
European
social
prescription,
that
l i n k a g e i d e n t i f i e s t h e one e n t e r p r i s e to which a l l t h e o t h e r s
connect,
the
t h e one e n t e r p r i s e i n which social h i s t o r i a n s have
greatest
social l i f e .
like
them
opportunity
to
enrich
our
of
N e i t h e r t h e s t u d i e s I have mentioned nor o t h e r s
motivate
the
sustained
cumulative
autonomous i n q u i r y e n t a i l e d by a s k i n g
big
understanding
changes.
That
inquiryt
the
and
how p e o p l e
central
quest
partly
lived
of
the
European
s o c i a l h i s t o r y , w i l l o c c u p y most o f t h i s e s s a y .
Taken
back
to
the
ages
we
can
reach
a r c h e o l o g y and ex tended to t h e c o n t i n e n t I
s
only
through
outermost l i m i t s
European social h i s t o r y ' s " b i g c h a n g e s " i n c l u d e t h e rise and
f a l l of
t h e Roman
church,
the
Mediterranean
armed
growth
the
t
invasions
the creation of a vast Christian
Empirer
of
Islamic
seafaring
from
Central
of
the
empires
around
Normans,
the
the
Asia,
s h i f t .of
c i v i l i z a t i o n from t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n toward
much more.
repeated
trade
the Atlantic
and
and
These changes w i l l f i g u r e l i t t l e r or n o t a t a l l
i n my s u r v e y .
places
the
Ignorant of
furthermore
I w i l l
r
e a r l i e r p e r i o d s a n d more d i s t a n t
c o n c e n t r a t e on W e s t e r n
Central
a n d N o r t h e r n E u r o p e s i n c e a b o u t 1500,
Two
European
great
life
exceptional
circumstances
distinguish
that
from l i f e anywhere a t a n y o t h e r
power
of
the distinctive
block
time:
of
1) t h e
organizations we
call
n a t i o n a l s t a t e s a n d 2) t h e p r e v a l e n c e o f w o r k f o r w a g e s u n d e r
conditions
of
expropriation.
Throughout
p r i n c i p a l i t i e s and empires have r i s e n and
t h e world f o r seven m i l l e n n i a ,
specialized,
the
fallen
organizations
r
throughout
But n a t i o n a l states
centralized
world
--
large
exercising
m o n o p o l i s t i c c o n t r o l o v e r t h e p r i n c i p a l c o n c e n t r a t e d means o f
coercion
the
within
dominant
sharply-bounded
European
territories
structures
after
--
only
1500.
became
Again,
many
f o r m s o f f o r c e d l a b o r on means o f p r o d u c t i o n n o t b e l o n g i n g t o
w o r k e r s h a v e a r i s e n t h r o u g h t h e same s e v e n m i l l e n n i a r b u t t h e
combination
expropriated
of
formally
means o f
free
wage
production
labor
marks o f f
t h e c a p i t a l i s t era s i n c e 1 5 0 0 o r s o ,
and
concentrated
from
all
r
others
To
sure,
be
distinguish
number
a
era
our
of
all
from
other
characteristics
others:
the
complexity
also
of
technologyr t h e wide use of inanimate sources of energyr t h e
t h r e a t of
nuclear war,
organizations,
the proliferation
t h e speed of communication,
and power o f
huge
the prevalence of
h i g h l i f e e x p e c t a n c y a n d s t i l l o t h e r m a r k e r s of m o d e r n times.
Statemaking and
t h e development o f
c a p i t a l i s m c o u n t as more
p r o f o u n d c h a n g e s t h a n t h e e m e r g e n c e of t h e s e o t h e r c o n d i t i o n s
o n two g r o u n d s :
1.
To
the
extent
that
we
can
distinguish
themr
the
f o r m a t i o n o f n a t i o n a l states and t h e development o f
c a p i t a l i s m t o u c h e d t h e l i v e s o f o r d i n a r y p e o p l e more
d i r e c t l y and deeply than
list,
terms
In
of
the
among h o u r s i n t h e d a y ,
of salaried
,
far
home
from
the
other
allocation
f o r example
c h a n g e s on
of
the
activities
t h e expansion
s c h e d u l e d work i n f a c t o r i e s and o f f i c e s
development of
--
a
direct
capitalism
--
consequence
of
the
m a d e more d i f f e r e n c e
than any o t h e r change,
2.
Broadly speaking
t h e development o f c a p i t a l i s m and
the
national
formation
of
other changes.
The m a k e r s o f
created the largest
all,
and
deadly
states u n d e r l a y a l l
of
statesr f o r example,
most p o w e r f u l o r g a n i z a t i o n s o f
determinedly pushed
means
the
destruction.
more a n d
more
~lthough all
such
toward
i n f l u e n c e s are m u t u a l , t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f c a p i t a l i s m
l i k e w i s e promoted
high-energy
production
and l a r g e
o r g a n i z a t i o n s r a t h e r more s t r o n g l y a n d d i r e c t l y t h a n
t h o s e two phenomena p r o m o t e d c a p i t a l i s m .
Modern
social
European
complex
technologies,
energy,
and
statemaking
this:
the
has
to
shift
other
great
provide
its
no
inanimate
changes.
largest
to
reason
But
neglect
sources
of
capitalism
frame.
The
and
unifying,
E u r o p e a n s o c i a l h i s t o r y s i n c e a b o u t 1500
motivating task of
is
history
connecting
the
changing
experiences
of
ordinary
people to t h e development o f c a p i t a l i s m and t h e formation o f
n a t i o n a l states.
Bad Ideas
In
to
order
experiences
of
especially
the
discover
ordinary
the
Europeans
formation
of
--
d e v e l o p m e n t o f capitalism
strongest
of
these
changes.
As
intellectuals
faced
bad
vast,
labor,
European
the
the
between
the
big
changes
states
and
-the
social h i s t o r i a n s have t o f i g h t
i d e a s a b o u t social change.
ideas
e n c o u n t e r s of n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y
big
and
national
t h e i r way p a s t p l a u s i b l e b u t b a d
The
connections
originated
in
the
very
European o b s e r v e r s w i t h t h e
burghers,
facts of
aristocrats,
a growing
proletariat,
and
of
unhealthy industrial cities, of concentrating c a p i t a l ,
and
population,
of
militant popular
movements,
they
f a s h i o n e d for themselves a set o f mistaken a n a l y s e s o f what
they saw.
The
normal
central
arguments
circumstances
the
run
roughly
as
follows:
world
divides
up
into
coherent s o c i e t i e s each having
institutions.
Those
b a l a n c e between
strength
Social
of
societies
the extent of
their
change
When
remain
b e l i e f s and
coherent
beliefs
proceeds
and
through
differentiation
a
the
institutions.
through
increasing
occurs
e v e n l y r it l e a d s t o s o c i a l advancement.
r a p i d and i r r e g u l a r ,
distinct
t h e i r d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n and
integrating
generally
differentiation.
i t s own u n i f y i n g
Under
slowly
and
B u t when i t b e c o m e s
change exceeds t h e i n t e g r a t i v e c a p a c i t y
of e x i s t i n g b e l i e f s and i n s t i t u t i o n s .
That
people
to
according
A s a r e s u l t of
trouble.
of
gapr
from
the
standard
argumentr
declining integration
unifying
beliefsr
--
weakened
Disorder
crime
collective
to
differentiationr
integration
at
produces
ranges
from
individual
conflict.
the
extreme,
--
associated
equilibrium
i n t o being.
institutions;
with
after
excessively
between
the
face
But
normally
new b e l i e f s
a
rapid
differentiation
period
social
and
of
disorder
pathology
of
drastically
revolution.
faced with s o c i a l change develops
integrating
In
detachment
ability
i n s t i t u t i o n s to c o n t r o l t h e i r membersr and s o on
spreads.
causes
and
rapid
declining
a
society
and
reformed
of
disorder
changer
integration
a
new
comes
I n commonsense
forms,
these
standard
n i n e t e e n th-cen t u r y
problems
of
rebellion.
cities,
Refined
observations,
sociologies
,
bourgeois
crime,
of
of
became
formed
programs
the
of
the
poor,
backbones
social
o f n i n e t e e n t h - and t w e n t i e t h - c e n t u r y
These i d e a s are s e d u c t i v e .
bases of
of
of
the
popular
t o regularized
of
reform.
provided a major b a s i s f o r social h i s t o r i a n s '
t h e y are wrong.
the
discussions
a b s t r a c t e d , and a t t a c h e d
they
and
ideas
mu1 t i p l e
They
also
interpretations
s o c i a l change.
They a r e w i d e l y h e l d .
They are bad i d e a s ,
both because
Yet
t h e y rest
on a series o f u n f o r t u n a t e f i c t i o n s and b e c a u s e t h e y c o n t a i n
empirical
propositions
that
fail
to
f i t
reality.
f i c t i o n s include the notion of d i s t i n c t , coherent,
societies,
ideas,
the
supposition
of
integrating
The
integrated
i n s t i t u t i o n s and
t h e p o s t u l a t i o n of a g e n e r a l p r o c e s s o f change through
differentiation.
include
the
promotes
thought
The
empirically
assertion
more
that
disorder
than
collective
commitment
rapid
a
slow
conflict
s p r i n g from similar c a u s e s ,
declining
a
that
to
incorrect
and
pace
pace
of
propositions
social
of
change
change,
individual
the
pathology
the expectation that drastically
existing
beliefs
and
institutions
causes revolutions.
A 1though
some
nineteenth-century
the actual
social
ideas,
practice of
historians
still
cumulative empirical
hold
bad
critique via
s o c i a l h i s t o r y h a s l i t t l e by l i t t l e
destroyed
their
supplanted
them.
Yet
historians
lean
toward
idea
credibility.
t h e whole
a 1t e r n a t i v e
today's
organizational
corporations,
states,
that
on
single
No
European
realism:
families,
has
social
toward
the
associations,
p l u s a g r e a t many o t h e r g r o u p s e x i s t a n d a c t , b u t
parties,
t h a t "societiesn are a t b e s t c o n v e n i e n t f i c t i o n s .
sometimes
realism
Organizational
aligns
social
h i s t o r i a n s w i t h Karl M a r x ' s h i s t o r i c a l m a t e r i a l i s m , sometimes
with
Max
Stuart
Weber's
structural
idealism
rationalistic
M i l l ' s
sometimes
individualismr
o t h e r major t r a d i t i o n s o f s o c i a l t h o u g h t ,
a sort o f eclectic pragmatism,
historians
content
kinds
themselves
of
social
involved
organizations
situations.
lack
partial
or
with
Despite
John
sometimes
with
a n d sometimes w i t h
I n t h e l a s t case, t h e social
usually
with
with
the
a
coherent
theories
about
agnostic
loss
of
scheme,
particular
descriptions
a
and
certain
of
unity,
however, European social h i s t o r i a n s are better o f f f o r having
abandoned t h e b a s i c n i n e t e e n th-century
scheme.
Social. Elistory Forms and Reforms
Although
the d i s t i n c t i v e enterprise of
h i s t o r y r e a c h e s back
i t began
f l o u r i s h i n g a s n e v e r b e f o r e f o l l o w i n g W o r l d War 11.
One s i g n
While
such
Annales,
historical
journals
and
as
the
nineteenth
social
century,
is t h e s e t o f
into
European
j o u r n a l s f e a t u r i n g social h i s t o r y .
Past
&
Present,
Quaderni ~ t o r i c i ,
Comparative S t u d i e s i n S o c i e t y and H i s t o r y
frequently printed social history,
o t h e r s made . i t t h e i r m a i n
business:
Journal of Social History,
Social History,
H i s t o r y Workshop,
the
J o u r n a l o f I n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y History,
the
Passato e Presente,
~ o c i e t ie S t o r i a ,
G e s c h i c h t e und
G e s e l l s c h a f t s t o o d b e s i d e more s p e c i a l i z e d
journals
A n n a l e s d e ~ 6 m o g r a p h i eH i s t o r i q u e ,
J o u r n a l of Family
the
H i s t o r y r o r t h e J o u r n a l o f Urban H i s t o r y .
conferences,
critical
courses,
essays
collective
likewise
Learned s o c i e t i e s , .
volumes,
handbooksr
proliferated.
and
impor t a n t
More
t h e i r s i g h t s on a wide r a n g e o f
European h i s t o r i a n s
trained
social
especially
experience,
such as
concerning
the
period
since
1700.
The
flourishing
to
of
social
the
another
specialty
labor.
It also expanded
European
people
preface
to
make
more
their
serious
own
did
not
historian's
the range of
been rare i n p r e v i o u s h i s t o r i e s :
ordinary
history
add
division
of
a n a t t i t u d e t h a t had
a belief
history.
matters
merely
the
that within l i m i t s
Of
course,
as a
or
book
chapter
concerning popular customs and d a i l y l i f e d a t e s back to t h e
Greeks.
To
be
sure,
romantics
such
as
Michelet
had
s i n c e w r i t t e n h i s t o r y a s t h e work o f a n abstract People,
M a r x i s t h i s t o r i a n s s u c h a s ~ a u r e sh a d p o r t r a y e d
c l a s s a s a major
h i s t o r i c a l actor.
to r e t r i e v e past experience by
ordinary
people
and
connecting
them
to
great
and
t h e working
Nevertheless
reconstructing
long
the effort
the
l i v e s of
structures,
crises,
c h a n g e s came i n t o
and
i t s own w i t h
European
social
h i s t o r y f o l l o w i n g W o r l d War 11.
One name f o r
practiced
by
history
from
building
up
t h e program w a s
E.J.
Hobsbawm,
below
took
portraits
--
" h i s t o r y from below."
George
up
crucial
individual
t h e i r rank-and-f i l e p a r t i c i p a n t s .
at
events,
those
characteristics of
least
events
1789-1799:
the
in
and
as
before
a
struggles
food
by
--
of
t h e meaning o f
function
of
the
examined a series o f
during
over
events
G e o r g e ~ u d 6 ' s Crowd
f o r example
and
others,
collective
It argued
part,
many
historical
their participants.
i n t h e ' ~ r e n c hR e v o l u t i o n ,
Parisian
~ u d 6 t and
As
the
in
Revolution
1775,
the
of
popular
o p p o s i t i o n to t h e government i n t h e f a l l of 1788, t h e a t t a c k s
on. m a n u f a c t u r e r s
~ Q v e i l l o na n d
Henriot
in
April
1789,
the
s e a r c h f o r arms t h a t preceded t h e invasion o f t h e Bastille i n
J u l y 1789, and so on.
I n e a c h c a s e , Rude a s s e m b l e d s u c h b i o g r a p h i c a l m a t e r i a l
as he could
then
from arrest
records
used d e t a i l e d accounts o f
sequence,
direction,
geography,
and
similar documents;
t o e s t a b l i s h its
the action
and
he
rationale.
Rude s o u g h t
t o make r e v o l u t i o n a r y c r o w d s c o h e r e n t , m e a n i n g f u l h i s t o r i c a l
actors
by
actual
reconstruction
of
their
membership
a c t i o n r a t h e r t h a n b y a s s i g n i n g t h e m a p r i o r i some g r a n d
and
(or
d i a b o l i c a l ) h i s t o r i c a l role.
In
one
version
or
another,
that
sort
of
populism
a w h o l e g e n e r a t i o n of
inspired
Temma K a p l a n
f o r example
t
winegrowers
who
rural
people
She r o o t s Andalusian
historians.
anarchism
in
e x p e r i e n c e o f a r t i s a n s and p r o l e t a r i a n
faced
an
alliance
a ' c o r r u p t state.
merchants with
social
treats t h e p o l i t i c s o f Andalusia's
little people seriously.
the nineteenth-century
European
elsewhere
in
of
For
Europe
large
landowners
Kaplan,
the
and
moves
collectivist
toward
of
and
c a p i t a l i s t s o l u t i o n s serve a s i m p l i c i t m a r k e r s o f a l t e r n a t i v e
r o a d s from t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y .
Rainer
conflicts
'
Wirtz
'
treatment
likewise
historians.
illustrates
Attempting
analysis of
of
n i n e t e e n th-cen t u r y
German
the
social
populism
a
construct
to
" v i o l e n t social p r o t e s t n i n
18481 W i r t z s e i z e s o n E.P,
of
contemporaneous
Baden
from
1815 to
T h o m p s o n ' s m e t a p h o r o f a f i . e l d of
classes.
f o r c e d e f i n i n g t h e r e l a t i o n s among
Describing
101
incidents over those years,
Wirtz works o u t from t h e e v e n t s
to
social
questions
plausible
'
case
whole system of
about
their
that
1848 m a r k e d
setting,
the
He
a
makes
disintegration
of
a
r i g h t s t u n d e r s t a n d i n g s t and class r e l a t i o n s ,
a " m o r a l economyn g i v i n g p o o r p e o p l e claims on t h e p o w e r f u l ,
By
no
means
all
populist
social
broadly Marxist interpretations of
John
Brewert
for
eighteenth-century
of
London.
"The
examplet
historians
~ u d e ' r Kaplan
brilliantly
mock e l e c t i o n a t G a r r a t
mock
electionst"
he
t
share
the
and W i r t z ,
portrays
the
a village south
reports,
"were
boisterous
and
exuberantr
like
a
carnival.
Drink
flowed
f r e e l y r t h e r e w a s d a n c i n g a n d m u s i c i n t h e s t r e e t s ! men a n d
the ludicrous candidates dressed as zanies
women a c c o m p a n i e d
or merry andrews
During
the
. . . or
1760sr
i n t h e i r b e s t holiday finery."'
notes
Brewer
the
long-established
mock e l e c t i o n b e c a m e t h e o b j e c t o f s t r u g g l e r i n t h e p r e s s a n d
on t h e stage a s w e l l a s i n G a r r a t ' s s t r e e t s r between r a d i c a l s
A London
and t h e i r opponents.
t h e a t r i c a l presentation of the
ceremony a t t r a c t e d n a t i o n a l a t t e n t i o n
and drew thousands t o
But its f o l l o w i n g d e c l i n e d r a d i c a l l y
the v i l l a g e each year.
i n t h e 1790s.
t a l e t o make t h r e e p o i n t s :
Brewer u s e s h i s w e l l - t o l d
1)
that
eighteenth-century
merely
a
have
popular
theatrical
politics
side;
to
an
did
not
important
d e g r e e i t was t h e a t e r ; i t s d r a m a t i c d i s c o u r s e u n i t e d
p l e b e i a n s and powers;
2)
that
nevertheless
appropriate
exposed
evoke
political
them
the
the
to
their
attempt
theater
opponentsr
elite contempt
identification
of
the
to
and
cause
of
a
national
who
fear
with
radicals
could
stirred
riotous
to
cause
easily
by
the
popular
festivals;
3)
t h a t i n t h e age of t h e French Revolution
radical
activists
search
to
for
turn
respectability
away
from
the sober
encouraged
suggestions
of
irresponsible
spontaneity
and
debauch;
political
theater therefore declined.
Brewer
makes
appealing
came
these
points
implicitly
before
to
his
after:
and
persuasively.
readers'
"The
makes
He
them
understanding
Garrat
election
of
by
what
therefore
r e p r e s e n t s b o t h a p a r t i c u l a r moment i n t h e h i s t o r y o f E n g l i s h
radicalism,
a
and
particular
phase
in
historians
framework o f
Rude
in
in
1) r e s i s t i n g
the
But
reduction
t h a t a c t i o n b y means of
and t h e i r a c t u a l b e h a v i o r .
rejection
of
condescending
i n s i s t e n c e on
tend
of
,
to
popular
~udg's
agree
with
collective
2 ) s e e k i n g t h e secret
close study of
real p a r t i c i p a n t s
E s s e n t i a l l y similar a t t i t u d e s
attributions
the direct study of
of
urban h i s t o r y ,
--
irrationality,
everyday participants
c h a r a c t e r i z e a wide range o f s o c i a l h i s t o r y :
demographic h i s t o r y ,
reject
vein
they
a c t i o n t o a f a c e l e s s , i r r a t i o n a l Crowd
of
of
1,
Brewer's
class 'conflict.
development
England. 4
class r e l a t i o n s i n eighteenth-century
Social
the
--
Family h i s t o r y ,
a n d many o t h e r h i s t o r i e s
have t a k e n on a p o p u l i s t c a s t .
Collective Biography and Systematic Comparison
One
general
social h i s t o r i e s :
consists of
lives
of
those
files
procedure
individuals,
into
the
emblem
c o l l e c t i v e biography.
t h e assembly of
many
became
a
of
all
these
C o l l e c t i v e biography
comparable f i l e s concerning
followed
collective
by
portrait
the
of
regrouping
the
the
of
population
involved.
of
~ u d d ' st a l l y i n g o f a r r e s t l i s t s f o r d i s t r i b u t i o n s
ages,
o c c u p a t i o n s , and
geographic
c o l l e c t i v e biography a t its s i m p l e s t .
to
is
search
out
further
origins
illustrates
The o b v i o u s n e x t s t e p
information
concerning
the
i n d i v i d u a l s i d e n t i f i e d by t h e arrest list i n o t h e r s o u r c e s :
censuses,
parish
registers,
and
so
on.
Full-fledged
c o l l e c t i v e biography usually involves compiling biographical
i n f o r m a t i o n o n many i n d i v i d u a l s s y s t e m a t i c a l l y f r o m more t h a n
one source.
T h e most c o m p r e h e n s i v e a n d s u c c e s s f u l u s e s o f c o l l e c t i v e
biography
historians
have
appeared
have
in
historical
painstakingly
There ,
demography.
abstracted
individual
parish
r e g i s t r a t i o n s o f b i r t h s , d e a t h s , a n d m a r r i a g e s (more e x a c t l y ,
of
baptisms,
b u r i a l s , and
weddings)
i nto
skeletal
famiily
h i s t o r i e s , a n d t h e n c e i n t o estimates o f f e r t i l i t y , m o r t a l i t y ,
and n u p t i a l i t y f o r whole p o p u l a t i o n s
--
local
,
regional
,
or
even n a t i o n a l .
H i s t o r i c a l d e m o g r a p h e r s h a v e moved f r o m i n d i v i d u a l v i t a l
events
to aggregate population
paths:
via
have
families a n d v i a localities.
grouped
a t t e n t i o n on
therefore
dynamics over
observations
by
those families t h a t
their
demographic
family,
two different
On o n e s i d e ,
concentrated
they
their
l i v e d o u t t h e i r l i v e s (and
histories)
within
the
locality
u n d e r s t u d y , a n d a g g r e g a t e d i n f o r m a t i o n o n t h e women who h a d
completed
their
childbearing
into
estimates
for
the
as a
population
whole.
!family reconstitution
Family
mobile
This
i t c o v e r s and
different
types
population
of
establishes
of
that
method
of
disadvantages : It
enormously
excludes
time-consuming
.
Its
are to b e e x t r e m e l y p r e c i s e w i t h i n t h e
population
Caen
has
is
and
advantages , however,
painstaking
."
reconstitution
families
the
is
to permit
c l o s e c o m p a r i s o n s among
individuals.
from
1740
(despite
to
Thus,
1789,
Jean-Claude
low
very
examining
the
Perrot
illegitimacy
and
infrequent prenuptial conception) P r o t e s t a n t s averaged higher
That w a s due,
f e r t i l i t y than Catholics.
n o t to t h e l a r g e s i z e of P r o t e s t a n t
the fact that
the married
more
childless
Reconstituting
Jean-Pierre
of t e n
families,
but mainly to
C a t h o l i c s o f Caen went c o m p l e t e l y
than
f a m i l i e s of
he g o e s on t o show,
their
Protestant
n e a r b y Rouen
from
neighbors.
1670 to
1789,
B a r d e t shows t h a t completed f a m i l y s i z e d e c l i n e d
i n a l l s o c i a l c l a s s e s , b u t t h a t n o t a b l e s l e d t h e way w i t h a
d r o p f r o m 7.2
4.1
live
l i v e b i r t h s p e r m a r r i e d woman i n 1 6 7 0 - 1 6 9 9
births
in
1760-1789.
The
findings
on
Rouen
to
and
C a e n h e l p u s u n d e r s t a n d how t h e i r p r o v i n c e o f Normandy b e c a m e
one
of
Europe's
fertility
earliest
decline.
regions
Painstaking
of
family
long-term
definitive
reconstitution
made
such findings possible.
On
bypass
the
the
other
family
side,
to
demographic
accumulate
sometimes
historians
observations
of
births,
deaths
and m a r r i a g e s f o r whole communities.
series
the
yield
--
communities
--
most
rates,
while
characteristics
for
variation
salient
in
disadvantages
household
of
this
of
etc,
rich o r poor, agricultural o r industrial
substitute
The
annual
Then t y p i c a l l y
characteristics.
a g g r e g a t i v e method
s t e m from t h e u n c e r t a i n r e l a t i o n s h i p between t h e v i t a l e v e n t s
and
the
at
population
patterns,
risk;
f o r example
with
no
change
in
behavior
the s e l e c t i v e out-migration
of
young
people t e n d s by itself t o d e p r e s s t h e b i r t h rate.
The a d v a n t a g e s o f a g g r e g a t i v e m e t h o d s a r e t h e i r r e l a t i v e
efficiency
Thus
in
and
their
their
massive
births,
deathst
p a r i s h registers,
internal bias,
absence
of
estimates
against
other
rose
during
fluctuationst
strongly
to
England's
chnges.
population
R.S.
from
Schofield
Anglican
404
under-registration
(They a l s o c h e c k
results
a
of
dozen
and
some
of
English
the
their
family
T h e y a r e t h e n a b l e t o s h o w t among a g r e a t
things,
the
played
of
marriages
v a r i o u s forms of
non-Anglicans.
many
year-to-year
Wrigley and
E,A.
and
to
t h e n c o r r e c t and augment t h o s e series f o r
reconstitutions.)
marriage
analysis
1541 t o 1 8 7 1 ,
h i s t o r y from
aggregate
sensitivity
that
E n g l i s h marital
eighteenth
a
and
very
important
that
changes
e n c o u r a g e d more p e o p l e
century,
marriage
in
wage
that
part
rates
fertility
in
actually
fluctuations
in
annual
fertility
themselves
responded
levels;
t o marry younger.
rising
wage
Ma1 t h u s '
levels
Positive
--
Check
rise
the
--
subsistences
believed.
in
had
death
much
Collective
through dry-as-dust
rates
when
less e f f e c t
biography
technical
population
overran
t h a n most p e o p l e
took
Wrigley
procedures t o
and
have
Schofield
t h e dynamics of
m a r r i a g e and b i r t h .
Essentially
same
the
procedures
yield
estimates
of
occupational mobility, of t h e s o c i a l composition of p o l i t i c a l
movements, o r of t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f w e a l t h ,
In studying the
l a b o r i n g classes o f R e n a i s s a n c e F l o r e n c e , f o r e x a m p l e , Samuel
Cohn J r , r e c o n s t r u c t e d w o r k e r s '
personal
association
c o n t r a c ts,
then
from
baptismal
integrated
criminal prosecutions
and
the
patricians'
registers
results
t o reveal
with
and
marriage
evidence
the activation
c o l i t i o n s of workers i n t h e t i m e of
networks of
of
from
city-wide
t h e Ciompi i n s u r r e c t i o n s
(1342-1383).
In q u i t e a d i f f e r e n t
from p o l i c e
registers
the
vein
,
Kristian
c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of
who e m i g r a t e d f r o m 1 8 6 8 t o 1 9 0 0 ;
among
other
rural-urban
America.
things,
Hvidt
the
transcribed
172,000
Danes
h i s analysis demonstrated,
intimate
interdependence
of
m i g r a t i o n within Denmark a n d t h e g r e a t f l i g h t t o
In
essence, regional
and
transatlantic
migration
formed a s i n g l e system.
Although
often
single
in
these
cases
individuals,
d e a l s with households,
the
units
collective
firms,
observed
biography
properties,
are
most
sometimes
even e v e n t s .
John
B o h s t e d t , f o r e x a m p l e , based h i s s t u d y o f community p o l i t i c s
i n E n g l a n d a n d Wales f r o m 1 7 9 0 t o 1 8 1 0 o n a
catalog of
617
e v e n t s found a c c o r d i n g to a s t a n d a r d d e f i n i t i o n i n t h e Annual
two
Register,
newspapers,
and
the
collective
observations
biography
on
mu1 t i p l e
of
individuals :
units
domestic
T h e l o g i c is t h e same a s
correspondence of t h e Home Office.
in
general
compounded
comparable
into
systematic
c o l l e c t i v e a c c o u n t s of u n i t y and v a r i a t i o n .
How s y s t e m a t i c , h o w e v e r , i s a q u e s t i o n t h a t h a s d i v i d e d
social
European
biography,
historians.
The
beauty
of
collective
i n p r i n c i p l e , is t h a t i t p e r m i t s its p r a c t i t i o n e r s
to retain a l l the idiosyncrasy of personal experience while
i d e n t i f y i n g u n i f o r m i t i e s a n d v a r i a t i o n s a c r o s s many p e r s o n a l
experiences.
practice,
In
simplification
--
for
occupations
of
arrested
categories,
incidents
beauty
to
required
variations
the
example
,
identify
to
persons
particularity.
a
If
handful
the
of
a
historian
--
has
of
limited
Baden's
types
somewhat;
uniformities
~ u d 6 ' s reduction
or W i r t z ' s grouping o f
into
fades
the
number
manifold
often
many
the
and
many
of
violent
suppresses
instances
to
e x a m i n e , he o r s h e is l i k e l y t o a d o p t a c r u d e s i m p l i f i c a t i o n :
hand
tallying
punches
mutually
in
i n t o t w o or
cards
exclusive
three
representing
categories
categories at
among
nine
or
slightly
more
refined
choices
as
version of the t a l l y i n g procedure.
a
the extreme,
ten
A t
have
the other
abandoned
extreme,
the
some
search
European
for
systematic variations i n favor of
of exemplary i n d i v i d u a l l i v e s .
social
common
i n t o t h e sort of
properties
An o u t s t a n d i n g e x a m p l e is t h e
C o b b l s e a r l y work
c o l l e c t i v e biography
i n s p i r e d by t h e
g r e a t French r e v o l u t i o n a r y h i s t o r i a n Georges Lefebvre;
~ u d g examined
George
Soboul
and
revolutionary
others
sans-culottes,
Cobb
did
crowds,
collective
studied
and
the loving reconstruction
E n g l i s h h i s t o r i a n o f F r a n c e , R i c h a r d Cobb,
fell
historians
the
while
while
Albert
biographies
volunteer
of
revolutionary
a r m i e s t h a t p l a y e d s u c h a n i m p o r t a n t p a r t i n m o b i l i z i n g young
men t o t h e r e v o l u t i o n a r y c a u s e a n d i n e n f o r c i n g t h e d e c i s i o n s
of
and
revolutionary activists.
many
never
other
students
showed
much
Nevertheless,
his
As
of
enthusiasm
studies
of
compared w i t h
revolutionary
for
activists,
taxonomies
army
units
Soboul t
or
did
RU~Q
Cobb
statistics,
catalog
the
o f f i c e r s a n d d e s c r i b e t h e men i n g r e a t d e t a i l , c h a r a c t e r i z i n g
b o t h t h e i r o r i g i n s and ' t h e i r b e h a v i o r .
Then
single
Cobb
moved
individuals
increasingly
who
toward
illustrated
the
some
portrayal
principle
of
of
r e v o l u t i o n a r y a c t i o n , o r who s i m p l y l i v e d i n t e r e s t i n g l i v e s .
H e came t o d i s a p p r o v e o f
the approaches of
S o b o u l a n d Rude.
S p e a k i n g o f C o l i n Lu'cas' r e m a r k a b l e work., Cobb commented t h a t
Lucas :
has proposed
c o l l e c t i v e d e f i n i t i o n s and g r o u p i n g s t h a t
a r e f a r more s o p h i s t i c a t e d t h a n t h e c r u d e j u m b l e s a l e o f
mouvement d e masse
Soboul's
repetitive
a
Mondayt
destroy
a
or
to
get
threshing
drunk
a
in
if
wearisomely
to d o something
'tending '
machine
threshing machiner o r
Rude's
'tending'
(always
spending a l l its t i m e
other
on
Crowd
or
or
whether to r i o t
or
to
like
a
wine-shopr
it
did
not
to r i o t on o r n e a r a m a r k e t r i f
t h e r e were a m a r k e t d a y r o r o n o r n e a r a g r a i n p o r t 1 i f
t h e r e were a l o t o f g r a i n c o m i n g t h r o u g h ) . 6
Instead
r
Cobb t o o k u p p o r t r a y a l s o f
i n d i v i d u a l s s u f f e r i n g or
p r o f i t i n g a t t h e Revolution's margins.
Cobb's s c i n t i l l a t i n g
p o r t r a i t s l e d t h e way o u t o f c o l l e c t i v e b i o g r a p h y .
I n p r i n c i p l e r w i t h g r e a t e f f o r t r a social h i s t o r i a n can
both
retain
systematic
individuality
variation;
s y s t e m a n d a way o f
the
distribution
of
all
and
it
takes
relating
all
deal
with
is a
uniformity
refined
well-described
individuals.
patiencer
the
expertiset
or
system.
In
practicer
European
the
social
recording
to
individuals
Few
resources
or
to
have
had
build
historians
the
such
a
have
commonly s t a t i o n e d t h e m s e l v e s s o m e w h e r e a l o n g t h i s c o n t i n u u m :
crude categories
many c a s e s
g r e a t uniformity
quantification
H a v i n g c h o s e n a p o s i t i o n on
analysisr
they
have
stuck
detailed description
few cases
much v a r i e t y
q u a l i t a t i v e treatment
t h e continuum f o r a
to
it.
~ u d g ' s , John B r e w e r 's s t u d i e s o f
As
popular
compared
particular
to
George
politics generally
t a k e up t h e d e t a i l e d q u a l i t a t i v e d e s c r i p t i o n o f a few c a s e s
v a r y i n g c o n s i d e r a b l y from e a c h o t h e r .
An u n n e c e s s a r y b u t u n d e r s t a n d a b l e d i v i s i o n a r o s e among
--
p e o p l e who h a d c h o s e n d i f f e r e n t p o s i t i o n s o n t h e c o n t i n u u m
broadly,
a
division
Collectivists
individualist^.^
into crude categories,
among
their
tended
to
between
cases
provide
to examining u n i f o r m i t i e s
quantitative
detailed
means.
descriptions
Individualists
a
of
few
s t r e s s i n g t h e i r v a r i e t y v i a q u a l i t a t i v e comparison.
incessant
creation
of
s p e c i a lties
new
adoption
of
technologiest
new
for
concentrate near the "collectivist"
the
to
attempt
psychological
do
psychohistory,
categories
to
label
to
and
subjects
The s t u d y o f
came
example,
end o f
cases,
With t h e
whole
c l u s t e r e d n e a r a s i n g l e p o i n t on t h e continuum.
the
and
t o g r o u p many c a s e s
tended
attempting
by
"collectivists"
to
the ranger while
use
contemporary
explain
historical
a c t i o n s , s e t t l e d n e a r t h e " i n d i v i d u a l i s t n end of t h e range.
The
l i f er
German
program
illustrates
of
the
studying
division.
A l ltagsleben
Criticizing
,
everyday
Hans-Ulrich
W e h l e r , A l f LL'dtke c o m p l a i n s o f t h e v i e w t h a t " e v e r y d a y l i f e
is a l m o s t n e c e s s a r i l y m a r k e d b y i t s d i s t a n c e f r o m t h e f o r c e s
and
battlefields
of
the
historical
comes t o s i g n i f y m e r e l y t h e
that
segregation
correlate
of
and
'private'
relegation
overzealous
of
process;
everyday
spheren.
everyday
quantification.
life
L G d t k e sees
life
as
a
"Rigorous
statistics of production
,
consumption
and l i f e chances,"
" o n l y become m e a n i n g f u l t o g e t h e r w i t h a q u a l i t a t i v e
counters,
account of
t h e v a r i o u s modes o f p r o d u c t i o n a n d o f
o f t h e s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s o f p r o d u c t i o n " .8
of
the
he
everyday l i f e ,
analysis of
the nature
The s p e c i a l f e a t u r e
as he
sees i t ,
is " i t s
a t t e m p t to expose t h e c o n t r a d i c t i o n s and d i s c o n t i n u i t i e s of
b o t h t h e m o d e s a n d r e l a t i o n s of p r o d u c t i o n
the life-style
of
i n the context of
t o make t h e s e e v i d e n t a n d
those affected:
t o e x p l a i n them."'
Lsdtke i l l u s t r a t e s t h e counter-program
with h i s study of
w o r k b r e a k s i n German f a c t o r i e s a t t h e e n d o f
century.
The
analysis
"individualist"
between
of
end of
falls
t h e continuum.
the breaks built
worker/boss
itself
the nineteenth
clearly
at
the
LGdtke d i s t i n g u i s h e s
i n t o t h e schedule as a consequence
struggles,
and
those
breaks
workers
took
i l l e g a l l y r a t t h e i r own i n i t i a t i v e :
The
permitted
physical
breaks
reproduction
the business of
personal
and
and
mainly
function
of
s o were d i r e c t l y r e l a t e d
to
physical survival.
t h e r e were m o m e n t s o f
of
served
'mere'
collective
the
Even h e r e ,
togethenessr the beginnings
identity.
b r e a k s s u c h m o m e n t s were p r e d o m i n a n t :
action
and
the
possibilities
t e s t e d and developed:
thought
of
t h e r e were
to be a l o n e and to be w i t h o t h e r s
In
the
illegal
the capacity for
expression
could
be
further opportunities
--
to push back t h e
f o r c e s o f t h e f a c t o r y t even w h i l e n o t d i r e c t l y f i g h t i n g
them. 1 0
~ i i d t k e r e g a r d s t h e mere c o u n t i n g o f b r e a k s r o r t h e s t u d y o f
strikes
in
secondary
which
and
the
at
issue of
worst
came
up,
as a t
That
is
because
breaks
misleading.
best
the
or o f a n y o t h e r f e a t u r e o f
meaning a n d u s e o f work b r e a k s ,
d a i l y w o r k l i f e , loom much l a r g e r f o r him t h a n d o t h e b r u t e
f a c t s o f t h e i r d i s t r i b u t i o n i n t i m e and s p a c e .
That
t h e c h o i c e is f a l s e ,
however,
l o o k a t a n o t h e r o u t s t a n d i n g work
Perrot's
a p p e a r s from a good
in labor history,
Les Ouvriers en ~ r g v e .
Perrot
Michelle
painstakingly
assembled information concerning e v e r y s t r i k e s h e could f i n d
anywhere i n F r a n c e from 1870 t o 1890.
She prepared a crude machine-readable
strikes,
of
She found a b o u t 3 r 0 0 0
each
one,
and
tabulated
the
incidence
of
description
strikes
r e g i o n , y e a r , i s s u e , o u t c o m e , a n d a number o f o t h e r
industry,
characteristics.
P e r r o t thereby c o n s t r u c t e d a comprehensive
d e s c r i p t i v e g r i d f o r s t r i k e a c t i v i t y from 1870 to 1890.
built
by
t h e means o f
identifying
uniformity
and
variation
She
by
means o f a special s o r t o f c o l l e c t i v e b i o g r a p h y .
If
useful
P e r r o t had s t o p p e d
body o f
b u t would
ignoring
there,
s h e would have p r o v i d e d a
evidence f o r other historians of
vulnerable
to t h e accusation of
meaning and u s e .
But P e r r o t used h e r
have l e f t h e r s e l f
the strikes'
the period,
q u a n t i f i c a t i o n l a r g e l y to s p e c i f y what must be explained
--
why,
for
example,
sudden
strikes
without
prior
warning
o c c u r r e d more o f t e n i n i n d u s t r i e s w i t h l a r g e w o r k s i t e s ,
d e c l i n e d i n importance a s b i g i n d u s t r y grew.
yet
Her d i s c u s s i o n
o f t h a t s u b j e c t b e g i n s with t h e statistics, and ends with t h e
conclusion t h a t t h e unionization o f big i n d u s t r y reduced t h e
scope f o r workers'
conclusion
variety
via
of
I t moves from s t a t i s t i c s t o
spontaneity.
numerous
mechanisms
individual
by
which
examples
displaying
strikes actually
began,
the
as
w e l l a s t h e d i f f e r e n t ways i n which u n i o n l e a d e r s s o u g h t to
contain
them.
Perrot
put
the
bulk
c l o s e e x a m i n a t i o n of cases f a l l i n g
within her descriptive grid:
concerning
of
hours
of
her
effort into the
into different positions
the a c t u a l content of grievances
work,
the
conditions
for
workers'
v i c t o r y , l o s s , o r compromise i n s t r i k e s , a n d s o o n .
M i c h e l l e P e r r o t d i d n o t s i m p l y f i n d a h a p p y m i d p o i n t on
the
continuum
happy p o s i t i o n s ,
., o r
Keith
etc.
to
s p r i n g g r a c e f u l l y between t w o
one a t each end.
historians.
cases
quantitative/many
cases e t c
qualitative/few
social
from
Wrightson
Nor do other
and
David
first-rate
Levine
,
for
example, u s e a combination o f demographic a n a l y s i s and l o c a l
history
to
village
from 1500 to
reconstruct
the
1725.
a
experience
of
During
sixteeenth century,
the
single
Essex
t h e y d e t e c t r a p i d p o p u l a t i o n growth d u e to r e l a t i v e l y e a r l y
marriage
and
resulting
high
fertility.
After
1625,
they
d i s c o v e r a s l o w i n g of p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h a s f e r t i l i t y d e c l i n e d
and
"extra"
village.
children
The
had
demographic
fewer
chances
findings
stay
to
thereby
in
raise
the
precise
q u e s t i o n s about social change i n t h e v i l l a g e .
S e a r c h i n g o u t t h a t c h a n g e , W r i g h t s o n a n d L e v i n e show t h e
of
creation
a
sharp
class
property-holding
land-poor
division
and
a
and
landless
a
between
larger
subordinate
. . .
workers
dominant
small1
with
a
class
of
religious
i d e o l o g y r a complex o f social d e f i n i t i o n s , and a set o f L e g a l
controls that reinforced the division.
Reading Wrightson and
L e v i n e l w e watch t h e local v e r s i o n o f c a p i t a l i s m emerge a s a
c o n t i n g e n t p r o d u c t o f s t r u g g l e b e t w e e n t h e f e w a n d t h e many.
Such
work
placing
that
to " c o l l e c t i v i s t "
"individualist"
unfortunate
demonstrates
simplification.
oneself
along
the
the
con tinuum
is i t s e l f
The
an illusion,
illusion
diagonal
of
from
the
results
an
from
s p a c e ' shown
in
F i g u r e 1.
FIGURE 1 ABOUT HERE
Work
is
easier
along
the
diagonal
than
r e s u l t s below t h e d i a g o n a l a r e n o t v e r y u s e f u l .
of
results
variety
than
principle
oneself
rises
with
the
not
more
at
most
the
a
rapidly
move
useful
upper
a
with
toward
move
many
results
right-hand
come
The u t i l i t y
toward
cases.
from
corner
Most
it.
above
refined
Yet,
in
stationing
(few
casesr
r e f i n e d v a r i e t y ) b u t n e a r t h e u p p e r left c o r n e r (many c a s e s r
refined
variety).
Michelle
Perrot's
d i a g o n a l toward t h a t c o r n e r .
work
pushes
above
the
With a n e f f o r t t w e can go even
farther in that direction.
The p r o g r a m o f
"social
science
historical
to
core
of
into
the
interpretive devices
The
t o push
t h e y r u n from t h e i n c o r p o r a t i o n o f sound
evidence
investigations
seeks
The term i t s e l f c o v e r s a
social h i s t o r y above t h e d i a g o n a l .
v a r i e t y of e f f o r t s ;
history"
use
in
social
contemporary
of
social-scientific
standard
science
social-scientific
historical
history,
concepts
as
investigations.
howeverr
has
three
distinguishing features:
1.
t h e e x p l i c i t statement o f f a l s i f i a b l e arguments;
2.
t h e generation of
evidence bearing
on
the validity
o f t h o s e a r g u m e n t s by means o f r i g o r o u s measurement;
the
3.
use
of
systematic
comparisons
among
cases
to
v e r i f y o r f a l s i f y the arguments i n question.
T h e s e f e a t u r e s e s t a b l i s h two d i f f e r e n t s o r t s o f
ties between
contemporary s o c i a l s c i e n c e and social h i s t o r y :
First
point
science
to
general.
the
distinctive
Second
the
features
"falsifiable
of
social
arguments"
q u i t e l i k e l y t o come f r o m t h o s e d i s c i p l i n e s
in
play
they
in
are
that specialize
i n t h e contemporary e q u i v a l e n t s of pressing s o c i a l - h i s t o r i c a l
q u e s t i o n s t t h e social s c i e n c e s .
Thus w e f i n d s o c i a l s c i e n c e h i s t o r i a n s :
* asking
how
and
proletarianized
why
,
various
using
European
about
ideas
populations
the
logic
of
c a p i t a l i s t i c production
* seeking
to e x p l a i n r e g i o n a l and temporal v a r i a t i o n s i n
fertility,
using
about
ideas
the
demographic
transition
* examining
the
and
correlates
effects
of
women's
employment i n d i f f e r e n t European c i t i e s , u s i n g
ideas
a b o u t household economic s t r a t e g i e s
* studying the spread of
communities,
literacy
combatting
among
standard
classes
ideas
and
about
modernization
*
reviewing h i s t o r i c a l p a t t e r n s of rural-urban
migration
i n Europe, drawing on i d e a s d e v e l o p e d i n t h e a n a l y s i s
o f c o n t e m p o r a r y T h i r d World m i g r a t i o n
~ l t lh e s e a d v e n t u r e s ,
a n d more, p r o f i t f r o m t h e i r c a s t i n g i n
a s o c i a l - s c i e n t i f i c mold.
A
one
case i n p o i n t comes f r o m t h e s t u d y o f l i t e r a c y .
hand,
abilities
to
read
and
write
vary
enormously
On
in
contemporary Europe; n o t o n l y t h e t e c h n i c a l s k i l l s b u t a l s o
t h e meanings and c o n s e q u e n c e s o f t h e a c t i v i t y d i f f e r from o n e
person to the next.
school
,
a b i l i t y to s i g n o n e ' s
p r i n t e d matter
and
No simple standard
--
name,
--
s o many y e a r s o f
or p e r h a p s p u r c h a s e o f
c a p t u r e s t h e v a r i a t i o n s i n s k i l l , meanings,
consequences of
literacy.
Yet
E u r o p e a n s on
t h e whole
clearly
have
become
c e n t u r y o r two.
citizensr
and
of
experience.
soldiers,
people
But
be
how
literate
during
t o escape the
(and
write
employers,
categories
more
is h a r d
It
to r e a d
ability
much
the
feeling
increasing
drivers,
literate)
and
altered
to
translate
since
national
the
that
last
that
demand
the
that
other
whole
people's
daily
feeling
into
historical research?
For
the
period
b u r e a u c r a c i e s began
of
ordinary
their
by-products
intervening actively in
people,
evidence
of
churches
European
about
those
social
popular
interventions.
the daily lives
historians
literacy
state
and
have
mainly
Signing
from
of
drawn
the
documentsr
e n r o l l m e n t i n s c h o o l r and s c r e e n i n g f o r a d m i s s i o n t o m i l i t a r y
service , prison
,
some o t h e r
or
bureaucratized
p r o v i d e t h e most a b u n d a n t e v i d e n c e .
d i f f e r e n t regions of
inspection
that
the
reports,
skills
of
France,
Fransois
reading
then
Furet
and
institution
Using s u c h s o u r c e s f o r
delving
i n t o memoirs and
and
Ozouf
Jacques
writing
spread
show
somewhat
s e p a r a t e l y from e a c h o t h e r ; F r e n c h P r o t e s t a n t s , f o r example r
commonly l e a r n e d e n o u g h r e a d i n g
Bible,
but
did
not
necessarily
t o d e c i p h e r v e r s e s from t h e
learn
to
write.
Writing
s k i l l s connected c l o s e l y w i t h commercial a c t i v i t y .
I n Sweden, a n a t i o n a l L u t h e r a n c h u r c h ,
s t r o n g l y backed
by t h e s t a t e r m o n i t o r e d t h e a b i l i t y t o r e a d c l o s e l y ; p a s t o r s
regularly
tested
(and
recorded)
the
skills
of
their
p a r i s h i o n e r s a t r e a d i n g and i n t e r p r e t i n g s c r i p t u r e .
e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y onward
read
at
home.
registers,
and
other
,
According
military
elementary
reading
b e f o r e t h e end o f
many u n s c h o o l e d S w e d e s l e a r n e d t o
to
studies
recruitment
s o u r c e s by Egil
ability
From t h e
of
church
school s t a t i s t i c s,
recordst
Johansson
became
examination
and
his
quite
the eighteenth century,
collaborators,
general
in
Sweden
b u t t h e a b i l i t y to
w r i t e only generalized with the extension of formal schooling
a f t e r 1800.
In
the
French and
Swedish
investigations of
literacy,
t h e c o n c l u s i o n s r e s u l t e d from close e x a m i n a t i o n o f t h o u s a n d s
of
The s h e e r scale o f
instances.
the
i n q u i r i e s pushed
the
r e s e a r c h e r s toward t h e methods o f t h e social s c i e n c e s .
The
risks
a
social
contemporary
exportation
of
from
relationship
science
contemporary
between
are
f rames
history
obvious:
of
models
and
wholesale
concepts,
argumentst and methods t h a t f i t h i s t o r i c a l e x p e r i e n c e badly;
subordination
agenda
of
of
fundamental
contemporary
historical
social
science;
a n a l o g i e s between contemporary and
evidence.
building
historical
Y e t t h e s e r i s k s are a v o i d a b l e .
b e n e f i t s are g r e a t .
questions
of
to
the
false
e x p e r i e n c e or
And t h e p o t e n t i a l
Tasks of Social History
Whether
practiced.
in
social-scientific
a
mode
or
o t h e r w i s e , t h e f u n d a m e n t a l work o f European social h i s t o r i a n s
remains
same,
It
consists
changes,
b)
reconstructing
the
structural
of
documenting
a)
the
large
experiences
of
ordinary people i n the course of those changes, c ) connecting
the two.
Documenting
large
structural
miscellany of a c t i v i t i e s ,
to
statistics
available
the
European h i s t o r y :
of
itself
observers'
reflects
from
policing,
taxation
and
populations;
opinions,
the
course
The
of
produced m a i n l y by t h e a g e n t s o f s t a t e s and
s e c o n d a r i l y by t h e a g e n t s of churches;
residues
a
from t h e c o m p i l a t i o n o f government
collation
documentation
involves
changes
other
consisting largely of
conscription,
efforts
at
civil
registration,
controlling
subject
i n c r e a s i n g e n o r m o u s l y i n v o l u m e o v e r time a s a
r e s u l t b o t h o f expanding bureaucracy and o f s h e e r s u r v i v a l o f
more r e c e n t
records;
series m o n i t o r e d
century.
An
by
crystall'izing
specialists
important
part
of
into
chiefly
regularly
in
the
social-historical
reported
nineteenth
expertise
h a s g o n e i n t o u s i n g t h e d i s p a r a t e e v i d e n c e a v a i l a b l e from t h e
period before censuses,
s u r v e y s r and s t a t i s t i c a l s e r v i c e s to
e x t e n d t h e s t a n d a r d r e c e n t series back
s e v e n t e e n t h , or e a r l i e r c e n t u r i e s .
into the eighteenth,
Social
historians
to
contributions
have
the
made
second
task:
experiences of o r d i n a r y people.
most
their
original
reconstructing
the
The g r e a t e s t d i s c o v e r y was
no d i s c o v e r y a t a l l ; it w a s t h e r e a l i z a t i o n t h a t i f o r d i n a r y
people
left
few
narratives
of
lives,
their
innumerable
documents o f g r e a t d i v e r s i t y b o r e traces o f t h o s e l i v e s .
traces
could,
skeletal
care
with
histories
registers,
and
a
of
expertise,
great
f ilesr
notaries'
f i t
many
together
into
Religious
lives,
judicial
The
proceedings,
tax
records, cadasters, censuses, voting rolls1 c i t y d i r e c t o r i e s ,
account bookst
between
a n d many o t h e r
individuals
and
routine
large
residues
organizations
of
contacts
all
provided
v o l u m i n o u s i n f o r m a t i o n o n many p e o p l e o u t s i d e t h e e l i t e ,
Long b e f o r e W o r l d War 11, p e o p l e who were t r a c i n g t h e i r
ancestors
had
individuals.
used
many
of
same
these
C o l l e c t i v e b i o g r a p h y made
the
s i n g l e i n d i v i d u a l s to whole p o p u l a t i o n s ;
moments f o r s o c i a l h i s t o r y ,
indeed
Louis
genealogies
Henry
realized
estimates
analyzed,
yield
fertility,
mortality,
processes,
that
and
of
to
sources
locate
transition
one of
from
the critical
a r r i v e d when d e m o g r a p h e r
would,
changes
nuptiality.
in
if
properly
vital
(Other
raes:
demographic
n o t a b l y m i g r a t i o n , came l a t e r ,)
4
Although
collective
British parliamentarians
the
reconstitution
of
biographies
and
of
family
of
Roman
senators,
o t h e r elites long
demographic
of
preceded
histories
from
g e n e a l o g i e s and
marriages,
it was
run-of-the-mill
social
from p a r i s h
the
extension
families
historians.
collective
richly
anecdotal
a
permitted
that
The
biography
rarely
closer
of
of
births,
collective
released
sources
histories
much
records
to
creativity
of
for
popular
to
assemble
possible
it
individual
approximation
lives.
a
to
and
biography
available
made
of
the
deaths,
But
they
standard
life
history f o r ordinary people than ever before,
Connecting
the
aggregate
observations
change w i t h t h e s o c i a l e x p e r i e n c e s s e t s
the
of
structural
most d i f f i c u l t
On t h e w h o l e , E u r o p e a n s o c i a l h i s t o r i a n s h a v e m e t
challenge.
t h e c h a l l e n g e w i t h less i m a g i n a t i o n t h a n t h e y have b r o u g h t t o
the
two
first
impressionistic
tasks,
When
they
inte.rpretations
have
of
the
not
social
for
settled
experience,
t h e y h a v e commonly r e l i e d on c r u d e c o r r e l a t i o n s : d i v i d i n g t h e
i n t o s e v e r a l rough c a t e g o r i e s to e s t a b l i s h
e n t i r e population
that
their
social
experiences
differed,
using
local
I
populations
pointing
in
time
proxies
for
distinct
social
to a broad correspondence between
of
structural
histories
as
the
measured
change,
divide
For
up
carefully-assembled
social
their
e x p e r i e n c e and
example,
cities
many
into
or
fluctuations
a
of
European
parishes,
large
urban
then
use
e v i d e n c e t o show t h a t p a r i s h e s c o n t a i n i n g
many p o o r p e o p l e a l s o h a v e
criminal offenders,
the
groups,
relatively
more f o u n d l i n g s ,
high mortality,
and so on
--
more
important
information,
b u t a f a r c r y . from a n a n a l y s i s o f
to be sure!
c a u s a l c o n n e c t i o n s among t h e p h e n o m e n a ,
Such c r u d e m e t h o d s o f making t h e c o n n e c t i o n between b i g
s o c i a l experience e n t a i l a double
p r o c e s s e s a n d small-scale
loss,
First,
statements
they
of
ignore
variation
they
reduce
causal
the
the
priority:
precious
possibility
What
to
any
c a u s e s what?
information
from one e x p e r i e n c e
of
the
Second,
contained
next.
It
strong
in
the
is h a r d
to
make m o u s s e w i t h a c e m e n t m i x e r .
social
Nevertheless,
variation
historians
sometimes
use
fine
i n t i m e and space to t h e i r g r e a t advantage.
Some
d o i t b y t a k i n g a small number o f i n s t a n c e s , and t h e n making
fully-documen t e d
them.
and
David Gaunt,
precisely-controlled
for instance!
c o m p a r i s o n s among
looked a t the v a r i e t i e s of
f a m i l y s t r u c t u r e i n c e n t r a l Sweden d u r i n g t h e s e v e n t e e n t h a n d
e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y b y close comparison o f j u s t f i v e p a r i s h e s ,
He d i d n o t c h o o s e t h e f i v e p l a c e s a s a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s a m p l e ;
he
chose
them
economic b a s e s ,
obituaries of
miners
and
because
.
they
had
significantly
a n d b e c a u s e t h e y had r i c h s o u r c e s ,
their parishioners,
small-scale
One p a r i s h
metal-workers,
different
including
i n c l u d e d many
another
consisted
l a r g e l y o f p e a s a n t s who h a u l e d g o o d s i n t h e o f f - s e a s o n ,
and
t h r e e h o u s e d l a r g e e s t a t e s w h i c h e m p l o y e d many d a y - l a b o r e r s .
Gaunt's
comparison
of
population mobility of
the
parishes
brought
the estate-dominated
out
the
great
p a r i s h e s : of t h e
p e o p l e o v e r 60 who d i e d i n t h e p a r i s h e s t o n l y 5 t o 26 p e r c e n t
had
been
born
semi-industrial
67.
in
same
the
parishesr
The p e a s a n t
and
parish,
In
the
peasant
and
t h e p e r c e n t a g e s n a t i v e were 59 a n d
semi-industrial
parishest
furthermoret
had s u b s t a n t i a l l y l a r g e r h o u s e h o l d s t more complex h o u s e h o l d s
.
( e .g
including
adult
offspring)
and
more
single
people.
Gaunt relates t h e d i f f e r e n c e s e f f e c t i v e l y t o t h e h o u s e h o l d ' s
c o n t r o l o v e r i t s own l a n d a n d l i v e l i h o o d .
O t h e r s o c i a l h i s t o r i a n s s a c r i f i c e some o f t h e r i c h n e s s r
still c a r r y o u t f i n e comparisons over
but
observations.
Sooner o r later
find
that
almost
That
always
l a r g e numbers o f
requires
almost a l l analysts of
quantification.
industrial conflict
i n o r d e r t o k e e p t h e i r g r i p on
the
many
factors
c a u s i n g s t r i k e s t o o c c u r and e n d u r e t h e y are b e t t e r o f f u s i n g
quantitative
periods.
comparisons
Again
Europe c a r r i e d
entire
industriest
localitiest
and
the national s t u d i e s of f e r t i l i t y decline i n
on
by Ansley
g e n e r a l l y followed a
an
among
country
Coale and
his
associates
have
s e t o f small g e o g r a p h i c areas c o v e r i n g
from
census
to
census
for
a
century
or
more: o n l y q u a n t i f i c a t i o n h a s made t h a t e f f o r t f e a s i b l e .
S t i l l o t h e r s d o some o f e a c h :
analysis
of
variation
over
many
combine a m o d e r a t e l y r i c h
cases
with
a
very
rich
a n a l y s i s o f v a r i a t i o n among a s m a l l n u m b e r o f c a s e s t i n h o p e s
t h a t t h e two a n a l y s e s w i l l c o m p l e m e n t a n d c o n f i r m e a c h o t h e r .
Tracing
variations
in
Hungarian
household
structurer
Rudolf
A n d o r k a a n d Tdmas ~ a r a g 6u n d e r t a k e
c o m p a r i s o n s among e l e v e n
scattered
household
communities
available.
for
which
are
communitiest
they
For d i f f e r e n t
subsets of
compare o v e r a l l household
composition
age d i s t r i b u t i o n s of
h o u s e h o l d members,
and k i n s h i p r e l a t i o n s
different kinds of
Then t h e y u s e c e n s u s e s to compare whole
within households.
c o u n t i e s o v e r most o f Hungary.
they
establish
control
of
peasants
in
Hungary
property
were
the
listings
L i k e D a v i d G a u n t f o r Sweden
'
strong
a
(although
often
in
technically
relationship
Hungary
serfs)
and
households.
C o n t r a r y to widespread o p i n i o n
indications
of
fertility
and
in
large,
small-scale
household
more
extensive
complex
analyses
birth
as a n arrangement
that
to
wealthier
large,
and
Their
portray
stabilizes
complex
they also find
control
households.
combine
the
between
lower
large-scale
the
the
complex
connection
between a l i n e a g e and its l a n d by s t r o n g c o n s t r a i n t s o v e r t h e
m a r r i a g e , m i g r a t i o n , a n d work o p p o r t u n i t i e s o f i t s members.
cases,
all
these
documenting
large
In
people's
history.
structural
experiences,
incorporation
of
social
and
historians
changes,
connecting
everyday l i f e
into
find
depicting
the
two.
the great
themselves
ordinary
Result:
movements o f
Retouching t h e P o r t r a i t
As a result
of
recent decades'
work i n s o c i a l h i s t o r y ,
o u r p i c t u r e of g e n e r a l c h a n g e s i n E u r o p e a n l i f e o v e r t h e l a s t
few c e n t u r i e s h a s altered g r e a t l y .
N o t long ago,
historians
t h o u g h t , and t a u g h t , a Europe p e o p l e d m a i n l y by a n immobile,
traditional
mass , d o m i n a t e d
peasant
by
which broke a p a r t a f t e r 1750 w i t h an
church
and
industrial
state,
revolution
f o l l o w e d b y a series of d e m o c r a t i c r e v o l u t i o n s ,
Witness
the
1950 e d i t i o n
of
s u r v e y , A H i s t o r y o f t h e Modern World,
of
modern
Europe
f ift e e n t h - c e n t u r y
others)
and
outside
who e s t a b l i s h e d
thus
a
laid
Revolution.
political
orders
prices,
(Henry
power
VII,
with
Louis
XI,
the
and
stable government,
and
foundation
for
a
Commercial
from
i n w h i c h r u r a l p e o p l e p r o d u c e d a t home
local
merchants.
As
a
result
of
rising
p e a s a n t s p r o s p e r e d a n d l a n d l o r d s f a 1tered i n w e s t e r n
Europe ; i n
eastern
Europe , however
retained control of production,
price
begins
The C o m m e r c i a l R e v o l u t i o n i n c l u d e s a n e x p a n s i o n
of cottage industry,
on
royal
first-rate
Palmer's presentation
1taly
of
Monarchs
New
Palmer's
R,R.
rises
while
personal control
subordinating
landlords
thereby
themselves
taking advantage of
manorial
workers
to
their
.
Palmer's r e c o n s t r u c t i o n c o n t i n u e s : A s monarchs f o r t i f i e d
their
states
for
war,
conquest,
and
internal
control,
worldwide e x p l o r a t i o n and
t h e growth of
scientific
thinking
combined t o g e n e r a t e p r o s p e r i t y and modern ways:
. . . the
century!
g r e a t e s t s o c i a l development of
with the possible exception of
knowledge,
was
region
Europe
of
the
fact
that
north
of
Europe!
Spain
wealth,
and
in
the
widest
w a s produced
form!
and
knowledge,
ideas
the
two
helped
of
by
knowledget
technical
produce;
sense!
the
which
the
the
Atlantic
incomparably
t h e world.
in
scientific
it
turn
more
The new
conveniences
increasing
in
together!
times!
or
meaning
helped
wealth
and
to
more
t h e most f a r - r e a c h i n g
t o form o n e o f
modern
t h e progress of
became
more w e a l t h y t h a n a n y o t h e r p a r t o f
every
the eighteenth
idea
of
progress"
(pp,
264-265).
Palmer
points
out
that
concentrated industry!
the
new
wealth
but "represented
did
not
depend
t h e flowering of
on
the
o l d e r merchant c a p i t a l i s m ! d o m e s t i c i n d u s t r y and m e r c a n t i l i s t
government
. . .
policies
"
(P-
Then
264).
came
the
nineteenth century:
The p r o c e s s e s o f i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n i n t h e l o n g r u n were
t o revolutionize
short
runt
Vienna!
effects.
enlarging
in
the
the
same
The
both
the l i v e s of
men
generation
processes
Industrial
the
everywhere.
following
had
pronounced
Revolution
business
the
and
the
by
In
peace
the
of
political
greatly
wage-earning
rates
falling
death
rates.
Populations
rather
grew
to
than
increasing
more
because
l o n g e r , n o t b e c a u s e more were b o r n .
birth
people
lived
I t is p r o b a b l e t h a t
a b e t t e r preservation o f c i v i l o r d e r reduced d e a t h r a t e s
in
both
and
Asia
sovereign
Europe.
as
states,
Europe
established
to
put
an
stopping
the
c h r o n i c v i o l e n c e and
insecurity
long
in
century,
accompanying
end
In
a
of
the
the
period
of
organized
seventeenth
civil
marauding,
agriculture
and
wars,
with
the
famiily
of
t
l i f e , w h i c h were more d e a d l y t h a n wars f o u g h t b y armies
between
Asia
. . .
governments
other
maintenance
Europe,
sooner
g r o w t h were a t . w o r k
causes of
of
In
peace.
civil
They
than
beyond
included
in
the
the
l i b e r a t i o n from c e r t a i n endemic d i s e a s e s , beginning w i t h
the
subsiding
of
bubonic
c e n t u r y and t h e conquest o f
the
improvement
notably
in
England
transportation,
made
of
localized
c o u l d b e moved
lastly,
the
allowed
large
plague
about
which,
by
famine a
1750;
road
thing
into areas of
populations
seventeenth
of
output,
the
canal
of
the
machine
to
subsist
beginning
improvement
,
and
past
temporary
trading with peoples o v e r s e a s (p.
--
the
smallpox i n t h e e i g h t e e n t h ;
agricultural
development
T h e r e a f t e r Europeans
in
of
railroad
since
food
shortage;
and,
industry,
in
which
Europe
by
569).
t h e French f i r s t of
all
--
began to
a small-family
control birthst
population
growth
emigration
impersonal
slowed.
complemented
I
anonymous
s y s t e m came
Fast
urbanization
fertility
the
t o prevail!
decline.
c i t y epitomized
the
and
and
vast
The
huge,
new s o c i e t y
that
emerged from t h e i n d u s t r i a l r e v o l u t i o n .
Palmer's
d e f t summaries of
European
social
history,
as
understood i n 19501 p r o v i d e u s w i t h a b a s e l i n e f o r examining
.what
social
Palmer
historians
writing
in
have
1 9 8 5 would
accomplished
make
significant
would a c k n o w l e d g e t h e c o n t r i b u t i o n o f
eighteenth-cen t u r y
proletarianization
population
of
the
since
A
changes:
He
f e r t i l i t y increases to
growth
"peasant"
then.
stress
I
population
before
the
1800r
and d a t e a number o f c h a n g e s i n f a m i l y s t r u c t u r e w e l l b e f o r e
the
industrial
nineteenth
concentration
century.
He
~ u r o p e ' seighteenth-century
of t h e w o r l d .
A
and
fertility
less
would
decline
confidently
of
the
assert
economic s u p e r i o r i t y t o t h e rest
1 9 8 5 Palmer would r e d u c e
t h e importance of
the nineteenth century i n the creation of secular proletarian
lifet
and
shift
emphasis
organizational change.
from
technological
toward
S o c i a l h i s t o r i a n s have o f f e r e d major
r e v i s i o n s t o 1 9 5 0 ' s knowledge.
Some of
consequence
t h e r e v i s i o n s are e s s e n t i a l l y t e c h n i c a l .
of
now know t h a t
social-historical
researcht
European p o p u l a t i o n s
for
recuperated
As a
examplet
we
very quickly
from t h e g r e a t s h o c k s o f m o r t a l i t y o c c a s i o n e d by f a m i n e and
disease
--
to mention
not
that
in
the
great
famines a f t e r
1 5 0 0 p e o p l e r a r e l y s t a r v e d t o d e a t h , b u t i n s t e a d became more
v u l n e r a b l e to v a r i o u s d i s e a s s ,
C r i s e s accelerated the deaths
o f t h e k i n d s of p e o p l e who a l r e a d y h a d r e l a t i v e l y h i g h r i s k s
of death,
crises, m a r r i a g e s g e n e r a l l y
I n t h e aftermaths of
acelerated
and
fertility
rose.
The
most
plausible
e x p l a n a t i o n is t h a t t h e h e i g h t e n e d m o r t a l i t y o p e n e d u p n i c h e s
--
farmst jobs,
--
household p o s i t i o n s
permitting marriage t o
p e o p l e who w o u l d o t h e r w i s e h a v e m a r r i e d l a t e r , o r n o t a t a l l .
T h a t series o f d i s c o v e r i e s d o e s n o t c o n t r a d i c t a n y m a j o r
understanding of
two
common
t h e modern e r a , b u t i t d o e s g i v e t h e l i e t o
notions:
that
first,
before
recent
centuries
European p o p u l a t i o n s d e c l i n e d or grew m a i n l y a s a r e s u l t of
the
presence
disasters:
or
absence
secondt
that
wars
of
in
the
and
absence
other
of
demographic
crisis
European
p r e i n d u s t r i a l p o u l a t i o n s were b r e e d i n g a t t h e l i m i t o f
capacity.
Thus
our
of
sense
a
the
explanations we
technical
misery
may
revision
of
social
plausibly
offer
significantly
life,
for
and
their
affects
limits
popular
the
action
or
inaction.
Some
historians
of
revisions
are
chiefly
established,
for
example,
the
have
factual,
that
Social
before
1800
many E u r o p e a n v i l l a g e s had r a t e s o f p o p u l a t i o n t u r n o v e r w e l l
above
20
percent
wage-laborers
per
year:
e s p e c i a l l y leaked
rural
residents
areas
with
incessantly.
many
The
fact
contradicts
populations,
immobile.
of
any
especially
depiction'
of
rural
of
"preindustrialn
populationst
as
stodgily
' T h e f i n d i n g t h e r e f o r e raises d o u b t s a b o u t a c c o u n t s
nineteenth-
and
twentieth-century
popular
political
movements a s r e s p o n s e s . t o r i s i n g m o b i l i t y and to t h e b r e a k i n g
up
of
self-contained
immobile
communities,
Since
such
t h e f a c t u a l r e v i s i o n makes a d i f f e r e n c e t o
accounts abound,
h i s t o r i c a l understanding.
recent
Some
attacked
prevailing
experience.
example,
social
history.
not
But
furthermore,
interpretations
generation
A
have
history,
of
succeeded
they
have
of
European
"historians
in
has
a
creating
effectively
from
directly
historical
below,"
unified
destroyed
for
popular
the
old
c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n o f E u r o p e a n w o r k e r s a n d p e a s a n t s a s a dumb!
slow-moving
only
mass t h a t r e a c t e d m a i n l y t o e x t r e m e h a r d s h i p a n d
developed
mobilizations
political
of
the
awareness
nineteenth
and
m u l t i p l i c i t y o f p e a s a n t s and workers,
acting
or
well-defined
failing
path
to act
as
the
twentieth
various
centuries.
t h a t characterization with a
Social h i s t o r i a n s have r e p l a c e d
relatively
with
of
each group following a
changing
a
function
of
arguing
interests,
of
those
each
changing
interests,
In
the
distinctions,
production
and
very
over
process
the
incidence
reproduction,
and
of
over
over
crucial
the
exact
the
proper
changes
in
conditions
promoting a c t i o n or i n a c t i o n ,
have
generally
changing
adopted
interests
for major
account
Europe 's
a
furthermore
broadly
rooted
in
conclusion:
transformations of
alterations
in
classes.
subordinate
Marxist
social historians
the
production
collective
no
Here
that
action
single
of
or
fact
t e c h n i c a l d i s c o v e r y is a t i s s u e ; s o c i a l h i s t o r y h a s i m p l a n t e d
a new i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f a major s e t o f c h a n g e s .
the broadest level,
A t
social h i s t o r i a n s have
European
d i s l o d g e d t w o fundamental i d e a s a b o u t European h i s t o r y s i n c e
1)
1500:
the
idea
technologically-driven
general
which
the
an
single
past1 dividing history
traditional
a
a
of
process,
inexorable
expansion
of
sharp
break
with
the
i n t o b e f o r e and a f t e r , a
i n d u s t r i a l revolutionr 2) t h e idea of
followed
logic
in
after
differentiation,
of
markets
country
and
the
knowledge
impels social e v o l u t i o n
"decline"
--
--
countryl
in
depending
on
advance
of
technical
whether
"advance"
or
and t h u s p o s e s r e p e a t e d p r o b l e m s o f i n t e g r a t i o n
to rapidly-changing
societies.
Those connected
ideasl
once
t h e chief devices f o r ordering t h e recent experiences of
European
populace,
are
the
principal
casualties
of
the
social
history's victories.
Increasingly,
then,
research
in
social
history
has
f o r c e d a r e c o g n i t i o n o f t h e g r e a t m o b i l i t y o f European r u r a l
life
birth,
before
death,
1750;
and
of
substantial
marriage
long
swings
before
in
the
rates
of
our
own
time;
of
extensive
rural
international
involvement
markets;
of
in
regional
widespread
national
and
manufacturing
and
significant proletarianization in the countryside w e l l before
the day of
states
expanding
demands
f a c t o r i e s and
more
for
demands
and
for
steam power;
populations
more
and
popular
of
that
fought
resources;
sovereignty
s t r u g g l e s between
of
in
statemakers'
the
rooting
resistance
to
of
the
aggrandizements o f states and capitalists.
Capital and Coercion
Another s h i f t i n o r i e n t a t i o n
follows from t h e l a s t few
d e c a d e s t work i n European s o c i a l h i s t o r y :
century's
nineteenth
change.
one
and
period
s i x t e e n t h and
the
the
certainly
critical
of
sheer
marked
of
quantity
off
the
change.
Yet
pivot
of
of
social
modern
seventeenth
and
nineteenth
century
displacement,
nineteenth
the
seventeenth centuriesr
the
on
century
statemaking
the
as
of
a
the
the proletarianization
eighteenth
organizational expansion of
the
the
as
T h e move t o w a r d i m p l o s i o n a n d c e n t r a l i z a t i o n r on t h e
hand
otherr
place
a diminution of t h e
centuriesr
twentieth
transformations
and
the
century all rival
in
their
impact
on
r o u t i n e social l i f e .
The d r a m a o f
"before"
and
"aftern serves poorly a s an
o r g a n i z i n g p r i n c i p l e f o r European social h i s t o r y , whether t h e
pivot
is
modernization
the
industrial
or
something
revolutionr
else,
The
the
true
onset
problem
of
falls
into three parts:
1.
specifying
the
incidence of
the
character
a)
t h e growth
development
between
the
them;
fact
the
of
of
and
national
c) the
capitalism!
regional
states!
b)
interaction
t h e s p e c i f i c a t i o n must keep s i g h t of
that
"capitalismn
timing
the
phenomena
themselves
sixteenth
and
called
altered
"statesn and
radically
centuries!
twentieth
between
and
that
t h e r e f o r e n e i t h e r t h e growth of n a t i o n a l states nor
the
development
unilinear
of
states
national
constitutes
a
quantitative progression over the entire
p e r i o d s i n c e 1500;
2.
tracing
through
time
and
space
the
varying
e x p e r i e n c e s o f small s o c i a l u n i t s : i n d i v i d u a l s
groups,
households,
neighborhoods!
shops,
kin
commu-
n i t i e s ! and others:
3.
establishing
the
cause-and-effect
connections
b e t w e e n t h e two s e t s o f c h a n g e s .
T h a t is a l a r g e p r o g r a m .
Before r e v i e w i n g t h e f a c t s o f n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y
l e t u s c o n s i d e r t h e t h e o r e t i c a l problem.
does the three-point
of
production
program e n t a i l ?
change,
T h e o r e t i c a l l y , what
C a p i t a l i s m is a s y s t e m
i n w h i c h p e o p l e who c o n t r o l c a p i t a l make
the
basic d e c i s i o n s c o n c e r n i n g t h e p r o d u c t i v e u s e o f l a n d , l a b o r ,
and c a p i t a l , and produce by means o f l a b o r power bought from
w o r k e r s whose h o u s e h o l d s s u r v i v e
power.
through
sale o f
the
labor
I n g e n e r a l terms, t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f c a p i t a l i s m m a k e s
three conflicts salient:
1.
t h e o p p o s i t i o n o f capital and l a b o r
2.
the opposition
of
capitalists
o t h e r s who
to
claim
c o n t r o l o v e r t h e same f a c t o r s o f p r o d u c t i o n
market
3.
competition:
buyers-buyers,
buyers-sellers,
sellers-sellers
A l l t h r e e c o n f l i c t s can d i v i d e a n e n t i r e population i n two.
The
growth
c o n t r o l of
territory
of
national
the resources
by
an
differentiated
internally
concentrated
in a
organization
from
other
coordinated
means
of
states
means
relatively
that
the
increasing
large,
contiguous
formally
is
organizations,
and
in
coercion.
centralized,
possession
Like
the
autonomous,
major
of
development
of
c a p i t a l i s m , statemaking f o l l o w s a t r i p l e logic:
1.
the
extraction
of
resources
from
the
subject
population
2.
c o m p e t i t i o n between a g e n t s o f
of
other
governments
t h e state and a g e n t s
inside
and
outside
the
territory
3.
c o m p e t i t i o n among o r g a n i z a t i o n s t h a t a r e s u b j e c t t o
t h e state f o r resources c o n t r o l l e d by t h e state
Again,
all
three
conflicts
can,
in
principle,
fundamental d i v i s i o n s of t h e e n t i r e population.
produce
If
capitalism
we
simultaneouslyt
between
capitalists
and
statemaking
might
reasonably
and
were
to
expect
Here
statemakers.
proceed
accomodation
is a n
idealized
sequence :
capitalist
early:
property
struggle to e x t r a c t
themes o f c o n f l i c t :
control
r e s o u r c e s and
expropriation,
imposition
of
as
created
check
statemakers
rivals;
major
imposi t i o n of state
capitalist
control
t
and
r e s i s t a n c e t o a l l o f them;
within
late:
state
existing
property,
capitalist
opposition
an
major
conflicts:
market competition
t
and
t
established
capital-labor
a t t e m p t s to c o n t r o l t h e
s t a t e and its r e s o u r c e s .
These
are
tendencies.
Rather
than
might expect a gradual s h i f t of
t y p e 1 t o t y p e 2.
In addition
the r e l a t i v e r a p i d i t y of
comes
early
and
a
rapid
transition
the bulk of
we
c o n f l i c t s from
t h e p a t t e r n s h o u l d depend on
t h e t w o processes; where c a p i t a l i s m
statemaking
late,
for
reasonably expect to f i n d c a p i t a l i s t s
examplet
we
may
themselves opposing
a
r e l a t i v e l y e f f e c t i v e r e s i s t a n c e to the state's expansion of
its e x t r a c t i v e and c o e r c i v e power.
in
contrastt
resistance
done
less
we
are
likely
to e x t r a c t i o n t i f
to
expropriate
to
Where s t a t e m a k i n g l e a d s t
find
more
only because
and
monetize
intense
popular
capitalists
the
factors
have
of
production,
runs the
a t least;
So,
f a r s h o r t o f a documented
theory.
These
statements f a l l
h i s t o r i c a l account.
Indeed
they
c o n t r a d i c t a c c o u n t s t h a t many p e o p l e h a v e f o u n d p l a u s i b l e
--
n o t a b l y t h e c l a s s i c n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y a c c o u n t s i n whch r a p i d
social
change
innovation,
driven
by
differentiation
and
technical
d i s r u p t s s t a b l e , immobile s o c i e t i e s a n d
promotes d i s o r g a n i z a t i o n
disorder
,
and p r o t e s t ,
thereby
My a c c o u n t
makes t h e c o n f l i c t s t h a t accompany c a p i t a l i s m and s t a t e m a k i n g
intrinsic
to
their
developmentr
consequences
of
opposing
interests b u i l t into their very structure.
E u r o p e a n s o c i a l h i s t o r y h e r e sets y e t a n o t h e r c h a l l e n g e :
to a d j u d i c a t e between t h e sort of
.of
statemaking
change-disorder
and
capitalism
I
interest-oriented
have
sketched
account
and
classic
a c c o u n t s o f t h e same c h a n g e s .
What Happened i n History
Nineteenth-century
change-disorder
o b s e r v e r s who a r t i c u l a t e d t h e c l a s s i c
accounts
were
right
on
one
count:
a l t e r a t i o n s i n s o c i a l l i f e were o c c u r r i n g .
Let me
rapid
the
summary
centuryr
of
without
the
changes
guaranteeing
brought
that
by
most
Great
offer a
nineteenth
European
social
h i s t o r i a n s w o u l d a g r e e w i t h my a c c o u n t .
For s e v e r a l c e n t u r i e s b e f o r e t h e n i n et e e n t h , i n d u s t r i a l
expansion
Small
occurred
capitalists
mainly
in
multiplied
small
towns
rapidly.
and
They
rural
did
areas.
not
work
as manufacturers
chiefly
operated
-
in
our
i n s t e a d a s merchants,
independent
groups
giving
workers ranged
the
out
of
most
word.
work
them
They
formally
to
organized
in
from v a r i o u s " p u r c h a s e " a r r a n g e m e n t s i n which
owned
the
tools1
t h e m e r c h a n t owned some o r a l l o f
workers
owned,
the
raw
premises,
finished goods to various "putting-out"
less
of
The social r e l a t i o n s h i p s b e t w e e n c a p i t a l i s t s and
households.
producers
workers,
of
sense
greater
materials,
and
a r r a n g e m e n t s i n which
them;
the
on
the
power
wholet
of
the
merchants,
T h e s e s y s t e m s a c c u m u l a t e d c a p i t a l , b u t s e t s e r i o u s l i m i t s on
its
concentration.
The
multiplication
of
semi-independent
p r o d u c e r s i n h o u s e h o l d s a n d small s h o p s t h e r e f o r e a c c o u n t e d
f o r most o f m a n u f a c t u r i n g ' s l a r g e i n c r e a s e .
C o n t r a r y to later p r ej u d i c e s ,
involved
and
t h e s e merchant-dominated
commercial
in
moved,
large
in
however,
systems
markets
and
citiesl
but
t h e European p o p u l a t i o n s
.
agriculture
mainly within
of
circular
long-distance
altogether
forms of
a
moved
regional
migration.
circuits
migration
great
labor
Both
left
lost
population
largely
as
a
deal.
They
markets o r
regional
some
f e r t i l ityt
produced o n l y modest rates of urban growth.
and
manufacturing
labor
migrants
and
in
in
mortality
C i t i e s increased
function
of
levels
of
activity i n their hinterlands.
The
Capital
nineteenth
concentrated.
century
changed
Individual
many
of
these
traits,
c a p i t a l i s t s and organized
f i r m s b e g a n t o c o n t r o l much g r e a t e r p r o d u c t i v e m e a n s t h n t h e y
had
previously
productive
commanded.
processes.
Capitalists
Instead
of
seized
continuing
energy
raw
or
production
materials.
labor
n e a r markets and
Production
t
they
sources
of
edge
out
to
began
of
organize
to
manufacturing around supplied o f s e l f-sustaining
increasingly placed
hold
exchange as t h e p i v o t o f c a p i t a l i s t social r e l a t i o n s h i p s .
As
a
result,
the
active
s h i f t e d from c o u n t r y t o c i t y .
on
in
large
firms
sites
of
proletarianization
More a n d more p r o d u c t i o n w e n t
employing
disciplined
wage-earners.
Workers m i g r a t e d from d i s p e r s e d i n d u s t r i a l hamlets!
villages!
and towns.
This urban
implosion
migration!
rural-urban
deindustrialized
accentuated
division
spurred
urban
sections
of
differences
between
hinterlands
large
between
industrial
reappeared
with
production f a c i l i t a t e d
capital and
of
a
and
accelerated
population
the
town
cities
labor
growth/
countryside
and
country;
their
vengeance.
and
the
agricultural
Mechanization
of
c a p i t a l and
the
the concentration of
s u b o r d i n a t i o n of l a b o r .
The c o i n c i d e n c e o f
the
illusion
technological
of
an
change.
implosion and mechanization
"industrial
Although
new
revolution"
technologies
contribu.ted
to t h e f i x i n g
disciplining
of
much
nineteenth-century
labort
of
the
and
created
driven
by
certainly
intensification
expansion
of
production
line,
preceded
occurred
the
without
social
chemicals,
promoted
the
substantial
relations
and
factory
changes
increases
production.
But
essentially
social
for
and
in
production.
assembly
the
in
actual
in
a
played
textiles,
innovations
scale and
the
innovations
In
technical
manufacturing
intensity
general,
larger
part
of
two
in
1) t h e g r o u p i n g o f w o r k e r s i n l a r g e
transforming production:
under
of
production
metal
dramatic
shops
of
p r o d u c t i o n , and depended m a i n l y on a l t e r a t i o n s
techniques of
in
the spread
centralized
time-discipline
the
2
m o n o p o l i z a t i o n o f means o f p r o d u c t i o n b y c a p i t a l i s t s .
A t the start of
worked
essentially
t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , many c a p i t a l i s t s
as
ran
t e x t i l e s a n d metals,
large
m i l l s
buying
and
N o need to e x a g g e r a t e :
p r o d u c t s o f workers.
of
merchants,
and
full-fledged
employed
selling
the
I n some b r a n c h e s
industrial capitalists
full-time
wage-workers.
In
c o t t a g e i n d u s t r y , m e r c h a n t s o f t e n owned t h e l o o m s a n d t h e raw
materials worked b y p o o r c o t t a g e r s .
of
European
provided
agriculture,
the
Nevertheless
the
goods
principal
the
I n c a p i t a l i z e d segments
daily or
income
of
yearly
millions
wage
of
already
houeholds.
r e l a t i v e l y f e w c a p i t a l i s t s knew how t o p r o d u c e
they
sold,
nineteenth century,
in
and
many
workers
did.
industry a f t e r industry,
During
the
capitalists
and workers s t r u g g l e d o v e r knowledge and c o n t r o l o f d e t a i l e d
production decisions.
By t h e e n d o f
the nineteenth century,
many c a p i t a l i s t s
workers did.
AS
and few
T h e c a p i t a l i s t s h a d won.
c a p i t a l i s m e n t e r e d a new p h a s e o f
control,
European
alterations.
princes,
knew how t o make a w h o l e p r o d u c t ,
By
were
states
later
the
c o n c e n t r a t i o n and
also
undergoing
eighteenth
great
century,
zealous
m i n i s t e r s a n d g e n e r a l s h a d made n a t i o n a l s t a t e s t h e
dominant o r g a n i z a t i o n s
exceptions
were
the
i n most p a r t s
urban-commercial
of
Europe.
band
The c h i e f
extending
N o r t h e r n I t a l y a c r o s s t h e A l p s l down t h e R h i n e a n d
Low C o u n t r i e s ,
and t h e s o u t h e a s t e r n f l a n k o f
where t r i b u t e - t a k i n g
peoples concentrated
Where
national
empires,
from
into the
the continent,
p o w e r f u l l i n e a g e s r a n d Islamic
.
states held
sway,
preparations
for
war
became e x t e n s i v e a n d c o s t l y ; m i l i t a r y e x p e n d i t u r e a n d p a y m e n t
for
war
debts
occupied
the
largest
shares
of
most
state
The s t r o n g e s t s t a t e s b u i l t g r e a t s t r u c t u r e s f o r t h e
budgets.
e x t r a c t i o n of
t h e m e a n s o f war:
supplies,
food,
conscripts,
a n d money.
Paradoxically,
organizations
created
large
bargaining
the very construction
reduced
the
civilian
autonomy
of
bureaucracies.
with ordinary people
for
their
of
large military
military
The
men
and
process
of
acquiescence
and
t h e i r s u r r e n d e r o f r e s o u r c e s engaged t h e c i v i l i a n managers o f
states
control,
willy-nilly
in
establishing
l i m i t s to state v i o l e n c e ,
perimeters
to
state
and r e g u l a r r o u t i n e s f o r
eliciting
the
consent
s i xt e e n th-cen t u r y
disbanding
their
of
the
England
great
subject
Tudor
lordst
population.
monarchs
In
succeeded
p r i v a t e armiest
in
in
snatching
most f o r t r e s s e s f r o m p r i v a t e h a n d s t a n d i n r a d i c a l l y r e d u c i n g
the
s e t t l e m e n t of
d i s p u t e s among
nobles
by
force
of
arms.
Y e t even t h e s e i z u r e o f p r o p e r t y from c h u r c h e s and r e b e l l i o u s
l o r d s d i d n o t f r e e Tudor monarchs from f i n a n c i a l dependence
Even t u a l l y t
on Parliament.
essential
to
royal
t h e c o n s e n t o f P a r l i a m e n t became
warmakingt
and
thus
to
state expansion
itself.
The b a r g a i n i n g p r o c e s s h a d a d i f f e r e n t h i s t o r y i n e a c h
state.
But o v e r a l l
it led
to
state's
the
civiliani~ation~
and t o t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f r e g u l a r mechanisms f o r c o n s u l t i n g
r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s of t h e governed population.
Up t o t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y ,
to
rule
indirectly.
For
routine
decisionst collection of revenues,
order,
they
relied
European states c o n t i n u e d
chiefly
on
enforcement
of
their
and maintenance o f p u b l i c
local
powerholders.
The
p o w e r h o l d e r s d i d n o t d e r i v e t h e i r t e n u r e o r t h e i r power from
t h e good w i l l o f s u p e r i o r s i n a . g o v e r n m e n t a 1 h i e r a r c h y .
r e t a i n e d room f o r m a n e u v e r o n b e h a l f o f
They
t h e i r own i n t e r e s t s .
Much o f t h e w o r k o f n a t i o n a l a u t h o r i t i e s t h e r e f o r e c o n s i s t e d
of
negotiating
with
regional
and
local
powerholders.
O r d i n a r y p e o p l e c a r r i e d o n a c t i v e p o l i t i c a l l i v e s f b u t almost
exclusively
on
a
regional
or
local
level.
When
they did
'
involve
themselves
ordinarily
did
in
so
national
through.
power
the
strugglest
mediation
they
of
local
p o w e r h o l d e r s t o r i n a l l i a n c e w i t h them.
I n t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y ) t h i s system d i s a p p e a r e d from
War k e p t g e t t i n g more e x p e n s i v e a n d d e a d l y )
much of E u r o p e .
but
it
rather
and
increasingly
involved
conquest
t h a n s t r u g g l e s among E u r o p e a n
reformist
governments
communi t i e s .
The
extended
French
outside
powers.
of
Revolutionary
rule
direct
Europe
revolutionaries
into
of
local
1789
and
t h e r e a f t e r were t h e f i r s t E u r o p e a n s t o s u c c e e d i n t h a t e f f o r t
at
the
scale
a
of
revolutionary
large
and
militias)
revolutionary
state;
eventually
a
committeest
revolutionary
bureaucracy brought individual c i t i z e n s face t o face with the
national
state.
unique.
B u t most E u r o p e a n
The
French
transitions to direct
rule
Revolution
was
precocious
states soon underwent
--
many o f
and
their
own
factl as a
them) i n
r e s u l t o f c o n q u e s t b y F r e n c h armies.
As
they
bargained
with
local
statemakers
resourcesl
institutionsr
binding
people
for
solidified
national
electionst
even g r e a t e r
representative
and
a
number
of
o t h e r s means b y which l o c a l p e o p l e p a r t i c i p a t e d r e g u l a r l y i n
national politics.
the
institution
of
Here t h e v a r i a t i o n r a n e v e n w i d e r t h a n i n
direct
century)
the
Swiss
system,
the
Italian
rule,
A t
the
federation
the
state
(formally
end
British
very
of
the
19th
parliamentary
centralized,
informally very
fragmented), and
t h e bureaucratized Russian
Empire r e p r e s e n t e d v e r y d i f f e r e n t a l t e r n a t i v e s ,
U n d e r p r e s s u r e f r o m t h e i r c o n s t i t u e n t s t m a n a g e r s o f most
states t o o k on r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s f o r p u b l i c s e r v i c e s , economic
infrastructure
previously
and
1
household
attained.
On
the
r e a c t i v e to a c t i v e repression:
rebellion
and
resistance
to
welfare
whole,
they
degrees
also
never
moved
from
from v i o l e n t r e a c t i o n s a g a i n s t
after
they occurred
toward
active
s u r v e i l l a n c e of t h e p o p u l a t i o n and toward v i g o r o u s e f f o r t s to
f o r e s t a l l r e b e l l i o n and r e s i s t a n c e ,
aside
autonomous
functionaries
or
local
in
regional
their
intermediaries
in
powerholders,
places.
p o w e r h o l d e r s l o s t much of
as
These a c t i v i t i e s shoved
a
As
and
put
consequence I
t h e i r s t r e n g t h and a t t r a c t i v e n e s s
attempts
the
of
ordinary
people
to
T h o s e were t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y ' s
realize their interests.
g r e a t changes.
O r s o i t seems t o m e .
synthesis remains
regards.
I t is o n l y f a i r t o w a r n t h a t my
unproven
Consider
and
contestable
in
a number
f o r example , t h e q u e s t i o n o f m o b i l i t y and
connectedness b e f o r e and a f t e r t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y .
Eugen
peasantries
nineteenth
to
seeks
Weber
coalesced
century,
involvement
opportunities
in
of
determine
into
he
fixes
national
outside
a
the
common
on
France 's
how
Frenchness
awareness
politics,
locality
and
as
of
When
mu1 t i p l e
during
nationality,
responsiveness
the
the
phenomena
to
to
be
Weber l a y s o u t t h e m a t e r i a l s o f
explained.
f o l k l o r i s t s and
t r a v e l e r s b r i l l i a n t l y ; he shows u s a n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y
i n language and custom,
France fragmented
by
the
arrival
of
the
railroad,
of
t h e n much s t i r r e d
obligatory
education, of widespread m i l i t a r y s e r v i c e .
congeries of
rural
primary
I n Weberts v i e w a
immobile r u r a l s o c i e t i e s broke open
,
connected
,
b e g a n t o move.
Y e t i t i s d e b a t a b l e how much more i n t e n s e l y F r e n c h r u r a l
1 9 0 0 were
people of
their
ancestors
of
involved
1800.
in
national
The
vast
affairs
systems
of
t h a n were
temporary
m i g r a t i o n p o r t r a y e d b y A l a i n C o r b i n , A b e l C h a t e l a i n , a n d Abel
Poitrineau,
for
example,
established
ties
intense
between
A l p i n e v i l l a g e s a n d Marseille , b e t w e e n i m p o v e r i s h e d f a r m s o f
t h e Limousin and c e n t r a l P a r i s .
eighteenth
century,
certain respects,
and
Those s y s t e m s t h r i v e d i n t h e
atrophied
in
the
nineteenth,
t h e i n t e g r a t i o n between t h o s e d i s t a n t r u r a l
p l a c e s and t h e rest o f F r a n c e a c t u a l l y d e c l i n e d ,
of
my
reasons
mobilization,
s u b t l e t y of
analysis
for
even
doubting
when
the
the
presented
Weberls analysis.
and
In
credence
But
many
classic
with
the
T h a t is o n e
the
account
of
richness
and
presence
historians
have
of
Weberts
given
it
t e s t i f y t h a t my a l t e r n a t i v e a c c o u n t is n o t s e l f - e v i d e n t .
Or
take
the
extent
nineteenth century.
especially
whole
of
proletarianization
before
The e v i d e n c e o n E u r o p e a n p e o p l e ' s
householdst
--
employment
--
throughout
the
and
the
year
quite
is
fragmentary.
could
It
turn
out
that
the
m a j o r i t y o f p e o p l e who w o r k e d i n c o t t a g e i n d u s t r y b e f o r e 1 8 0 0
actually
spent
cultivating
so
their
much
own
of
their
land
years
that
(or
their
term
the
lives)
"proletarian1'
d e s c r i b e s them b a d l y .
lot
A
dependsl
definition
of
insist
full-time
on
in
we adopt:
"proletarian"
positions within
casel
any
wage-earners
how
stringent
a
If
for
instancel
we
holding
large organizationsl
no o t h e r employmentl
on
closely-supervised
wage-earners
who h a v e
t h e n p r o l e t a r i a n i z a t i o n c o n c e n t r a t e s by
d e f i n i t i o n i n t h e n i n e t e e n t h and t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r i e s .
The e f f e c t o f m i n i m i z i n g employment i n c o t t a g e i n d u s t r y
before
1800
and
adopting
a
very
demanding
definition
i s t o m a i n t a i n my s t a t e m e n t s a b o u t t r e n d s b u t
"proletarian"
to d i s p l a c e t h e b u l k o f European p r o l e t a r i a n i z a t i o n
n i n e t e e n t h and t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r i e s .
invent
a
European
new
terminology
households
to
before
the
s u r v i v a l on wage-labor
The
in
same
definitional
summary.
--
The
established.
of
the
nineteent h
millions
of
cent u r y l
in
t h a t came t o d e p e n d f o r
under c a p i t a l i s t s u p e r v i s i o n l but d i d
l a r g e f i r m s under
sort
into the
( I n t h a t case, w e must
designate
m a n u f a c t u r i n g and a g r i c u l t u r e a l i k e ,
n o t work
of
debate
time-disciplinel
--
partly
and
factual
I
s o on.)
partly
c a n e a s i l y a r i s e a b o u t o t h e r e l e m e n t s o f my
general
trendsl
neverthelessl
now
seem w e l l
Conclusions
Not
that
from it!
big
social
history
has
settled
everything.
Far
I n c h a l l e n g i n g o l d ideas o f p o p u l a r involvement i n
structural
changes,
European
social
historians
have
renewed and d i s p l a c e d t h e d e b a t e , b u t have b y no means ended
it.
Europe are d i s a g r e e i n g
These d a y s social h i s t o r i a n s o f
about
a
whether
formed,
about
and
by
actors.
so
how1
conditions,
the
defined
if
modern
the
when,
if
explanations of
and
any,
relations
are
They
affectionate
of
pitting
egalitarian
why.
under
They are
which
production
against
the general
family
worrying
social
classes
become
significant
other
alternative
each
European d e c l i n e
in
fertility.
They are c o n s i d e r i n g t h e v i r t u e s and v i c e s o f o r a l h i s t o r y ,
of
ethnographic
quantification,
approaches
of
to
historical
of
most
narrative,
of
analysis1
the
procedures
have d e s c r i b e d a s accomplishments o f s o c i a l h i s t o r y .
recent
years
it
social-scientific
successfult
served
mainly
t o e l i m i n a t e bad
I
In very
much
clearer
that
in
social
history,
where
to
specify
become
interventions
have
e x p l a i n e d and
has
of
explanations
what
is
rather
to
be
than
to
s u p p l y new a n d more c o n v i n c i n g e x p l a n a t i o n s ; t h a t r e a l i z a t i o n
has
come
as
a
disappointment
to
historians
who
hoped
for
closure.
Yet
First,
it
European
social
h a s shown
history
t h e way
to
has
much
to
celebrate.
renew o u r understanding
of
collective
many,
historical
many
e x p e r i e n c e by s y s t e m a t i c c o l l a t i o n
individual
experiences;
historical
demography
p r o v i d e s a d r a m a t i c example o f renewed u n d e r s t a n d i n g
collective
biography.
Second,
social
European
of
through
history
has
h u m a n i z e d a n d h i s t o r i c i z e d t h o s e r a t h e r a b s t r a c t a n d timeless
social
sciences
political
that
science,
come
have
and
even
into
its
economics
scope;
have
S O C ~ O ~ O ~ Y ~
emerged
more
h i s t o r i c a l from t h e i r e n c o u n t e r w i t h European social h i s t o r y .
Third,
the
radically
portraying
stupid
practitioners
reduced
ordinary
masses,
the
of
plausibility
people
as
--
and
Finally
social
European
of
general
apathetic,
most
--
have
histories
irrational,
important
s o c i a l h i s t o r y h a s b u i l t new a c c o u n t s o f
history
or
European
t h e development of
c a p i t a l i s m and t h e formation o f n a t i o n a l states, a c c o u n t s i n
which t h e e x p e r i e n c e s and a c t i o n s o f o r d i n a r y p e o p l e s t a n d i n
center stage,
NOTES
1.
George Macaulay Trevelyan , English S o c i a l H i s t o r y
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Jean-Pierre
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4.
John
Brewer,
"Theater
and
Counter-Thea ter
in
Ceorg i a n
P o l i t i c s : The Mock E l e c t i o n s a t Garrat," Radical H i s t o r y Review 22
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6.
Richard
, 8.
Cobb,
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(London:
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Routledge
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Ibid.
9.
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-
- 47.
10. Ibid.,
These r e f e r e n c e s i n c l u d e a ) a l l items cited o r quoted d i r e c t l y i n t h e
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s o c i a l h i s t o r y , d ) a few g e n e r a l d i s c u s s i o n s o f s o c i a l h i s t o r y c o n t a i n i n g
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313 "Selected ,Papers, 1963-1984, From the Study of Social Change and Collective
Action (3/84),11 by Charles Tilly, March 1984, 26 pages.
314 "Reading Gramsci in English: Some Observations on the Reception of Antonio
Gramsci in the English-Speaking World, 1957-1982," by Geoff Eley, March
1984, 78 pages.
315 "Participation and Control: New Trends in Labor Relations in the Auto
Industry," by Robert J. Thomas, April 1984, 16 pages.
316 "Dilemmas of Providing Help in a Crisis: The Role of Friends with Parents of
Children with Cancer," by Mark A. Chesler and Oscar A. Barbarin, April 1984,
41 pages.
317 "Shrugging off the Nineteenth-Century Incubus," by Charles Tilly, June 1984,
35 pages.
Request copies of these papers, the complete list of Center Working Papers and
further information about the Center activities from:
Center for Research on Social Organization
University of Michigan
330 Packard Street
Ann Arbor, Michigan 48103