248 Reviews of Books and Films Watkins is inclined to hear at least in serious music a turn to neoclassicism, with its ear attuned as much to past accomplishment as to future need. In this vein he regards Benjamin Britten's War Requiem (1961) as a composition that, while articulating modern anxiety and aspiration, is nonetheless firmly fixed in tradition-emblematic of the effect of World War I on twentieth-century music. Watkins thus tends to side with those who see the war as affirmation and continuation, albeit pained, rather than as a disaster opening the sluice gates to a century of catastrophe. His material, one must insist, has everything to do with his historiographical perspective. His book is essentially about music in the victor states. It is divided along national lines, with sections on Britain (three chapters), France (six), Italy (one), Germany-Austria (two), and the United States (six). There is nothing on Russia, although the exile, Igor Stravinsky, does pop up repeatedly like the irrepressible jack-in-the-box he was. Germany and Austria get short shrift (thirty-two pages out of 400), especially when one considers the enormous German influence in the Western musical tradition and the attempt, central to this study, of Allied composers to define their art in distinctly nonand anti-German terms. (Not only are German issues underrepresented, but the incidence of error in the quotation of German texts is unacceptable in a book brought out by a major university press, one that in fact publishes a distinguished series on German history.) That said, there is much to cherish here. Departing from Claude Debussy's comment in 1913 that "the century of aeroplanes has a right to a music of its own," Watkins has a splendid section on the influence of flight on music, concluding with a discussion of the "Toccata" in Maurice Ravel's Le Tombeau de Couperin where the mechanical sounds of war are unmistakable. The treatment of Ravel's "Concerto for the Left Hand," with its charged symbolism, written as it was for the "enemy," Paul Wittgenstein, is excellent. Outstanding also are the chapters on the United States, which include delicious accounts of, for example, the goings-on at the Boston and Chicago symphonies, where, as a flag-waving fervor gripped audiences and administrators, the language of rehearsal remained German. Based on admirable research, full of new and intriguing material, this volume adds an important dimension to the debate on war and culture in the modern age. MODRIS EKSTEINS University of Toronto, Scarborough PETER MARSHALL. Beliefs and the Dead in Reformation England. New York: Oxford University Press. 2002. Pp. xi, 344. $74.00. In this important book, Peter Marshall takes us into unexplored territory as he traces the often complex AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW series of shifts in beliefs and practices regarding the dead in Reformation England. With the doctrine of purgatory and its abrogation as the common thread, he investigates "how religious and cultural ideas about the dead interacted with political processes and ecclesiastical politics, with representations and reaffirmations of the social order, with notions of 'community' and 'identity' " (p. 3). His central theme is "the role of the Reformation in shaping attitudes towards the dead, and the role that attitudes towards the dead played in determining the shape and outcomes of the Reformation" (p. 3). The organization of this volume supports the author's aim and focus admirably. The first three chapters are devoted to the explanation and history of beliefs concerning the dead in the three decades preceding. Elizabeth's accession to the throne. After examining beliefs and practices concerning the dead in the late medieval church, Marshall turns to exploring the nature and theological justifications of the Henrician evangelicals' refutations of the validity of the doctrine of purgatory and the efficacy of intercessions for the dead. He points out that, before the Reformation, the living and the dead were all members of one community, but that community was being reshaped by the end of 1546, effectively destroying "the web of customary connections regulating relations between the living and the dead" (p. 92). This was the situation when Edward VI came to the throne and Protestantism was definitively introduced, resulting, Marshall says, in the reconstruction of beliefs concerning the dead. Marshall goes on to suggest that this process "must rank as one of the most audacious attempts at the restructuring of beliefs and values ever attempted in England" (p. 107). Adding another layer of complexity, Marshall further asserts that, by 1560, "the dead themselves had come to comprise two opposing camps, papists and heretics" (p. 121), as the contest over what constituted true religion spilled across the boundary of death into the afterlife, weakening communal ties and beliefs in purgatory and intercessory prayer even more than had earlier evangelical and Protestant polemics. Having established the theological and doctrinal context, Marshall devotes the final four chapters of his book to an exploration of factors that contributed significantly to the development and manifestation of Protestant beliefs and practices concerning the dead during the reigns of Elizabeth I, James I, and Charles I. In particular, he examines changes in authorized burial rituals, the development of an imagined Protestant afterlife, the meaning of ghosts, and means of commemorating and remembering the dead. Key to the developments described in those chapters was a recognition by the reformers of the powerful need human beings had to remember the dead. As a result, "the process of expunging Catholic associations from the commemoration of the dead was slow, messy, and never entirely successful" (p. 166). For instance, Marshall says, praying for the souls of the departed was FEBRUARY 2004 Europe: Early Modern and Modern forbidden, but even good Protestants could not resist the strong urge to intercede with God on behalf of the dead. This carefully considered analysis of the abrogation of purgatory and ways in which "the living and the dead continued to coexist in post-Catholic society" (p. 265) does indeed help us to understand more clearly the "complex and protracted process of cultural exchange, in which the teachings of the reformers were adapted and internalized ... and in which the concerns of the people helped to shape and direct the priorities of reformers" (p. 311). Other recent scholars of the English Reformation have noted the complexity of responses to reforms and the wide range of Protestant beliefs and practices in evidence across the length and breadth of England. Extending his reach beyond scholarship on death, dying, and the dead, Marshall does, in this sophisticated and nuanced analysis, shed substantial, welcome light on the entire creative process that led to "that de facto religious pluralism which was perhaps the most significant and enduring overall result of the Reformation in England" (p. 315). In so doing, he makes an important contribution to the ongoing discourse concerning the nature of religion during and after the English Reformation. CAROLINE LITZENBERGER Portland State University ETHAN H. SHAGAN. Popular Politics and the English Reformation. (Cambridge Studies in Early Modern British History.) New York: Cambridge University Press. 2003. Pp. xiii, 341. Cloth $70.00, paper $25.00. In recent years, the historiography of the English Reformation has visibly retreated from the high water mark of revisionist skepticism about its impact and reach. Simultaneously the center of scholarly interest has begun to shift chronologically backward from the Elizabethan period to the heady decades straddling the middle part of the century, during which Henry VIII broke with Rome and Protestant policies evolved, matured, and were imposed by royal decree and act of Parliament. In both these respects, Ethan H. Shagan's book represents a significant landmark. Concentrating on the twenty years between 1534 and 1553, its central thesis is that the English people were not passive or hapless recipients of the religious changes brought in by the Henrician and Edwardian regimes but rather active participants in the making of them. "The Reformation was not done to people, it was done with them," Shagan insists, in a dynamic process of engagement between governors and governed. Turning away from the analysis of wills and churchwardens that has dominated research since the 1980s and toward the records of court cases and local clashes reported in the official state papers, Shagan explores the "points of contact" between the Tudor state and its subjects. A series of illuminating chapters captures the color and texture of the fractious grass-roots disputes that accompanied the theological, liturgical, and polit- AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW 249 ical upheavals of the era and casts fresh light on well-known episodes such as the furor surrounding the prophecies of Elizabeth Barton, the "holy maid of Kent," the Pilgrimage of Grace, the dissolutions of the monasteries and chantries, and the rebellions of 1549. Shagan defines the "popular politics" of his title inclusively but somewhat imprecisely as "the presence of ordinary, non elite subjects as the audience for or interlocutors of a political action" (p. 19). In practice, however, much of his discussion is devoted to townsmen and gentry. The peasantry do not feature very prominently. Throughout the book, the focus of attention is not the zealous minorities who enthusiastically embraced and fervently rejected the Reformation but rather the many individuals who neither wholly accepted nor wholly opposed it. Taking his inspiration from studies of the relationships between twentieth-century repressive regimes and the people over whom they ruled, Shagan sees the concept of collaboration as the key to resolving the puzzling riddle at the heart of historical debate in this field: how did a state that lacked an extensive bureaucracy, standing army, and police force manage to achieve near compliance with its disruptive and destructive ecclesiastical policies? He repeatedly shows how people who had no prior ideological commitment to Protestantism were implicated by their own vested political and economic interests in the implementation of the Reformation, how they "forged new consciences to navigate the unprecedented circumstances in which they found themselves" (p. 309), how they became, as it were, accomplices after the fact. Spiritual transformations, he argues, "often followed political positioning rather than preceding it" (p. 304). This theme pervades all three parts of the book but is nowhere so compellingly demonstrated as in chapter five, which brilliantly dissects the process by which local people cooperated in the ransacking and desacralizing of Hailes Abbey in Gloucestershire, graphically describing "the uneasy alliance of evangelicals and thieves" (p. 262) that carried out this extraordinary collective act of sacrilege. In pressing his thesis that the English Reformation was "a Reformation of strange bedfellows and nittygritty practicalities, negotiated and finessed rather than won" (p. 303), Shagan seeks to effect a shift away from "the meta narrative of conversion" (p. 7) that he believes has seriously distorted our understanding of this event. Here revisionists, no less than their predecessors, are the targets of his bold and, at times, unnecessarily aggressive and polemical critique: he holds both guilty of judging the success or failure of the Reformation according to the exacting criteria employed by contemporary Protestants themselves. Instead, he offers us a Reformation that "entered English culture through the backdoor, not dependent upon spectacular epiphanies but rather exploiting the mundane realities of political allegiance, financial investment and local conflict" (p. 306). While this change of focus and perspective yields FEBRUARY 2004
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