Designation practices and perceptions of addiction – a diachronic

Research
report
M at i l d a H e l l m a n
Designation practices and
perceptions of addiction
– a diachronic analysis of
Finnish press material from
1968–2006
Introduction
The present study is an attempt to capture
how the concept of addiction has changed in
Finnish newspapers from 1968 to 2006 and to
investigate how these changes are reflected in
the way that the problems themselves are perceived. In everyday language the term is commonly used to describe all manner of dependencies: people may describe themselves as
addicted to coffee, sweets, sports, or say that
they are “workaholics” or “fashion slaves”. By
semantically expressing the phenomenon and
mediating messages about it, people engage
in a continuous process of attaching different
meanings to the concept of addiction. The importance of investigating language use around
this phenomenon is obvious when we remember that its designation – the various uses of
the concept – reflects the ways in which addiction is viewed in society. These views will
naturally have an impact, among other things,
on how we deal with the problems in question. This study looks into the meaning-making
dimensions of designation practices at differThe author has received a grant from the Victoriastiftelsen, Helsingfors, Finland, for writing this
article.
ABSTRACT
M. Hellman: Designation practices and
perceptions of addiction – a diachronic
analysis of Finnish press material from
1968–2006
The study is a diachronic investigation
into how addiction is designated in the
leading Finnish daily newspaper in the
period 1968–2006. It discusses how
different designations practices for the
concept of addiction are reflected in
understanding of the phenomenon.
MATERIAL AND PROCEEDINGS
Newspaper materials consisting of
randomly sampled (n=432) issues of
Helsingin Sanomat (HS) served as a base
for the investigation. Texts were selected
that discuss addiction in ways set out in
the inclusion criteria. A total of 34 (=n)
texts were analyzed more closely, taken
from the years 1972, 1982, 1992 and 2002.
RESULTS
Two main tendencies can be discerned
from the 1990s and onwards. The
journalistic pieces start to work an
internalization of the problems, i.e. they
mediate a perspective from within the
problems. Simultaneously, the concept
of addiction becomes conventionalized
and its use expanded. The cultural unit
of addiction starts to include all types of
problematic repetitive behavior.
The article discusses how these
trends serve the general trends towards
individualization and medicalization. The
expert statements accounted for in the
media guide the individual—the citizen,
the consumer, the potential or actual
addict—in the landscape of the logics and
mechanisms of addiction.
KEY WORDS
Concept of addiction, diachronic analysis,
media, individualization, Finland
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355
Designation practices and perceptions of addiction
– a diachronic analysis of Finnish press material from 1968–2006
ent times. The research is based on previ-
changed along with these linguistic de-
ous work which showed that during the
velopments. To the latter end, the analysis
period from 1968 to 2006, the scope and
focuses on three dimensions: i) where is
the meaning of the concept expanded in
addiction, ii) who has knowledge about
Finnish newspaper reporting (Hellman, in
addiction and iii) on what level are the
print). Since the mid-1990s there has been
courses of events discussed.
a significant increase in addiction report-
The material is drawn from four years –
ing, and words signifying addiction have
1972, 1982, 1992 and 2002 – with a view
been taken into frequent use in the report-
to tracing the changes in the meaning-
ing of Helsingin Sanomat (HS), Finland’s
making process. Results are discussed
biggest daily. The reporting has started to
against the background of a more general
apply a vocabulary that spills over into
trend of individualization, but also from
other areas, bringing all kinds of repeti-
the point of view of identifying the point
tive behaviours under the single umbrella
at which addiction becomes a common
of addiction. The range of addiction signs
and naturalized part of society and its cul-
has been expanded and new combinations
tural products.
of signs and codes have been taken into
use.
Theoretical framing
The same study also found that with the
By semantically expressing the addiction
growing adoption in the 1990s of differ-
phenomenon in different ways, we con-
ent lexical items to describe the addiction
tribute to the articulation of its cultural
phenomenon, the formats and contents of
unit, which is all that what we attach to
addiction reporting introduced new im-
a concept, what we culturally define and
ages of addiction that were more individu-
distinguish as an entity for its meaning
alized and easier to identify with. These
(Eco 1979). The cultural unit of a concept
changes coincided with a new perception
is shaped according to cultural conven-
of addiction as an individualized problem
tions within a specific historical and social
that could happen to anyone. This stood
context.
in clear contrast to texts from the 1970s
Based on the new insights into the de-
and the 1980s that portrayed addictions as
velopment over time of addiction report-
problems confined to certain marginalized
ing presented in the above, it is clear that
groups and that framed this as a societal
the concept has undergone a convention-
problem. The trend towards new under-
alization. Conventionalization has been
standings of addiction was further empha-
defined as a “common cultural process by
sized by a general tabloidization of report-
which innovative, unconventional codes
ing formats (Hellman, in print).
gradually become adopted by the major-
The present study aims to compare how
ity and thus become conventional” (Fiske
the concept of addiction is semantically
1990, 81). This is related to what semioti-
expressed before and after these changes
cians call naturalization. Codes that have
occurred. Additionally, the study is con-
been naturalized are so widely distrib-
cerned to investigate how media under-
uted in a culture that rather than being
standings of addiction problems have
constructed, they appear to be ‘naturally’
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Designation practices and perceptions of addiction
– a diachronic analysis of Finnish press material from 1968–2006
given. At some point, the concept of ad-
which the contemporary cultural unit of
diction starts to appear as naturally given
addiction did not yet exist, the selection
in a broader sense. Starting from Barthes’s
criteria constitute a “synthetic” frame. A
(2000) thoughts on myths as naturalizing
tool (the set of criteria) is used for discern-
forces in history, we can assume that there
ing texts on a phenomenon that is not yet
have been simultaneous changes in media
named in the early texts. Sometimes dur-
myths of addiction along with the changes
ing the 1990s, lexical items that denote
in the understanding of the concept.
the addiction phenomenon per se are
Saussure (1989) distinguishes between
taken into use: the phenomenon is named
two perspectives in diachronic linguistics:
rather than described, and consequently
a prospective perspective, following the
the study´s framework for interpretation
course of time, and a retrospective per-
is more closely anchored to the contempo-
spective, which goes in the opposite direc-
rary understanding of the concept. This is
tion. The present research integrates both
a common problem in studies of concep-
of these perspectives in that it combines
tual history due to the transitory nature of
a reading of 492 daily newspapers from
semiosis.
1968 to 2006 with a comparative analysis
Another issue that needs to be made
of signifying practices before and after the
clear is that for reasons of space, this pa-
conventionalization of the concept. The
per does not deal with the myriad of theo-
chronological reading aims to uncover evi-
retical discussions on how living condi-
dence of how the signifying practices have
tions, social life and values have changed
developed and unfolded. At the same time,
in the past few decades and on how these
however, this is a retrospective strategy
changes explain the extended need for the
in that the researcher is interpreting past
addiction concept: individualization, risk
historical developments from a present
society, modernization and its dimension
position. Furthermore, comparisons are
of self-reflexivity, narcissistic and thera-
conducted between certain dimensions of
peutic culture, and the extended use of
meaning-making in text groups from dif-
psychoanalytic terminology, to name just
ferent decades in order to reconstruct and
a few. There has also been much discus-
compare synchronic states in newspaper
sion about how new media formats have
reporting.
changed the content of reporting. This pa-
There are two concerns with my ap-
per does not discuss in depth the broader
proach that need to be addressed before
developments in society that have brought
proceeding to the analysis of the newspa-
about the need to deal more frequently
per texts. First, the set of criteria for dis-
with questions of addiction. Instead, the
cerning the phenomenon of addiction in
discussion will focus on the general trend
the texts is created and anchored to a cer-
in modern society towards analysing prob-
tain view and definition of the problem.
lems in terms of the agent instead of the
It reflects both a contemporary view on
social structure.
addiction as well as the interpreter’s own
The article applies and mixes Piercean
Weltanschauung. Especially when analyz-
and Saussurean terminology. The term
ing texts from the 1970s and the 1980s, in
sign is used primarily for words that sigNORDIC STUDIES ON ALCOHOL AND DRUGS
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Designation practices and perceptions of addiction
– a diachronic analysis of Finnish press material from 1968–2006
nify something in a language. The term
1968 to 2006 (even numbers: 1968, 1970,
codes is used for the many ways in which
etc.), giving an average annual sample of
signs are combined according to conven-
22 papers (dailies + supplements).
tions in a language or a culture. A para-
Journalistic and editorial texts and
digm is a set from which a unit in chosen
accompanying
for purposes of expressing something.
touched upon, or that might have touched
Syntagms are combinations of units cho-
upon problematic behaviour of six types –
sen from paradigms. The term lexical
alcohol use, drug intake, tobacco use, food
items is used for words that explicitly sig-
intake, gambling and excessive sexual be-
nify the phenomenon. Modality refers to
haviour – were collected in a raw text base
the reality status accorded or claimed by a
that comprised 579 (=n) newspaper texts.
sign, text or genre. When making sense of
Texts on other behaviours represented in
a text, its interpreters make modality judg-
addiction terms (excessive exercise, In-
ments. An index is a sign that has a direct
ternet use, coffee drinking, sugar intake,
existential connection with its object, for
shopping, etc.) and applying an “addic-
instance smoke is an index for fire. Like-
tion vocabulary” were also included in the
wise, the “holic” suffix, as in “workahol-
initial material base. The latter texts were
ic” or “shopaholic”, is a symbolic index of
needed to test the hypothesis regarding a
addiction. Abduction is used here to refer
recent shift towards a broader understand-
to the practice where whole or parts of ad-
ing of the addiction concept. Commercial
diction signs are used to draw attention to
material was excluded from the study.
picture
materials
that
a problematic repetitive element in a com-
From these raw datasets, texts were se-
mon behaviour, such as in the expression
lected based on one main criterion and
“Internet junkie”.
on three subcriteria (see also Hellman, in
print, for a detailed description):
Material
1) Main criterion: The text can arguably be
The data for the study were drawn from
said to deal with ‘problematic continu-
Finland’s largest subscription daily Hels-
ous repetitive behaviour of which one
ingin Sanomat, which in 2007 had a daily
has impaired control’. In particular, the
circulation of 419,791 (Finnish Audit Bu-
text is to acknowledge or imply possi-
reau 2007). As well as being the country’s
ble harm or problems (e.g. for the in-
largest newspaper in terms of circulation
dividual, for society, for third parties).
figures, it makes a significant political and
2) The text includes words that signify the
cultural impact on Finnish society and its
type of behaviour described in point 1)
public debate (for the Finnish media land-
above, for example “alcoholic”, “alco-
scape, see e.g. Nordenstreng & Wiio 2000).
holism”, “drug addict”, “bulimia”, etc.
The material was collected in a number
3) The text portrays a phenomenon that
of stages. To begin with, a total of 432 (=n)
can clearly be argued to indicate addic-
issues (411 daily issues and 21 supple-
tive behaviour by illustrating character-
ments) of Helsingin Sanomat were read on
istic behaviour featured in the diagnos-
microfilm from three sampled weeks from
tic practices used to identify addictive
every second year during the period from
behaviour (e.g. withdrawal symptoms,
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Designation practices and perceptions of addiction
– a diachronic analysis of Finnish press material from 1968–2006
impaired control, neglect due to habit,
slavery to habit; on the characteristics
of addiction, see e.g. West 2006 and Or-
Table 1. Number of texts selected on the
addiction criteria from the raw material base
Years
ford 2001).
Number of
addiction
texts
Average annual
number of addiction texts
8
4) The text covers the treatment of people
1968–1978
49
with substance problems, which im-
1980–1988
26
5
1990–1998
63
13
2000–2006
62
16
Total
200
plies that there is a problem with quitting a problematic behaviour without
outside help.
This set of criteria was developed in a
which were exactly 30 years apart and
constructivistic manner on the reading
for which the number of texts were in the
of the texts and can be considered to de-
same size range (9 and 14). In addition, the
marcate the addiction phenomenon. Other
texts for 1982 (n=4) and 1992 (n=7) were
interpretations or additional views of ad-
included in this comparison to see how
diction problems may therefore have been
the understanding of the phenomenon
excluded from the study. The criteria have
has changed over time. All in all 34 (=n)
been formulated with the aim of capturing
texts were analysed more closely for the
addiction in a definition that merits some
purposes of the present study. “Neverthe-
basic characteristics discussed among oth-
less, general developments accounted for
ers by West (2006) and Orford (2001) and
are also based on the diachronic reading of
accounted for in diagnostic criteria for ad-
the newspapers and analysis of the mate-
diction such as DSM-IV and ICD-10 (see
rial as a whole (n=200).”
West 2006, 15).
was tested by recruiting three lay persons
Language use before and after
conventionalization
to decide whether a sample of 10 texts
How were messages on addiction con-
drawn from the raw data should, accord-
strued before the concept of addiction
ing to the four selection criteria presented
became conventionalized, and what infer-
1
above, be included in the material proper.
ences can we draw about society’s views
A total of 200 (=n) texts were collect-
of addiction problems from a possible
ed from the raw data base on the criteria
change in the structure of these messages?
The reliability of the selection process
speci­fied (see Table 1): these texts are thus
Nine texts were selected from the origi-
all considered to contain messages on ad-
nal 1972 material (n=9). Three (3) of these
diction.
texts were selected because they men-
In order to demonstrate the changes in
tioned the words alcoholism and alco-
language use before and after convention-
holic (criterion 2). Three (3) were selected
alization, two texts groups were formed
because they refer to the treatment of sub-
to represent these periods in the present
stance use problems (criterion 4). Finally,
analysis. These two groups consisted of
three (3) were chosen on the criterion that
all articles from the 1972 (n= 9) and 2002
they can be argued to describe problematic
(n=14) samples. The decision was made
continuous repetitive behaviour of which
to compare reporting in 1972 and 2002,
one has impaired control (criteria 1 and 3).
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Designation practices and perceptions of addiction
– a diachronic analysis of Finnish press material from 1968–2006
The closest Finnish equivalent for addic-
One of the texts calls for increased police
tion (‘riippuvuus’) appears no more than
resources and more treatment centres for
once in the 1972 texts. The understanding
alcoholics (HS 8, April 1972, 6).
of addiction, the idea to which the con-
Only in two of the texts focus is put
cept gives rise is channelled as underly-
on the actual dependency process:“You
ing assumptions, reflecting an acknowl-
get hooked on tobacco the same way as
edgement of the problem. However, it is
on morphine” (HS 2, December 1972, 6)
not the core focus. In the three texts that
implies that there is a similarity between
discuss alcoholism (HS 8, April 1972, 6;
the two addiction mechanisms. In a piece
HS 16, November 1972, 41; Kajava 1972),
about a TV play it is stated that “The main
it is viewed as an illness that needs to be
character in the play was weak in a very
treated and cured. The dependency aspect
vague sense. His social development and
is not mentioned per se, but is very much
growth to adulthood were presented as
implicit, as “alcohol problems” (HS 16,
weak in an unspecified sense. Riisi was
November 1972, 41) and their treatment
touched by destiny as in the old days: right
imply problems with quitting the (bad)
from the first drink it was route one to the
habit of drinking too often and too much.
gutters” (Kajava 1972). The text criticizes
AA is mentioned in two of the texts: on
the play for its “old fashioned” view of
one occasion it is used as a paraphrase in
how one can get into trouble just by get-
an ironic chronicle about people to whom
ting acquainted with alcohol. The text
society has become a problem (HS 15, No-
shows how a moralistic view on drinking
vember 1972, 12), and it is mentioned in
is at work in Finnish society in the early
a preview of a radio programme dealing
1970s. These moralistic dimensions are
with what help and treatment is available
also reflected more generally in the tone of
for those who “suffer from alcoholism”
reporting in the 1970s, when responsibili-
(HS 16, November 1972, 41). In the early
ty for addressing these problems is mainly
texts terms like “abuser” (=väärinkäyttäjä),
ascribed to society.
“abuse” (=väärinkäyttö) and “drug prob-
In the 14 texts included in the sample
lems” (=huumeongelmat) seem to some
from 2002, addiction phenomena are very
extent to correspond to the addiction-
much mediated and formulated through
modality of this study (HS 27, November
lexical items, through a group of terms
1972, 11). Use, abuse and dependency
that can be referred to as a contemporary
seem to be regarded as almost equally seri-
“addiction vocabulary”. All 14 texts in-
ous problems in the earlier texts.
clude signs which explicitly involve the
The problems are generally regarded as
idea of addiction, of problems with quit-
serious and as tragic human fates, prob-
ting a habit: riippuvuus (=dependency/
lems that need to be addressed by soci-
addiction), addiktio (=addiction), vieroi-
ety (=yhteiskunta). The texts deal with
tus (=withdrawal), himokuntoilija (=com-
the problems of drug-using youth and the
pulsive physical exercise), narkomaanit
drug dealers’ industry (Siikala 1972) and
(=drug addicts) etc. Most of the texts were
the treatment system for substance abuse
therefore selected on the second crite-
problems (HS 15, November 1972, 18).
rion, i.e. they contain words that signify
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Designation practices and perceptions of addiction
– a diachronic analysis of Finnish press material from 1968–2006
the phenomenon under study. The idea
enon. By ascribing potentially anyone in
of addiction is mediated through direct
society these habits, the media mediates
semantic expressions that denote the core
pictures of addiction as a natural element
problems of addiction. Also, addiction is
in contemporary life.
discussed as a problem in itself. Compared
In pre-conventionalization texts the
to the material from 1972, the texts’ sig-
phenomenon is not described using direct
nifying practices directly put the focus on
lexical terms. The texts only imply a prob-
the dimension of dependency, instead of
lem in their underlying presumptions, or
just implying dependency problems in the
as part of other more visible discourses.
background of societal alcohol and drug
The cultural unit, the idea to which it gives
problems. Even in news items that deal
rise, is at work in the background rather
with themes like the banning of cigarette
than brought into focus. The paradigm of
vending machines (Ollikainen 2002) and
words signifying the phenomenon is nar-
an HIV epidemic in Russia and the Baltic
row and the level of syntagmatic action
states (Markkanen 2002), the dimension
is tame: no innovative constructions and
of addiction is still included, albeit only
combinations for stretching and abducting
mentioned in passing. Addiction and de-
are employed. The dependence aspect is
pendency also receive attention in more
ascribed to “traditional” problematic re-
unlikely contexts. The phenomenon is al-
petitive behaviour like drug intake or alco-
most routinely mentioned in all types of
holism. The idea of addiction is equivalent
texts. Excessive physical exercise (Pantti
to the obvious commonsensical aspect of
2002) and TV viewing (HS 9, March 2002,
dependence problems, i.e. dependence on
D12) are framed as problematic repetitive
a substance. There is no symbolic account
behaviours that can be understood as in-
of a wider understanding of the phenome-
volving similar elements as more tradi-
non. The “object” of the addiction concept
tional substance abuse problems.
is more limited and more precisely a spe-
The concept of addiction is used more
cific problem. It is implied and represent-
frequently, sometimes routinely abducted,
ed through phenomena such as alcoholism
but it is not precisely defined. New “shal-
or the treatment of substance problems ac-
low” quasi addictions are included in the
counted for in the texts. These types of is-
addiction modality in the texts from the
sues can be seen as representing addiction
1990s and 2000s. The references to ad-
in the newspaper reporting at that time.
diction problems related to the use of cof-
The earlier texts lack the symbolic dimen-
fee (Ahonen 1994; HS 21, March 1998,
sion that is present in the latter ones. The
D10), chocolate (Ahonen 1994; Hazard
cultural unit is more specifically a limited
& Blom 1998), sweets and carbohydrates
problem, the commonsensical dependen-
(Repo 1998), television shows (Karonen
cy problem. At the same time, the concrete
2006) and the Internet (Lindholm 2000)
signification praxis is more implicit com-
and lumping them together with severe
pared to the more recent, direct employ-
drug addictions and alcoholism (e.g. Repo
ment of signifying items belonging to an
1998) also reflect a turn in the cultural
addiction vocabulary.
understanding of the addiction phenom-
In 2002 the addiction phenomenon reNORDIC STUDIES ON ALCOHOL AND DRUGS
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Designation practices and perceptions of addiction
– a diachronic analysis of Finnish press material from 1968–2006
ceives more space and attention in news-
throughout the material would shed light
paper reporting, and the paradigm of ideas
on the understanding underlying the phe-
on and understandings of the phenomenon
nomenon at different times.
have a much broader scope and are more
ated by the concept per se, the cultural
Q Where is addiction?
The texts under study were analysed, first-
unit is vague in its contours and applied to
ly, by identifying the domain or sphere
many different types of problematic hab-
of society within which addiction prob-
its. Abductions of the addiction concept
lems were discussed. This represents the
lead to new innovative combinations of
framing of the problems, the sphere in
concepts (workaholic, ʻchocaholic’, etc.).
which addiction problems are thought to
The addiction vocabulary is highly con-
be located, the domains of life that they
ventionalized and naturalized in the texts,
affect. Based on the themes identified in
and used almost in a routine manner.
the newspaper pieces it was possible to
varied. Even if the latter texts are perme-
Views on addiction before and
after conventionalization
group these domains into three main areas: The first contains discourses connected
to treatment, medical aspects and physi-
My previous study had indicated that
ological facts and circumstances. These
changes in the understanding of the con-
discourses mediate a view on addictions
cept coincide with changes in views as
as situated within the domain of physio-
to which part of society is affected by the
logical, medical or mental problems, to be
problem. In order to investigate which
addressed and treated with different treat-
changes in the public understanding of
ment methods and/or within a system of
the phenomenon coincide with changes
treatment. The second category comprises
in signifying practices, three dimensions
discourses dealing with social and policy
were analysed in closer detail in the texts
efforts and mediates a view of addiction as
selected from 1972, 1982, 1992 and 2002.
problems that affect society and that need
These dimensions were: i) Where is ad-
to be addressed by society by means of
diction? This question was posed in or-
policy tools, for example. Finally, the third
der to identify the domain in society to
domain category consisted of questions re-
which addiction problems were ascribed
lated to the addicts’ living environment,
in the texts; ii) Who has knowledge about
private sphere and family. This group of
addiction? This question was posed in
texts mediated a view of addiction prob-
order to identify the sources offering in-
lems as being situated within the private
formation and expertise on addictions in
sphere, in the environment where indi-
the texts under study; and, finally iii) On
viduals grow up and where they live out
what level are courses of events due to ad-
their daily lives. The three domains can be
diction taking place? This question was
labelled as a) physiological & treatment, b)
posed for identifying the perspective on
society & policy and c) private sphere.
the problems mediated in the texts. It was
All three domains are more or less equal-
thought that a systematic analysis of these
ly represented in the 1972 and 1982 texts.
dimensions – domain, source and level –
Within the physiology and treatment do-
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Designation practices and perceptions of addiction
– a diachronic analysis of Finnish press material from 1968–2006
main, alcoholism is discussed as an illness
cussed on a new detailed level that did not
(HS 8, April 1972, 6, Kajava 1972). It is
occur in the 1982 and 1972 texts: “Smoke
also pointed out that young people do not
heroin works in the same way as injected
understand that they can become depend-
heroin. You will quickly get addicted to
ent even on non-prescription medicines
it”, says one piece (HS 7, April 1992, A5).
(HS 30, November 1972, 42). Reference is
New methods for quitting smoking are
also made to the effects of alcohol on blood
discussed in another piece (HS 12, April
pressure, blood sugar levels and the per-
1992, A5). In an article about the treat-
manent health damage it can cause (HS 15,
ment of heroin addicts, it is stressed that
November 1982, 17; Söderblom 1982). “In
the heroin addict will come to the centre
order to be effective, treatment for addic-
once a day to pick up “medical drugs that
tion should continue for 3–5 years”, says a
counteract the effects of heroin” (Naarma-
letter to the editor (Cajander 1982). In the
la 1992). Physiological issues within the
society and policy domain, one text (HS
addict’s body are added as a new element
8, April 1972, 6) refers to the problem of
in the understanding of the phenomenon.
scarce resources: “More money should be
In 2002, there is a clear shift in the do-
allocated to the police and treatment fa-
mains to which addiction problems are
cilities”; another (HS 15, November 1972,
attached. The physiology & treatment do-
18) says that “Substance abuse treatment
main dominates the material with a rela-
needs more money”. A third text (HS 16,
tively large margin (10 accounts compared
November 1972, 41) asks, “What are the
to 2 in the domain of society & policy and
options available to alcoholics?” A letter
3 in the private sphere). In one piece about
to the editor points out that treatment is
ecstasy, a doctor states that “In contrast
costly for society (HS 15, November 1982,
to common belief, sporadic use can lead
17). In the private sphere, the texts refer
to addiction and changes in organic ac-
to families with alcohol problems (HS 16,
tivities of the brain. In particular, learn-
November 1972, 41) and describe the eve-
ing abilities can be adversely affected”
ryday life of an alcoholic (Kajava 1972). In
(Forsström 2002). Another article says that
a piece from 1982, it is pointed out that
“as far as addictive effects are concerned,
life is very difficult for children in families
tobacco can be compared to heroin” (Ol-
with an alcoholic (Lahti & Sievers 1982)
likainen 2002). A piece about the tobacco
and that alcoholics can be abusive to other
plant points out that the nicotine in this
family members (HS 15, November 1982,
plant “is extremely addictive” and that
17).
it works through the nervous system: “It
In 1992, addiction problems are still
is a very poisonous chemical compound
discussed within all three domains, al-
and around 60 mg, which corresponds to
though more emphasis is given to physiol-
6–12 cigarettes or a teaspoon of crushed
ogy & treatment and social & policy at the
tobacco leaves is a fatal dose for an adult”.
expense of the private sphere. However,
(Patja & Elovainio & Hara 2002) New ad-
a change can be seen regarding the level
dictions are also identified within the
of discussion when it comes to the physi-
private sphere: one letter to the editor ex-
ological aspects of addiction: these are dis-
presses the reader’s frustration over havNORDIC STUDIES ON ALCOHOL AND DRUGS
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ing to play second fiddle to the TV due to
dicts (a smoker and three drug addicts),
a family member’s “TV addiction” (HS 9,
representatives of deacon services and an
March 2002, D12).
organization involved in drug work.
To, summarize, the analysis of domain
Given the small size of the dataset and
found that in the texts from 1992 and
the large number of information sources,
2002, the accounts of addiction is increas-
it is impossible to draw any meaning-
ingly positioned within the physiological
ful generalizations regarding changes in
domain and explanations of the problems
the sources on addiction. However, what
and their underlying mechanisms are in-
we can see is that medical experts have a
creasingly detailed. There is a shift from
more prominent role in 2002 (6 sources
framing addiction problems as matters of
out of 16) than they did earlier. The au-
policy and society in the 1970s and the
thorities speaking about addiction are a
1980s, towards a medical or physiological
medical examiner, deputy chief physician,
view in the 1990s and the 2000s.
medical doctor, the head of an HIV laboratory, a virologist and a professor in medi-
Q Who has knowledge about addiction?
References to addiction appearing in the
cal sciences. Other sources include public
texts were analysed by identifying the
vate person (in a letter to the editor), and
source of the information about addic-
representatives of the non-governmental
tion: what individual or sector of social
sector. The tendency to refer increas-
life does the authority represent. The texts
ingly to medical experts fits well with the
identified several different sources: repre-
changes in the domain to which addiction
sentatives of the media, public authorities,
problems were associated in the texts. The
scientists and researchers, representatives
understanding of addictions is obviously
of high culture, medical experts, private
becoming more medicalized over time.
authorities, media representatives, a pri-
persons, etc.
main sources of information about ad-
Q On what level is the problem situated?
The third dimension of analysis was the
diction problems were media representa-
level of focus in the texts. In this analysis
tives (5 of 11 cases) as well as public au-
the main concern was with the story, the
thorities, cultural figures, researchers and
course of events accounted for in the texts:
medical experts. In 1982, the main sources
on what level did these events take place
were representatives of an association
in terms of the number of people involved.
providing treatment for addicts, an anony-
This aspect differs from domain in that it
mous letter to the editor, high culture (a
is less thematically concerned. Did the ad-
piece by the author Aleksis Kivi and a
diction stories concern society at large and
theatre play) and an alcoholic who speaks
involve larger populations, or did they op-
of his problems in an interview. In 1992,
erate at the level of the individual problem
accounts of addiction are given by public
holder? Sometimes the stories were con-
authorities (the police are cited twice, and
fined to certain groups who were affected
reports from the court system indicate an
by the problems discussed. Three levels of
increase in drug-related crime), some ad-
settings were identified on the basis of this
The analysis showed that in 1972, the
364
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analysis: 1) a macro perspective, in which
7 texts discuss the courses of events on a
addiction problems were presented as
single level. The other texts combine ac-
concerning populations or society at large,
counts involving at least two and often all
2) a group level perspective, where addic-
three levels: macro, group and micro. By
tions were seen as affecting or involving
more frequent references to the logics of
certain groups of people, or a section of the
addiction, expressed in a new addiction
population and 3) a micro perspective, in
vocabulary, the concept is thrown into all
which problems were accounted for on the
types of discussions on all levels of rea-
level of the individual.
soning. For example, it is pointed out that
In 1972 and 1982 the courses of events
the primary role of drug legislation is to
are accounted for on all three levels, i.e.
prevent narcotics from entering the illicit
from a macro, micro and group perspec-
drug market and from “causing addiction
tive. On the macro level, the texts discuss
and other problems” (Viljakainen 2002).
the drug business (Siikala 1972) and the
Addiction is thus mentioned as the first
resources allocated by government to the
and most elementary problem caused by
treatment of abusers (HS 15, November
illicit drugs, as a root cause, as a motive
1972, 18; HS 8, April 1972, 6). The con-
for drug legislation, which of course is a
sequences are once again discussed as
macro level policy measure. Hence, ef-
an expense for society (HS 15, November
forts on the macro level are explained by
1982, 17), and efforts to help abusers are
the physiological (individual) addiction
accounted for from the society’s perspec-
process on the micro level. The incorpo-
tive (Cajander 1982). On a group level,
ration of the addiction concept into the
there are pieces that talk about “those who
macro level discussion is a new element
have been able to break free from alcohol”
that was also seen in the later texts during
(Cajander 1982), alcoholics in relation
the diachronic reading of the newspaper
to obese people (HS 15, November 1982,
texts: “Male drinking habits lead girls to
17), drunkards (Söderblom 1982) and ‘old
addiction” (HS 8, February, 2004, D2) says
drunkards’ (Lahti & Sievers 1982). Refer-
one piece from 2004. In other words, a cir-
ence is also made to AA groups and young
cumstance that is described on the macro
abusers (HS 15, November 1972, 12; HS
level (drinking patterns) is seen as having
30, November 1972, 42). Among the cours-
consequences on the micro level (girls get-
es of events discussed on a micro level are
ting addicted). It seems that the extended
abusers’ difficulties in their private lives
use of addiction concepts and increasing
and personal relationships (e.g. HS 27, No-
portrayals of addiction correlate with ex-
vember 1972, 11). The amounts of money
planations of social phenomena in terms
spent by alcoholics and people who eat
of seeing them as the sum of individuals
excessively are also discussed (HS 15, No-
with the problems in question. The fre-
vember 1982, 17), and in one piece an al-
quent use of the addiction concept chan-
coholic speaks about his problems and his
nels the focus on the dependence per se,
road to recovery (Lahti & Sievers 1982).
and invites an understanding of the prob-
In 1992, the texts increasingly combined
lems from an individual’s point of view in
different levels of accounts. Only 2 out of
various contexts. In 2002, the story is set
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Designation practices and perceptions of addiction
– a diachronic analysis of Finnish press material from 1968–2006
in a macro level setting in a minority of
havioural problems. The underlying as-
cases (only 3 framings out of 15).
sumption is that addiction is a widespread
Results
phenomenon in society, an assumption
that seems to be closely interwoven with
Two main developments can be discerned
the wider and naturalized use of signs sig-
on the basis of the material. Firstly, the
nifying addiction.
analysis provides further evidence of a
The analysis of language use in the me-
conventionalization of addiction from the
dia texts under study indicates a shift over
1990s onwards. Additionally, the under-
time in the idea of addiction. In the earlier
lying views of addiction reflect a process
texts, the understanding of the phenom-
of internalization. Through this process,
enon is that it is a problem for a group of
the reader is invited to explore the logics
people that needs to be addressed in dif-
and nature of addiction problems from the
ferent ways. Problems of dependency are
problem holder’s perspective, sometimes
recognized, but they are not explicitly ad-
on a very detailed level, and often por-
dressed. The cultural unit, the idea it gives
trayed as a natural part of everyday life.
rise to – according to the framing of this
The developments observed are summa-
study – works in the background. The de-
rized in Table 2.
pendency aspect, the compulsory behav-
In the pre-conventionalization texts,
iour, isn’t brought to the fore, as the root
the concept of addiction is typically em-
cause of the problem. The understanding
bedded in descriptions of social problems
of the phenomenon works on different
and is implicitly referred to in other than
levels: it can be a problem for society as
direct addiction discourses. Addiction is
a whole, for a group of people, or for an
an idea lurking in the background, but it
individual. However, the reasoning sur-
doesn’t take up much room at all in the
rounding the different addiction problems
actual reporting. In the post-convention-
does not cut through the levels – issues
alization texts the concept takes up much
of the individual are not presented as ex-
more space, it is understood more broadly
planatory circumstances for social prob-
and it is directly and explicitly mediated
lems and vice versa.
through terms that signify “continuous
At the same time, as the cultural unit
problematic repetitive behaviour”. The
becomes increasingly blurred and as the
meaning of the concept expands as it starts
paradigm continues to expand, there is a
to channel various types of –more or less
shift from viewing addiction as a specific
problematic – behaviour.
problem that is part of alcohol and drug
In the earlier texts addiction is dealt
problems to additionally viewing it as a
with in the context of larger, often socially
common phenomenon at large. It is obvi-
anchored problems. It is not a problem
ous that the codes for mediating messages
that can affect anybody. Thirty years later,
on addiction in the newspaper in question
any individual can, for whatever reason,
reflect practices and needs of the society of
fall prey to the vicious circle of addiction.
which they are a product. In the 1970s there
Addiction problems can be attributed to
is no cultural need to explain and channel
almost any type of substance use and be-
different behaviours in terms of addictions.
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Addictions are problems for specific groups
as a physiological problem depicted from
of people with specific problems (mostly
the individual’s perspective and requiring
alcohol and drug problems).
medical expertise and treatment.
From the 1990s onwards, the texts begin
to apply an addiction terminology that re-
Discussion
flects a wider and more variable cultural
By investigating changes in uses of the con-
unit that permeates the texts and reflects
cept of addiction in newspaper materials
on problems on a broad scale. Physiologi-
over time, we can retrace a process where
cal processes are explained in great de-
the theme of social deviance, a problem to
tail. The problems of a society or a group
society, turns into an often physical and
of people can be explained by reference
quite common problem of the individual.
to circumstances at the level of the indi-
This study has captured a movement to-
vidual. Medical expertise emerges as the
wards a more internalized and physiologi-
major source of information on addiction
cal view of addictions and media reporting
problems.
that covers the problems on many levels
To summarize, the main trends identi-
(micro, macro and group).
fied in this study are the combination of
The introduction of a new addiction vo-
new conventionalized and “inflated” lan-
cabulary in the material during the 1990s
guage use about addictions with a new un-
should not be interpreted as the addic-
derstanding of addiction predominantly
tion concept first being introduced at that
Table 2. Signs of conventionalization and internalization processes observed in the material
under study.
Tendencies
LANGUAGE USE
*Adaption of addiction vocabulary: from an implicit and indirect to explicit
and direct referring to the phenomenon by lexical items.
Main development:
Conventionalization/
naturalization
Signs and codes for expressing addictions are conventionalized, applied as a natural
part of language and life.
*Inflation in concept use: from a more precise and limited use of the concept of addiction as a specific and problematic part of alcohol and drug
problems to a broader use that covers all sorts of repetitive behavior.
*Variation in expressing addiction: paradigms of signs and codes for
expressing addiction move from narrow paradigms (only a few words used
for the phenomenon) to broader paradigms (a lot of words and formats
used for designating and describing the phenomenon).
*Innovative syntagmatic combinations: the latter texts include e.g. combinations of everyday concepts with signs/ indexes of addictive behavior to
emphasize a problematic repetitive element in the behavior in question.
*Use of tropes: the latter texts contain rhetorical ‘figures of speech’, like
e.g. irony and metaphors when portraying addictions.
UNDERSTANDING OF
PHENOMENON
Main development:
Internalization
Addictions are portrayed from
within the problem.
*Shift from the social to the individual problem holder in portrayals of addiction.
*Shift towards increasingly detailed physiological accounts.
*Incorporation of the addiction element into discussions on the macrolevel
(subjects of society).
* Towards a more frequent use of medical expertise as source of information.
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time: “problematic repetitive behaviour of
having becomes an important theme in ev-
which the individual has impaired con-
eryday life. The point when the addiction
trol” is dealt with, although to a much
theme enters the reporting as something
lesser extent, even in the earliest texts
naturalized, will therefore coincide with a
from 1968, but at that point there is appar-
level of prosperity and coherent contem-
ently no need to name the phenomenon
porary lifestyles that enable and encour-
in terms of addictions. The need to lump
age us to become repetitive consumers of
together different compulsory behaviours
substances and habitual slaves of all sorts.
under the umbrella of an addiction termi-
Additionally, we can see that at the time
nology begins to emerge in the material
when addictions have become sufficiently
under study from the 1990s onwards. So
prevalent, naturalized and self-evident in
what circumstances does this need reflect,
the material, they start to be viewed as
and how does it influence our understand-
self-identifying everyday practices. Fol-
ing of addiction problems?
lowing these lines of reasoning, it is not
First of all, we need to take into consid-
all that surprising that addictions have
eration some changes in Finnish society
been significantly more often discussed
that appeared before and around the time
and seemingly completely conventional-
of the changes observed. French philoso-
ized since the mid-1990s. Individualiza-
pher Jacques Derrida (2003) suggests that
tion, consumerism and thereto connected
it is a crossing of a quantitative threshold
views on freedom of choice were boosted
that allows us to speak of a modern phe-
in Finnish culture in the years after the
nomenon of addiction (Derrida 2003, 23).
fall of the Soviet Union in a way that was
According to this line of reasoning we can
directly reflected in the reporting under
date the birth of a modern phenomenon of
study, both in newspaper contents and
addiction to a point when a large number
formats. Finland enjoyed sustained eco-
of individuals obtain easy access to the
nomic growth from 1994 through until the
technical possibility of repeating the acts,
recent economic recession in 2008. The
alone or otherwise, in private or in public
country underwent a period of active eco-
(see ibid.). Likewise, we can see the con-
nomic liberalization from the late 1980s,
temporary extended employment of the
and in the latter half of the 1990s the coun-
concept as dependent on the number of
try joined both the European Union (1995)
persons that will personally in one way or
and the Eurozone (1999). By the middle
another be affected by the various types of
of the 1990s – when newspaper reporting
addiction problems portrayed in the mate-
began to adopt a more personal tone – the
rial.
country had entered a new phase of eco-
Thus, addiction will become a signifi-
nomic growth reflected and supported in
cant and relevant theme in our culture
trends of consumerism and individualiza-
when a majority of people have the pos-
tion. The more tabloidized and personal-
sibility or are frequently exposed to the
ized reporting that corresponds to a con-
possibility of taking addictive substances
temporary consumer culture differs clear-
or engaging themselves in problematic re-
ly from the traditional, politically oriented
petitive behavior, i.e. when this way of be-
news reporting of Helsingin Sanomat dur-
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ing the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s (see Hell-
can be compared to another historical shift
man, in print).
in the understanding of addiction pointed
These developments support and reflect
out by Levine (1978). He discusses a shift
a general trend of individualization. The
in views on addiction in the early 19th cen-
internalization of addiction problems in
tury, as reflected in changing views on the
the media coincided with a climate that
source of alcoholism. The North American
can be viewed as fostering certain gener-
temperance movement had believed that
ally adopted thoughts on self governing.
the source of addiction lay in the drug it-
According to Foucault (referred to by Rose
self, that it was the addictive substance of
1999) a certain view on humans as free
alcohol that caused addiction. Post-prohi-
to act upon themselves and against their
bition thought, on the other hand, located
limits are a result of certain forces that
the source of addiction in the individual
arises as a historical possibility in society
body: “only some people, for reasons yet
in a specific time. Governing through the
unknown, become addicted to alcohol”
freedom of individuals’ to govern them-
(Levine 1978, 495). The developments
selves links public objectives for the good
witnessed in the present study suggest that
health and good order of the social body
this development is now being extended
with the desire of individuals for personal
to involve potentionally any habit and any
health and well-being. This is strongly re-
individual body in society: “addictions of
flected in the developments under study
various types can affect any individual in
and interestingly enough, this shaping
society, but for some reason they become a
of a private responsibility over the body-
bigger problem for some than for others”.
project assigns a key role to experts: “For
The focus in the accounts of the problem
it is – first doctors but later a host of oth-
is put on the agent, reflecting a new view
ers – who can specify ways of conducting
on the individual’s role in the emergence
one’s private affairs that are desirable”
of the problems. On the one hand, addic-
(ibid. 74–75). Results of the analysis here
tion becomes a common concern and the
suggest that during the 1990s and 2000s,
idea of involving and engaging anybody
medical expertise is increasingly viewed
can be seen as people being equal before
as possessing crucial knowledge about
the threats of addiction. On the other
addiction. Precise knowledge of technol-
hand, there is also the underlying view
ogies of the body in relation to different
that everybody is responsible for his/her
addictions is presented by experts and au-
own life project, for their self-management
thorities in the field of medicine. Members
and the realization of their own health and
of society are equipped by the media with
‘body project’ (Beck & Beck-Gernsheim
these expertise statements that guide the
2006, 140). This fits in well with the no-
individual – the citizen, the consumer, the
tion of self-reflexive identify formation
potential or actual addict – in the land-
suggested by post-modern culture theories
scape of the logics and mechanisms of ad-
that recognize a heightened degree of frag-
diction.
mentation, pluralism and individualiza-
The shift towards a view of addiction as
tion. The public are informed about vari-
including potentially anybody in society
ous risks and dangers and each individual
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is responsible for his/her own life project
the individual nor the history of a society
and identity formation on the basis of the
can be understood without understanding
information available.
both (e.g. Mills 1959, 3). Either we are wit-
The extended use of the addiction con-
nessing a move towards such a “double”
cept, which in itself connotes a state of
understanding of addiction problems, or
individual struggle, implies an orienta-
we are witnessing a move towards a gen-
tion towards physicalism. Addictions are
eral individualization of a problem at the
viewed as physiological and psychologi-
expense of a socially rooted contextuali-
cal states that need to be treated in differ-
zation. The analysis of the present study
ent ways. This coincides with newspaper
points to the latter alternative.
accounts being more heavily focused on
A paradoxical circumstance that re-
the micro or group level, and less on the
quires further attention is that this devel-
population level. Through internalization
opment coincides with the application of
in the portrayals of addictions, the indi-
a more vague and fuzzy understanding of
vidual’s state of dependence is presented
the concept of addiction. On the one hand,
as a core element in what we understand
problems are increasingly viewed as meas-
as addiction problems, and the accounts
urable and physiological in line with clas-
of the problem on the individual level are
sical deductive reasoning. On the other
used to explain broader problems in soci-
hand, the essence of the concept/phenom-
ety. Naming and viewing the core element
enon of addiction is increasingly difficult
of addictions as the physical condition of
to grasp.
dependence can be said to reflect a disease
As yet it is not clear who will emerge as
view – a general medicalization trend in
winners and who will lose out as a result
views on addictions.
of the changes observed. Will, for exam-
Conventionalization and internalization
ple, the new individualized understand-
can thus be viewed as part and parcel of a
ing of the problems detract from the view
more general shift towards viewing addic-
that social aspects and processes should
tion as the loss of individual control, and
be taken into account when investigating
the social problem of addiction as the sum
and addressing these problems?
of all individuals who have this problem.
Following this line of reasoning, we
This reasoning is grounded in a view of so-
might well see the Nordic welfare state
ciety where each phenomenon is the sum
project lose out as well. It is increasingly
of its individual parts. In this way, addic-
difficult to advocate a model in which the
tion problems can be measured and clini-
state assumes primary responsibility for
cally diagnosed merely by referencing the
the welfare of its citizens when each indi-
individual involved, which departs from
vidual is viewed as responsible for his/her
the view in the media pieces from the
own health and life trajectory. Also, the
1970s and 1980s according to which social
shift towards greater individualization fits
processes are more than just the sum of the
in well with the messages of commercial
citizens living in the same society. A more
stakeholders who do not want to see the
traditional sociological view on social
state involved in regulating the distribu-
problems claims that neither the life of
tion of goods for public health reasons, for
370
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– a diachronic analysis of Finnish press material from 1968–2006
instance. The consumer is encouraged and
group affected by the problems in the fu-
expected to take the prime responsibility
ture?
for making his/her own choices. When
By researching different uses and under-
the focus is placed on problematic indi-
standings of the concept of addiction over
vidual behaviour, it has to be assumed by
time, this study has demonstrated how
definition that there is a non-problematic
journalism plays a major role in produc-
way of behaving that some people are bet-
ing and distributing modern society’s un-
ter able to control. These discourses will
derstanding of phenomena such as social
inevitably mediate a view on mastery as
deviance and in locating and explaining
something worth striving for and a view
social problems. It has investigated chang-
on control – a capacity to direct and shape
es in the ways that addiction is linguisti-
objects and processes to meet one’s objec-
cally expressed in a Finnish newspaper
tives – as the ultimate goal. New views
material from 1968 to 2006, and pointed
on failure and guilt will inevitably follow
out internalizing and conventionalizing
with these patterns of thinking. Another
trends. The changes observed could be in-
outcome of these developments is a new
vestigated further, for example by focusing
shallow approach to the problems, which
in depth on how the concept is used for
has also been identified in other analyses
different types of addictions, or by looking
of media images of addiction (Hellman &
at the paradox of mastery in addiction that
Rantala, in submission). The broader the
coincides with the expanded use of the
concept, the more blurred the borderline
concept. between serious addictions and amusing little habits. What consequences will
lumping together severe problems and
funny habits under the same terminology
have for a view on the constitution of the
Matilda Hellman, Researcher, PhD student
Nordic Center for Welfare and Social Issues, NVC
Annegatan 29 A 23, FIN-00100 Helsingfors
Finland
E-mail: [email protected]
Note
REFERENCES
1) Inter-rater reliability showed a high degree
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