Treball de fi de màster de Recerca
Linguistic Gender Stereotypes in Teen Situation
Comedy: Analysis of Liv and Maddie (2013) and its
Translation into Spanish
Mariazell-Eugènia Bosch Fàbregas
Màster: Estudis de Traducció
Edició: 2015-2016
Directors: Dra. Anna Espunya i Prat
Any de defensa: 2016
Col⋅lecció: Treballs de fi de màster
Programa oficial de postgrau
"Comunicació lingüística i mediació multilingüe"
Departament de Traducció i Ciències del Llenguatge
Abstract
This project consisted on a descriptive and analytic study on two transcripts of Liv and
Maddie and their translation into Spanish. By considering specific linguistic features, I
followed a general approach to test whether the sitcom portrayed linguistic stereotypes and if
they matched previous research on language and gender. The motivation has been the lack of
studies concerning stereotyping in teen fiction series. I carried out the study by focusing on
the semantic and pragmatic function of the elements.
The uses and functions of the features were mostly equally divided between men and
women. However, the translation sometimes failed to reproduce the source text functions. My
study has not proved to be significantly relevant to the previous research. Despite the lack of
data, I consider that the project is a first attempt on the study of stereotyping in the sitcom that
might reveal powerful insights if the corpus is enlarged.
Key words: female characters, gender, identity, linguistic stereotypes, pragmatic function,
preteen, sitcom, transcripts; translation
2
1. Table of Contents
Page(s)
•
1. Table of Contents
•
2. Acknowledgements
•
3. Introduction
•
•
2–3
4
5 –7
-
3.1. Objectives and Research Questions
-
3.2. Methodology
7 – 12
-
3.3. Theoretical Frameworks
12 – 25
4. Part 1: Liv and Maddie (2013)
-
4.1. Liv and Maddie: Introduction to the series
-
4.2. Characters’ description
-
4.3. Situation and Reaction Analysis
25 – 26
26
26 – 30
5. Part 2: Data, Analysis and Results
-
-
-
-
5.1. Talking versus Listening Roles
- 5.1.1. Previous Research
30 – 32
- 5.1.2. Data Collection: Examples and Discussion
32 – 37
5.2. Tag Questions
- 5.2.1. Previous Research
37 –38
- 5.2.2. Data Collection: Examples and Discussion
39 – 40
5.3. Adjectives
- 5.3.1. Previous Research
40 – 41
- 5.3.2. Data Collection: Examples and Discussion
41 – 44
5.4. Vulgar and Colloquial Language
- 5.4.1. Previous Research
- 5.4.2. Data Collection: Examples and Discussion
-
45
46 – 50
5.5. Diminutives
- 5.5.1. Previous Research
50 – 51
- 5.5.2. Data Collection: Examples and Discussion
51 – 54
55 – 56
•
6. Conclusion
•
7. General Conclusions
57
•
8. Primary Sources
58
•
9. Secondary Sources
•
10. Annexes
58 – 64
3
-
10.1. Table 15. Definitions
-
10.2. Table 16. Episode Codes
-
10.3. Table 17. Talking versus Listening Roles: Methods of
Translation, ST and TT Function and Intensity
-
79 – 80
81 – 89
10.6. Table 20. Colloquial and Vulgar language: Methods of
Translation, ST and TT Function and Intensity
-
68 – 79
10.5. Table 19. Adjectives: Methods of Translation, ST and TT
Function and Intensity
-
65 – 67
10.4. Table 18. Question tags: Methods of Translation, ST and TT
Function and Intensity
-
65
90 –104
10.7. Table 21. Diminutives: Methods of Translation, ST and TT
Function and Intensity
105 –114
-
10.8. Table 22. Transcripts S1.07 and S1.07/108
115 – 125
-
10.9. Table 23. Transcripts S2.11 and S2.11/209
125 –134
4
2. Acknowledgements
First of all, I would like to thank the tutor of my project, Professor Anna Espunya Prat,
for her valuable help in recommending many of the readings for my project and in solving all
the doubts that I had during the process of elaborating this study. Above all, I am grateful at
all her suggestions and advice that she always provided me. I reckon that this project would
not have been possible without her help.
I also want to thank Professor Jacqueline Hurtley because it was in her seminars at the
University of Barcelona that I became interested in the study of gender. I am also thankful at
Professor Temple Northup (Jack J. Valenti School of Communication, University of Houston)
and Professor Carol M. Liebler (Professor at Newhouse School, Syracuse University) for
kindly having sent me a copy of their study on Disney beauty ideals.
Finally, I want to thank my parents for endlessly having encouraged me during all my
studies, and Serkan, who has been a constant source of positivity for me to pursuit my goals.
To you all, again, thank you very much.
5
3. Introduction
3.1. Objectives and Research Questions
The current master’s thesis aims at testing whether or not linguistic gender
stereotyping is present in the transcripts of fiction for preteen girls by studying and analysing
specific linguistic aspects of thesituation comedy series Liv and Maddie (2013) and its
translation into Spanish (Liv y Maddie). Both the topic and the corpus of this project are the
result of having fused previous ideas and interests, which gradually shaped the final path of
this study. Even before deciding the corpus that I would analyse, I had chosen gender, Disney
and a young audience as main addressees, as the general topics of my interest.
The very first idea was to work on linguistic gender stereotypes in pre-adolescent and
teenage English and Spanish magazines targeted to girls. However, I could not manage to get
a printed copy of either of the two languages, no matter which teen magazine I checked. I
tried to work with the online magazine versions instead but the two language sites were
completely different both in terms of content and layout. Having discarded the magazines as
the corpus of my analysis and after exploring other alternatives with my tutor, I finally
decided to work on Liv and Maddie, a Disney Channel teen situation comedy targeted to a
young audience (specially to girls), and continue my main interest of analysing the linguistic
gender stereotypes by means of the series’ scripts. One of the interesting and motivating
aspects that I found when searching for previous research on the topic of linguistic gender
stereotypes in series aimed at a young (preteen and early teen) and particularly female
audience is that there was not so much work done, as Temple Northup and Carol Liebler note
in their study on “beauty ideals messages of live-action television shows” (2010, 265).1
As I have previously mentioned, the series that I will analyse is mainly targeted to
young viewers. As Flavell and Miller argue, “age is often used as a marker of […] differences
in cognitive abilities” (1993 in Strasburger and Wilson 2002, 12-13). Even though I will not
study the audience’ reception of Liv and Maddie in this project, the series is targeted to a
specific age: preteen or ‘older elementary school children’ (12-13), that is, between 8 to 12
and early teen, which is comprised between 13 and 14. The series’ official websites use short
sentences and avoidance of complicated language. They also offer games, gossip on the actors
and many tests to entertain the audience. Besides, the series is aired in the evening (20:00) in
the evening in Disney Channel’s open broadcast in Spain. I consider that content, messages
and images displayed in Liv and Maddie might differ from films, shows and series targeted to
1
Aside from this article, I have not found scholarly material on stereotypes in preteen and teen sitcoms.
6
children, which is not the age scope I am interested in. Since Liv and Maddie is mainly
targeted to a young female audience that are probably in the age of “developing and
awareness of self and comparing [it] to the ideals presented in the media” (Northup and
Liebler 2010, 265), I believe a study on this series might reveal powerful insights on
stereotyping and how it is displayed.
As for previous research, I found some studies on gender in Disney classics, such as
Dawn Elisabeth England, Lara Descartes and Melissa A. Collier-Meek’s “Gender Role
Portrayal and the Disney Princesses” (2011) or Keisha L. Hoerrner’s “Gender Roles in
Disney Films: Analysing Behaviours from Snow White to Simba” (1996). I checked the
Journal of Children and the Media but just Northup and Liebler’s article (2010) was partially
relevant to my study. I also looked up the Journal of Serial Narration on Television
(Universität des Saarlandes) in which I found one article on the role of women in Desperate
Housewives (Anna Lenz, 2013). Except for another article that I will mention later on, Lenz’s
article focused on products for an adult audience. I also came across a non-academic blog, in
which the author discussed gender stereotypes in Two and a Half Men and in The Big Bang
Theory (Frendo 2013), shows which are definitely targeted to an older audience.
Among many other sources that are listed in both the Primary and Secondary Sources
section of my project (see 8 and 9), the main readings for this study have been Jennifer
Coates’ Women, Men and Language (1993), Janet Holmes and Miriam Meyerhoff’s The
Handbook of Language and Gender (2003), Frederic Chaume’s Doblatge i subtitulació per a
la TV (2003), Richard F. Young’s Language and interaction: An advanced resource book
(2008), Paulo Quaglio’s Television Dialogue. The sitcom Friends vs. natural conversation
(2009), Maria Victoria Escandell’s Introducción a la Pragmática (2013) and Maike Reutler’s
“How gender stereotypes are achieved linguistically in AMC’s Mad Men” (2013). I will
single out Reutler’s work both in the methodology section (3.2) and in the theoretical
frameworks section (3.3.) since it has proved to be relevant for my study.
By means of a detailed and descriptive study on specific linguistic features, my
purpose is to find out if Liv and Maddie displays and perpetuates linguistic and gender
stereotypes based on previous research on gender stereotypes. The main body of the project
consists of two parts. On the one hand, I shall first introduce the series and its content. I will
later present the main characters and describe the different situations that they find themselves
in. I will conclude the first part of the project by commenting on the social roles that the
characters play in the episodes. On the other hand, I shall focus on specific language features
on the dialogues (see Part 2) among the characters in order to centre the study on female and
7
male characters and discuss how and when they speak, evaluate the methods of translations
used in each linguistic feature and finally study the elements’ function and intensity, checking
whether the translation has been able to maintain these variables and with what resources. In
an attempt to summarize the goals of this project, my research questions (RQ) are the
following:
•
(RQ1) Does Liv and Maddie contain linguistic gender stereotypes?
•
(RQ2) If so, do the stereotypes match the research done on the field of language and
gender?
•
(RQ3) Is Liv and Maddie fostering gender stereotypes or challenging them?
•
(RQ4) Does the translation express and maintain the same function and intensity of
the linguistic features analysed?
3.2. Methodology
This project is based on the study of two English episodes of the American sitcom
series Liv and Maddie and their Spanish translations. The choice of the episodes has been
arbitrarily determined by the availability of both the source and translated or target texts (from
now on, referred as ST and TT) and the audio-visual material2, which together with the
changing quality resolution of the videos accounts for the variety of platforms (see 8). In
general terms, I watched the English episodes in the Disney Channel and Putlocker websites
while I used Disney Channel Spain, Disney Channel ES Replay, Pepecine and Seriesflv and
the sources of the Spanish videos. I first chose the Spanish episodes and I later looked for the
matching English original episodes.
The first episode that I chose to analyse was ‘Dodge-A-Rooney’3 which corresponds
to the first season (1) episode 7 (2013-14)4. The second episode is ‘Detention-A-Rooney’,
2
The available online and complete episodes on the Disney Channel Spanish website keep changing. The site
offers around 5 or 6 videos but they are updated and changed constantly. By the time I checked all the videos in
the website (15th April, 2016) the following ones were available: episode 103, 108, 113, 209/30, 210/31 and
215/36. The choice for this project has been, therefore, among these chapters. Same websites (Pepecine)
numbered the episodes (e.g. 1x07) and others (Disney Channel España and Disney Channel ES Replay) showed
a title and a code. The episodes that I study correspond to codes 108 and 209/30 (referred as 209).
3
All episodes in the series have the same structure in the titles, for example, ‘X-A-Rooney’: ‘X’ being the first
part of the title and ‘Rooney’ the family’s name.
4
Aired on 3rd November 2013 (United States).
8
which corresponds to the second season (2) episode 11 (2014-15)5. The English episodes will
be referred from now on as S1.07 and S2.11, depending on which season and chapter I am
dealing with. As for the Spanish episodes, they correspond to ‘El Castigo Rooney’ and ‘El
partido de brilé de las Rooney.’ In the Disney Channel Spain site, episode 7 corresponds to
Liv y Maddie Ep. 1086 and episode 11 is Liv y Maddie 209/307. In order to make the
references clearer, the Spanish episodes will be referred as S1.07/108 and S2.11/209,
consistently with the previous English identification. So to avoid confusion with the codes, I
created a chart in the Annexes (see 10.2) with all the episode codes.
Having watched the episodes, I then looked for the scripts. However, I could not find
any official source (e.g. Disney Channel) offering the original ones. Since fans probably
wrote the ones that I found, the texts will be referred as transcripts. The English ones were
entirely extracted from the ‘Springfield! Springfield!’ website. They were labelled ‘N/A’,
which I interpret as meaning ‘non-authorized.’ My work consisted on watching the videos,
reading the transcripts and verifying their authenticity because they were not complete. First
of all, there were no indications on which character was talking (speaking roles) and no time
length of any of the characters’ speaking time. Secondly, the text lines did not mark the
change of speaker. The sentences were linked together but they corresponded to two different
characters’ statements. Finally, there were neither annotations on what the characters were
doing nor indicators of situation change (beginning and end)8. Aside from checking the
mistakes, I included the name of the characters, the place of action (which marks the scene
change) and I redistributed the sentences. I did not calculate the time of the characters’
speech, since I will just be looking at the number of speaking roles rather than the speaking
length.
As for the Spanish transcripts, I could not find any official website offering them
either. Since the ones that I found were from Latin America, I decided to transcribe the entire
episodes in Spanish by myself. I consider my corpus as being parallel, because it “contains
the same text samples in each of the two languages, in the sense that [they] are translations of
one another” (Oakes and McEnery 2000, 1). In the annexes (see 10.8 and 10.9), I aligned the
5
Aired on 15th February 2015 (United States).
6
Aired on 21st March 2014 (Spain).
7
Aired on 27th March 2015 Spain).
8
I found another website (TvArk) that displayed timing and annotations but the transcripts were not complete.
9
transcripts for an easier comparison9. Since the corpus for my project is not extensive, I did
not use any tool (e.g. AntConc10) for the analysis. Rather, I did it manually by comparing the
text files. Having said that, I would like to state that though the videos have been the main
source for the project, the corpus of my study is built on their transcripts.
Even though there are just six main characters in the episodes (which I will be
explaining in more detail in section 4.1/2), I considered linguistic features including all the
characters. The episodes object if study do not have many mix-gender conversations, i.e.
women and men interaction in the same scene. Rather, conversations seem to be grouped
(either just men or women), at least in the episodes of my analysis. Even though I will
comment on all conversations, the main focus will be on mixed-gender conversations. For
each particular linguistic feature I created tables (see 10.3 to 10.4) with all the English
instances, the Spanish correspondents, the methods of translation, the function that the
features have and their intensity (and whether or not these variables changed in the
translation). In the second part of the project (see 5) I will just comment on the most relevant
examples but I will introduce tables and graphics11 to justify the annexes.
As to aspects that I have studied, Reutler’s article has been crucial for my project in
terms of the analysis of gender stereotypes and her bibliography. I applied a similar layout to
my project, taking into account the structure that she presented, the authors that she discussed
and previous research done in the field12 that she explained. The features that I took from her
study and I applied to mine were the following: talking versus listening (2013, 77-78), tag
questions (79-80), adjectives (80) and vulgar language (81). As far as my project is
concerned, I shall be referring to specific research and work done on the topic before each
analysis. The linguistic features were not just studied as isolated linguistic categories but
taking into consideration their functional and pragmatic dimension (and the features’
9
I aligned the entire corpus, making sure that the speaking roles were also parallel for clearer comprehension.
The names of the characters are boldfaced, the places are inserted between brackets and additional commentaries
are marked in italics. In S2.11.4 I included “sings” and “canta” to indicate the action, since I skipped the song.
Finally, I included the scene codes in the transcripts in order to avoid confusion. It should be noted that even
though I divided the scenes when there was a shift (change of place or topic), the choice is personal.
10
I was introduced to this program in Corpora in Translation Studies (Master in Translation Studies).
11
The annexes sections (see 10.2 to 10.4) contain the number and page references of the tables, graphics and
examples that I included in the project.
12
Even though Reutler’s article has served as a base for my study, it has been by no means copied.
10
intensity) in the contexts that they appear, rather than just focusing the analysis on the sematic
dimension of the words.
In the talking versus listening roles (Coates 1989a; 1991 in 1993) I counted the
speaking roles in same-gender and mixed-gender conversations in order to see the general
trend of conversation dominance. I also tackled the use of interruptions (Zimmerman and
West 1975, Coates 1993, Yule 2014) so as to see whether all characters wanted to exert their
right to speak and therefore interrupt each other. Finally, I dealt with the use of minimal
responses and backchannels, which serve to check that messages are being received. The
vocal backchannels that I looked for in the transcripts were the following: ‘m’, ‘mm’, ‘hm’,
‘hmm’, ‘mhm’, ‘mmm’, ‘um hmm’, ‘uh-uh’, ‘uh-huh’, ‘yes’, ‘no’, ‘yeah’, ‘fine’, ‘ok’, ‘okay’,
‘oh’, ‘right’, ‘all right’, ‘really’, ‘I see’ and ‘well’ (Zimmerman and West 1975, 108; Fishman
1978, 95; Coates 1993, 193; Yule 1996, 75; Ward and Tsukahara 2000, 1177; Pipek 2007, 7;
11, Ward 2007, Carter and McCarthy 2006, 922 in Quaglio 2009, 104; Quaglio 2009, 8 and
Yule 2014, 280).
Regarding the use of tag questions, I followed Holmes (1982), Cameron, McAliden &
O’Leary (1989) and Yule (2014). I looked for the typical structures of tag questions (e.g.
‘isn’t it?’) and I also included variants such as ‘okay?’ and ‘right?’ (Behm 2009, 60f in
Reutler 2013, 79). As for the Spanish correspondents, I looked for ‘no?’ and ‘¿verdad?’ When
it comes to adjectives, my study was mainly centred in specific adjectives that some
researchers have considered to be either “male” or “female.” I looked for the following
adjectives: ‘adorable’, ‘charming’, ‘cool’, ‘cute’, ‘darling’, ‘divine’, ‘great’, ‘lovely’, ‘neat’,
‘nice’, ‘precious’, ‘pretty’, ‘sweet’ and ‘terrific’ (Jespersen 1922, Lakoff 1973; Kramer 1973).
However, I added any other adjectives that I considered that were similar to those suggested
by the above-mentioned authors. In the analysis of the adjectives I want to check how the
characters make use of them, that is, whether the adjectives are used in order to assess an
object or if they are used to express feelings and emotional states.
I later checked the use of vulgar language and weaker expletives, following Jespersen
(1922), Lakoff (1973) and McConnell-Ginet (2005). Since the series is targeted to a young
audience, I do not expect the language to be contain many swearing expressions and offensive
language but the use of vulgar, colloquial and slang language and expressions that young
people use instead. Even though I will be looking at expressions such as ‘man’, ‘you (guys)’,
‘girl(friend)’, ‘dude’, ‘lady’, ‘ladies’, ‘gentlemen’, ‘folks’, ‘babe’, ‘sexy’, ‘princess’,
‘beautiful’ (Hinton 1992 in McConnell-Ginet in Holmes and Meyerhoff 2003, 78; 84) as
examples of colloquial language and ‘damn’, ‘shit’, ‘oh dear’, ‘goodness’ or ‘oh fudge’
11
(Lakoff 1973, 50) for expletives (including different ones that I found), I studied them as a
whole. While doing the analysis, I realized that this kind of language was intermixed with the
use of high register (and even scientific language) on the part of the characters. I added a table
to reflect this use of language in the annexes (see 10.6). Finally, I explored the use of
diminutives following Da Silva (1927), even though other authors will be mentioned in the
section (see 5.5.1) I looked for instances containing ‘little’, ‘mini-’, ‘-let’ and ‘–y’ in English
(Cambridge Dictionaries) and ‘–ito/ita’, ‘-illo/illa’, ‘-ín/ina’, ‘-ete/eta’, ‘-ejo/eja’, ‘ucho/ucha’, ‘-ola’, ‘-uelo/uela’, ‘-ículo/ícula’, ‘-uco/uca’, ‘-oco/oca’ (Zuluaga 1970) and I
added any other diminutives that vary from the ones mentioned.
In order to report the findings in an organized way, I created tables that contain the
English features and the Spanish correspondents, the method of translation, the function that
the element has in the text and its intensity or strength, and whether or not these two last
elements change in the translation 13 . One of the aims of this project was to create a
bidirectional study. I first analysed the English transcripts and then I turned to the Spanish
ones in order to see how the translation was done and to check to what extent it had been
faithful to the source text. However, I also worked from the Spanish transcripts to the English
ones so to make sure I did not miss any feature (or if any of them had been omitted both in the
source and target text) and to see if the terms that I analysed correspond well to each other.
Even though the next part of the project (see 3.3) contains a section on translation, I
found it convenient to make some remarks. One aspect that I took into consideration when
analysing the STs and the TTs was to avoid regarding them as separated entities. According
to Harris, the text as a whole, together with each segment (related to translation units)
constitutes a bi-text. He considers that translators regard the ST and TT as simultaneously
present and interconnected in the act of translation, even though there is the possibility of
restoring the versions (or parts of them) in our minds once the process of translation has
finished. In his words, “retrieval of a translation unit of ST from a bi-text” will always bring
13
Codes and explanations: the characters’ names are boldfaced and the features are underlined. I introduced all
scene codes to mark the scenes. ‘ST’ corresponds to ‘Source Text’ and ‘TT’ to ‘Target Text.’ I used ‘[…]’ when
I omitted part of text. The symbol ‘Ø’ indicates that either the ST or the TT have omitted one or more elements.
Tables and diagrams are distributed along the project and they have been numbered. I have used ‘#’ on tables to
indicate ‘the number of’ (scenes, definitions).
12
with it the corresponding unit of TT [and] retrieval of a translation unit of TT will always be
associated with a corresponding unit in SL”14 (1988a: 8 in Toury 1995, 96).
3.3. Theoretical Frameworks
In this section of the project I shall comment on the theoretical frameworks of my
analysis. I have organized them in four sections15: (1) Translation, (2) Language and Media:
Identity, (3) Gender and Sex, and (4) Stereotyping. The reason of this order is because I am
dealing with translation as the relationship existing between the two texts that I am analysing,
in the sense that the second text of the pair is derived from the first text, written in a different
language and targeted to a different audience. I consider it should be placed in the first placed,
directly followed by how language and media build identity and foster communication.
Finally, I have tackled the topics of gender and sex, and stereotypes. In each part I have
commented on the research and authors that I based my project on. The sections on (3)
Gender and Sex and (4) Stereotyping will be studied in more detail in the analysis (see 4 to
5.5)
(1) Translation
Despite the fact that linguistic gender stereotypes are the large focus of my project,
translation is an important aspect of my study, since I am also analysing how specific features
have been translated from English to Spanish. Translation is an activity that that aims at
“replacing a text in the source language with an equivalent text in the target language” (Mott
2011, 17) mainly addressed to “those members of that culture who do not know the language
in which the text was originally written” (Lefevere 1992, 1). In the act of translation,
translators need to take into consideration the linguistic and overall context (Reiss 2014; 51 &
Mott 2011, 18). Understanding the ST and the exact meaning and function of words in
context is crucial to deliver a successful, idiomatic and faithful translation (Gottlieb 1997,
114-5 in Chaume 2003, 104-105). However, translations are more complex than just a
linguistic transfer since together with the act of solving translation problems, translations are
activities that involve at least two languages and a cultural transfer (Toury 1995, 53 & 56;
Joseph B. Casagrande 1954, 338 in Ivir 1987, 35; Hurtado 1996, 34 in Chaume 2003 90-91;
14
To him, the first retrieval corresponds to practicing translators and the second one to retrospective translation
scholars.
15
Since this section is quite extensive, I decided to include a section on the language in television series,
pragmatics and politeness at the beginning of Part 2 of this project instead. I considered that it could serve as an
introduction to all the forthcoming analysis rather than another part of the theoretical frameworks.
13
Delabastita 2003, 107 and Mott 2011, 17). Furthermore, translations are rewritings of the ST
(Bettetini 1986, 102 in Chaume 2003, 72; Susan Bassnett and André Lefevere 1992, XI).
In order to comment on how the linguistic features have been translated into the TT, I
will be referring to the linguistic approach of methods of translation by Jean-Paul Vinay and
Jean Darbelnet, which I was introduced to in the subject ‘Temes Avançats en Estudis de
Traducció’16 of this master’s degree. Since translation is also a cultural process, I will also
mention some of Vladimir Ivir’s procedures and strategies of translation so to complement
Vinay and Darbelnet’s methodology17. The methods that I chose were substitution, omission
and addition (Ivir 1987, 41, 43; 44) 18 , considering those as the most recurrent in the
transcripts. As for Vinay and Darbelnet’s methodology, I will refer to borrowing, calque and
literal translation (direct methods of translation)19 and equivalence and adaptation20 (oblique
methods of translation). I decided to introduce the functionalist approach on errors of
translation by Christiane Nord and comment on it whenever I found the types of errors that
she distinguishes: pragmatic errors, cultural errors and linguistic errors21 (see 5.1.2 to 5.5.2). I
considered important to also make reference to Katharina Reiss’s linguistic approach to text
16
The further concepts of Reiss and Nord were also discussed in that subject.
17
See 5.1 to 5.5 for the analysis and 10.3 to 10.7 for the tables and the methods of translation.
18
To him, substitution refers to the “partial overlap […] of a particular element of culture.” In an omission, the
translator omits an element that was explicit in the ST, while s/he can also make use of the addition and add
extra information (1987, 41, 43; 44). Even though his methods are related to cultural transfer, I considered that
they could also be applied in the linguistic analysis of my corpus.
19
A ‘borrowing’ overcomes a lacuna and introduces some flavour of the SL, a ‘calque’ is a kind of borrowing
involving a literal translation; ‘literal translation’ is a word for word or direct transfer that is grammatically and
idiomatically appropriate as a unique, reversible and complete solution (1958 [1995], 31-31, 32, 33-34).
20
‘Transposition’ and ‘modulation’ refer to structural changes (rather than the pragmatic dimension of my
study). I included them in the notes because I made use of them too. ‘Transposition’ involves “replacing one
word class with another without changing the meaning of the message.” ‘Modulation’ consists on varying the
form of the message by making a change in the point of view. ‘Equivalence’ requires different stylistic/structural
methods and it belongs to the phraseological repertoire of the language (i.e., idioms, clichés). ‘Adaptation’
involves a “situational equivalence” due to an unknown situation in the target culture (36, 37 & 39).
21
‘Pragmatic errors’ harm the functionality by disobeying the pragmatic instructions of the translation
assignment. ‘Cultural errors’ do not fulfil the norms and general stylistic conventions of the target culture but
they do not hamper comprehension. ‘Linguistic errors’ are lexical, grammatical, orthographic and punctuation
errors (Nord 1996, 98-99). The basic principles for functional translation are: principle of functionality, loyalty,
translation order or commission, function of the TT in the TC, functionality regarding the audience of the TT,
functional composition of the text and relationship between ST and TT (92).
14
typology22, the first researcher who proposed a classification of text typology with translation
as ultimate purpose (2003, 55). As Reiss argues, texts might have more than one function
(Chaume 2014, 25). I consider Liv and Maddie as having a depictive and expressive function
even though the dominant typology is audio-medial, since the transcripts “are written to be
spoken” (27). When it comes to translation, the priority of audio-medial texts is to “preserve
the same effect on the hearer that the original [had] in the [SL]” (46). Audio-medial texts are
difficult to classify according to their function (Reiss 1971, 33 in Chaume 2003, 55) because
while the other text typologies deal with the function of language (informative, expressive or
appellative), audio-medial texts refer to the mode of discourse and the channel by which is
transmitted (55). In an attempt to avoid confusion, there is a distinction to be made between
genre and text typology (Nord 1991): ‘Texttyp’ refers to the textual function, as Reiss
explained, and ‘Textsorte’ (text form) is the traditional concept for genre (Chaume 2003,
174).
Even though this project focuses on how features have been translated, it is important
to briefly deal with dubbing and audio-visual translation, since the Spanish version of Liv and
Maddie has been through these processes so that the audience can watch it in a language other
than English. As television series genre, I would say that Liv and Maddie can be considered a
narrative form of entertainment, more specifically, situational comedy (Luyken 1991 & Agost
1996 & 1999 in Chaume 2003, 182, 183; 184 & Chaume 200-201), which I will explain
further on the project. According to Chaume, audio-visual content started getting attention
from translation researchers as technological supports were spread (2003, 9-10)23. Picking up
a previous point on translation, Chaume considers audio-visual translation24 as a mode of
translation (understanding it as the methods to be used), which involves inter-linguistic and
intercultural transfer by means of acoustic and visual channels: verbal and non-verbal
22
Reiss divides the texts in ‘content-focused’ (depictive/informative function), ‘form-focused’ (expressive
function) and ‘appeal-focused’ (persuasive/operative function). The fourth category corresponds to ‘audiomedial’ (2014, 25; 27). Depending on the text typology, the translation approach will differ: in content-focused
texts, it is essential to transfer the content (accuracy). In form-focused text, the translation must focus on the
structure of the text and find an analogous form as equivalent. In appeal-focused texts, faithfulness to the
original by achieving what the author intended (function) is primordial (2014, 30, 31-32, 39, 41, 48).
23
Chaume’s book was in Catalan. Except the quote of Gottlieb (1997, 112), I translated the other quotes.
24
Chaume explains that in dubbing, the unit of audio-visual translation is called ‘take’ (Chaume 2003, 159) or
“dubbing units” (Whitman 1992, 62 in Chaume 2003, 159) and consists of a maximum of ten lines.
15
information (15; 16). He differentiates it from subtitles, which involve incorporating target
language written text in the screen with original audio (18).
Audio-visual translation, as any kind of translation activity, has some constraints that
the translators need to both be aware of and respect. Dubbing consists on the translation and
adjustment of an audio-visual script for later stage representation. One characteristic of these
texts is that, since they aim at reproducing real speech, the translators will encounter
“spontaneous speech, pauses, false starts, self-corrections and interruptions, unfinished
sentences and ‘grammatical unacceptable’ constructions, slips-of-the-tongue and nonsense”
(Gottlieb 1997, 112 in Chaume 2003, 163). In the act of translation, Chaume mentions that
the dialogues are recorded translated in the TL in synchrony with the image (17), which
already appears to be a challenge to the translators, since by trying to convey “the
idiosyncrasy in speech of the characters [they might be obliged] to add or reduce words in
order to preserve naturalness (Martin 1994, 324 in Chaume 2003, 124-125).
In addition, dealing with dubbing from English to a Romance language such as
Spanish requires en effort of synthesis. Chaume explains that the prosodic rhythms in English
are quantitatively inferior, since this language contains more monosyllables and two-syllable
words than Spanish (three-syllable words and polysyllables). Moreover, the translator should
accomplish other conventions, such as keeping dialogues isochronal25 (2003, 20-21) and
decode oral, written, paralinguistic, musical, representational narrative (literary, television
convention) and ideological (political correction, courtesy, censorship) codes (90-91).
(2) Language and Media: Identity
In this section, I will be commenting on language and the media as sources of identity.
In terms of Jennifer Coates, “sociolinguistics […] is the study of language in its social
context.” She further argues that the latter is known as linguistic variation, which means that
in different social contexts, individuals will speak in different ways (i.e. stylistic variation).
This is linked to social variation because speakers who differ in age, gender, social class,
ethnic group, among others, will also differ in their speech, even in the same context. Yule
argues that the term culture is used “to refer to all the ideas and assumptions about the nature
of things and people that we learn when we become members of social groups” (2014, 271).
As Sara Mills and Louise Mullany argue, any social relations that individuals carry out (their
thoughts and actions) are mediated and made through language (2011, 1). Humans use
25
‘Isochronal’ means that something is “uniform in time, having an equal duration” or “recurring at regular
intervals” (Merriam-Wesbter Dictionary)
16
language to communicate and “[its use] consists of […] socially and cognitively determined
selection of behaviours according to the goals of the speaker and the context of the situation”
(Bloom & Lahey 1978, 20 in Haas 1979, 622), which will change depending on the speakers’
linguistic purpose and the situation they find themselves in.
Despite being social individuals, everyone has a sense of individuality, that is, a
feeling of possessing some inner identity characteristics that differentiate the ‘I’ from the
‘other.’ However, is identity rigid and unable to be changed? And more importantly, what
defines identity? Can individuals construct their own identity or is it externally built?
According to Richard Young, identity may have two senses. The first one distinguishes one
individual from another because it refers to the stable and fixed sense of self-hood that is
attached to a physical body, changing over time but yet remaining the same. But ‘identity’ can
also make reference to all that we do in a certain context (2008, 108).
As individuals, we are all shaped by some categories, which Karen Tracy calls ‘master
identities’. They include: gender, ethnicity, class, age, nationality, race, age, religion, sexual
orientation, aspects of personhood that seem quite stable and unchanging (Tannen 1990, 7;
Tracy 2002, 18 in Young 2008, 108-109) even though their representations can be contested
and challenged (Young 2008, 109) in different contexts and situations. ‘Personal identities’
are “attributed to people on the basis of their attitudes and behaviour toward some issue and
also those aspects of people that index the way they talk and usually conduct themselves.”
‘Interactional identities’ are “specific roles that people take on in interaction with specific
other people” and the ‘relational identity’ is “the kind of relationship that a person enacts with
a particular conversational partner in a specific situation’, which is continuously negotiated
and keep changing (Tracy 2002, 19 in Young 2008, 110-111). In this sense, we see that a
person can be defined according to the master identity, personal identity, interactional identity
and relational identity, which can be changed, imposed, challenged and negotiated depending
on the person, society and the situation.26 Young also explores the co-construction of identity,
which results from speech accommodation27, that is, “the selection of linguistic forms and
interactional patterns […] in response to the […] identities that the speaker perceives in the
audience. An individual speaker creates identity with the linguistic and interactional forms
26
Young argues that “‘master identities’ are social categories that construct an individual as belonging to a
group, whose members share the same master identity” while ‘personal identities’ “involve other people creating
an identity for someone on the basis of how they perceive that person to talk and behave” (2008, 110-111).
27
Aside from speech accommodation, he also mentions resistance to ascribed identity, and identity confusion
(2008, 117).
17
that are employed, and each speaker commands a range of variation (pronunciations, accents,
vocabulary, and other linguistic and interactional resources.” Language style or speech style
is, according to Young, the way that these resources are assembled in a certain context (117).
Moving onto gender and language as a source of identity, Reutler, following Behm
(2009) explains different approaches on gender and language that reflect women’s status as an
oppressed and marginalized group. 28 First of all, deficit approach, which derives from
Lakoff’s findings and portrays women lacking in power and assertiveness, as less dominant
and forceful in conversations than men (Behm 2009, 18 in Reutler 2013, 74). In the
dominance approach, men are regarded as being more powerful and dominant in mix-gender
conversations, while women are inferior and subordinate (Reutler 2013, 74). Coates argues
that this approach regards women as an oppressed group and interprets linguistic differences
in women’s and men’s speech in terms of men’s dominance and women’s subordination
(1993, 12). In the difference approach, it is claimed that boys and girls grow up differently
and they “learn to use language differently” (Litosseliti 2006, 37 in Reutler 2013, 74).
According to Behm, this approach regards men and women as equal but different (2009, 21 in
Reutler 2013, 74). As for Coates, this approach emphasizes the idea that women and men
belong to different subcultures. While Coates argues that the difference approach is quite
new, she further states that the “‘discovery’ of distinct male and female subcultures in recent
years seems to be a direct result of women’s growing resistance to being treated as a minority
group” (12-13).
Finally, Reutler comments on the Communities of Practice (CoP) as the most recent
approach to language and gender. She quotes Eckert et al. (in Mills et al. 2011, 70), who
define it as “an aggregate of people who come together around mutual engagement in an
endeavour (2013, 74) and reinforce the idea of participation in society and developing a sense
of place and possibilities in it (Eckert et al. 2003, 57). According to Reutler, the CoP supposes
a shift: rather than focusing on differences between men and women and power relations, it is
focused on language in a more isolated yet coherent way (2013, 74). According to Behm,
“gender roles are acquired during socialization” though “the gender of a person is not the only
social variable which constructs his or her identity. An individualist approach to gender takes
the risk to reduce the perception of human beings in that people are only judged by their
gender (2009, 25 in Reutler 2013, 74), as we shall see in a further section.
28
Studies on women as ‘oppressed and marginalized’ group: Breakwell (1979), Delphy (1984) and Moi (1985).
18
After having dealt with language as a means of identity, I will now turn to media as
another source of language that might modify an individual’s (and especially young ones)
identity and individuality. When it comes to the media, as Chaume plainly puts, we are all
usual consumers of television series (2003, 9) and a program or advertisement offer numerous
auditory and visual signals (Grossberg, Wartella & Whitney, 1998 in Strasburger and Wilson
2002, 17-18). Whatever their purposes, all series display specific images, ideals, messages
and values to society. Related to these messages, Douglas Keller argues, “television […] and
the other products of media culture provide materials out of which we forge our identities
[and the] notion of what it means to be male or female” (In Dines and Humez, 2002, 9). More
importantly, these media images are able to shape how we perceive both the world and our
values: what is considered as good/positive or bad/negative. As a consequence, these images
not only educate people on “how to behave and what to think, feel, believe, fear [and] desire”
but also on “how to be men and women” (9-10). As Lia Litosseliti states, “language both
reflects and creates how we see the world, [and it] includes assumptions about gender and
gender inequalities” (2006, 1) and “a focus on language has to be part of a focus on gender
inequality in general” (Mills and Mullany 2011, 3).
(3) Gender and Sex
Before commenting on the aspects of gender and sex, it is important to consider the
study of gender and language, which, according to Litosseliti, “refers to cross-disciplinary
discussions of the both ways in which language is used by men and women, and the ways in
which language is used to say things about men and women” (2006, 2). As for this project, I
shall tackle these aspects in the stereotypes sections and mainly in the data analysis parts.
Following Litosseliti’s argument, language and gender has made researchers raise questions:
“Do women and men talk differently? [And if so] why?” (Coates 1993, 3) or “do all women,
speak in the ways they are widely assumed to do?” (Cameron 1994, 384) According to
Young, gender is another aspect of master identity but he considers that “there is no one-toone correspondence between gender and a particular conversational style” (2008, 114).
When it comes to ‘gender’ and ‘sex’, I shall establish the differences between the two
concepts because they are sometimes confused. ‘Sex’ is what has been ascribed by biology,
the physiological, functional and biological (anatomical) and the binary distinctions that
define people as male or female depending on their sex organs and genes (West &
Zimmerman 1987, 125; Basow, 192, 2; Coates 1993, 3-4 & Litosseliti 2006, 1, 10-11; Yule
2014, 278). ‘Gender’, on the other hand, is an achieved status, psychologically, ideologically,
historically, culturally and socially constructed categories based on sex (West & Zimmerman
19
1987, 125; Coates 1993, 3-4; Basow 1992, 2-3; Eckert in Holmes and Meyerhoff 2003, 381;
Butler 2007, 8). In Butler’s terms, “gender is […] a set of repeated acts within a highly rigid
regulatory frame that congeal over time to produce the appearance of substance, of a natural
sort of being” (2007, 45). According to Susan Basow, ‘gender’ refers to “one’s subjective
feelings of maleness and femaleness”, that is, gender identity. She further argues that it “may
[…] refer to society’s evaluation of behaviour as masculine or feminine” and she finally
postulates that “the degree to which a person identifies with societal definitions of masculinity
and femininity is referred to as ‘gender role’ or ‘sex typing’ (1992, 2).
As Bonnie McElhinny comments, “gender identity also varies across context” (in
Holmes and Meyerhoff 2003, 29) because men and women might vary their speech
depending on the situation. As Judith Butler argues, “gender proves to be performative […] a
doing” (2007, 34), which is an important aspect (Livia and Hall 1997, 11) because individuals
actively act and produce their ways of behaving (Cameron in Holmes and Meyerhoff 2003,
463). Humans are not born with gender, neither they have it; instead, they do and perform the
gender identity when engaged in interaction with other beings (Holmes & Meyerhoff 2003,
11; West and Zimmerman 1987 in Eckert and McConnell-Ginet 2005, 10). Certainly then,
gender is not born but rather becomes (De Beauvoir 2011, 283; McGladrey 2014, 355) by
means of interaction and socialization.
Another aspect related to gender, as Basow and Litosseliti comment, is the fact that
each culture creates their meanings on how they understand female and male (1992, 2; 2006,
11). In fact, the meanings might differ among societies but they involve a series of cultural
and social expectations (gender roles): how each gender should be, talk and behave (Basow
and Sunderland 1992, 2; Litosseliti 2006, 28 & Swann 1992, 16). However, “gender is often
thought of in terms of bipolar categories […] even as mutually exclusive opposite” (Talbot in
Holmes and Meyerhoff 2003, 468). When they are exaggerated, these expectations become
gender stereotypes (Basow and Sunderland 1992, 2; Litosseliti 2006, 11) that refer to social
behaviours, expectations and attitudes associated with being male and female (Litosseliti
2006, 1). Swann argues that as a social category, gender affects the way individuals speak
(1992, 16). Litosseliti observes that a certain pressure on both boys and girls to speak and
behave in a certain way might lead to “the earning of different interactional styles and the
adoption of different linguistic choices” (2006, 38). Kendall (following Ochs 1992) argues
that, “women and men do not generally choose linguistic options for the purpose of creating
masculine or feminine identities; [but] draw upon gendered linguistic strategies to perform
20
pragmatic and interactional functions of language [which] constitute roles in a gendered way”
(604 in Holmes and Meyerhoff 2003, 13).
(4) Stereotyping
According to Sunderland, gender representation is often achieved through stereotyping
(2006, 25). Stereotypes are strongly held overgeneralizations about individuals or a group in
some designated social category (Basow 1992, 3) and any real or image characteristics that
have been exaggerated (Talbot in Holmes and Meyerhoff 2003, 468). Stereotypes may be
applied to any sphere of an individual’s life: personal life, behaviour, personality, speech
habits, vocabulary, social position, nationality and economic situation (Antoniadou 2006, 4;
Cameron 1988, 8, Talbot in Holmes and Meyerhoff 2003, 468). They tend to involve a
reductive tendency because they consist in interpreting the above-mentioned features in terms
of a set of common-sense attributions that are applied to whole groups (468). This way,
stereotypes reinforce unjust prejudices in determining the ways society both expects and
wants to see people (Basow 1992, 11; Cameron 2008, 14). As an example, if society observes
a group of people being engaged in a certain activity, then it is likely to believe that “the
abilities and personality attributes required to carry out that activity are typical of that group
of people” (Eagly and Steffen 1984, 735).
In this sense, Prentice and Carranza regard stereotypes as being highly prescriptive,
since the “the qualities they ascribe to women and men also tend to be the ones that are
required of women and men” (2002, 269). Talbot comments on how gender stereotypes are
connected with and support gender ideologies: “if we view [stereotypes] as ideological
prescriptions for behaviour, then […] individuals have to respond to the stereotypical roles
expected of them.” According to her, it contributes at reproducing naturalised gender
differences and consequently sustaining hegemonic male dominance and female
subordination (in Holmes and Meyerhoff 2003, 472), since the characteristics ascribed to men
are always positive and the women’s are neutral or negative (Reutler 2013, 75). In any case,
Tannen warns on this division, claiming that categorizing (positive or negative) just reinforces
reductionism (1990, 6).
The traits that are assigned to both women and men can differ among cultures and
societies but all cultures set up some norms that go beyond the biological differences
(Margaret Mead 1949, 8 in Kramer 1973, 1). By living in society, individuals learn the beliefs
that a particular society creates and shares (Basow 1992, 3), a fact that is linked to ‘social
typing.’ Quoting Dyer and Hall (1977), Talbot explains that individuals or groups “type
people according to the complexes of classificatory schemes in our culture […] in terms of
21
the social positions they inhabit [and] their group membership” (In Holmes and Meyerhoff
2003, 470-1). However, do stereotypes reflect reality or do they constitute a misconception
about people’s certain traits? Basow denies any potential truth that stereotypes may have.
Since stereotypes are oversimplifications, she considers that they cannot include a whole
group of people. And even if a generalization is valid, an individual’s behaviour or
characteristics cannot be predicted (1992, 3). Since stereotypes (and labelling) involve a
reduction tendency, they have the power to create differences, opposites and social
distinctions (Eckert in Holmes and Meyerhoff 2003, 388). Above all, Talbot suggests that
despite the processes of simplification, separation and reduction, they create exclusion and
foster naturalization (in Holmes and Meyerhoff 2003, 470-1).
Stereotyping may be applied to a range of an individual or group’s social features.
However, in this project I am interested in linguistic gender stereotypes. According to Talbot,
previous research on language and gender was very speculative, since “it simply accepted and
used commonsensical categories of female and male [and] it tended to reproduce sexist
stereotypes” (Talbot in Holmes and Meyerhoff 2003, 468). Related to this point, Kramer
approaches the notion of folklinguistics, that is, the popular beliefs of what constitutes
women’s speech (1973, 7), which is different from the prescriptive ideas of how women and
men should be speaking (Sunderland 2006, 2). Kramer further argues that folklinguistics are
not always articulated as beliefs but as reading etiquette manuals, speech books, cartoons, and
novels that may cause a stereotype of a woman [or man] having particular characteristics of
speech to emerge (1973, 7). Even though society and culture have created and sustained
stereotypes, there are two theories that approach the origin of stereotypes: the “kernel of truth
theory” and the social-role theory, which is the “most influential explanation for why gender
stereotypes are confirmed (Eagly 1987 in Vogel, Wester, Heesacker and Madon 2003, 520).
As Susan Basow explains, the former “rests on the assumption that gender stereotypes
have some empirical validity [and] there are real differences in behaviours between the senses
that the stereotypes […] exaggerate. This approach suggests that the differences exist first and
that the stereotypes simply reflect them (1992, 9). Based on Basow, Vogel, Wester, Heesacker
and Madon (following Eagly, 1987b; Eagly & Steffen, 1984) the social-role theory maintains
that stereotypes arise from the different social roles typically held by women and men. The
theory holds that it is because men and women typically do different things (and engage in
different roles) that society makes assumptions about men’s and women’s innate traits and
abilities (Basow 1992, 9-10, 2003, 520). As Coates summarizes, “the first approach
emphasizes the difference in the gender roles and identities of women and men [while] the
22
second [one highlights] the hierarchical nature of gender relations and the dominance of men”
(1993, 203).
At the same time, society ensures that stereotypes are “communicated, maintained and
transmitted between individuals” (Wigboldus, Semin and Spears 2000, 5). As Talbot argues,
“stereotypes are (re)produced in a wide range of practices of representation, including […]
television situation comedy” (In Holmes and Meyerhoff 2003, 471). Miller, commenting on
V. A. Alexander (2003) and W. Griswold (1981) assures that “sitcoms, like any cultural
object, are shaped by the societies in which they emerge, but also by the specific people,
processes and industries that produce them (2011, 142). According to Reed, who analyses the
sitcom FRIENDS, gender structures are often portrayed in sitcoms (2013, 2) and that the plots
redefine the idea of a normal life (following Poniewozik 2004) because dialogues capture the
linguistic characteristics of natural conversations and writers of the scripts purposely created
conversations that would happen in everyday life (2013, 6), also developing realistic and
relatable to audiences’ characters (Miller 2011, 144).
As for gender stereotyping in the media, Maeve Conrick argues that it is a wellestablished fact (1996). She claims that though implicit, “there are occasions when deeprooted expectation and prejudices come to the fore” (1996). Talbot (quoting Macdonald)
comments the following: “in situation comedy centred in female characters, the comedy very
often rests on their speech [as] abusive […] relentless [and] never-ending (1995, 56 in
Holmes and Meyerhoff 2003, 469). Since popular culture has embraced and spread the idea
that women and men are different (Vogel, Wester, Heesacker and Madon 2003, 519),
‘masculinity’ and ‘feminity’ display opposite sets of both behaviour and personal attributes
(Basow 1992, 1; 7).
As for gender stereotypes in a western male-dominated society, men are supposed to
embody the following characteristics: strength, athleticism, bravery, self-confidence,
independence, aggressiveness, competitiveness, toughness, dominance, devotion to sports,
success as business entrepreneurs, rationality, competency, instrumentality and activity (1; 4;
also Antoniadou 2006, 4; Dawn, Descartes & Collier-Meek 2011, 556) while women are
constantly being taught to display and repeat ‘feminine’ qualities, such as weakness,
passivity, helpfulness, politeness, gentleness, tenderness, submission, emotion expressiveness,
warmth, nurturance, deference to men, patience and self-sacrifice. Society considers women
as reserved, maternal, delicate, devious, materialistic, extremely talkative and gossips,
curious, caring, both bearers and raisers of children and housewives (Cameron, McAliden &
O’Leary 1989, 76; Basow 1992, 1; 4; Rich in Evans 1995, 84; Evans 1995, 73, Eckert and
23
McConnell-Ginet 2005, 39; Antoniadou 2006, 4; Dawn, Descartes & Collier-Meek 2011, 556
Vogel, Wester, Heesacker and Madon. 2003, 250; Litosseliti 2006, 15). The question that
Basow puts forward, related to these distinctions is to what extent these images or stereotypes
correspond for the majority of real people (1992, 1).
A very interesting study carried out by Miller (2011) focuses on how the image of men
is portrayed in sitcoms, since “media images […] shape the social contexts in which
individuals act” (142). She comments (following J. M. Frazer and T. C. Frazer 1993, 165) that
humour is probably the most important convention in this genre. For this reason, many traits
(e.g. anger) will be exaggerated for comic effect (144). Following West and Zimmerman
(1987) and Kimmel (2006), there seems to be multiple and evolving ways of performing
masculinity (2011, 145). For example, some reconstructions of masculinity are the overgrown
child (childish masculinity), which is based on a rejection of adulthood and responsibilities
associated with family life; another redefinition would be a caring and emotional commitment
to fatherhood (146; 147), another being the portrayal of a less masculine behaviour, which can
be seen as gay and ‘feminine’ (Fingerhut and Peplau 2006, 273-274).
As far as language is concerned, Lakoff argued that women use a different language
than men. She considered that women’s use of language was weak and uncertain, though it
was probably and highly influenced by stereotypical expectations (Talbot in Holmes and
Meyerhoff 2003, 474). Her collected data was based on her (and her acquaintances’) speech
examination and her own intuitions, even though she claims that ‘women’s language’ (or
women and men’s ‘styles’ as Coates mentions (1993 in Litosseliti 2006, 37)) surfaces in all
levels of the grammar of English (Lakoff 1975, 40; 43, Ed. Mary Bucholtz 2004). Linked to
Lakoff’s beliefs, there are authors who support these linguistic differences. For example, Haas
maintains that “form, topic, content and use” tend to differ between male and female speech
(1979, 616) and John Gray claims that the way women and men employ language gives
different meanings (2012, 89), even though he is criticized for promoting gender stereotypes
in non-scientific books (Cameron 2008, 1-2, 9, 86-87; Vogel, Wester, Heesacker and Madon.
2003, 519; Sunderland 2006, 20; Litosseliti 2006, 38). Based on the claim of linguistic
difference, Fought and Eisenhauer do not believe that girls naturally speak in a certain way.
Rather, they are taught (in Guo 2016). While Swann considers that female speakers tend to
speak in one way and males in another, he argues that there are no forms that are exclusively
male or female (1992, 21). While Cameron argues that Jespersen summarizes what was
known at the time about male-female differences in language use (2008, 27), she criticizes
him for his impressionistic ‘data’, personal impressions and examples taken from works of
24
fiction and literature (Kramer 1973, 13; Sunderland 2006, 5; 62; Talbot 2010, 468-9 in
Reutler 73). In general, he is caught between his fantasies and his prejudices to produce a
sexist stereotype (Talbot quotes Cameron 1985, 33 in Holmes and Meyerhoff 2003, 469) on
women, since his chapter on women never matched one called “The Man” (Sunderland 2006,
5).
As for Lakoff, researchers reprove her lack of scientific data, which was based on
intuitions (Cameron 2008, 46). As Tannen observes, “she just “described patterns of
language, according to her observations” (1993, 4) based on the “normative pressure on
women and girls to be ‘ladylike’ and not to talk ‘rough’” (Cameron 1994, 385). Her evidence
is impressionistic (Coates 1993, 127) and she relies on folklinguistics, prejudices and
stereotypes of a patriarchal society, considering women’s speech as lacking, weak, trivial,
hesitant and deficient when compared to men’s language (Coates 1993, 23; Sunderland 2006,
28; Reutler 2013, 73), even though there was not much else written on the subject at the time
(Litosseliti 2006, 12). However, Conrick argues that since Lakoff’s “Language and Women’s
Place”, “stereotypes about women's speech have percolated through from linguistic circles to
the general public” (1996). As a whole, Coates questions the ultimate purpose of those writers
and claims whether or not they only described women’s polite use of language or they were
attempting to prescribe how women ought to talk (1993, 23). In any case, as Eckert and
McConnel Ginet explain, “[Lakoff’s] pioneering work had the important effect of directing
attention to the critical issues of power in the interaction of language and gender (2005, 160).
Cameron suggests that Lakoff maintained that women were trapped in a double bind: “if
women did not use ‘women’s language’ they risked being judged unfeminine; but by using it
they risked confirming the belief that women could not express themselves decisively or
authoritatively” (2008, 12-13).
Even though I barely commented on gender roles in the series (see 4.3), this is just a
small part of the project. My main analysis is centred on the linguistic aspects, the binary
oppositions that are supposed to characterize women and men’s different styles of talk (Talbot
2003, 33): the talking versus listening roles (together with the analysis of backchannels,
minimal responses and interruptions), the use of tag questions (and similar structures), the use
of specific adjectives, the use of vulgar and slang language (and high register language) and
the use of diminutives. In the following table I introduced the authors and researchers that I
base my project on and the features to be analysed.
25
Men
Women
Talk more
Listen more
Use of interruptions
Lesser use of interruptions
and West (1975), Fishman
Lesser use of
Frequent use of
(1978)29, Coates 1989a, 1991
backchannels/minimal
backchannels/minimal
(in 1993) Yule (1996; 2014)
responses
responses
Lesser use of question tags
Frequent use of question tags
Use of neutral adjectives
Use of empty adjectives
Use of vulgar language
Use of weaker expletives
Lesser use of diminutives
Use of diminutives
Coates
(1989a;
1991
in
1993)
Zimmerman
and
West
(1975), Coates (1993), Yule
(2014)
Lakoff (1973), Zimmerman
Holmes (1982), Cameron,
McAliden
&
O’Leary
(1989), Yule (2014)
Jespersen (1922) 30 ; Lakoff
(1973); Kramer (1973),
Jespersen
(1922),
Lakoff
(1973),
McConnell-Ginet
(2005)
Da Silva (1927)31
Table 1. A summary of the literature on linguistic features of gender stereotyping
4. Part 2: Liv and Maddie (2013)
4.1. Liv and Maddie: Introduction to the series
Liv and Maddie, an American series created by John D. Beck and Ron Hart and
Produced by ‘Beck & Hart Productions’ for Disney Channel, is situation comedy (shortened
as ‘sitcom’), that is, a funny regular television show about the same characters appearing in
each programme and being involved in different stories and funny situations (MerriamWebster 2015; Cambridge Dictionaries 2016). The series currently has 64 episodes 32
comprised in 3 seasons and its first episode was aired on 19th July 2013 in the United States.
The series is build around the Rooney family, which consists of five members: Olivia Rooney
29
In Joan Swann (1992, 28)
30
In included Jespersen’s claims. However, I focused on more recent research.
31
Aside from Da Silva’s work, I did not find similar research on women’s usage of diminutives.
32
Episode 64 was aired the 5th June 2016 and episode 65 will be aired the 19th June 2016.
26
(‘Liv’) and Madison Rooney (‘Maddie’), twin sisters with polar personalities (Disney
Channel UK), Joey Gilligan Rooney (‘Joey’) as the older brother, Parker Rooney, the
youngest brother, Karen, the mother (also school psychologist and vice-principal) and Peter
(‘Pete’), the dad and Maddie’s basketball coach.
4.2. Character’s description
The only sites that offered the character’s descriptions were Disney Channel site and
Wikia Fandom, the latter providing more information than the official site. Liv (15-16 years
old in season 1) is described as being a popular television star and a triple threat (Disney
Channel Spain/United States; Wikia Fandom). The character is defined based on her
appearance mainly. She is considered to be a ‘girly girl’, typically reproducing characteristics
“typically of females or suitable for females rather than males” (Cambridge Dictionary).
Among many other features, she is seen as sweet, graceful, smart, proud, beautiful, cute and
keen into fashion. Maddie (15-16 years old in season 1) is considered to be a tomboy, a girl
who adopts a male, rough and tumble style of play (including behaviour and code of
dressing), enjoys physical activity and refuses to play with dolls (Eckert and McConnellGinet 2005, 21-22; Cambridge Dictionaries), even if she also reveals her girly side (‘Maddie’
Wikia Fandom).
Maddie is described as being athletic, confident, competitive, and smart. Parker (10-11
years old in season 1) is the diabolical brother (Disney Channel Spain; United States) that is
seen as adventurous, clever, and manipulative. Above all, Parker is a child who behaves older
as an adult. Joey33 (14 years old in season 1) is confidant and self-confident brother. He is
described as adventurous, nice, funny, selfish and naïve. Karen is described as a working and
an ideal mom (Disney Channel; Wikia Fandom). In Wikia Fandom, Karen is characterised as
the wife, a nice, kind, cunning, overprotective and a girlie girl person. Pete, he is described as
the father (and never as ‘husband’) and the coach. He is seen as overprotective, nice, caring,
funny, sports fan and sometimes appears to be clueless.
4.3. Situation and Reaction Analysis
In this section I shall analyse the different situations that the characters appear in,
together with their actions and the roles they play. I would like to mention that while the
location and interaction between the characters is very clear-cut, there are moments in which
33
There is an error of translation in the Spanish Disney Channel website because Joey is described as being
more mature when the American Disney Channel site describes Joey as ‘much less mature’ (Disney Channel).
27
the characters disengage themselves from the main dialogue34, the purpose of which is to
make a comment or explanation of a situation while directly targeting the audience. Once it is
finished, the audience is taken back again to the dialogue. Even though each episode has one
plot, the episode per se is organised in short sketches, making up different subplots.35 The
tables below show the subplot division and summary, together with the scenes.36
Subplot and Summary
# Scene
The sisters’ subplot: Liv and Maddie are S1.07.1, S1.07.3, S1.07.6, S1.07.9, S1.07.11
undertaking some voluntary work in the and S1.07.12
senior centre. Liv wants to work in the same
room as Maddie, they get angry and engage
into a dodge ball fight. Karen punishes the
sisters with community service for having
damaged the senior centre’s room. Finally,
Liv and Maddie start fighting again.
The protectors’ subplot: Joey and Skippy are S1.07.2, S1.07.5, S1.07.7, S1.07.10 and
in charge of keeping the basketball team’s S1.07.13
mascot safe and they decide to hang the
porcupine on Rooney’s courtyard tree. The
mascot falls and breaks, together with Peter’s
smokehouse. Joey and Skippy fix it with
Parker’s glue but it breaks again the day of
the match.
The parents’ subplot: Pete proudly shows his S1.07.4, S1.07.8 and S1.07.14
brand new smokehouse. Parker appears and
complains about his broken scooter, which
he tries fixing by inventing glue. Pete finally
34
In the transcripts (see annexes 10.8 and 10.9) I marked these instances as additional comments (italics). Even
though characters might appear in different locations while making these commentaries, I counted them as being
a continuation of the same scene.
35
The way I organized the subplots should not be understood as the only possibility. I divided and grouped the
scenes based on their storyline, even if some characters later appeared in other subplots.
36
I numbered the different scenes (1,2,3, etc.) and the episode I am dealing with. For example, code S1.07.2
corresponds to English season 1, episode 7, and scene 2. In Spanish, I used ‘T’ for ‘temporada.’
28
tries the barbecue and is surprised to discover
that it is broken.
Table 2. ‘Dodge-A-Rooney’ (S1.07): Subplots, summaries and scenes
Subplot and Summary
# Scene
The contest subplot: Karen is very happy to S2.11.1, S2.11.4, S2.11.5, S2.11.8 S2.11.10
attend the “Sweet Momma’s Baby Boy and S2.11.11
Pageant” but Parker despises it. In order to
avoid it, he gets himself into trouble. While
in detention, he successfully accomplishes
harsh tasks but Karen finds out that Parker is
pretending. They finally go to the contest and
Parker is proud of it.
The sisters’ subplot: Liv and Maddie get ill S2.11.2, S2.11.6 and S2.11.12
and Pete takes care of them. He finds it
difficult because he does not know what the
girls need. Finally, the girls and Karen thank
Pete for his help.
The fight subplot: Joey and Artie engaged S2.11.3, S2.11.7 and S2.11.9
into a Kendo fight. Joey wins and takes
Artie’s ‘minions’, his servant friends. He gets
tired of the minions and wants Artie to have
them again. They fight again and this time
Artie wins.
Table 3. ‘Detention-A-Rooney’ (S2.11): Subplots, summaries and scenes
As far as both episodes are concerned, male and female characters seem to portray and
illustrate some of the gender stereotypes that we have been discussing so far. Karen seems to
embody the role of the woman as housewife. She tends to be portrayed in the house (living
room, kitchen and garden) and as I show in (1), (2) and (3), Karen is the one in charge of the
household chores
•
Example (1): “Would you help me set the table?”
•
Example (2): “Then I must have one of those on the stove, the dishwasher, the
dryer, the iron, the vacuum”
29
•
Example (3): “How are you gonna get my good pan off the fridge?”
In Example (4) we can see that Karen assumes the role of a caring mother and she is
surprised when Pete decides to help, a fact that suggests that the husband appears to be
disengaged from tasks.
•
Example (4): “Would you do that for me? […] You are such a prince.”
The series makes also remarks on body image and beauty. In (5) Maddie is suggested
to work out and get fit.
•
Example (5): “You could use the exercise”
There is also a reference to the fact that women’s body should be displayed, as in (6).
•
Example (6): “If you got it, flaunt it, honey.”
Men also receive remarks on the body, but they are related to power and strength, as in
(7) and (8).
•
Example (7): “Joey, your arms are getting really big.”
•
Example (8): “I was the muscle.”
Many times, the characters are engaged into fights. However, men’s encounters are
very much physical (9) while women’s tend to involve games and be more verbal (10).
•
Example (9): “I will destroy you at Kendo”
•
Example (10): “You sure you want to do this, songbird?”
Related to the idea of strength and power, it is interesting to comment on a couple of
instances that though innocently, perpetuate the idea of men’s strength and women’s
weakness. In S1.07, two characters make use of the sentence ‘like a girl’: “you throw like a
girl” (Maddie to Liv)37 and “shouting like little girls” (Diggie to Joey and Skippy). In another
instance, Parker has completed harsh tasks in detention and he proved to be “man enough for
detention.” The first sentence reproduces the message that women are weak and emotional,
while Parker’s statement is used to describe him as strong and powerful. At least in the
contexts that the statements appear, ‘girl’ portrays negative connotations and ‘man’ positive
ones.
The last remark in this section is related to the negotiation of identity. In previous
examples, I showed that men seem to be stereotyped as strong and powerful. However, I
consider that some characters (such as Skippy or Artie) challenge these expectations and are
37
I contacted the producer of the series, John D. Beck, and I asked him if he considered that the sentence
fostered negative meanings (weakness). I did not receive an answer.
30
able to show their fears and worries (11 and 12), express their emotions (13) and make
remarks on the way they look (14):
•
Example (11): “What are we going to do?”
•
Example (12): “Don’t leave me with the ladybug!”
•
Example (13): “This is a beautiful moment, Joey.”
•
Example (14): “This is all me, baby.”
5. Part 2: Data, Analysis and Results
5.1. Talking versus Listening Roles
5.1.1. Previous Research
One might ask whether or not television dialogue is “expected […] to sound like
natural-occurring conversation” (Quaglio 2009, 1). While Norrick and Spitz believe that
“scripted dialogue is comparable to naturally-occurring talk” (2010, 84 in Reutler 2013, 73),
Rey observes that, “the language used in television is obviously not the same as unscripted
language [because it represents] the language scriptwriters image real women and men
produce (2001, 138 in Quaglio 2009, 11). Whatever the intention is, Quaglio observes that it
is more important to be aware of the rules governing conversation (2009, 1) and the different
resources that participants use in their interaction and exchange of information. Most of the
times, conversations take place in a shared context in which the interlocutors are acquainted
with pragmatic information, i.e. knowledge, beliefs, suppositions, opinions and feeling (2009,
6, 7; Escandell 2013, 33).
According to Escandell38, pragmatics makes reference to the principles and conditions
that govern language use in a given context and communicative situation (2013, 9) and the
context is what surrounds the communicative act (Coseriu 1967, 313 in Escandell 2013, 31,
50) We can say that participants in conversations will assume the roles of speakers and
listeners (Coates, 1993, 192). In this sense, Escandell refers to these roles as addresser (the
person who intentionally produces a linguistic expression) and the addressee (the person that
the addresser directs the message to) (28, 29). A conversation is marked by turns that speakers
construct (words, phrases, clauses, sentences) and mark an initial right to produce on unit
(Zimmerman and West 1975, 107).
One important feature in a conversation is the effective information transfer (Escandell
2013, 45), which is related to Grice’s (1975) cooperation principle. Another aspect that
38
Her book is in Spanish. For the purpose of this project, I translated the information that I required into English.
31
Escandell comments is the intention because she considers that people say something with a
certain meaning (locative act), with a certain sense (illocutionary act) and produce some effect
(perlocutionary act) (59-60)39. In previous sections of this project we stated that individuals
coexist in a society. Society and culture foster politeness, the social norms that regulate the
behaviour of its members (141-2). Sometimes, a conflict may arise between the speakers’ and
the addresses’ purposes. Politeness, therefore, corresponds to conversational strategies whose
aim is to avoid or mitigate conflict (145). Researchers, such as Lakoff (1973) and Leech
(1983) approached the topic of politeness, but I will just make reference to Brown and
Levinson’s model (1987). They postulated that in a conversation, speakers want to obtain
some purpose without damaging the public-self image (‘face’). In the case of face-threatening
acts, the speaker shall soften the potential threat by means of politeness strategies, for
example, the use of diminutives (2013 154, 155; 157).
In the act of speaking, speakers seem to expect that their conversational partners
indicate that they are listening and to provide feedback that the message is received,
understood, agreed and/or has caused a certain effect (Yule 1996, 75; also Pipek 2007, 6-7;
11). The way to do it is by means of backchannels (Yule 1996, 75; also Pipek 2007, 6).
Backchannels40 are minimal responses that monitor the discourse and mark the boundaries
between topics (Carter and McCarthy 2006, 901 in Quaglio 2009, 80). These markers can be
silent (facial expressions and gestures) or vocal, such as m, mm, hm, hmm, mhm, mmm, um
hmm, uh-uh, uh-huh, yes, no, yeah, fine, ok, okay, oh, right, allright, really, I see and well
(Zimmerman and West 1975, 108; Fishman 1978, 95; Coates1993, 193; Yule 1996, 75; Ward
and Tsukahara 2000, 1177; Pipek 2007, 7; 11; Ward 2007, Carter and McCarthy 2006, 922 in
Quaglio 2009, 104, Quaglio 2009, 8; Yule 2014, 280). One characteristic of these markers is
that they are syntactically optional, their absence does not alter the original proposition and
they function as cohesive elements that signal relationships between segments of discourse
between speaker and hearer (Quaglio 79-80, 2009).
Zimmerman and West suggest that when these features are interspersed through a
current speaker’s on-going utterance, they do not function as interruption41 but as positive
reinforcement, since they display continuing interest and co-participation in topic
development (1975, 108-109). Regarding the use of these markers, Fishman argues that men
39
Following Austin 1962, 138 (in Escandell 2013, 59).
40
The term ‘backchannel’ was coined by Victor Yngve (1970) in Quaglio 2009, 104.
41
Cf. Schegloff, 1972b in Zimmerman and West 1975, 108.
32
and women do it in different ways. According to her, male uses seem to display lack of
interest while women support work and demonstrate participation interest and do not interrupt
(in Thorne, Kramarae and Henley 1983, 95-96; Coates 1993, 192). According to Coates’
research (1989a; 1991), women seem to use minimal responses in the following situations: to
signal active listenership and support for each other, and to mark their recognition of different
stages of a conversation: the acceptance of a new topic or acknowledgement for it (1993,
138). She further argues that in all-women interaction by means of minimal responses women
show active listenership and cooperation (193; Yule 2014, 280), while men treat them as
indicators of agreement when produced by others (280). As regards interruptions,
Zimmerman and West (1975) found out that in cross-sex conversations, men clearly
interrupted more than women (1975, 115-116; Yule 2014, 280). However, when it comes to
interruptions or overlaps in television dialogue, Quaglio claims that this characteristic is
absent so that comprehension is not hindered (2009, 4).
5.1.2. Data Collection: Examples and Discussion
In the following tables, I will show the results of having counted the speaking roles. It
must be noted that I deducted the additional comments from the total because I did not
consider them as being part of a dialogue.
Group
# Speaking turns
# Additional comments
Total
Male
69
3
66
Female
66
4
62
TOTAL
128
Table 4. Total of speaking turns by male and female speakers in S1.07 and the additional comments
Group
# Scene
Male
Female
Mixed-sex
S1.07.4
5
2
Mixed-sex
S1.07.6
3
15
Mixed-sex
S1.07.7
8
2
Mixed-sex
S1.07.8
6
1
Mixed-sex
S1.07.9
2
7
Mixed-sex
S2.07.11
1
2
33
Mixed-sex
S2.07.14
TOTAL
8
1
33
30
Table 5. Mixed-gender conversations in S1.07
42
Group
# Speaking turns
# Additional comments
Total
Male
87
10
77
Female
60
2
58
TOTAL
135
Table 6. Total of speaking turns by male and female speakers in S2.11 and the additional comments
Group
# Scene
Male
Female
Mixed-sex
S2.11.1
5
3
Mixed-sex
S2.11.2
4
14
Mixed-sex
S2.11.4
5
7
Mixed-sex
S2.11.5
5
2
Mixed-sex
S2.11.6
5
10
Mixed-sex
S2.11.8
13
7
Mixed-sex
S2.11.10
4
7
Mixed-sex
S2.11.11
4
1
Mixed-sex
S2.11.12
3
7
48
58
TOTAL
Table 7. Mixed-gender conversations in S2.11
43
Group
Male
Female
Mix-sex
33+48
30+58
TOTAL
81
88
Table 8. Mixed-gender conversations (S1.07 + S2.11)
42
As for the gender in conversations, out of 14 scenes, 7 of them correspond to single-gender conversations.
S1.07.1, S1.07.3 and S1.07.12 correspond to only female conversations. Scenes S1.07.2, S1.07.5, S1.07.10 and
S1.07.13 correspond to all-man conversations.
43
S2.11.3, S2.11.7 and S2.11.9 correspond to all-male conversations.
34
90
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
Men
Women
S1.07
S2.11
Figure 1. Graphic representation of total speaking turns in S1.07 (66/62) and S2.11 (77/58)
70
60
50
40
Men
30
Women
20
10
0
S1.07
S2.11
Figure 2. Graphic representation of mixed-gender conversations in S1.07 (33/30) and S2.11 (48/58)
Taking into consideration that the additional comments have not been counted, we can
extract the following considerations. First of all, regarding the total of turns, men seem to
speak more both in S1.07 (66/62) and in S2.11 (77/58). In this sense, men appear 4 more
times in S1.07 and 19 in S2.11, which makes up a total of 23 turns on the part of men. If we
regard mix-gender conversations, men speak more in S1.07 (33/30) but women speak more in
S2.11 (48/58). In this aspect, men speak 3 more times in the first season and women speak 10
more times in the second one, which makes up 7 more turns (10-3) for women in mixedgender conversations that assert their right to speak. As a whole, these two episodes show that
while not significantly dominating conversations, men speak more in general (that is,
counting all types of conversations), but women appear to speak a little bit more in mixedgender conversations as a whole. I consider that the episodes do not show significant
35
differences. I can conclude that the analysis of all types of conversations shows that men
speak more than women, but in the analysis of mix-gender conversations women speak
slightly more. In this sense and due to the lack of significant data available, I cannot confirm,
as Coates suggested (1989a; 1991 in 1993) that men assume the role of speakers and women
as listeners.
Previously in this project, I made reference to Zimmerman and West (1975), Coates
(1993) and Yule (2014), who suggested that men tend to interrupt more than women. When it
comes to my analysis, I found only one instance of interruption. Due to the lack of conclusive
data, I cannot prove that either men or women interrupt more. Since the characters speak very
fast and the scenes change quickly, I was expecting interruptions to be present. However, the
characters appear to respect the speaker’s turn before they start talking. In the following
example (15), I show the only instance of interruption:
•
Example (15a) Liv: […] And I thought…
Maddie: Uh, you can't volunteer here!
•
Example (15b) Liv: […] y creo que…
Maddie: Pues...no puede ser aquí.
In this case, Liv is interrupted before she finished the sentence. Maddie guessed what
Liv wanted (to work together in the same room) and decided to interrupt her. This example is
very obvious because Liv actually stops talking and looks around for space. In that moment,
Maddie decides to take over the situation.
When it comes to backchannels, Lakoff (1973), Zimmerman and West (1975),
Fishman (1978), Coates 1989a, 1991(in 1993) and Yule (1996; 2014) suggested that women
make a greater use of them. The following table shows the backchannels that I found in the
transcripts44:
Minimal responses/
Backchannels
# Male uses
# Female uses
All right
4
-
Fine
4
-
Good
1
-
Huh
1
-
44
There were other instances of the same features in the transcripts. However, not all of them were being used as
backchannels but as expressions of emotion, for example.
36
No
6
5
Okay
6
4
Really
-
1
Uh
4
1
Um
-
1
Well
2
9
Yeah
5
12
TOTAL
33
34
Table 9. Instances of backchannels and the number of uses from S1.07 and S2.11
The total result of the table shows that there is no significant difference in the amount
of backchannels used by men (33) and women (34), so I will comment on their pragmatic
function instead. Men seem to use some backchannels (‘all right’, ‘fine’, ‘good’ and ‘huh’)
that women do not. In these cases, ‘all right’ (‘bien’) is used to both assert the right of speech
and to express confirmation or agreement with a previous statement. ‘Fine’ (‘bien’) is used as
either a marker of confirmation of a previous statement or as a mark to start an argument.
‘Good’ (‘bien’) appears to show agreement with a previous statement. Finally, ‘huh’ (‘eh’)
seeks clarification. There are just two cases of backchannels used only by women. ‘Really’
(‘en serio’) is used to challenge the opinion of the other participant (in an aggressive tone).
‘Um’ (‘eh’) is a marker that women have used as hesitation (even though in the translation, it
has become an interjection).
Both men and women have used the response ‘no’ as negation of a previous statement
almost the same amount of times. As for ‘okay’ (‘bien’ or ‘vale’) the amount of times is
similar too. In general, the word is used to claim the right to speech (women) and
indistinctively as a mark of agreement and confirmation both by men and women, as one of
the uses that Quaglio (2009, 8) suggested. The cases in which I found more differences were
the following: ‘uh’, ‘well’ and ‘yeah.’ ‘Uh’ (‘pues’ and ‘eh’) is used by men more than
women, even though its function, that is, a pragmatic marker that shows certain hesitation
before an argumentation, is the same. ‘Yeah’ (‘ya’, ‘sí’, ‘pues’ and ‘eso’) is vastly used by
women rather than men. Even though its uses are shared between men and women, it seems
to me that men tend to use ‘yeah’ as confirmation (agreement) of a previous statement
exclusively when women use it as a marker to start an argumentation. Finally, ‘well’ (‘bueno’
and ‘pues’) is used by both men and women as a marker to start an argument, though I noted
that it tends to express hesitation women used it.
37
I will now show some examples of backchannels and their uses in context. In (16) we
see that ‘well’ marks the start of the following argument and somehow it is used to mitigate
the fact that Maddie’s comment was negative towards Liv. In (17), we see another example of
how Liv uses a backchannel as a marker to start her reasoning and justifying her argument. In
(18) we see that ‘fine’ is used as a firm confirmation (or agreement) of the previous statement.
•
Example (16a) Maddie: […] She says it makes her look like she has the flu.
Karen: Well, she was unbelievably excited […]
•
Example (16b) Maddie: […] dice que con la luz de allí, su cutis palidece.
Karen: Bueno, estaba muy animada […]
•
Example (17a) Maddie: Um, wait. Liv, you're gonna practice in here? […]
Liv: Yeah, but I mean, all the other rooms […]
•
Example (17b) Maddie: ¡Eh! Oye, Liv. ¿Ensayaréis aquí? […]
Liv: Ya, pero no hay más sitio.
•
Example (18a) Artie: One, I will destroy you at Kendo […]
Joey: Fine, then I challenge you to a duel.
•
Example (18b) Artie: Una, te machacaré al Kendo […]
Joey: Bien, entonces te reto a un duelo.
5.2. Tag Questions
5.2.1. Previous Research
Tag questions are short questions or fragments of questions (grammatical structures)
that consist of an inverted auxiliary, which is determined by the auxiliary in the main clause
and a pronoun that agrees with the subject of the main clause, which is added or appended to
the end of statement or declarative clause (Yule 2014, 279; Eckert and McConnell-Ginet,
2005, 167; Cameron, McAliden and O’Leary 1989, 81). Aside from these structures, English
also contains invariant tags, such as ‘right’ and ‘okay’ (Eckert and McConnell-Ginet, 2005,
167) According to Swann, tag questions can appear in speech, the meaning of which depends
on intonation, and in informal writing, the meaning of which depends on the context (2009
469-471).
In a study carried out by Holmes (1984), tags were analysed to see if they expressed
primarily modal or affective meaning. The former express the speaker’s degree of certainty
about a proposition expressed and the speaker requests information or asks for confirmation
to the addressee (speaker-oriented tags). Tags with an affective function express the speaker’s
38
attitude towards the addressee (addressee-oriented) by supporting him or her. These tags are
called facilitative tags (they tend to appear at the beginning of an encounter) and they indicate
positive interest or solidarity with addressee and they are used to soften, attenuate or mitigate
the force of negatively affective speech acts or face threatening acts that carry potential
negative acts (e.g. criticism) and ensure that the interaction proceeds smoothly. Sometimes
they are challenging and often elicit defeated silence or reluctant admissions of guilt
(Cameron, McAliden & O’Leary 1989, 82-83, Coates 1993, 120-121; Eckert and McConnellGinet, 2005, 168-169; Swan 2009, 469-471).
Lakoff claimed that tag questions are “a midway between an outright statement and a
yes-no question: less assertive than the former but more confident than the latter” (1975, 48 in
Bucholtz, 2004). She considered that these structures were a feature that both men and women
could use. However, she believed that women used them to seek corroboration in more
conversational situations than men (1975, 47; 49 in Bucholtz 2004). Likewise, Yule believes
that women use more tag questions when expressing opinions. In his words, “these features of
women’s speech all seem to be ways of inviting agreement with an idea rather than asserting
it.” On the contrary, he argues, men tend to use more assertive forms and ‘strong’ language
(2014, 279).
Researchers such as Litosseliti and Coates expressed their concern on the claims that
women’s use of tag questions reflects hesitancy, insecurity, tentativeness, and decrease the
strength of assertion. Lakoff is criticised for her lack of empirical data (Cameron, McAliden;
O’Leary 1989, 75) and the fact that she ignored the context and different communicative
functions of tag questions, such as hesitance, uncertainty, facilitation, control and influence
the decision-making process (Litosseliti 2006, 28, 29; 31; also Talbot in Holmes and
Meyerhoff 2003, 474; Coates 1993, 119). In other words, Lakoff pointed out that women’s
use of tag questions echoed a lack of confidence. As Sunderland well argues, that is just one
of the meanings that tag questions can have (2006, 95). In any case Cameron, McAliden and
O’Leary argue that it is “plausible to suggest that women use more tags with affective
meaning (i.e. facilitative).” This use, however, correlates with conversational role, rather than
with gender per se, since there are a number of variables, such as the role in interaction, the
objectives or the participant’s relative status on a number of dimensions (1989, 83, 86; 91) to
be taken into consideration.
39
5.2.2. Data Collection
The two episodes that I analysed show only three instances of tag questions. Due to
the lack of significant evidence, I cannot establish a conclusive result on which groups uses
more tag questions. Rather than relating tag questions to a specific group of people or
focusing on the person who speaks (Romaine in Holmes and Meyerhoff 2003, 111) I shall
focus the analysis in their pragmatic function and the contexts that tag questions appear in the
series. Particularly, I shall study their potential modal or affective meaning (Holmes 1982;
Cameron, McAliden and O’Leary 1989).
As for the three instances in the corpus, one of them corresponds to women’s use and
the two remaining ones to men’s usage. First of all, what can be seen from (19a), (20a) and
(21a) is that none of them correspond to the usual structure that we defined at the beginning
of this section. To me, all of them could be reformulated as the usual structure. For example,
(19a) can be turned into ‘doesn’t it?’ In Spanish (19b), the structure corresponds to one of
those that had been mentioned already. In (19a/b) we have an example of a tag question with
a modal function since Maddie is seeking confirmation from her previous statement to the
audience she is addressing to.
•
Example (19a) Maddie: […] So really I was just lying to myself, which makes it
okay. Right?
•
Example (19b) Maddie: […] así que técnicamente le mentí a la cara…que también es
la mía. Y mentirme a mí no es malo, ¿verdad?
(20a) can be reformulated as, ‘isn’t it?’ and a final ‘¿verdad?’ or ‘¿no?’ could be
introduced at the end of the Spanish question (20b). However, it might be the case that the
confirmation tag was not introduced for economy reasons (isochrony). In (20a/b) there is
another case of modal function tag question because Joey, who is not sure about the situation,
seeks confirmation to his dad.
•
Example (20a) Joey: Yeah, yeah. Dad, that's great. Uh, grill's all right though, right?
[…]
Pete: No, it’s fine […]
•
Example (20b) Joey: Sí, genial. ¿Pero está todo bien? […]
Pete: No le pasa nada […]
I consider that (21a) could be reformulated as ‘are you?’ or even add a ‘¿no?’ in (21b).
(21a/b) is also used to seek confirmation. Joey makes a statement, which he is not entirely
40
sure about. To me, he is seeking for confirmation to his friends. However, the tone in the
statement is a bit ironic so that is why this last use of a tag question is arguable.
•
Example (21a) Joey: […] You’re not gonna chew for me, (3) too?45
•
Example (21b) Joey: […] ¿No vas a masticar por mi?
5.3. Adjectives
5.3.1. Previous Research
According to Quaglio, speakers often express their stance, feelings, opinions and
evaluations by means of evaluative adjectives, especially in casual conversations (2009, 9).
On the topic of adjectives, authors such as Jespersen (1922) and Lakoff (1973) considered
that some qualifiers seemed to be used by women (‘empty’ adjectives) and some others used
by either men or women (‘neutral’). According to Kramer, native speakers would recognize
some adjectives (e.g. ‘darling’ or ‘precious’) as being more used by women than my men.
Jayme and Sau refer back to da Silva Correia’s study, relating it to previous studies on
adjectives (such as Lakoff), in which the author considers that women make a greater use of
superlatives (1996, 295):
“[…] o maior uso dos superlativos pela mulher, tal vez pela “sua índole
impressionável e pendor para a exibição” (Correia 1927: 16 in Loureiro 2011, 39)46
In the following table I show the adjectives that were suggested by the abovementioned authors and the ones that looked in my corpus. The dates of publication of the
above-mentioned research are quite old. Despite the fact that English might have changed is
so much time, I chose those authors for my analysis because I did not find other significant
ones.
45
This example might be open to discussion, since it is not a clear instance of a tag question. Even though this
example was the only one that I found in S2.11 and T2.11/209, I decided to include it because I believe that the
character is somehow seeking for confirmation. To me, it expresses a higher degree of certainty than the other
tags mentioned. However, it might be considered as a similar (though not equal) form of question tag.
46
Even if I introduce him now, da Silva’s study (in Loureiro) will be discussed in a greater extend in the
diminutives section (see 5.5) of this project.
41
Neutral adjectives
Empty adjectives
Cool
Great
Neat
Terrific
Adorable
Charming
Cute
Darling
Divine
Lovely
Nice
Precious
Pretty
Sweet47
Table 10. Distribution of adjectives based on Jespersen (1922), Lakoff (1973) and Kramer (1973)
5.3.2. Data Collection: Examples and Discussion
When analysing the adjectives, I came up with 61 instances in the annexes (see).
According to the number of uses, the following image shows that men and women make use
of a similar amount of adjectives in the two episodes:
Adjectives
Male
Female
Figure 3. It shows the total of adjectives used by men (30) and the ones by women (31)
Since I cannot cover the analysis of all the adjectives, I will be making reference to
some of them. First of all, I shall consider if any of the adjectives described in table 10 are to
be found in the corpus. Later on, I discuss several individual examples.
47
I removed ‘sweet’ from my analysis because it is only used to refer to the pageant that Karen and Parker are
attending.
42
Adjective
# Men use
# Women use
Adorable
-
1
Charming
-
-
Cute
-
1
Cool
2
-
Darling
-
-
Divine
-
-
Great
1
1
Lovely
1
-
Neat
-
-
Nice
-
2
Precious
-
-
Pretty
-
-
Terrific
-
-
TOTAL
4
5
Table 11. Number of adjectives in S1.07 and S2.11
In the following table I show the adjectives that I considered similar to the ones
suggested by authors.
Adjective
# Men use
# Women use
Amazing
2
-
Awesome
3
-
Beautiful
1
-
Beloved
1
-
Best
2
3
Enchanting
1
-
Fine
1
3
Fun
2
2
Happy
1
-
Good
4
4
43
Impressive
-
1
TOTAL
18
13
Table 12. Adjectives chosen from the corpus (S1.07 and S2.11) and total of uses
After this analysis, we can extract the following. First of all, men and women seem to
use a very similar number of adjectives in total (30/31). As far as the adjectives that
Jespersen, Lakoff and Kramer suggested, the total number of uses is very similar (4/5). Even
though the instances are very low, women have used the adjectives ‘adorable’, ‘cute’ and
‘nice’ alone, while men used ‘cool’ and ‘lovely’, while both men and women have used the
adjective ‘great’ once. As far as these uses are concerned, the adjectives mostly function as
evaluators of actions and activities, though there are some exceptions that I will show in the
examples. As for table 12, the amount of the adjectives that I chose is superior in men’s use
than in women’s. However, I realized that the use of these adjectives varied, that is, some of
them were used as evaluations of objects, actions and situations, while others described the
emotional state of a person.
In (22) Maddie is first evaluating the day as very good with a superlative. Later, she
positively evaluates the fact of helping people. Finally, Karen expresses her positive emotion
or feeling towards Maddie. Regarding the translation, I consider that ‘mucho’ (22b) expresses
a lower degree of intensity than ‘the best day.’ However, ‘disfrutado’ expresses a very
positive feeling and so the general intensity between (22a) and (22b) is not entirely different.
•
Example (22a) Maddie: […] I had the best day […] Helping people feels so great.
Karen: […] I’m so glad […]
•
Example (22b) Maddie: […] He disfrutado mucho […] ¡Ayudar sienta genial!
Karen: […] ¡Me alegra tanto! […]
In (23a) Diggie is evaluating the mascot (object) in a positive way. In this example,
the translation avoided ‘beloved.’ This loss is quite significant in the sense that humour (the
fact that Diggie’s colloquial language is mixed with formal words) is lost in the translation. In
this case, and such other cases in which the translator’s choices tend towards standardisation
of the language, we can talk about a phenomenon called ‘flattening’, a process in which “the
illocutionary power of the original is sacrificed in favour of mere locutionary
communication” (Lefevere 1992, 107). This way, the translator might remove words and
expressions from non-standard registers, such as vulgar language and pedantic talk.
Moreover, there would be a problem with isochrony in (23b) if the word would be included in
44
Spanish, since the Spanish words are already longer than in English (11 syllables in Spanish
and 9 in English).
•
Example (23a) Diggie: […] try to steal our beloved mascot […]
•
Example (23b) Diggie: […] intentan robarnos nuestra mascota […]
In (24), Liv made a wordplay and she is surprised at her ability to do it. The adjective
is used for self-evaluation.
•
Example (24a) Liv: […] I’m adorable […]
•
Example (24b) Liv: […] Soy adorable […]
In (25), Maddie is evaluating the way in which she should have talked to her sister.
•
Example (25a) Maddie: […] I couldn’t figure out a nice way to tell […]
•
Example (25b) Maddie: […] no sabía cómo decirle a […]
In (26), there is another example of how Diggie positively assesses actions (practice
and scare).
•
Example (26a) Diggie: Good practice […] a good scare […]
•
Example (26b) Diggie: Bien hecho […] un buen susto […]
In (27), Joey is not just assessing the fact that Parker arrives but also expresses his
emotions on seeing him.
•
Example (27a) Joey: […] Parker’s here! […] it’s awesome.
•
Example (27b) Joey: ¡Parker está aquí! […] ¡Genial!
I (28), we see that Joey assesses in a positive way the idea of having the minions as his
friend servant:
•
Example (28a) Joey: Minions seem a good idea […]
•
Example (28b) Joey: Los esbirros parecen una buena idea […]
In (29) Joey is expressing his positive emotion on seeing Artie, since Joey wants his friend to
take the minions:
•
Example (29a) Joey: […] I have never been so happy to see you
•
Example (29b) Joey: Nunca me había alegrado tanto de verte.
Finally, in (30), Artie is assessing the moment in a positive manner when Joey was
surpised to see that the minions could break the rules:
•
Example (30a) Artie: This is a (59) beautiful moment […]
•
Example (30b) Artie: Es un momento hermoso […]
45
5.4. Vulgar and Colloquial Language
5.4.1. Previous Research
In this section I shall analyse the vulgar and colloquial language (slang), together with
a brief mention to high register and scientific language. Since Liv and Maddie might
reproduce the language of social life to some extent, we can expect its dialogue to “consist of
informal language, such as slang” (Reed 2013, 6). Yule explains that register is defined as “a
conventional way of using language that is appropriate in a specific context, which may be
identified as situational […] occupational […] or topical” (2014, 261-262). When it comes to
slang, (or ‘colloquial speech’), he says that it is an aspect of social interaction which is
conformed by “words or phrases that are used instead of more everyday terms among younger
speakers and other groups with special interests” (262). Related to its use, Quaglio argues that
expletives and slang terms are associated with informality and express emotion and attitude in
an emphatic way (2009, 89, 101).
Vulgar language is, according to Coates, a cultural construct. She considers that the
evidence shows that it was the new courtly tradition of the Middle Ages, which, by creating
gentility, also created vulgarity (1993, 21). On swearing, Eckert and McConnell-Ginet argue
that it is “widely considered an expression of very strong emotion” (2005, 181). Coates
argues that even though there is little evidence on the differences in swearing between men
and women, the folklinguistic belief that men swear more and that women use refined and
polite language is widespread (1993, 20-21; 126). In this sense, Eckert and McConnell-Ginet
consider that if women use more polite language is because “they are other-oriented, more
collaborative” (2005, 134). Lakof claims that it was not accepted for a woman to express
strong emotions, curse and swear (Lakoff in Holmes and Meyerhoff 2003, 163). However,
many researchers dismiss these differentiating facts as stereotypes (Cameron in Holmes and
Meyerhoff 2003, 463; Swann 1992, 18-19).
In one of her studies, Kramer (1974; 1975) claimed that an existing cultural stereotype
provided no evidence to whether men actually swore more than women (in Coates 1993,
127). Following this line, Haas argues about the visible difficulty and constraints in studying
this kind of language because “documentation of this stereotype would require recording
speech of female-only, male-only, and mixed-sex groups in various settings”, in a way in
which participants are unaware of being observed (1979, 617).
46
5.4.1. Data Collection: Examples and Discussion
In this section I shall make an analysis on the use of colloquial and vulgar language. In
the annexes (see 10.6) I considered that there were 93 instances of colloquial and vulgar
language48
80
70
60
50
40
Men
30
Women
20
10
0
Colloquial and Vulgar Language
Figure 4. Total use of colloquial and vulgar language by men (70) and by women (23) in S1.07 and
S2.11
The table shows a higher frequency of colloquial and vulgar terms in men’s speech. In
the next table I introduced the terms49 that have been suggested by some authors.
Word
# Men use
Baby/Babe
1
# Women use
Beautiful
Dude
3
Folks
Gentlemen
Goodness
Guys
7
1
Lady
Man
2
48
My first idea was to separate the uses of colloquial and vulgar language as positive terms and negative (or
pejorative terms) so that I could see whether male or female characters were making use of a particular sense of
colloquial language. However, I find it impossible to devote that much time on developing this analysis.
49
I removed the words ‘girlfriend’, ‘sexy’, ‘shit’ and ‘oh fudge’ from the list because I considered that they
would not appear in the episodes.
47
Oh dear
Princess
TOTAL
13
1
Table 13. Terms suggested by Lakoff (1973) and McConnell-Ginet (2005) from S1.07 and S2.11
As the sample in Table 13 shows, men seem to use more colloquial and vulgar
language than women, according to some of the terms that had been already suggested. One
interesting aspect that I found while studying this kind of language is that many characters
also used high register and scientific language. Even though the complete table is placed on
the annexes section (see 10.6), I will comment on the most relevant ones here. In (31) we see
that Maddie is using a very formal language (addressed to the senior group), which would
rather be used by a doctor or specialist.
•
Example (31a) Maddie: […] exercise (2) reverses the aging process […]
•
Example (31b) Maddie: […] el ejercicio (2) ralentiza el envejecimiento […]
In (32), Diggie is using a synonym of ‘to give.’ However, he is employing a very
formal verb that brings a humorous tone, since Diggie’s language appears to be colloquial in
the episode.
•
Example (32a) Diggie: […] ceremonial bratwursts to (5) bestow upon […]
•
Example (32b) Diggie: […] salchicha ceremonial para que se la (5) deis […]
In (33) Artie is using a very formal term to refer to clothes. Artie’s language appears
to be rather formal in the series and in this sense, the usage of this word produced a humorous
effect.
•
Example (33a) Artie: […] bewitched by the sight of me in my (10) casual evening
attire.
•
Example (33b) Artie: […] alucine con mi (10) atuendo informal nocturno.
In (34) we see that the term in Spanish is more formal than in English.
•
Example (34a) Joey: […] if I win, I get your (11) minions.
•
Example (34b) Joey: […] si gano, me quedo a tus (11) esbirros.
Finally, in (35), Artie is making use of a very formal verb as a synonym of ‘to look.’
•
Example (35a) Artie: (27) Avert your eyes, (28) minions […]
•
Example (35b) Artie: (27) ¡No miréis, (28) esbirros! […]
A final reference is on examples (32), (33), (34) and (35). To my point of view, they
all have pragmatic errors of translation. First of all, the high register terms in the English
48
version (‘bestow’, ‘bewitched’ and ‘avert’) can be interpreted as having a humorous intention
because the characters that use them tend to have a very colloquial and informal language in
other scenes. This way, their colloquial language is opposed to instances of formal language
to reach a humorous effect. However, the Spanish terms (‘deis’, ‘alucine’ and ‘no miréis’) are
not formal. Therefore, this particular humour resource is lost. One reason might be the fact
that this ‘pedantic’ talk is not part of humour resources among the Spanish young people. As
for (34), ‘minions’ is not a formal term that aims at having funny connotations. ‘Esbirros’,
instead, is a formal word. The problem that I see in the translation of these examples is not the
failure of reproducing formal or colloquial language (that is, the wrong choice of words) but
the fact that by varying the register of some words, the translation differs from the source text
in two respects. On the one hand the function (humorous effect) changed. On the other hand,
the representation of the characters (teenagers that use formal language for dramatic and
humorous effect) is also lost.
In this section of the project, I shall comment on some examples of colloquial and
vulgar language and the function they carry out in the context. In (36) we can see that ‘dude’
has been used to call a character’s attention. It functions as a vocative but it is used in a
friendly and colloquial way.
•
Example (36a) Skippy: Dude, stop saying Tiger Sharks
•
Example (36b) Skippy: No digas tiburones!
Examples (37) and (38) also function as vocatives because the words call the attention
(or directly refer to) the addressee. In these three last cases they are used as familiarizers,
since they “mark the relationship between speaker and addressee as a familiar one [and
develop a] purely social bond-maintaining function” (Leech 1999, 108; 112 in Quaglio 2009,
114), since the addressees are referred as friends.
•
Example (37a) Pete: I'm sorry, (8) buddy.
•
Example (37b) Pete: Lo siento, (8) hijo.
•
Example (38a) Joey: […] I am just not a minion man, man.
•
Example (38b) Joey: […] no soy un tío de esbirros. Tío.
In (39), there is another form of vocative, which is targeted to a girl. It is a positive term and a
form of endearment (Quaglio 2009, 114).
•
Example (39a) Pete: Oh, oh, (61) honey. Honey, you’re delirious […]
•
Example (39b) Pete: Oh, (61) hija, hija. Estás delirando […]
49
In (40a) we see that the term is used as a vocative. It carries negative connotations and
it serves to threaten the other person. Joey decides not to continue the argument and tells
Parker to leave (‘beat it’). In this instance, there is no equivalent in the translation. We might
argue that since Parker appears to continuously use vulgar language and insults, it has been
omitted in the translation. Considering that the words ‘arreglado’ and ‘patinete’ are much
longer than ‘fixed’ (a monosyllabic word) and ‘scooter’ (bisyllabic), isochrony must have
been a determining factor in the translation, even if the change has a negative effect on
damaging the function and the character’s personality.
•
Example (40a) Parker: I fixed my scooter, losers.
•
Example (40b) Parker: Ya he arreglado mi patinete.
In (41), though, I show other instances of Parker’s insults (as vocatives) that have been
translated into Spanish (41b).
•
Example (41a) […], butt bags; […], munch!
•
Example (41b) […] cara mocos; ¡[…] pringao!
Example (42) is a very interesting one. In S1.07 Joey makes use of the expression
‘Booyah’, which is used as an expression of great joy or victory (Urban Dictionary). It
has been translated with a borrowing because the term is not part of the Spanish language
repertoire. The word has been maintained the same because it is required by the visual context
(two characters wear a T-shirt with the expression on it). In S2.11, which corresponds to the
example I am dealing with, Joey does use ‘Booyah’. Instead, he says ‘burn burn’, which is a
slang term to be used when someone wants to make fun of another (Urban Dictionary). As for
the translation, the word ‘booyah’ has been maintained for rhyming purposes. By using
‘puya’, that is, ‘sarcasm, gibe, barbed comment’ (Wordreference), the sentence achieves
rhyme and keeping the speaker’s intention.
•
Example (42a) Joey: […] Fake compliment that turned into a burn burn
•
Example (42b) Joey: Joey: […] ¡Booyah! ¡Cumplido falso que es una puya!
In (43), I suggest there has been a pragmatic error of translation. Maddie defies Liv
and threatens her by using a vocative. I consider that ‘songbird’ has positive connotations. It
actually refers to a bird that sings. Since Liv sings too, Maddie applies that term to Liv and so
it echoes Liv’s singing skill. I believe that the translation wants to maintain the reference to a
bird. ‘Pajarraca’, however, does not carry positive connotations, since it either refers to a big,
ugly and unknown bird or a sly person (RAE). For these reasons, I consider that the function
has changed in Spanish turning the reference into an insult.
50
•
Example (43a) Maddie: You sure you want to do this, songbird?
•
Example (43b) Maddie: ¿Seguro que quieres seguir, (35) pajarraca?
5.5. Diminutives
5.5.1. Previous Research
Diminutives are forms (either affixes or separated words) that create the meaning of
‘small’ or little’ when they are attached (or accompany) other words. They add a certain
degree to a specific word and at the same time, reinforce the expressivity of language
(Zernova 2000, 4). In English, the most common diminutives seem to be formed with prefix
‘mini-’ or the suffixes ‘–let’ and ‘–y’ (Cambridge Dictionaries). According to Alberto
Zuluaga, the most common Spanish diminutives are ‘ito’, ‘illo’/‘illa’, ‘ín’/‘ina’, ‘ete’/‘eta’,
‘ejo’/‘eja’, ‘ucho’/‘ucha’, ‘ola’, ‘uelo’/‘uela’, ‘ículo’/‘ícula’, ‘uco’/ ‘uca’, ‘oco’/‘oca’ (1970,
24)50.
Aside from denoting a particular element as small, diminutives are also employed in
order to both be informal and express some kind of affection (Cambridge Dictionaries). When
it comes to the previous linguistic features that have been discussed in this project, there was
considerable research done on whether a particular linguistic element was thought to be used
by either male or female speakers. However, as far as diminutives are concerned, I did not
find a general claim that one group of speakers makes a higher use of these forms than the
other. Rather, the studies that I found were a bit contradictory.
For example, Fatima Sadiqi claims that the usage of diminutives seems to be more
prolific in Moroccan women’s speech than in men’s, even though she claims that both male
and female speakers may use them (2003, 154). In a study on the Dutch language, Pierre
Brachin links diminutives as a feature that is highly used by women (1985, 65), even though
there is another study on the Dutch language that confirms that there is “no conclusive
evidence that women…use diminutives more often than men” (Brouwer 1982 in Booij,
Lehmann and Mugdan 2004, 1050). Likewise, Pilar García Mouton suggests that even though
diminutives might seem more frequent in women’s speech, this claim may be exaggerated
(2000, 72). However, Zernova firmly claims that diminutives are tendency in women’s speech
style (2000, 4).
As for this analysis, though, I will be referring to João da Silva Correia (1927) as the
main reference in this section because some authors such as María Teresa Piñeiro (2010, 170)
50
The feminine forms are mine because the author did not include them.
51
and María Jayme and Victoria Sau (1996, 295) briefly mentioned him. I checked Marlene
Vasques Loureiro’s review51 on on da Silva’s study on the language of the Portuguese
woman. In the aspect of diminutives as a women’s feature of language use she writes:
“[…] Da Silva Correia refere que o léxico da mulher não é pobre em tudo, existindo
áreas nas quais é rico e abundante, como…das palavras e locuções diminutivas” (Correia
1927, 9 in 2011, 37)52
There is a longstanding belief that women use diminutives more frequently than men.
This belief is held on women from different cultures, such as Holland (Brachin 1985;
Brouwer 1982), Morocco (Sadiqi 2003), Potugal (da Silva 1927) and Spain (Garcia 2000;
Zernova 2000) but empirical studies on the matter are not conclusive.
5.5.2. Examples and Discussion
When it comes to the analysis of diminutives in this project, I was surprised to find
that the characters used more diminutives than I had expected (see 10.7 for the complete table
of diminutives). I counted 85 instances of diminutives (see figure 5).
Diminutives
Men
Women
Figure 5. Total instances of diminutives by men (41) and women (44) from S1.07 and S2.11
51
I could not manage to read da Silva’s original work because I could not find it. However, Vasques Loureiro
wrote a review on João Da Silva Correia’s A Linguagem da Mulher em Relação do Homem (1927). The article
was in Portuguese and it was the closest source to the original that I could find.
52
Here I included the whole excerpt: “Contudo, João da Silva Correia refere que o léxico da mulher não é pobre
em tudo, existindo áreas nas quais é rico e abundante, como no campo dos arcaísmos, no das interjeições e
locuções exclamativas, no das palavras e locuções diminutivas, hipocorísticas e onomatopaicas, no dos
estrangeirismos da moda e do viver mundano e ainda no domínio da vida do lar: cozinha, vestuários, mobiliário,
doenças e enfermagem, etc. Para o autor, são ainda as mulheres que conservam a línguaantiga, pois são bastante
arcaizantes e tradicionalistas no uso da linguagem” (Correia 1927, 9 in Loureiro 2011, 37-38). The boldfaced is
mine.
52
The majority of diminutives is reflected on the characters’ names, which have been
shortened53 in a loving or friendly way. I will be commenting on them but the main analysis is
centred on other types of diminutives. The most recurrent cases are those involving ‘Maddie’
(from ‘Maddison’), ‘Liv’ (from ‘Olivia’) and ‘Joey’ (from ‘Joseph’). The names are being
used in two ways: sometimes one character refers indirectly to another character to make a
comment. Most of the times, though, the names serve as vocatives and have an appellative
function. This means that a character is directly addressing one another with the purpose of
getting his or her attention. In the next example, we can see that Liv is referring to Maddie
directly by introducing her name at the end of the sentence:
•
Example (44a) Liv: […] You know what, (46) Maddie? […]
•
Example (44b) Liv: […] ¿Sabes qué, (46) Maddie?
In the next table I will show the diminutives that I considered more relevant54 (and the
number of times that have been used) and I will later comment on some of the examples with
a little but more context. For clearer organization, I underlined the instances of diminutives,
taking into consideration that the languages do not always make use of the same structure.
Diminutive
# Male uses
Just to be clear / una cosita
1
little bit of / poquito de
Little girls / nenas
# Female uses
1
1
Hon/rica
1
Surprisies / Sorpre
1
Twinsie / cosita de gemelas
1
Kitten / gatito
1
Couple of / niñitas
1
So weird / tan rarito
1
53
The main characters’ full names appear in websites. I have considered the names Paulie (from Paul), Artie
(from Arthur), Skippy (from Skipper), Richie (from Richard) and Stevie (from Steve or Stephen), Ralphie (from
Ralph), Addie (from Addison, Adele, etc.) as diminutives of their correspondent full names, even if there is no
reference to them in the two episodes.
54
For example, I removed some of the uses with the particle ‘little’, such as ‘little arrangements’, ‘little monster’
and ‘little punks.’ I considered that there were many of them and I wanted to explore other examples in this
section.
53
Get sidetracked / detallitos
1
Youngest sons / hijitos
1
Little sailor / marinerito
1
Mama (or mommy) / mami
1
3
Sicky / malita
1
Blanky / mantita
2
Daddy (Bubby) / Papi
1
Sweetie / cielito
TOTAL
5
1
6
20
Table 14. Sample of diminutives from S1.07 and S2.11
As we can see from this 17-sample table, women appear to use diminutives more
frequently than men. We can appreciate that both males and females use diminutives to refer
to their parents in a loving and affectionate way. Women in these two episodes use
diminutives (as baby talk or motherese) to refer to their young sons (‘cielito’, ‘hijito’).
Maddie also uses the baby talk (‘sicky’, ‘blanky’), perhaps to call their parents’ attention so
that they pamper her. Men use diminutives when they refer to things that are different
(‘rarito’) or without much importance (‘cosita’, ‘detallito’).
Now I will comment on some examples of diminutive forms that I extracted from the
transcripts. In (44) we can appreciate that the Spanish version makes uses of a diminutive,
while the English text does not. To me, the introduction of a diminutive instead of another
structure changes the meaning slightly. I consider that in (44a) Joey seems to check with the
other person if he really understood the whole message, as if he would later paraphrase what
he understood. In (44b), Joey gives the impression that he might not have understood the
entire message and he needs to check on a little detail that he did not understand.
•
Example (44a) Joey: I’m sorry. Just to be clear […]
•
Example (44b) Joey: Lo siento, una cosita […]
In (45), Pete addresses his child with a diminutive in Spanish (45b). He probably used
the diminutive form so that he would not sound so harsh with ‘raro.’ Another reason is
because he is also using baby talk to talk to his son.
•
Example (45a) Pete: […] Why are you acting so weird?
•
Example (45b) Pete: […] ¿Por qué estás tan rarito?
In (46), Pete is also using a diminutive in Spanish because he considers that the price of the
barbecue is insignificant compared to what the machine can do.
54
•
Example (46a) Pete: Let’s not get sidetracked.
•
Examples (46b) Pete: ¡Déjate de detallitos!
In example (47), Maddie uses many instances of diminutives. I consider that the first
one is a loving way to call her mum. In this case, it functions as a vocative. The other two
terms are diminutives not because they refer to something small but because she is trying to
call her parents’ attention. Example (47a) Maddie: Mommy. I’m sicky […] I want my
blanky.
•
Example (47b) Maddie: Mami…estoy malita […] Quiero mi mantita.
Finally, in the last example (48), Karen addresses to her son with a diminutive that
functions as a vocative. In this case, the diminutive acquires affectionate and loving
connotations. However, I consider that Karen may use affectionate words to manipulate her
children, as a kind of ‘hedging’ to prevent them from rejecting her requests. Children will
know this, so it is overt manipulation.
•
Example (48a) Karen: Did you hear that, (80) sweetie? […]
•
Example (48b) Karen: ¿Lo has oído, (80) cielito? […]
As a general and final comment on all the analyses and the project so far, I reckon that
my study has some limitations. Out of 65 episodes from the series, I just analysed two.
Besides, I chose some specific linguistic features but had I chosen different ones (e.g. the use
of hedges), I might have come out with different results. I consider that the instances in the
annexes can be open to discussion because I classified each feature according to my
knowledge on language and translation. I take full responsibility if during the analysis some
features have gone unnoticed.
55
6. Conclusion
The aim of this project was to study if the series Liv and Maddie portrayed linguistic
gender stereotypes and how they were displayed by carrying out a detailed, descriptive and
linguistic analysis on the transcripts of the sitcom. The study was done by choosing specific
linguistic features and analysing their semantic, functional, expressive and pragmatic
dimensions. It mainly focused on the speaking and listening roles, the use of backchannels
and interruptions, the usage of tag questions, adjectives, colloquial and vulgar language, and
diminutives. As far as this analysis is concerned, I only covered some linguistic features of
just two episodes of the series. For this reason, my results cannot be generalised to the whole
series. Instead, they provide a first approximation to it.
Regarding the question whether Liv and Maddie contains linguistic stereotypes (RQ1),
I have observed that the episodes sometimes (though not very continuously) display some
stereotypes. To put some examples, we have seen Karen as making many references to
household chores, that is, the role of a woman as a housewife. We have also seen that some
characters used expressions denoting weakness and emotionality (‘like a girl’) and other that
express strength and power (‘to be man enough’). As far as the previous research on linguistic
gender stereotypes (RQ2) I cannot firmly claim that the results that I found matched the
research done because of the evident lack of quantitatively data. However, when it comes to
the study of talking versus listening roles, I have seen that men speak a little bit more as a
whole but women seem to assert their right to speech more than men in mix-gender
conversations. On the use of backchannels, men and women made a very similar use as
markers to start argumentations. When it comes to interruptions, the research suggested that
men interrupted more than women. My corpus was not real talk but scripted and my results
support Quaglio’s idea that characters are not supposed to interrupt each other. My corpus
only displayed one occurrence of interruption, which in that case was made by a woman. I
would need more instances in order to make a claim.
In the use of tag questions, which was the feature that had fewer occurrences, I found
that both men and women used then as to seek confirmation from the other. On the use of
adjectives, men and women make used them a similar amount of times. There was not a
remarkable difference on the usage, since both groups employed adjectives to both evaluate
objects (or actions) and assess their feelings and emotions. When it comes to vulgar language,
I consider that my results were very similar to what had been asserted in previous research,
since men used more colloquial and vulgar language than women in the various analyses that
I did. Mostly all the uses had an appellative function, i.e. calling the addressee’s attention by
56
means of vocatives, which were displayed as both positive and negative terms. Finally, when
it comes to the use of diminutives, I did not find a lot of research on the topic. However, the
general study revealed a similar use of diminutives in the English original between men and
women, even though my observations suggest that women make use of them as affectionate
and loving terms, while men use when being referred to either something small or without
importance.
As to whether or not Liv and Maddie fosters gender stereotypes or challenges them
(RQ3) I consider that the series aims at challenging stereotypes in general. First of all, this
series is largely based on humour. I consider that this mechanism is used to exaggerate
comments or characters’ utterances and challenge the idea that one character can only be
presented in a certain way. I have exemplified the fact that some characters negotiate their
identity by means of humour and using linguistic features that researchers have considered as
typically feminine for example, diminutives or the expression of feelings by means of
adjectives.
Translation has been a very important aspect of this project while doing the analysis of
linguistic gender stereotypes. When it comes to the final question, that is, whether or not the
translation expresses and maintains the same function and intensity of the linguistic features
that I have analysed, I can claim that the intensity (or strength) has been generally maintained
in Spanish. Having done the analysis, I consider that the Spanish translation is quite accurate
in terms of meaning and intensity, being equivalence (as replacement of a set phrase or
formula with its functional correspondence in Spanish) the most recurrent technique of
translation. However, I realised, as I have already shown along the project, that the function
of some terms was not always the same when compared to the source text. In many instances,
the function of humour disappeared in the translation and instances of colloquial or vulgar
language were softened or changed. As a whole, I consider that the translator’s choices tend
toward standardisation of the language, that is, removing words and expressions from nonstandard registers, so to flatten the language, as Lefevere suggested.
57
7. General Conclusions
This project has proved to be very rewarding. First of all, it helped me approach the
topic of gender stereotypes with the tools and categories of linguistics, which was rather new
for me. I have realised that such study cannot be undertaken taking into consideration the
semantic dimension of words alone. Since words appear surrounded and determined by a
context, it is crucial to take language use into consideration and the way words are used. In
other words, a complete linguistic analysis needs to surpass semantics and focus on the
functional, pragmatic dimension of the words, together with their expressive force. I consider
that these aspects are very important in assessing a translation, and not just if the meaning of
the words is well transferred. Besides, the audiovisual modality of translation brings some
constraints to translations that need to be taken into consideration. For example, some words
might need to be omitted to respect isochrony, and word play may be affected by visual
elements like props.
As far as this project is concerned, it can still be extended considerably because I did
not tackle many other features (for example, the use of hedges, and other structures of
politeness). For the moment being, I believe that this project is a small attempt in the analysis
of linguistic stereotypes in Liv and Maddie and the results were not enough to build up a firm
claim. I am interested in continuing this project some time in the future and further work
could include analysing more episodes and more verbal phenomena so I could offer an
accurate perspective on how the whole series displays and (maybe) portrays linguistic gender
stereotypes. In this sense, my final thought is that though having learnt while doing this
project, I expect to even learn more.
58
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65
10. Annexes
10.1. Table 15. Definitions
# Definitions
Term
Source
1
‘Sitcom’
Merriam-Webster Dictionary
2
‘Sitcom’
Cambridge Dictionaries
3
‘Isochronal’
4
‘Girlie’
Cambridge Dictionaries
5
‘Tomboy’
Cambridge Dictionaries
6
‘Turf’
Urban Dictionary
7
‘Rica’
Word Reference
8
‘To have something hanging
Merriam-Webster Dictionary
The Free Dictionary
over one’s head’
9
‘Booyah’
Urban Dictionary
10
‘Burn’
Urban Dictonary
11
‘Puya’
Word Reference
12
‘Pajarraca’
Diccionario de la Real
Academia Española
Table 15. Number of definitions, the words and their source
10.2. Table 16. Episode Codes
Language
Season
Episode
# Scene
Code of
reference
English
1
7
1
S1.07.1
English
1
7
2
S1.07.2
English
1
7
3
S1.07.3
English
1
7
4
S1.07.4
English
1
7
5
S1.07.5
English
1
7
6
S1.07.6
English
1
7
7
S1.07.7
English
1
7
8
S1.07.8
English
1
7
9
S1.07.9
English
1
7
10
S1.07.10
English
1
7
11
S1.07.11
66
English
1
7
12
S1.07.12
English
1
7
13
S1.07.13
English
1
7
14
S1.07.14
Table 16.1. The codes for the English episode 7 (Season 1)
Language
Season
Episode
# Scene
Code of
reference
Spanish
1
7/108
1
T1.07/108.1
Spanish
1
7/108
2
T1.07/108.2
Spanish
1
7/108
3
T1.07/108.3
Spanish
1
7/108
4
T1.07/108.4
Spanish
1
7/108
5
T1.07/108.5
Spanish
1
7/108
6
T1.07/108.6
Spanish
1
7/108
7
T1.07/108.7
Spanish
1
7/108
8
T1.07/108.8
Spanish
1
7/108
9
T1.07/108.9
Spanish
1
7/108
10
T1.07/108.10
Spanish
1
7/108
11
T1.07/108.11
Spanish
1
7/108
12
T1.07/108.12
Spanish
1
7/108
13
T1.07/108.13
Spanish
1
7/108
14
T1.07/108.14
Table 16.2. The codes for the Spanish episode 7/108 (Season 1)
Language
Season
Episode
# Scene
Code of
reference
English
2
11
1
S2.11.1
English
2
11
2
S2.11.2
English
2
11
3
S2.11.3
English
2
11
4
S2.11.4
English
2
11
5
S2.11.5
English
2
11
6
S2.11.6
English
2
11
7
S2.11.7
English
2
11
8
S2.11.8
67
English
2
11
9
S2.11.9
English
2
11
10
S2.11.10
English
2
11
11
S2.11.11
English
2
11
12
S2.11.12
English
2
11
13
S2.11.13
English
2
11
14
S2.11.14
Table 16.3. The codes for the English episode 11 (Season 2)
Language
Season
Episode
# Scene
Code of
reference
Spanish
2
11/209
1
T2.11/209.1
Spanish
2
11/209
2
T2.11/209.2
Spanish
2
11/209
3
T2.11/209.3
Spanish
2
11/209
4
T2.11/209.4
Spanish
2
11/209
5
T2.11/209.5
Spanish
2
11/209
6
T2.11/209.6
Spanish
2
11/209
7
T2.11/209.7
Spanish
2
11/209
8
T2.11/209.8
Spanish
2
11/209
9
T2.11/209.9
Spanish
2
11/209
10
T2.11/209.10
Spanish
2
11/209
11
T2.11/209.11
Spanish
2
11/209
12
T2.11/209.12
Table 16.4. The codes for the Spanish episode 11/209 (Season 2)
68
10.3. Table 17. Talking versus Listening Roles: Methods of Translation, ST and TT Function and Intensity
In these tables I included the instances backchannels (minimal responses) and interruptions, together with the methods of translation; the
function and the intensity that the features that I found have in both the ST and the TT. When necessary, I added some comments regarding the
translations. The features that I considered to be more relevant will be discussed in the appropriate analysis section (see 5.1.2.). The underlined
features have been numbered for clearer organization.
‘Dodge-A-Rooney’ (S1.07 and T1.07/108): Backchannels and Interruptions
English
Spanish
Method of translation
(S1.07.1)
Karen: […] But I'm
surprised you didn't pick the
same project.
Maddie: (1) Yeah, (2) well,
I think Liv knows […]
(T1.07/108.1)
(1) Equivalence
Karen: […] Pero ¿cómo no (2) Omission (Ø)
estáis
en
el
mismo
programa?
Maddie: (1) Ya, Liv sabrá
[…]
Maddie: […] She says it
makes her look like she has
the flu.
Karen: (3) Well, she was
unbelievably excited […]
Maddie: […] dice que con (3) Equivalence
la luz de allí, su cutis (4) Equivalence
palidece.
Karen: (3) Bueno, estaba
muy animada […]
Function
(ST & TT)
(1) Both features serve as
confirmation of previous
statement.
Pragmatic
marker.
(2) ‘Well’ acts as a filler
word. It marks the start
of
Liv’s
argument.
Pragmatic marker.
Intensity
(ST & TT)
(1) Both elements have
the same intensity in ST
and TT.
(2)
By
using
a
backchannel (‘well’) and
her intuition (‘I think’),
Liv appears less certain
of her assumption, while
in the Spanish one she is
more self-assured.
(3)
Introducer
of (3 & 4) Both elements
argumentation
(of have the same intensity
previous
‘negative in ST and TT.
statement’).
Pragmatic
marker.
Maddie: (4) Yeah, wait till Maddie: (4) Sí,
she finds out […]
cuando sepa […]
(S1.07.2)
(T1.07/108.2)
Diggie: (5) All right, all Diggie: (5) Bien,
right, Porcupines.
Puercoespines.
69
pues
(5) Equivalence
bien,
(S1.07.3)
(T1.07/108.3)
(6) Equivalence
Maddie: (6) Okay, ‘Silver Maddie: (6) Bien, «Chicos
Steppers’ […]
de Plata» […]
(4) Confirmation of
previous
statement
(sarcasm). I understand
that the meaning does not
change when it is
removed. To me, it
functions as a pragmatic
marker.
(5) There is not previous
linguistic context but I
consider
that
the
character uses the feature
to claim his right of
speech
(among
the
crowd)
(6) There is no previous
linguistic
context.
Maddie is claiming her
right to speech in the
senior centre. It is
probable that the crowd
was
speaking.
She
encourages the crowd.
(5) Both elements have
the same intensity in ST
and TT.
(6) Both elements have
the same intensity in ST
and TT.
70
Liv: […] And I thought… Liv: […] y creo que… (7)
(7) Equivalence
(7)
(8) Equivalence
Maddie: (8) Uh, you can't Maddie: (8) Pues no
volunteer here!
puede…ser aquí.
(7) One character is
interrupted.
Maddie
claims her right to speech
and wants to convince
Liv of her argument.
(8) In English, the feature
is a pragmatic marker
(filler word) It seems to
be used as hesitation and
gain more time to think
about the answer. In
Spanish, there is no
sound (‘uh’), but an
elaborate
way
of
introducing the answer.
(8) The Spanish is more
direct and surer about the
answer. But the effect is
softened by the pause
between ‘puede’ and
‘ser’ (8). It is the only
case in the entire analysis
that
contains
an
interruption (7) (followed
by Liv’s ‘…’). Both
elements have the same
intensity in ST and TT.
(S1.07.4)
Pete: […] Only I can use it.
(9) It is a filler word,
pragmatic marker. It can
be omitted in English and
the sense would remain,
because the sentence is
reinforced by ‘then.’ If it
were omitted in Spanish,
it would sound very
direct. The feature in
Spanish helps to start the
argumentation.
(10)
Filler
word,
pragmatic marker (the
meaning does not change
if the word is removed).
It functions as agreement
with the fact that Skippy
(9)
Karen’s
argumentation is more
direct in Spanish. To my
point of view, the
English sentence seems a
bit more collaborative
with Pete’s previous
statement (it confirms
she is listening and she
responds back)
(T1.07/108.4)
(9) Equivalence
Pete: […] Solo puedo
encenderla yo.
Karen: (9) Well, then I Karen: (9) Pues yo debo de
must have one of those on tener algo así […]
[…]
(S1.07.5)
Skippy: I’ll crush anyone
who comes near him.
Diggie: (10) Okay, Joey, I
can't believe I'm gonna say
this […]
(T1.07/108.5)
(10) Equivalence
Skippy: ¡Machacaré a quien
se acerque a Paulie!
Diggie: (10) Vale, Joey, tú
eres el más fuerte […]
(10) Both elements have
the same intensity in ST
and TT.
71
Skippy: We need a new Skippy: ¡Haz un plan!
(11) Omission (Ø)
plan!
Joey: (11) Okay, give me Joey: Un segundo, voy
second […]
a…pensar.
(S1.07.6)
Budge: […] I'm practically
bionic.
Maddie: (12) Okay, (13)
well, let's not exaggerate
[…] You did need me to
unscrew your water bottle.
Budge: Ah, (14) no. I can
do that myself.
(T1.07/108.6)
(12 & 13) Omission (Ø)
Budge: […] soy casi (14) Equivalence
biónica.
Maddie: Es mejor no
exagerar […]
Baxter: […] to move the
piano.
Maddie: (15) Um, wait.
Liv, you're gonna practice
in here? […]
Liv: (16) Yeah, but I mean,
all the other rooms […]
Baxter: […] que mueva el (15) Equivalence
piano.
(16) Equivalence
Maddie: (15) ¡Eh! Oye,
Liv. ¿Ensayaréis aquí? […]
Budge: (14) No, eso podía
hacerlo yo.
Liv: (16) Ya, pero no hay
más sitio.
is not strong enough to
protect the mascot
(11) In English it is being
used as agreement with
the previous statement
(request). It can function
as
a
filler
word
(pragmatic marker) and
to some extend, it can be
removed. I consider that
by using ‘okay’ Joey
then assumes the role of
plan inventor. In Spanish,
it seems to be taken for
granted.
(12 & 13). They serve as
filler words, pragmatic
markers in English. They
can be removed and
meaning remains the
same.
(14) Negation of the
previous statement.
(15) In English, the filler
word (pragmatic marker)
can be removed without
affecting context. In
Spanish, the word is used
to call Liv’s attention.
Both elements can be
(11). Both elements have
the same intensity in ST
and TT, even though the
Spanish feature has been
omitted (I reckon that
another solution would
be inserting ‘vale’).
(12 & 13) Both elements
have the same intensity
in ST and TT. Maybe in
Spanish it sounds more
direct without fillers,
such as ‘vale’ or ‘bueno’
but there is not a big
difference in intensity.
(14) Same intensity of
negation
(15)
The
intensity
changed. In Spanish, the
word is targeted to Liv
while in English it is not.
Maddie’s reponse in
English is less direct.
(16) Both elements have
(S1.07.7)
Skippy: Your parents aren’t
gonna notice a giant
porcupine swinging from
your oak tree?
Joey: (17) No. Everyone’s
got their nose in their
phones […]
Pete: […] I hate to have
things hanging over my
head.
Joey: (18) Well, dad, just
pick […]
Karen: I’ll check my
phone.
Joey: (19) Huh? I’m sorry
[…]
(S1.07.8)
Pete: How's it going with
the glue, Professor?
Parker: (20) Uh, did
people ask Einstein […]
72
(T1.07/108.7)
(17) Equivalence
Skippy: ¿Tus padres o
verán
que
hay
un
puercoespín gigante colgado
del roble?
Joey: (17) ¡No! Hoy en día
todo el mundo mira el móvil
[…]
Pete: […] no me gusta dejar (18) Equivalence
las cosas colgadas!
regarded as introducers
of Maddie’s argument.
However, the English
filler indicates hesitation.
(16) Confirmation of the
previous question.
(17) Negation of the
previous answer.
the same intensity in ST
and TT.
(17) I consider that the
Spanish one has more
emphasis than English
one because of the way
the character exclaims
the answer. However, it
is not a significant
difference.
(18)
Filler
words Both elements have the
(pragmatic marker) in same intensity in ST and
both languages. If we TT.
Joey: Ah, (18) bueno, papá
remove them from the
[…]
text, it has sense. They
function
as
argumentation starters.
Karen: Miraré en el móvil. (19) Equivalence
Filler word (pragmatic Both elements have the
Joey: (19) ¿Eh? ¿Perdona?
marker).
It
seeks same intensity in ST and
clarification in both TT.
languages but it does not
trigger an answer. The
tone is sure.
(T1.07/108.8)
(20) Equivalence
(20, 21 & 22) Pragmatic (20, 21 & 22) Both
Pete: ¿Qué tal va con el (21) Equivalence
marker (filler word) that elements have the same
pegamento, profesor?
(22) Omission (Ø)
marks hesitation before intensity in ST and TT.
Parker: (20) Eh…¿Le (23) Spanish contains ‘em’ the
answer
or (23) I consider that there
preguntaban a Einstein […] while English does not argumentation. It can be is a bit of hesitation at
73
Pete: (21) Uh, Einstein
didn't split atoms […] This
is amazing!
Karen: (22) Well, it’s
impressive, but […]
Parker: Mom, a simple
[…]
(S1.07.9)
Maddie: This is my room
and I call dibs.
Liv: Dibs? (24) Really?
Pete: (21) Eh…Einstein no have any mark.
dividía átomos […] ¡Es
increíble!
Karen: Es impresionante,
pero […]
Parker: (23) Em…mamá
[…]
(T1.07/108.9)
(24) Equivalence
Maddie: Esto es mío y
llegué primero.
Liv: Primer (24) en serio?
S1.07.10
Skippy: Did you see
sharks?
Diggie: (25) No, but I'll tell
you […]
Joey: (26) Okay. That is a
problem […]
Diggie: I’m not gonna be
Diggie the doofus!
Joey: (27) Okay, okay […]
Diggie: Oh (28) yeah, take
your time […]
T1.07/108.10
Skippy: ¿Hay tiburones?
(25) Equivalence
(26) Equivalence
(27)
Diggie: (25) ¡No! Pero te Equivalence
diré […]
(28)
Joey: (26) Vale, es un Equivalence
problema […]
Diggie: Y no pienso ser
Diggie, el tarugo
Joey: (27) Vale, vale […]
Diggie: (28) Sí…sin prisa
[…]
(S1.07.12)
(T1.07/108.12)
(29) Equivalence
Maddie: Mom, we're really Maddie: Mamá, sentimos
sorry. We messed up.
haberlo estropeado.
Liv: (29) Yeah […]
Liv: (29) Sí […]
Liv: So are we good?
Liv: ¿Olvidado?
(30) Equivalence
Maddie: (30) Yeah, we're Maddie: (30) Sí, claro.
(31) Equivalence
good.
removed
without
affecting the meaning. In
the case of Spanish (23),
it is omitted and the
meaning is kept.
the beginning of the
Spanish and that it loses
a certain expressive
force. Rather than that,
the intensity is very
similar.
(24) Reinforcement of
anger expression. They
might be removed and
the meaning would not
be changed significantly.
(25) Marker of negation
and anger.
(26) Confirmation of the
previous statement.
(27)
Marker
of
agreement
or
confirmation.
(28) Pragmatic marker
(filler word). It functions
as a sarcastic way of
confirmation. It can be
removed
and
the
meaning stays intact.
(29) Confirmation of the
previous statement.
Both elements have the
same intensity in ST and
TT.
(25, 26, 27 & 28) Both
elements have the same
intensity in ST and TT.
(29) Both elements have
the same intensity in ST
and TT.
(30 & 31) Markers of (30 & 31) Both features
agreement
or have the same intensity
confirmation.
in the ST and TT.
74
Liv: […] Seriously?
Liv: […] ¿Va en serio?
Maddie: (31) Yeah.
Maddie: (31) Sí.
(S1.07.13)
(T1.07/108.13)
(32) Equivalence
Diggie: Ah! (32) All right, Diggie: (32) Muy bien,
Porcupines.
Puercoespines.
Diggie: […] Do the honors.
Joey: (33) All right, […]
(S1.07.14)
Pete: […] Someday, all this
will be yours.
Joey: (34) Yeah, yeah. […]
No whiffs of burning glue?
Pete: (35) No, it's fine.
Joey: […] it appears that
Dad's grill will be okay.
Parker: (36) Uh, (37) no.
My other scooter broke
again.
Joey: (38) Uh, hey, guys.
(32) There is no previous
context, but I understand
that Diggie is claiming
his right to speak among
the crowd, who was
speaking.
Diggie: […] haced los (33) Omission (Ø)
(33) It functions as a
honores.
marker of confirmation
Joey: La apoteosis final.
or
agreement.
The
meaning does not change
in Spanish, but it seems
to break the flow of a
dialogue
conversation
(interaction)
(T1.07/108.14)
(34) Equivalence and (34) These markers are
Pete: Algún día todo esto omission
(though used
to
indicate
será tuyo.
compensation
with agreement
and
Joey: (34) Sí, genial […] ‘genial’)
confirmation, though not
¿No huele a pegamento (35)
showing the character’s
quemado?
Equivalence
interest.
Pete: (35) No le pasa nada.
(35) Marker of negation
(of previous statement)
Joey: […] pero parece que (36 & 37) Equivalence
(36 & 38) Pragmatic
la barbacoa de papá (38)
marks (filler marks).
sobrevivirá.
Omission (Ø)
They show hesitation and
Parker: (36) Eh…(37) no.
achieve more time to
El otro patinete cascó. Este
think. They also work as
es nuevo.
starters of the following
Joey: ¡Eh, escuchad!
argumentations.
(37) Marker of negation.
(32) Both elements have
the same intensity in ST
and TT.
(33) To me, the English
one
links
the
conversation to what
Diggie
said,
while
Spanish does not. Aside
from this fact, the
intensity remains quite
similar.
(34 & 35) Both elements
have the same intensity
in ST and TT.
(36, 37 & 38) All
elements have the same
intensity in ST and TT.
In (38), the Spanish
seems to be more direct,
without hesitation.
75
It negates the previous
statement.
Table 17.1. Instances of backchannels and interruptions of S1.07 and T1.07/108, methods of translations, the features’ functions and their intensity
‘Detention-A-Rooney’ (S2.11 and T2.11/209): Backchannels and Interruptions
English
Spanish
Method of
translation
(39) Equivalence
Function
Intensity
(ST & TT)
(ST & TT)
(39) Marker of negation of the The features have the same
previous question.
intensity in ST and TT.
(S2.11.1)
Parker: It's my halfbirthday? […]
Karen: (39) No, no,
even better […]
(T2.11/209.1)
Parker: ¿Es mi medio
cumpleaños […]?
Karen: (39) No, no.
(S2.11.2)
(T2.11/209.2)
(40) Equivalence
Maddie: Is this blanky Maddie: ¿La mantita
made of fire?
tiene fuego?
Karen: (40) Well, Karen: (40) Bien, me va
looks like […]
a tocar […]
(40) Pragmatic marker (filler word). (40) The features have the
It works as confirmation (with same intensity in ST and TT.
resignation) of a situation and as a
starter of argumentation
Maddie: Does no one Maddie: ¿Nadie nota (41) Equivalence
see me dying here?
que me estoy muriendo?
Karen: (41) Well, hop Karen: (41) Pues venga,
to it […]
(41) Pragmatic mark (filler word). It
functions as the starter of Karen’s
answer and (instigate Pete to help).
They can be removed without
affecting the context.
(42) Marker of confirmation or
affirmative answer.
Pete: Are you all right Pete: Oh, Liv, hija, ¿todo (42) Equivalence
in there?
bien por ahí?
Liv: (42) Yeah.
Liv: (42) Sí.
(S2.11.3)
(T2.11/209.3)
(43) Equivalence
Artie: One, I will Artie: Una, te machacaré
(41) The features have the
same intensity in ST and TT.
(42) The features have the
same intensity in ST and TT.
(43) Marker of confirmation or (43) The features have the
affirmative answer.
same intensity in ST and TT.
destroy you at Kendo
[…]
Joey: (43) Fine, then I
challenge you to a duel.
Artie: You don't have
to tell me, brother.
Joey: (44) Fine, but if I
win […]
(S2.11.4)
Superintendent
Kneebauer: […] I
want this little monster
in there for the rest of
the week.
Karen: Oh, (45) well.
He kind of has plans
[…]
(S2.11.5)
Parker: […] You're in
charge of detention?
Superintendent
Kneebauer: Oh, (46)
yeah. And you’re in for
a week […]
S2.11.6
Pete: No school, no
school.
Liv: (47) No, dad. I’m
fine. […]
Pete: Is that the rub my
feet bell?
Maddie: (48) No,
76
al Kendo […]
Joey:
(43)
Bien,
entonces te reto a un
duelo.
Artie: Y que lo digas, (44) Equivalence
tío.
Joey: (44) Bien, pero si
gano […]
(T2.11/209.4)
(45) Equivalence
Inspectora Kneebauer:
Castigue a ese monstruo
lo que queda de semana.
(44). Marker of confirmation or (44) The features have the
affirmative answer. It functions as a same intensity in ST and TT.
starter of argument.
(45) Pragmatic marker (filler word). (45) The features have the
It can be omitted without affecting same intensity in ST and TT.
the meaning. It marks some
hesitation in the conversation but
prepares the start of an argument.
Karen: (45) Bueno, tiene
planes […]
T2.11/209.5
(46) Equivalence
Parker: […] ¿se encarga
de los castigos?
Inspectora Kneebauer:
Oh, (46) sí. Y te espera
una semana […]
T2.11/209.6
Pete: A tumbarte.
Liv: (47) No, papá.
Estoy bien […]
Pete: ¿Es la de frótame
los pies?
Maddie: (48) No. Es la
(47
&
Equivalence
(46) Marker of an affirmative answer (46) The features have the
from the previous question (with a same intensity in ST and TT.
tone of defiance)
48) (47 & 48) Markers of negation (47 & 48) The features have
(From previous statement and the same intensity in ST and
question).
TT.
daddy. It’s the […]
(S2.11.7)
Artie: Joey, Minions
cannot be given away.
They must be won back
[…]
Joey: (49) Fine, fine.
Then we'll just have a
rematch […]
(S2.11.8)
Superintendent
Kneebauer: […] Great
work.
Dump Truck: (50)
Yeah, I bet […]
Dump Truck: Whoa!
You scraped all this
gum yourself?
Parker: (51) Well, I
wanted you to know
[…]
Dump Truck: (52) No.
You're no man. […]
(S2.11.9)
Artie:
[…]
Some
hunters
found
me
wandering
in
the
woods.
Joey:
(53)
Yeah,
whatever, weirdo.
Artie: […] I feel my
strength returning.
77
de […]
(T2.11/209.7)
(49) Equivalence
Artie: Joey, los esbirros,
no se pueden regalar, hay
que recuperarlos […]
Joey: (49) Bien, bien. Te
doy la revancha […]
(T2.11/209.8)
(50) Equivalence
Inspectora Kneebauer:
[…] Bien hecho.
Volquete: (50) Sí, estará
[…]
Volquete: ¡Ala! ¿Los has (51 & 52)
quitado tú solo, chaval?
Equivalence
Parker: (51) Bueno,
quería dejar claro […]
Volquete: (52) No. No
eres un tío. Eres una
máquina […]
(T2.11/209.9)
(53
&
Artie:
[…]
Unos Equivalence
cazadores
me
encontraron
por
el
bosque.
Joey: (53) Ya. Da igual
[…]
Artie: […] Siento mis
fuerzas…¡resurgir!
(49) Pragmatic marker (filler word). (49) The features have the
It
functions
as
confirmation same intensity in ST and TT.
(affirmative answer) from the
previous statement. I believe that at
least one of the fillers could be
removed without changing the
meaning.
(50) Marker of confirmation. It (50) The features have the
functions as agreement with the same intensity in ST and TT.
previous statement.
(51) Pragmatic marker. Filler
marker. Can be omitted without
changing the meaning of the
sentence. It serves as an introducer of
argumentation.
(52)
Marker of negation of the previous
sentence
54) (53 & 54) Marker of agreement or
confirmation. They serve as filler
words and they can be removed
without affecting very much the
meaning of the sentence.
(51 & 52) The features have
the same intensity in ST and
TT.
(53 & 54) The features have
the same intensity in ST and
TT.
Joey: (54) Okay, it's
just like […]
(S2.11.10)
Karen: […] Are you
trying to stay in
detention […]?
Parker: What? (55)
No, I…I just broke bad
[…]
Karen: (56) Okay,
okay, you are definitely
faking […]
(S2.11.12)
Pete: […] Feeling
better?
Liv: (57) Yeah, I am
raring to go for that
exam […]
Maddie: (58) Yeah, I
was so sick […]
Liv: (59) Yeah. Dad,
thanks […]
Maddie: (60) Yeah,
not that I really think it
was that hard, but we
really appreciate it.
Liv: (61) Yeah.
Karen: (62) Well, they
may not appreciate it,
but I do. […] I owe you
one.
Pete: (63) Good, you
78
Joey: (54) Vale, es que si
[…]
(T2.11/209.10)
(55
&
Karen: […] ¿Intentas Equivalence
que te castiguen […]?
Parker: ¿Qué? (55) ¡No!
Es que me he vuelto
malo […]
Karen: (56) Vale, vale.
Sé que estás fingiendo
[…]
56) (55) Marker of negation (of the (55 & 56) The features have
previous question)
the same intensity in ST and
(56) Pragmatic marker (filler word). TT.
They can be removed without
affecting so much the meaning of the
sentence. They are used when the
character
both
realizes
and
understands a situation.
(T2.11/209.12)
(57, 58, 59, 60, (57) Marker of affirmative answer to
Pete: […] ¿Estáis mejor? 61, 62 & 63)
the previous question.
Liv: (57) Sí. Estoy Equivalence
(58) Maddie’s positive confirmation
deseando
hacer
el
to Liv’s appreciation. It can be
examen […]
removed without affecting the whole
Maddie: (58) Ya…yo
meaning.
estaba fatal […]
(59) Liv’s agreement with Maddie’s
Liv: (59) Sí. Papá,
previous statement. It can be
gracias […]
removed without having an effect on
Maddie: (60) Sí, no es
the meaning.
que me parezca muy
(60) Maddie’s agreement to Liv’s
difícil pero…gracias por
previous statement. It might be
todo.
removed but it would break a bit the
Liv: (61) Eso.
flow of the conversation.
Karen: (62) Bueno,
(61) Liv’s positive answer to
aunque ellas no lo
Maddie’s statement.
valoren, yo sí. […] Te
(62) Pragmatic marker (filler word).
debo una.
It can be removed without affecting
Pete:
(63)
Bien,
the meaning. It functions as the
reemplaza la […]
introductory of an argumentation.
(57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62 & 63)
The features have the same
intensity in the ST and TT. In
(63), the English command is
softened by introducing ‘can.’
However, in Spanish, Pete
does not suggest that Karen
can replace the toaster but
seems to command it.
79
can replace […]
(63) Pragmatic marker. They act as
agreement of the previous statement
and as starters of the argument.
Table 17.2. Instances of backchannels of S2.11 and T2.11/209, methods of translations, the features’ functions and their intensity
10.4. Table 18. Question Tags: Methods of Translation, ST and TT Function and Intensity
In these tables I included the instances of question tags and similar forms (underlined) together with the methods of translation; the
function and the intensity that the features found have in both the Source Text (ST) and the Target Text (TT). When necessary, I added some
comments regarding the translations. The features that I considered to be more relevant will be discussed in the appropriate analysis section (see
5.2.2.). I included the scene codes for clearer identification with the transcripts.
‘Dodge-A-Rooney’ (S1.07 and T1.07/108): Tag Questions & Similar Forms
English
Spanish
Method of
translation
(1) Equivalence
(S1.07.3)
Maddie: […] So really I
was just lying to myself,
which makes it okay. (1)
Right?
(T1.07/108.3)
Maddie: […] así que
técnicamente le mentí a
la cara…que también es
la mía. Y mentirme a mí
no es malo, (1) ¿verdad?
(S1.07.14)
Joey: Yeah, yeah. Dad,
that's great. Uh, grill's all
right though, (2) right? […]
Pete: No, it’s fine […]
(T1.07/108.14)
(2) Omission (Ø)
Joey: Sí, genial. ¿Pero
está todo bien? […]
Pete: No le pasa nada
[…]
Function
(ST & TT)
(1) It is a similar version of a
tag question structure. It could
be reformulated as ‘[…], which
makes it okay, doesn’t it?’ The
formulas seek confirmation
(from audience) of the previous
statement.
(2) The tag question in the
English
text
seeks
confirmation. It can be
reformulated as ‘[…] grill’s all
right though, isn’t it?’ […].
Intensity
(ST & TT)
(1) Both formulas achieve
the same intensity in the ST
and TT. They are direct in
tone but at the same time
question the statement.
(2) In general, both texts
have the same intensity. I
would say that the Spanish
sounds more direct and a bit
more certain than the
80
There is no tag (such as no, English one, which, to me,
verdad) in Spanish but the expresses a hint of doubt
question
also
seeks and hesitation.
confirmation.
Table 18.1. Instances of question tags and similar forms from S1.07 and T1.07/108, methods of translations, the features’ functions and their intensity
‘Detention-A-Rooney’ (S2.11 and T2.11/209): Tag Questions & Similar Forms
English
Spanish
(S2.11.7)
(T2.11/209.7)
Joey: […] You’re not Joey: […] ¿No vas a
gonna chew for me, (3) masticar por mi?
too?55
Method of
translation
(3) Omission (Ø)
Function
(ST & TT)
(3) I considered that ‘too’ could
be used in this context as a
question tag, since it might be
reformulated as ‘[…] not gonna
chew for me, are you’? It seeks
for confirmation, which it comes
in visual (not linguistic) response.
I understand that Spanish could
have made use of the word ‘no’ at
the end of the sentence.
Intensity
(ST & TT)
(3) The feature (even though there
is an omission in Spanish)
achieves a very similar intensity.
However, I would consider the
Spanish sentence slightly more
direct.
Table 18.2. Instances of question tags and similar forms from S2.11 and T2.11/209, methods of translations, the features’ functions and their intensity
55
This example might be open to discussion, since it is not a clear instance of tag questions. Even though this example was the only one that I found in S2.11 and T2.11/209, I
decided to include it because I believe that the character is somehow seeking for confirmation. To me, it expresses a higher degree of certainty than the other tags mentioned.
However, it might be considered as a similar (though not equal) form of question tags.
81
10.5. Table 19. Adjectives: Methods of Translation, ST and TT Function and Intensity
In these tables I included the instances of adjectives56, together with the methods of translation; the function (and whether they refer to
emotions, feelings and states or the evaluation of objects) and the intensity that the features found have in ST and the TT. When necessary, I
added some comments regarding the translations. The features that I considered to be more relevant will be discussed in the appropriate analysis
section (see 5.3.2.)
‘Dodge-A-Rooney’ (S1.07 and T1.07/108): Adjectives
English
(S1.07.1)
Maddie: […] I had (1)
the best day
[…]
Helping people feels
(2) so great.
Karen: […] I’m (3) so
glad […]
[…]
Karen: […] she was
(4)
unbelievably
excited
about
volunteering […]
(S1.07.2)
Diggie: […] try to steal
our (5) beloved mascot
[…]
Spanish
Method of
translation
T1.07/108.1
(1) Equivalence
Maddie: […] He (1) (2) Equivalence
disfrutado mucho […] (3) Equivalence
¡Ayudar
(2)
sienta (4) Equivalence
genial!
Karen: […] ¡Me (3)
alegra tanto! […]
[…]
Karen: […] estaba (4)
muy animada con ser
voluntaria […]
(T1.07/108.2)
(5) Omission (Ø)
Diggie: […] intentan
robarnos nuestra mascot
[…]
Function
(ST & TT)
(1) Positive evaluation
of the day.
(2) Positive evaluation
on the act of helping.
(3)
Expression
of
emotion or feeling
(positive)
(4) Positive evaluation
on Liv’s attitude.
Intensity
(ST & TT)
(1) I reckon that the English formulation
adds more strength than the Spanish one
(which could be reformulated as ha sido lo
mejor)
(2) The English sentence is reinforced by
so. The Spanish seems to lose a bit of
intensity.
(3) Both elements achieve the same
intensity in the text.
(4) I consider that the Spanish feature loses
intensity, which could be fixed by using
súper.
(5) Positive evaluation (5) The hint of humour and exaggeration is
on the mascot. In lost in Spanish. It does not involve a great
Spanish,
the loss of intensity, but there is a difference.
characterization is lot.
56
I just included the adjectives that coincided with the ones suggested by researchers (or those adjectives that I considered that could fit in the same category). Therefore, not
all adjectives are included.
82
(S1.07.3)
(T1.07/108.3)
(6) Equivalence
Maddie: […] you are Maddie: […] lo estáis
doing (6) great […]
haciendo (6) genial […]
Liv: […] I’m (7)
adorable […]
Maddie:
[…]
I
couldn’t figure out a
(8) nice way to tell
[…]
Liv: […] Soy (7) (7) Equivalence
adorable […]
Maddie: […] no sabía (8) Omission (Ø)
cómo decirle a […]
The English feature
seeks to exaggerate
such
characterization
with a humorous tone.
(6)
Positive
reinforcement on the
senior
group’s
performance.
(7) Self-evaluation (on
Liv’s performance)
(8)
Positive
characterization of the
way Maddie wanted to
express her opinion.
(6) The feature has the same intensity in
both the ST and the TT.
(7) The feature has the same intensity in
both the ST and the TT.
(8) The feature has the same intensity in
both the ST and the TT. However, the
English one emphasizes the positive way
of expression, while in Spanish (though we
can image that she wants to be polite) it is
lost.
(9) I consider that both features have the
same intensity in the text. The Spanish one
could have been reformulated as
¡Menuda/vaya
barbacoa!
but
the
expression chosen has the same effect.
(10) I reckon that both features have the
same intensity in both the ST and the TT.
(S1.07.4)
(T1.07/108.4)
(9) Equivalence
Karen: […] (9) That’s Karen: […]¡Es (9) muy
some grill […]
guay! […]
(9) Both expressions
refer to the grill and
describe it as very
good.
(S1.07.5)
Skippy: […] This is
gonna be (10) so much
fun.
Joey: (11) Fun? Fun?
(10)
The
features
describe the job that
Joey and Skippy need
to accomplish.
(11) In context, this (11) The feature has the same intensity in
positive
feature both the ST and the TT.
acquires a negative
sense,
since
Joey
considers the job as a
big responsibility.
(12) The adjective is (12 & 13) The features have the same
Diggie:
(12)
(T1.07/108.5)
(10) Equivalence
Skippy: ¡[…] va a ser
(10) de lo más guay!
Joey:
(11)
¿Guay?
¿Guay? (11) Equivalence
Good Diggie: (12) Bien hecho (12) Equivalence
83
practice […] a (13) […] un (13) buen susto (13) Equivalence
good scare […]
[…]
(S1.07.6)
(T1.07/108.6)
(14) Equivalence
Budge: […] You’re Budge: […] Eres (14) lo
(14) the best thing […] mejor […]
Baxter: […]
Fontanel,
charmed.
Baxter Baxter: […] Baxter (15) Equivalence
(15) Fontanel, (15) un placer
[…]
Liv: […] it would be Liv: ¡[…]
(16) fun to share […]
genial!
será
(16) (16) Equivalence
Maddie: I am (17) so Maddie: ¡Cuánto (17)
glad you’re here […]
me alegro que estés aquí!
[…]
(S1.07.7)
(T1.07/108.7)
Skippy: […] this is Skippy: ¿[…] seguro que
(18) the best hiding aquí (18) estará mejor?
spot?
(17) Equivalence
used to describe the
practice (sport) done.
(13) The adjective is
used to describe the
scare as big.
(14) In the superlative
mode, the adjective
attempts to describe
Maddie.
(15) The feature serves
as a polite marker of
introduction.
(16) The elements
express Liv’s emotion
on the idea of working
with Maddie.
(17) The feature is used
to express Karen’s
feelings.
(18) The feature is used
to describe the mascot’s
hiding place and its
safety.
(18) Modulation.
I consider that the
English text is
focused on the
place only and the
Spanish one on
the mascot.
Pete: […] Does it look Pete: […] ¿Creéis que va (19) Equivalence (19) The adjectives are
like rain?
a llover?
used
to
positively
intensity in both the ST and the TT.
(14) The feature has the same intensity in
both the ST and the TT.
(15) The feature has the same intensity in
both the ST and the TT. However, I
consider that the Spanish feature could also
be translated as encantado. In any way,
both options serve as equivalence.
(16) The feature has the same intensity in
both the ST and the TT. However, I reckon
that genial is slightly more powerful than
fun. Perhaps the addition of so much (for
genial) or the use of divertido (for fun)
would equalise the strength.
(17) The feature has the same intensity in
both the ST and the TT, despite having two
different syntactic constructions.
(18) The feature does not have the same
intensity. First of all, it seems that the
focus falls on different elements. Second
of all, while English uses a superlative, the
Spanish does not suggest that the hiding
spot will be the best. Rather, it questions
whether or not the mascot will be better.
(19) The feature has the same intensity in
both the ST and the TT.
84
Karen: […] (19) good
question […]
Joey: […] it’ll be (20)
awesome hanging that
first bratwurst
[…]
they think we can’t get
any (21) cooler […]
Karen: […] (19) Buena
pregunta […]
Joey: […] Va a ser (20) (20
&
increíble colgarle la Equivalence
primera salchicha […]
que no se puede ser (21)
más guay […]
(S1.07.8)
Pete: This is (22)
amazing!
Karen: Well, it’s (23)
impressive […] get my
(24) good pan off […]
(T1.07/108.8)
Pete: ¡Es (22) increíble!
Karen:
Es
(23)
impresionante,
pero
¿cómo despegarás mi
sartén […]?
(S1.07.9)
Maddie: (25) Nice
shot, Budge.
(S1.07.12)
Liv: […] (26) Cute that
you think that […]
(T1.07/108.9)
Maddie: (25) ¡Buen tiro,
Budge!
(T1.07/108.12)
Liv: Los dos sitios son
iguales […]
describe the question.
21) (20) The adjective is
used to describe Joey
and Skippy’s reward for
having protected the
mascot.
(21) The feature makes
reference to Joey and
Skippy’s perception of
themselves.
(22
&
23) (22
&
23)
The
Equivalence
adjectives are used to
(24)
Omission positively
describe
(Ø)
Parker’s invention.
(24) The adjective
serves
to
describe
Karen’s pan.
(25) Equivalence (25)
The
feature
describes how good
Budge’s shot was.
(26)
Omission (26) The adjective
(Ø) of the feature functions
to
show
and modulation, Maddie’s naiveté in
since in English is thinking one of the
suggested
that places is better than the
both sides are bad other. The Spanish text
(while expressing directly tells the reader
Maddie’s naiveté) that both sites are the
and the Spanish same.
one just puts
forward the idea
(20 & 21) The features have the same
intensity in both the ST and the TT.
(22, 23 & 24) The features have the same
intensity in both the ST and the TT, despite
the fact that (24) is omitted in Spanish.
(25) The feature has the same intensity in
both the ST and the TT.
(26) In general, both the ST and the TT
have the same intensity. However, the
attempt of Liv showing her sister’s
innocence (and therefore, showing herself
as the twin who dominates the situation) is
lost in Spanish.
Liv: […] So we are
(27) good?
Maddie: Yeah, we’re
(28) good.
(S1.07.13)
Joey: […] that ‘Parker
Paste’ is (29) amazing
[…]
(S1.07.14)
Joey: […] Dad, that’s
(30) great […]
Pete: No, it’s (31) fine
[…]
Joey: […] Parker’s
here! […] it’s (32)
awesome.
85
that both sides are
the same (we can
imagine that both
are bad, but it is
not stated in the
translation).
Liv: ¿Olvidado?
(27
&
28) (27
&
28)
The
Maddie: Sí, claro.
Omission (Ø)
adjectives are used in
checking whether or not
the twin’s argument is
forgotten. Even though
there are no adjectives
in the Spanish text, the
function is the same.
(T1.07/108.13)
(29) Equivalence (29) Both adjectives are
Joey: […] ¡la «Pasta
used
to
describe
Parker» es (29) bestial!
Parker’s invention in a
[…]
very positive way.
(T1.07/108.14)
Joey: Sí, (30) genial
[…]
Pete: No le pasa nada
[…]
Joey: […] ¡Parker está
aquí! […] (32) ¡Genial!
(30) Equivalence
(31)
Omission
(Ø)
(32) Equivalence
(30) The adjective
serves
to
indicate
Joey’s emotion towards
Pete’s
offering.
However, the tone that
is use reflects that he is
not entirely listening to
his dad.
(31) Both sentences
serve to show that the
grill seems to be in
(27 & 28) The features have the same
intensity in both the ST and the TT.
(29) I reckon that the features have a
similar intensity in both the ST and the TT.
I consider that bestial expresses a higher
degree of intensity than amazing. In a
previous instance, amazing is translated as
increíble, which I belief equals the
intensity.
(30, 31 & 32) The features have the same
intensity in both the ST and the TT, even
though Spanish uses an omission in one
case.
86
perfect condition.
(33) The adjective
describes
Joey’s
emotion on seeing
Parker.
Table 19.1. Instances of adjectives of S1.07 and T1.07/108, methods of translations, the features’ functions and their intensity
‘Detention-A-Rooney’ (S2.11 and T2.11/209): Adjectives
English
Spanish
(S2.11.1)
Karen: Parker, are
you (33) excited?
It’s that time of the
year again.
Karen: […] even
(34) better […] The
‘Momma’s
(35)
Sweet Baby Boy
Pageant’ […] (36)
Best day of the year!
Parker: (37) Worst
day of the year […]
(T2.11/209.1)
Karen:
Parker,
¿estás (33) nervioso?
Se acerca ese día tan
especial.
Karen: […] Aún
(34) mejor […] del
Concurso
niño
bonito de mamá […]
el (35) mejor día del
año
Parker: El (37) peor
día del año […]
(S2.11.2)
Karen: […] I saw
Maddie
this
morning. She’s (38)
fine.
Liv: […] (39) Good
news is I got it all
(T2.11/209.2)
Karen: […] Vi a
Maddie esta mañana.
Está (38) bien.
Method of
translation
(33) Equivalence
Function
Intensity
(ST & TT)
(ST & TT)
(33) The adjective is (33) The intensity is not the same. Excited can
used to describe Parker’s be translated in many ways and nervioso is just
emotions.
one of them. I reckon that the word needed to
transmit Karen’s excitement, for example,
contento.
(34, 35 & 36) (34 & 36) Both features (34, 35 & 36) Both elements have the same
Equivalence
are used to describe the intensity in both the ST and the TT.
pageant in a good way.
(35) The adjective is part
of the name of the
pageant.
(37) Equivalence
(37)
The
adjective (37) The features have the same intensity in
describes the day in a both the ST and the TT.
negative way.
(38) Equivalence
(38) The adjective is (38) The features have the same intensity in
used to evaluate Liv’s both the ST and the TT.
health.
Liv: […] (39) lo (39
&
40) (39 & 40) The adjectives (39 & 40) The features have the same intensity
bueno es que lo he Transposition: The function as description of in both the ST and the TT.
out of me. (40) Bad
news is I think we
might need a new
toaster.
(S2.11.3)
Artie: (41) Very
well. When I win
[…]
87
echado todo. (40) Lo
malo es que hay que
comprar
otra
tostadora nueva.
(T2.11/209.3)
Artie:
(41)
Fantástico. Cuando
te venza […]
Artie: […] so your Artie: […] para que
(42)
enchanting tu hermana Liv (42)
sister Liv can be alucine […]
(43) bewitched […]
adjectives in the the events that take place.
English text have
been nominalized
in Spanish.
(41) Equivalence
(41) Artie uses this
structure as agreement or
positive acceptance of a
situation with Joey. I
considered it as adjective
(rather than backchannel)
because I consider its use
as required.
(42) Omission (Ø) (42 & 43) The adjectives
(43) Equivalence
are used to described
Liv’s appearance and her
ease to be attracted to
Artie. The main function,
though, is humorous.
(44) Transposition. (44) The adjective is
The word class has used to compliment the
been changed from minions’ performance in
and adjective to a a good way.
noun (accompanied
with an obligatory
verbal
complement)
(45) Equivalence
(45) The adjectives echo
the name of the pageant.
(S2.11.4)
Joey: […] You guys
are (44) so good at
that.
(T2.11/209.4)
Joey: […] Chicos,
esto se os da (44) de
maravilla.
Parker: Oh, did
mama’s (45) sweet
baby boy get thrown
into detention […]?
(S2.11.5)
Parker: […] It’s
Parker: ¡Oh! ¿Podrá
el niño (45) bonito
de mamá acabar
castigado […]?
(T2.11/209.5)
(46)
Parker: Es (46) un and
(41) I consider that the Spanish feature carried
a slightly more intensity than the English one,
which seems to be neutral and conclusive.
(42 & 43) The intensity is lost in the Spanish
text. Besides, The Spanish translation does not
keep the humorous effect and Artie’s language
becomes colloquial.
(44) The features have the same intensity in
both the ST and the TT.
(45) The feature has the same intensity in both
the ST and the TT.
Equivalence (46) The expressions are (46) The features have the same intensity in
transposition used as polite formulas both the ST and the TT.
(46) lovely to meet
you […]
Parker: Anything’s
(47) better than
being mama’s (48)
sweet baby boy […]
(S2.11.6)
Liv: […] Love that
outfit.
Liv: […] I’m (50)
fine […] tell dad
that I’m (51) fine
[…]
(S2.11.7)
Joey: Minions seem
a (52) good idea
[…]
Joey: […] I have
never been so (53)
happy to see you.
Joey: […] I thought
it would be (54)
cool, but […]
88
placer, […]
(change from an of introduction.
adjective to a noun)
Parker: Todo es (47
&
48) (47) The adjective is
(47) mejor que ser el Equivalence
used to describe any bad
niño (48) bonito de
task as good.
mamá […]
(48) The adjective is
used to refer to the
pageant.
(T2.11/209.6)
(49) Modulation. (49)
The
adjective
Liv:
[…]
(49) The point of view describes the outfit as
Bonito conjunto.
in the English text very nice. Even though
is focused on Liv there is no adjective in
and her opinion the English text, the
while the Spanish function is to compliment
text focused on the Karen’s outfit.
dress
and
its
quality.
Liv: […] estoy (50) (50
&
51) (50 & 51) The adjectives
bien […] di a papá Equivalence
function
as
self
que estoy (51) bien
description (of health
[…]
state)
(T2.11/209.7)
(52) Equivalence
(52) The adjectives serve
Joey: Los esbirros
to describe the idea as
parecen una (52)
positive.
buena idea […]
Joey: Nunca me (53) Equivalence
(53) Both structures
había (53) alegrado
describe Joey’s feelings
tanto de verte.
on seeing his friend.
Joey: […] Creí que (54) Equivalence
(54)
The
adjectives
sería (54) guay pero
function as description of
[…]
the fact of having
minions.
(47 & 48) The features have the same intensity
in both the ST and the TT.
(49) The features and different constructions
have the same intensity in both the ST and the
TT.
(50 & 51) The features have the same intensity
in both the ST and the TT.
(52) The features have the same intensity in
both the ST and the TT.
(53) The features have the same intensity in
both the ST and the TT.
(54) The features have the same intensity in
both the ST and the TT.
89
S2.11.8
Superintendent
Kneebauer:
[…]
(55) Great work.
Karen:
[…]
Parker’s my (56)
sweet baby boy […]
T2.11/209.8
(55) Equivalence
Inspectora
Knee
bauer: […] (55)
Bien hecho.
Karen: […] Parker (56) Equivalence
es mi niño (56)
bonito […]
(55)
The
adjectives (55) The features have the same intensity in
describe the work as well both the ST and the TT.
done.
Parker: This is the
grossest piece of
(57) awesome […]
Parker: […] told
the
guys
about
Momma’s
(58)
Sweet Baby Boy
Pageant.
(S2.11.9)
Artie: This is a (59)
beautiful
moment
[…]
(S2.11.11)
Karen: Welcome to
the ‘Momma’s (60)
Sweet Baby Boy
Pageant’ […]
Joey: Hey, mama’s
(61) sweet baby boy
[…]
Parker: ¡Esto es lo (57) Equivalence
más asquerosamente
(57) molón […]!
Parker: Y les conté (58) Equivalence
lo del Concurso del
niño (58) bonito de
mamá.
(57) The features have the same intensity in
both the ST and the TT.
(T2.11/209.9)
(59) Equivalence
Artie:
Es
un
momento
(59)
hermoso […]
(T2.11/209.11)
(60) Equivalence
Karen: Bienvenidos
al Concurso del niño
(60) bonito de mamá
[…]
Joey: ¡Eh, niño (61) (61) Equivalence
bonito de mamá!
[…]
(56)
The
adjectives
describe Parker as being
a nice boy. However,
they both echo the
pageant.
(57)
The
structures
describe Dump Truck’s
present as being good.
(58) The adjectives make
reference to the pageant.
They do not describe a
particular boy.
(56) The features have the same intensity in
both the ST and the TT.
(58) The features have the same intensity in
both the ST and the TT.
(59) Both adjectives (59) The features have the same intensity in
describe the moment that both the ST and the TT.
Artie is talking about.
(60) The adjectives refer (60) The features have the same intensity in
to the name of the both the ST and the TT.
contest, rather than a boy
in particular.
(61) The adjectives echo (61) The features have the same intensity in
the name of the contest, both the ST and the TT.
rather than referring to a
boy in particular.
Table 19.2. Instances of adjectives of S2.11 and T2.11/209, methods of translations, the features’ functions and their intensity
90
10.6. Table 20. Colloquial and Vulgar Language: Methods of Translation, ST and TT Function and Intensity
In these tables I included the instances of colloquial language (slang) and vulgar language, together with the methods of translation; the
function and the intensity that the features found have in both the ST and the TT. I also added a table on high register and scientific language,
which serves as the opposite of colloquial and vulgar language. When necessary, I added some comments regarding the translations. The features
that I considered to be more relevant will be discussed in the appropriate analysis section (see 5.6.2.)
‘Dodge-A-Rooney’ (S1.07 and T1.07): Colloquial and Vulgar Language
English
(S1.07.1)
Karen:
[…]
My
community service is to
make sure those (1)
lazy slackers do their
community service.
[…]
Spanish
Method of
translation
(T1.07/108.1)
(1) Equivalence
Karen: […] Me ocupo (2) Equivalence
de garantizar que esos
(1) vagos totales hagan
sus servicios a la
comunidad.
[…]
Maddie: […] I think
Liv knows that the
senior center is (2) my
turf, you know.
(S1.07.2)
Skippy: (3) Dude, stop
saying Tiger Sharks.
Maddie: […] Liv sabrá
que el centro de la
tercera edad es (2) mi
territorio.
(T1.07/108.2) Skippy: (3) Omission (Ø)
No digas tiburones!
(S1.07.3)
(T1.07/108.3)
(4) Equivalence
Function
(ST & TT)
(1) The word makes reference to
the people working under
Karen’s responsibility. Its use is
colloquial, informal.
(2) Its colloquial or informal use
makes reference to a place that a
teenage gang consider they own
(Urban Dictionary)
Intensity
(ST & TT)
(1) The two features have the same
intensity. I reckon, though, that the
use of totales appears to be slightly
unnatural.
(2) The two features achieve the
same intensity in the text.
(3) The word is used as a (3) The intensity is slightly the
vocative, since it directly refers same.
The
fact
that
the
to Joey. Its use is colloquial.
colloquialism is omitted in Spanish,
reduces the effect of reproducing
teenager talk.
(4) Both expressions are (4) The features have the same
91
Maddie: I love my Maddie: Me encantan
Silver Steppers. I mean, los Chicos de Plata. Son
they're (4) a blast.
(4) la monda y […]
Maddie: Uh, you can’t Maddie:
Pues
no (5) Equivalence
volunteer here […] It’s puede…ser aquí […]
such (5) a bummer […] (5) Es una pena […]
(S1.07.4)
Karen: […] (6) That’s
some grill. Please tell
me more.
Parker:
[…]
my
scooter broke […] This
(7) piece of junk!
Pete: I'm sorry, (8)
buddy.
(T1.07/108.4)
Karen: […] ¡Es (6)
muy guay! ¡Cuéntame
más!
Parker: […] Se ha roto
el patinente […] (7)
¡Menuda basura!
Pete: Lo siento, (8)
hijo.
(6) Equivalence
(7) Equivalence
colloquial and are used to intensity in both the ST and the TT.
express the fact that Maddie is
having a good time with the old
people.
(5) Both words appear to (5) I consider that the Spanish
describe disappointment.
formula has less intensity than the
English
one.
However,
the
difference is not big.
(6) The expressions refer to the (6) The features have the same
grill, as something that is very intensity in both the ST and the TT.
interesting.
(7) The features describe in a
pejorative way the fact that the
scooter broke.
(8) The features are used as
vocatives because they refer
directly to the person that the
message is addressed to.
(7) The features have the same
intensity in both the ST and the TT.
(8) Modulation.
(8) I consider that the intensity is
There is a change
different, since buddy is colloquial
in point of view.
or informal and hijo is not.
Even
though
Parker is Pete’s
son,
in
this
English excerpt
he is treated like a
friend, whereas
the Spanish text
refers to him as
the son.
(S1.07.5)
(T1.07/108.5)
(9) Equivalence
(9) The features are used as (9) The intensity changes a little bit
Diggie:
Look,
(9) Diggie: (9) Chicos, que
vocatives because they refer to because the use of dude is informal
dudes, just make sure no le pase nada […]
the person that the message is and chicos is not necessary used in
nothing happens […]
addressed to.
this way. Maybe a word such as
tíos would reproduce the same
Skippy: […] thanks for
(10) hooking me up
with this job. This is
(11) gonna be so much
fun.
Joey: (12) Fun? Fun?
[…]
Skippy: […] We’ll be
the (13) freshman that
[…]
[…]
Diggie: Good practice,
(14) guys. (15) Catch
you later […]
92
Skippy: […] Gracias
por (10) conseguirme
esto. ¡Porque va a ser
(11) de lo más guay!
Joey: (12) ¿Guay?
¿Guay?
[…]
Skippy: […] Seremos
los (13) pringaos que
[…]
[…]
Diggie: Bien hecho,
(14) chicos. (15) Hasta
luego […]
(10) Equivalence
(11) Equivalence
(12) Equivalence
(13) Equivalence
(14) Equivalence
(15) Equivalence
(10) The structure refers to the
way Joey helped Skippy to get
the job.
(11) The features are referred to
describe the job.
(12) The terms function to
characterize the job.
(13) The words are used to refer
as how they will be seen if they
fail to protect the mascot.
(14) The words are being used as
vocatives because they refer to
the person that the message is
being addressed to.
(15) Formulas to say goodbye.
(S1.07.6)
(T1.07/108.6)
(16) Equivalence
Budge:
[…]
I’m Budge: […] Te estoy
looking out for you, cuidando, (16) rica.
(16) hon. […]
[…]
(16) The words are used as
vocatives.
(S1.07.7)
Skippy: Getting Paulie
out of the (17) school
hallway was […]
(T1.07/108.7)
(17) Equivalence
Skippy: Sacar a Paulie
del (17) insti ha sido un
[…]
(17) The words refer to ways to
call the school.
Pete: […] I hate to (18) Pete: […] no me gusta (18) Equivalence
have things hanging (18) dejar las cosas (19) Equivalence
over my head.
colgadas.
(18) Idiom. It is used when the
person becomes worried or
bothered about the things that
effect.
(10, 11, 12) The features have the
same intensity in both the ST and
the TT.
(13) The intensity is different.
Freshmen refer to students of first
year,
while
prigaos
makes
reference to an unlucky person. I
reckon there has been a translation
error.
(14) I reckon that guys has a more
informal
tone
than
chicos.
However, it can be said that they
have a similar intensity.
(15) The English structure seems
more informal (omission of subject)
than the Spanish one, which is
already a farewell formula.
(16) The features have the same
intensity in both the ST and the TT.
Hon is the shortened name of honey
and rica makes reference to a cute
and charming person (Word
Reference)
(17) To me, the intensity is slightly
different. Spanish makes use of a
shortened word that is colloquially
used. The English one, however,
seems quite neutral.
(18 & 19) The features have the
same intensity in both the ST and
the TT.
93
[…]
[…]
Pete: (19) My man! Pete: (19)
[…]
habla! […]
¡Así
se
Joey: […] Who’s the
Paulie protector? This
(20) guy! […] when
they think we can’t get
any (21) cooler…(22)
Boo-yah! […] We want
to be (23) boo-yah.
Yah-boo is just (24)
stupid.
Joey: […] ¿Quién es el
protector? ¡Este (20)
tío! […] Y cuando
piensen que no se puede
ser
más
(21)
guay…(22) ¡Boo-yah!
[…] debe ser (23) Booyah, Yah-Boo sonaría
(24) bobo.
(S1.07.9)
Liv: […] (25) Break it
down, Baxter!
[…]
Budge: If you got it,
flaunt it, (26) honey.
(T1.07/108.9)
Liv: […] (25) ¡Dale
caña, Baxter!
[…]
Budge:
Hay
que
enseñar lo que se tiene,
(26) hija.
(T1.07/108.10)
Diggie: […] estaréis
(27) acabados. Y yo
sere el (28) tarugo que
os buscó. Y no pienso
ser Diggie, el (28.1)
tarugo.
[…]
Joey: […] (29) Esta
cosa se ha atascado.
(S1.07.10)
Diggie: […] you’ll be
(27) outcasts. I’ll be the
(28) doofus who picked
the (27.1) outcasts and
I’m not gonna be
Diggie
the
(28.1)
doofus!
[…]
Joey: […] (29) Stupid
have to be done.
(19) Pete uses it to congratulate
(in a friendly way) Joey’s
answer.
(20) Equivalence (20) The word is used in this
(21) Equivalence context to congratulate oneself.
(22
&
23) (21) The feature expresses the
Borrowing
way Joey and Skippy want to be
(24) Equivalence perceived.
(22 & 23) The expression refers
to express victory or joy.
(24) The word is used to refer to
an action.
(25) Equivalence
(26) Equivalence
(27
&
27.1)
Equivalence and
an omission of
outcasts
in
Spanish. It is
replaced by a
pronoun (os)
(28
&
28.1)
Equivalence
(29) Omission
(20, 21 & 24) The features have the
same intensity in both the ST and
the TT. In the case of stupid, I
believe bobo makes more sense
than estúpido, which seems very
strong.
(22 & 23) The expression needs to
be used in the context but since
Spanish does not contain this
expression in its repertoire, it might
appear somehow unnatural.
(25) The expression is used to (25 & 26) The features have the
encourage a character to perform same intensity in both the ST and
an activity that requires a lot of the TT.
energy.
(26) The words are used as
affectionate vocatives.
(27 & 27.1) The words are used
to express the fact that the boys
will be rejected.
(28 & 28.1) The word is used to
describe the way Diggie will be
seen.
(29) The word is used to
describe in a pejorative way. By
using cosa, the Spanish text has
the same function.
(27 & 27.1) The features have the
same intensity in both the ST and
the TT.
(28 & 28.1) The features have the
same intensity in both the ST and
the TT.
(29) The features have the same
intensity in both the ST and the TT.
(30) Since the Spanish text omitted
the word, the intensity is reduced,
thing is stuck.
[…]
Parker: I fixed my
scooter, (30) losers.
Joey: Parker, (31) beat
it
[…] your paste
might be the only thing
that could get me out of
this (32) jam […]
Parker: […] what you
call a (33) ‘swapportunity’
[…]
Pleasure doing business
with you, (34) butt bags
[…]
94
[…]
(30) Omission
Parker:
Ya
he (31) Equivalence
arreglado mi patinete.
(32) Equivalence
Joey: Parker, (31)
¡pírate! […] ¡Tu pasta!
Podría ser la solución
para sacarme de este
(32) problema.
(30) This feature is used as a
vocative.
(31) It is used to tell the other
person to leave in a colloquial
way.
(32) Both words are used to
describe a difficult situation.
thus making the turn more polite.
(31 & 32) The features have the
same intensity in both the ST and
the TT.
Parker: […] se suele (33)
Literal
llamer una (33) cambio- translation.
oportunidad […] Ha (34) Equivalence
sido un placer hacer
negocios, (34) cara
mocos […]
(33) Parker invents a word that
consists of a chance to get
something in exchange of
another thing.
(34) Expression used as a
vocative to insult the people
Parker is talking to.
(35) The words function as
vocatives.
(33 & 34) The features have the
same intensity in both the ST and
the TT.
(S1.07.11)
Maddie: (T1.07/108.11)
(35) Modulation
You sure you want to Maddie: ¿Seguro que
do this, (35) songbird? quieres seguir, (35)
pajarraca?
(S1.07.12)
Maddie: […] The
senior center is just
kind of my (36) hang
[…]
Liv: […] before the
over-80 crowd (37)
opens up a can of butt-
(T1.07/108.12)
(36) Equivalence
Maddie: […] Es que (37) Adaptation
ese centro era (36) mi
sitio […]
Liv: […] antes de que
unos ochentones (37)
nos den una paliza […]
(35) The words do not have the
same intensity. Songbird echoes the
fact that Liv can sing and it is not
seen as an insult. Pajarraca seems
to be translated based on the
English bird and it carries negative
connotations.
(36) The words are used to (36 & 37) The features have the
describe Liv’s territory.
same intensity in both the ST and
(37) Colloquial manipulation of the TT.
an idiom (‘open a can of worms’
and ‘a can of whoopass’)
95
whoop on us […]
(S1.07.13)
(T1.07/108.13)
(38
&
Joey: […] (38) Boo- Joey: […] (38) ¡Boo- Borrowing
yah! […] (39) Boo- yah! […] (39) ¡Booyah! […]
yah! […]
(S1.07.14)
Parker: ‘Parker Paste’
is a total (40) bust […]
[…]
Pete: […] Time to look
at these (41) bad boys
[…]
(T1.07/108.14)
Parker:
La
Pasta
Parker es una (40) pifia
[…]
[…]
Pete: Veamos (41)
cómo va esta joya […]
39) (38 & 39)
Expression of victory and joy.
(40) Equivalence
(41) Modulation.
The focus in
English is on the
hamburgers and
in the Spanish one
on the grill.
(38 & 39)
The expression needs to be used in
the context but since Spanish does
not contain this expression in its
repertoire,
it
might
appear
somehow unnatural.
(40) The word is used to (40 & 41) The features have the
describe (in a negative way) same intensity in both the ST and
Parker’s invention
the TT.
(41) The expressions are used to
refer
to
the
hamburgers
(personification),
implying
strong connotations, while the
machine is compared to a jewel
(metaphors)
Table 20.1. The instances of colloquial and vulgar language from S1.07 and T1.07/108, methods of translations, the features’ functions and their intensity
‘Detention-A-Rooney’ (S2.11 and T2.11): Colloquial and Vulgar Language
English
Spanish
Method of
translation
(S2.11.1)
(T2.11/209.1)
(42)
Parker: Ha! Take that, Parker: ¡Toma ya, (42) pringao! Equivalence
(42) munch!
[…]
(43)
[…]
Parker: El peor día del año Equivalence
Parker: Worst day of the […] y (43) lo soporto. Pero me
year […] so I (43) suck it muero un poco por dentro.
up and die a little inside.
(S2.11.2)
(T2.11/209.2)
(44)
Function
Intensity
(ST & TT)
(ST & TT)
(42) The expression is (42 & 43) The features have the
used as a vocative.
same intensity both in the ST
(43) Expression used to and the TT.
reflect
Parker’s
displeasure.
(44) The feature is used as (44) Even though the English
96
Liv: Hey, (44) guys.
[…]
Liv: (44) ¡Hola, chicos!
Equivalence
a vocative.
(S2.11.3)
Artie: […] to look like a
(45) doofus. (46) Burn!
Now stop this tomfoolery
[…]
[…]
Artie: […] this is all me,
(47) baby.
(T2.11/209.3)
Artie: […] como un (45) memo.
(46) ¡Booyah! Ahora déjate de
payasadas […]
[…]
Artie: […] es natural, (47)
monada.
(45)
Equivalence
(46)
Borrowing
(47)
Equivalence
(45) The word is used to
describe
Joey
in
a
pejorative way.
(46) The expression in
English is used when a
person has received an
insult (Urban Dictionary)
while booyah expresses
victory or joy.
(47) The words are being
used as vocatives.
(48) The expressions are (48) The features have the same
used as vocatives.
intensity both in the ST and the
TT.
(49) The word serves as an (49, 50, 51, 52 & 53) The
exclamation of joy and features have the same intensity
victory.
both in the ST and the TT.
(50) The expressions are
used after the other person
has received an insult.
(51) Informal ways to ask
about the reason of an
action.
(52) The words describe
Parker as a violent person.
(53) The features describe
Parker as a bad person.
Artie: You don't have to Artie: Y que lo digas, (48) tío.
tell me, (48) brother.
(48)
Equivalence
(S2.11.4)
Joey:
[…]
Fake
compliment that turned
into a (50) burn burn. […]
[…]
Karen: […] (51) what is
the matter with you?
Superintendent
Kneebauer: […] planning
on doing with this (52)
hooligan?
[…]
Superintendent
Kneebauer: […] I want
(49) Addition.
The Spanish
text has added
an exclamation
of joy.
(50)
Adaptation
(51)
Equivalence
(52)
Equivalence
(53)
Equivalence
(though
(T2.11/209.4)
Joey: […] (49) ¡Booyah!
¡Cumplido falso que es una (50)
puya! […]
[…]
Karen:
¿Pero
(51)
qué
demonios te pasa?
Inspectora Kneebauer: […]
¿Qué piensa hacer con este (52)
gamberro?
Inspectora Kneebauer: […]
Castigue a ese (54) monstruo lo
word seems more informal than
the Spanish one, I consider that
both elements have a similar
intensity.
(45 & 47) The features have the
same intensity both in the ST
and the TT.
(46) I consider that both features
have the same intensity in the
text, even though booyah does
not belong to the Spanish
repertoire.
this (53) little monster in
there for the rest of the
week.
(S2.11.5)
Superintendent
Kneebauer: […] Listen
up, (54) maggots […]
Parker: […] What kind of
(55) loser calls himself
[…]
Dump Truck: (56) Who
you calling a (57) loser?
Dump Truck: Listen,
(58) noob […] You're
gonna do what I say, (59)
noob.
97
que queda de semana.
omission
of
little
in
Spanish)
(T2.11/209.5)
(54)
(54) The words are used as (54) The features have the same
Inspectora Kneebauer: […] Equivalence
insults and function as intensity both in the ST and the
¡Escuchad, (54) gusanos!
vocatives.
TT.
Parker: […] ¿Que (55) pringao
se pondría ese nombre?
Volquete: (56) ¿A quién llamas
tú (57) pringao?
(55 & 57)
Equivalence
(56)
Literal
translation
(55 & 57) The features have the
same intensity both in the ST
and the TT.
(56) The omission of parts of the
structure (verb ‘to be’) indicates
that Dump Truck’s speech is
colloquial. It has not been
achieved in the Spanish text,
though a solution to reach a
similar effect would be ‘¿Tú
quién llamas pringao?’
Volquete: Escucha, (58) nuevo (58 & 59) (58 & 59) The words carry (58 & 59) I reckon that the
[…] Vas a hacer lo que te Equivalence
negative
connotations. words do not have a similar
mande, (59) nuevo.
They
are
used
as intensity, since the Spanish term
vocatives.
is neutral. In order to have
negative connotations, a word
such as novato could have been
used instead.
(T2.11/209.6)
(60)
(60) Slang term for mucus. (60) The features have the same
Maddie: […]Es la de sácame Equivalence
intensity both in the ST and the
los (60) mocos de la nariz […]
TT.
(S2.11.6)
Maddie: […] it's get the
(60) boogies out of my
nose bell […]
Pete: Oh, oh, (61) honey. Pete: Oh, (61) hija, hija. Estás (61)
Honey, you’re delirious delirando […]
Equivalence
[…]
(55 & 57) The words
function as pejorative
terms.
(56) Both structures are
used to question a fact.
(61) Affectionate
used as vocatives.
terms (61) The features have the same
intensity both in the ST and the
TT even though in the Spanish
98
(S2.11.7)
Joey: […] (62) Guys, I
can […]
[…]
Joey: […] really soft on
my (63) bottom […]
[…]
Joey: (64) Dude, you have
to take them back. I
thought it would be (65)
cool, but I am just not a
Minion (66) man, (67)
man.
(T2.11/209.7)
Joey: […] (62) chicos, puedo
[…]
[…]
Joey: […] suave para mi (63)
trasero […]
(62)
Equivalence
(63)
Equivalence
(64)
Equivalence
(65)
Equivalence
Joey: (64) Tío, tienes que (66)
llevártelos. Creí que sería (65) Equivalence
guay pero no soy un (66) tío de (67)
esbirros. (67) Tío.
Equivalence
(S2.11.8)
Superintendent
Kneebauer: […] where's
the (68) noob?
[…]
Dump Truck: Whoa!
You scraped all this gum
yourself?
Parker: Well, I wanted
you to know I was (70)
man enough for detention.
Dump Truck: No. (71)
You’re no man. You’re a
machine […]
(T2.11/209.8)
Inspectora Kneebauer: […]
¿dónde está el (68) nuevo?
[…]
Volquete: ¡Ala! ¿Los has
quitado tú solo, (69) chaval?
Parker: Bueno, quería dejar
claro que soy un (70) tío a la
altura.
Volquete: No. (71) No eres un
tío. Eres una máquina […]
(68)
Equivalence
(69) Addition
(70)
Equivalence
(71)
Equivalence
(62) The term is being
used as a vocative.
(63) Joey is talking about
his butt.
(64) The word is used as a
vocative.
(65) The feature is used to
positively describe the
minions.
(66) The feature functions
as a self-description.
(67) Even though there is
wordplay between two
uses of man, I consider the
last instance as a vocative.
(68) The word is used to
describe Parker in a rather
pejorative way.
(69) The term is used as a
vocative.
(70)
Parker’s
self
description as a strong
man.
(71) Description of Parker
as a strong and powerful
boy.
one Liv is referred as daughter
rather than any loving term.
(62, 64, 65, 66 & 67) The
features have the same intensity
both in the ST and the TT.
(63) The features have the same
intensity both in the ST and the
TT, since they avoid more
informal words, such as ass or
culo.
(68) The words do not have the
same intensity because the
Spanish term is neutral (the use
of novato would equalise the
pejorative term)
(69) The features have the same
intensity both in the ST and the
TT. While the English text
removes the auxiliary verb to
turn
the
sentence
as
ungrammatical, Spanish adds a
word to reproduce Dump
Truck’s language.
(70 & 71) The features have the
same intensity both in the ST
Parker: I started the week
as a lowly middle school
(72) noob […]
Dump Truck:
[…]
remember your time in the
(73) joint
[…] You
showed me something,
(74) little guy.
Parker: This is the (75)
grossest piece of awesome
[…]
99
Parker: Empecé la semana
como un pobre (72) novato de
colegio […]
Dump Truck: […] para
recorder tu paso (73) por aquí
[…] Esto lo he aprendido de ti.
(72) The word is used as
self-description (colloquial
and pejorative)
(73)
(73) The word is used as a
Adaptation
synonym of prison, which
(with loss of is lost in the translation.
meaning)
(74) The feature is used as
Parker: ¡Esto es (75) lo más (74) Omission a vocative.
asquerosamente molón […]
(Ø)
(75) Parker is describing
(75) Literal
Dump Truck’
translation
Parker: That’s when I Parker: Y (76) les conté lo del
told the (76) guys about […] pero (77) lo pillaron […]
[…] but they (77) got it
[…]
Dump Truck […] That
(78) ain’t right at all.
[…]
Superintendent
Kneebauer: […] you (79)
little punks are (80) gonna
be in detention the rest of
your worthless lives!
Volquete: […] Nada bien.
Inspectora Kneebauer: […]
(79) delincuentes, me voy a
encargar de que os castiguen
para toda la vida.
(72)
Equivalence
(76) Omission
(Ø)
(but
compensation
with the use of
anaphoric
pronoun)
(77)
Equivalence
(78) Omission
(Ø)
(79)
Equivalence
(80) Omission
(Ø)
(76) It functions as
reference to whom Parker
is talking about.
(77) Colloquial way to say
that
they
understood
something.
(78) Colloquial way to say
that something it is not
right.
(79) The word serves as an
insult to the detainees. It is
used as a vocative
(80) The contracted and
colloquial form is used to
reproduce a certain kind of
and the TT.
(72) The features have the same
intensity both in the ST and the
TT.
(73) I consider that the intensity
is different because Dump Truck
talks and behaves as a prisoner
(and is what characterizes him as
funny). These nuances are lost in
Spanish. (74) Despite the omission, both
texts have the same intensity.
(75) The expression has the
same intensity in both the ST
and the TT.
(76 & 77) The features have the
same intensity in both the ST
and the TT.
(78) The Spanish version does
not reproduce Dump Truck’s
way of speech.
(79) The features have the same
intensity in both the ST and the
TT.
(80) The intensity is not the
same
because
Kneebauer’s
language in Spanish is more
100
neutral.
(81) The omission of the
pejorative term makes the
Spanish version less colloquial.
(82) Even though both languages
use different structures, I
consider that a similar intensity
is achieved in both of them.
Karen: […] (87) Honey,
if you didn’t’ […]
speech.
(T2.11/209.9)
(81) Omission (81) The word describes
Joey: Ya. Da igual, vamos, (Ø)
Artie as a strange person,
venga […] Kendo, (82) tío.
(82)
which is lost in Spanish.
Adaptation
(82) In English, there is a
focus on the action/activity
while in the Spanish one
on the person, which can
be regarded as a vocative.
(T2.11/209.10)
(83)
(83) The pejorative term
Inspectora Kneebauer: El (83) Equivalence
appears to describe Parker.
monstruo de tu hijo y su banda and omission (84) Colloquial way of
de delincuentes […]
of ‘little’
saying that he made a
(84)
mistake.
Parker: Perdón, mami. (84) Equivalence
(85) It is used to express
Metí la pata.
(85)
surprise and show sudden,
[…]
Equivalence
unexpected delight or light
(86)
hearted
disappointment
Parker: […] Estaré castigado Equivalence
(Urban Dictionary)
por el concurso. (85) ¡Maldita (87)
(86) The terms are used to
suerte!
Equivalence
refer to people that
[…]
influence in a bad way.
Parker: […] Me he mezclado
(87)
Positive
and
con (86) mala gente […]
affectionate term used as a
[…]
vocative.
Karen: […] (87) Cariño, si no
querías […]
(S2.11.11)
Joey: […] you better (88)
nar-work it!
Dump Truck: Hey, (89)
(T2.11/209.11)
Joey: […] ¡Será mejor (88) que
le des caña!
Dump Truck: ¡Eh, (89)
(88) Despite the loss of the
humorous
effect,
both
expressions have a very similar
intensity in the text.
(S2.11.9)
Joey: Yeah, whatever,
(81) weirdo
[…] (82)
Kendo up.
(S2.11.10)
Superintendent
Kneebauer: Your (83)
little monster of a son and
his band of misfits […]
Parker: Sorry, mommy, I
(84) goofed up.
[…]
Parker: […] I'm going to
be in detention for the
pageant. (85) Shucky
durns!
[…]
Parker: […] Got in with
the (86) wrong guys […]
(88)
Adaptation
(the wordplay
between
the
(88) The English term (2word combination) is a
humorous wordplay. The
Spanish term uses a
(83, 84, 85, 86 & 87) The
features have the same intensity
in both the ST and the TT.
101
guy I’m about to punch! candidato a puñetazo! […] y narwhal
and
[…] (90) ‘cause some of (90) nos dejas disfrutar del […] work cannot be
us is trying to […]
maintained in
Spanish)
(89)
Equivalence
(90)
Equivalence
with loss of
expressive
emphasis.
(S2.11.12)
Pete: Hey, (91) girls! […]
[…]
Karen: […] Thank you,
(92) honey […]
[…]
Joey […] (93) Are you
kidding? […]
(T2.11/209.12)
Pete: Hola, (91) hijas […]
[…]
Karen: […] Gracias, (92) cariño
[…]
[…]
Joey: […] (93) ¿Estás de
broma?
(91)
Equivalence
(92)
Equivalence
(93)
Equivalence
similar expression though
losing the pun.
(89) Both languages use a
colloquial expression to
refer to Joey.
(90) In English, the
shortened form of words
and the verb in singular
form reproduce Dump
Truck’s colloquial way of
speaking, which is lost in
Spanish.
(91 & 92) Affectionate
forms that function as
vocatives.
(93) Colloquial way of
asking whether or not
someone is joking (it does
not seek for confirmation
in this case).
(89) The terms have the same
intensity both in the ST and the
TT.
(90) The intensity is different,
since Dump Truck’s language in
Spanish is very neutral rather
than colloquial.
(91, 92 & 93) The features have
the same intensity both in the ST
and the TT.
Table 20.2. The instances of colloquial and vulgar language from S2.11 and T2.11/209, methods of translations, the features’ functions and their intensity
‘Dodge-A-Rooney’ (S1.07 and T1.07) and ‘Detention-A-Rooney’ (S2.11 and T2.11): High Register and Scientific Uses of Language
English
Spanish
(S1.07.2)
(T1.07/108.2)
Diggie: […] try to steal our (1) Diggie: […] intentan robarnos a
beloved mascot […]
nuestra mascota […]
(S1.07.3)
Maddie:
[…]
exercise
Method of
Translation
(1) Omission (Ø)
(T1.07/108.3)
(2) Equivalence
(2) Maddie: […] el ejercicio (2)
Function and Intensity
(1) The word functions as a synonym of ‘loved.’
It contains a humourous effect that is lost in
Spanish. The intensity is not the same because
the Spanish sentence sounds very neutral.
(2) I do not see a humorous effect but Maddie’s
way to show off her knowledge. They are used to
reverses the aging process […]
102
ralentiza el envejecimiento […]
(S1.07.6)
(T1.07/108.6)
Budge: […] and my (3) Budge: […] y a mi (3) cadera de
titanium hips, I’m practically titatio soy casi biónica.
bionic.
(S1.07.8)
(T1.07/108.8)
Parker: […] (4) Einstein […] Parker: ¿[…] a Einstein […](4)
splitting atoms?
cuando dividía átomos?
Pete: […] Einstein didn’t split Pete: […] Einstein no dividía
atoms.
átomos.
(S1.07.13)
(T1.07/108.13)
Diggie:
[…]
ceremonial Diggie: […] salchica ceremonial
bratwursts to (5) bestow upon para que se la (5) deis […]
[…]
(S1.07.14)
(T1.07/108.14)
Pete: […] (6) my firstborn son Pete: […] (6) ¡Mi primogénito!
[…] for the (7) maiden burn […] en la (7) primera vez […]
[…]
(S2.11.3)
Artie: […] so your (8)
enchanting sister Liv can be (9)
bewitched by the sight of me in
my (10) casual evening attire.
(T2.11/209.3)
Artie: […] para que tu hermana
Liv (9) alucine al verme con mi
(10) atuendo informal nocturno.
[…]
explain that sport makes people feel younger.
Both instances acquire the same intensity in the
language.
(3) Equivalence
(3) The terms are used to describe Budge as if
she were mechanical. I considered that the terms
followed Maddie’s scientific jargon. There is a
humorous effect that is achieved in the
translation. All terms acquire the same intensity
both in the ST and the TT.
(4) Equivalence
(4) Even though the conversation has a
humorous tone, I considered that the language
was scientific. In this case, Parker tries to show
off his knowledge. I reckon that both structures
have the same intensity in both the ST and the
TT.
(5) Equivalence with (5) Even though both verbs refer to ‘give
loss of meaning.
something’, the English term is very formal. It
carries a humorous effect, which is not
maintained in the translation (a verb such as
‘otorgar’ would achieve the purpose). In this
case there is a difference on intensity.
(6) Equivalence
(6 & 7) Pete is using very formal words in his
(7) Equivalence
speech with the purpose of creating humorous
effect. Except (7), I believe that the humour is
also achieved in Spanish. In general, I would say
that the intensity is very similar between the two
texts.
(8) Omission (Ø)
(9, 10 & 11) Artie’s language in English is
(9)
Equivalence sometimes very formal. Its purpose is to achieve
(with loss of formal a humorous effect. In the Spanish text, the
language)
formal language is just kept in (10) because in
(10) Equivalence
the other cases it is omitted (8) or the high
103
[…]
Joey: […] if I win, I get your
(11) minions.
Artie: My (12) minions? […]
(13) Minions, seize her.
[…]
Joey: […] Your (14) minions
are now (15) mine-ions […]
(11) Equivalence
Joey: […] si gano, me quedo a tus (12) Equivalence
(11) esbirros.
(13) Equivalence
Artie: ¿Mis (12) esbirros? […] (14) Equivalence
¡(13) Esbirros, capturarla!
(15)
Equivalence
[…]
(loss of the pun)
Joey: […] Tus (14) esbirros ahora
son (15) míos […]
(S2.11.4)
Joey: […] (16) Minions! To
robotics class […] like three
(17) Minions worth […]
Artie: […] my (18) minions
have always opened it for me.
Joey: […] (19) Minions, we
ride!
(S2.11.7)
Joey: (20) Minions seem like a
good idea […]
[…]
Artie: Hey, (21) minions.
Joey: […] I am just not a (22)
minion man, man.
Artie: Joey, (23) minions
cannot be given away […]
Joey: […] I’ll have the (24)
minions set it up.
(S2.11.8)
Karen: […] I have come to
(25) beg for your mercy […]
(T2.11/209.4)
Joey: (16) ¡Esbirros! A clase de
robótica ¿[…] como el peso de
tres (17) esbirros? […]
Artie: […] Es que mis (18)
esbirros me la abrían.
Joey:
[…] (19) ¡Esbirros, a
cabalgar!
(T2.11/209/7)
Joey: Los (20) esbirros parecen
una buena idea […]
[…]
Artie: Hola, (21) esbirros.
Joey: […] no soy un tío de (22)
esbirros, tío.
Artie: Joey, los (23) esbirros no
se pueden regalar […]
Joey: […] que los (24) esbirros
lo monten.
(T2.11/209.8)
Karen: […] he venido para (25)
suplicarle clemencia […]
(16) Equivalence
(17) Equivalence
(18) Equivalence
(19) Equivalence
register is made neutral (9).
(10, 11, 12, 13, 14 & 15) make reference to the
minions and (13) is used as a vocative. Even
though minions are considered as someone’s
followers in a colloquial way, the Spanish term
seems to formal and a bit unnatural. Maybe a
word such as ‘compinche’ would acquire a
similar tone. I believe the intensity is different
because the Spanish text becomes too formal
without a humorous intention.
While (16) and (19) are used as vocatives, the
other instances just refer to them. As I mentioned
previously, the use of ‘esbirro’ appears to be
quite formal in a context that is not required.
That is why the intensity between the English
and the Spanish text differs.
(20) Equivalence
(21) Equivalence
(22) Equivalence
(23) Equivalence
(24) Equivalence
While just (21) works as a vocative, the other
instances appear are used to talk about the
minions. As I mentioned previously, the use of
‘esbirro’ appears to be quite formal in a context
that is not required. That is why the intensity
between the English and the Spanish text differs.
(25) Equivalence
(25) The feature is used as a formal way to beg
for compassion. Both languages use a formal
structure to achieve humorous effect. The
104
(S2.11.9)
(T2.11/209.9)
(26) Equivalence
Artie: My (26) minions usually Artie: Los (26) esbirros son mi
serve as […]
[…]
Artie: (27) Avert your eyes,
(28) minions […]
[…]
Artie: He’s breaking all the
rules of (29) minionhood […]
Joey: […] if there are “rules”
of (30) minionhood […]
Artie: […] (31) Minions, we
ride!
Artie: (27) ¡No miréis, (28)
esbirros! […]
[…]
Artie: Ha roto las reglas del (29)
esbirrismo […]
[…]
Joey: […] si hay reglas del (30)
‘esbirrismo’
Artie:
[…] (31) ¡Esbirros,
cabalgad!
(27) Equivalence
(28) Equivalence
(29) Equivalence
(30) Equivalence
(31) Equivalence
intensity of the features is the same between the
two languages.
(26) The term is used to talk about the followers.
As I mentioned previously, the use of ‘esbirro’
appears to be quite formal in a context that is not
required. That is why the intensity between the
English and the Spanish text differs.
The instances (28) and (31) are used as
vocatives. The features (29) and (30) make
reference to the ‘minion group’, which is used by
inventing a word. As far all these cases are
concerned, ‘esbirro’ appears to be quite formal in
a context that is not required. That is why the
intensity between the English and the Spanish
text differs.
When it comes to (27), the English term is much
more formal than the Spanish one, even though
they mean the same. The loss of Artie’s formal
language results in a loss of humour, a fact that
defines that character. In this sense, the intensity
of these features between English and Spanish is
different because the character ends up fostering
another image.
Table 20.3. The instances of high register and scientific language of both S1.07 and T1.07/108 and S2.11 and T2.11/209, methods of translations, the features’
functions and their intensity
105
10.7. Table 21. Diminutives: Methods of Translation, ST and TT Function and Intensity.
In these tables I included the instances of diminutives (including words with suffixes or with particles indicating diminutives) together
with the methods of translation; the function and the intensity that the features found have in both the Source Text (ST) and the Target Text (TT).
When necessary, I added some comments regarding the translations. The features that I considered to be more relevant will be discussed in the
appropriate analysis section (see 5.5.2.).
‘Dodge-A-Rooney’ (S1.07 and T1.07): Diminutives
English
(S1.07.1)
Karen:
Wow,
Maddie […]
Spanish
(T1.07/108.1)
(1) Karen: ¡Vaya (1) Maddie!
[…]
Karen: I am so proud of Karen:
Estoy
muy
you and (2) Liv.
orgullosa de ti y de (2)
Liv.
Maddie: Yeah, well, I Maddie: Ya, (3) Liv sabrá
think (3) Liv knows […] […]
(S1.07.2)
Diggie: […] try to steal
our beloved mascot, (4)
Paulie […] two freshman
are chosen to watch over
(5) Paulie […] (6) Joey
(T1.07/108.2)
Diggie: […] intentan
robarnos nuestra mascot, a
(4) Paulie […] dos
alumnos
de
primero
vigilarán a (5) Paulie […]
Method of
translation
(1) Borrowing
Function
(ST & TT)
(1)
Diminutive
form
of
‘Madison’. The name is
shortened and it is used in an
affective way.
(2)
Equivalence (2) Diminutive form of ‘Olivia’.
(Olivia is also a The name is shortened and it is
name
in used in an affective way.
Spanish/Catalan)
(3)
Equivalence (3) Diminutive form of ‘Olivia’.
(Olivia is also a The name is shortened and it is
name
in used in an affective way.
Spanish/Catalan)
(4) Borrowing
All the instances are diminutive
(5) Borrowing
forms. Paulie (4), (5) and (8)
(6) Borrowing
refer to Paul. Joey (6) is the
(7) Borrowing
diminutive of Joseph. Skippy (7)
(8) Borrowing
is the diminutive of Skipper. The
names are shortened and they
Intensity
(ST & TT)
(1) The features have the
same intensity both in the ST
and the TT.
(2) The features have the
same intensity both in the ST
and the TT.
(3) The features have the
same intensity both in the ST
and the TT.
(4), (5), (6), (7) & (8) The
features have the same
intensity both in the ST and
the TT.
106
Rooney and (7) Skippy (6) Joey Rooney y (7)
Ramirez to keep (8) Skippy Ramirez para
Paulie safe […]
mantener a (8) Paulie a
salvo […]
Joey: I’m sorry, just to Joey: Lo siento, una (9) (9) Equivalence
be clear […]
cosita […]
Joey: We are your (10) Joey:
Somos
los
Paulie protectors […]
protectors de (10) Paulie
[…]
Joey: If (11) Skippy and Joey: […] Si mantenemos
I could keep (12) Paulie a (12) Paulie a salvo […] a
safe […] (13) Paulie’s (13) Paulie […]
neck […]
(S1.07.3)
Maddie: So pretty soon,
with a (14) little bit of
work […]
Maddie: […] one half of
(15) Liv and Maddie.
(T1.07/108.3)
Maddie: […] así que con
un (14) poquito de
esfuerzo […]
Maddie: […] la mitad de
(15) Liv y Maddie. Soy
are used in an affective way.
(9) The English sentence is
formed without a diminutive.
Joey uses a diminutive form in
Spanish to ask for a detail that
he did not understand. The
English ones serves to check if
the person understood the whole
message, while in Spanish the
focus is on a specific element.
(10) Borrowing
(10) The word functions as the
name of the mascot. It is the
diminutive form of Paul. It is
used in an affectionate way.
(11) Omission (Ø) (11) Skippy is the diminutive
(12) Borrowing
form of Skipper. It is used as a
(13) Borrowing
nickname in an affectionate,
friendly way.
(13) The references to Paulie are
used to refer to the mascot. They
are the diminutive form of Paul.
They are used as an affectionate
term in a friendly way.
(14) Equivalence
(14) The diminutive forms
indicate that the amount of
exercise to be done is very
small.
(15)
Borrowing All the features (15, 16 & 17)
(‘Maddie’)
and are used to refer to proper
(9) The features have the
same intensity both in the ST
and the TT.
(10) The features have the
same intensity both in the ST
and the TT.
(11, 12 & 13) The features
have the same intensity both
in the ST and the TT.
(14) The features have the
same intensity both in the ST
and the TT.
(15, 16 & 17) The features
have the same intensity both
I’m just me, (16) Maddie solo yo, (16) Maddie […] Equivalence (‘Liv’) names. They are used as
[…] (17) Addie
(17) Addie […]
(16) Borrowing
diminutive
forms
in
an
(17) Borrowing
affectionate and friendly way.
‘Liv’ is the diminutive form of
‘Olivia’, ‘Maddie’ is the
diminutive form of ‘Maddison’
and ‘Addie’ is the diminutive
form of ‘Adele, Adeline,
Adelaide and Addison’
Liv: (18) Maddie! Hi!
Liv: (18) ¡Maddie! ¡Hola! (18) Borrowing
The features (18) and (20)
Budge: Who’s (19) Budge: ¿Quién es (19) (19) Borrowing
function as vocatives. The
Maddie?
Maddie?
(20) Equivalence
feature (19) is used to talk about
Maddie: (20) Liv […]
Maddie: (20) Liv […]
the character.
(S1.07.4)
(T1.07/108.4)
(21) Borrowing
(21) Both names are diminutives
Parker: […] (21) Richie Parker: […] (21) Richie y
(‘Richie’
corresponds
to
and Stevie […]
Stevie […]
‘Richard’ and ‘Stevie’ to either
‘Stephen’ or ‘Steven’). They are
used to refer to some friends in a
friendly, affectionate way.
(S1.07.5)
(T1.07/108.5)
(22) Borrowing
(22) The name refers to the
Diggie: […] nothing Diggie: […] que no le
mascot in a loving and friendly
happens to (22) Paulie
pase nada a (22) Paulie
way (nickname)
[…]
Diggie: Okay, (23) Joey Diggie: Okay, (23) Joey (23) Borrowing
(23) ‘Joey’ is the diminutive of
[…]
[…]
‘Joseph.’ It is used as his
nickname in a friendly way.
Skippy:
(24)
Joey, Skippy:
Gracias
por (24) Omission (Ø) The features (24) and (25) are
thanks for […]
conseguirme esto.
(25) Borrowing
used as vocatives and (26) and
Joey: […] (25) Skippy Joey: […] (25) Skippy (26) Borrowing
(27) as references to the mascot.
[…]
[…]
(27) Borrowing
All nouns are diminutives, as I
Skippy […] (26) Paulie Skippy: […] (26) Paulie
have been previously showing.
[…]
[…]
107
in the ST and the TT.
(18, 19 & 20) The features
have the same intensity both
in the ST and the TT.
(21) The features have the
same intensity both in the ST
and the TT.
(22) The features have the
same intensity both in the ST
and the TT.
(23) The features have the
same intensity both in the ST
and the TT.
(24, 25, 26 & 27) The
features have the same
intensity both in the ST and
the TT.
Diggie: […] on our (27)
Paulie protectors […]
scream like little girls
[…]
(S1.07.6)
Budge: […] I’m looking
out for you, (28) hon
[…] since (29) Raphie
[…]
108
Diggie:
[…]
a
los
vigilantes de (27) Paulie
[…] que griten como
nenas
(T1.07/108.6)
(28) Equivalence
Budge: […] Te estoy (29) Borrowing
cuidando, (28) rica […]
desde que (29) Ralphie
[…]
Liv:
[…]
(30) Liv: […] (30) ¡Sorpre!
(30) Equivalence
Surprisies!
Maddie: (31) Liv, ¿qué (31) Equivalence
Maddie: (31) Liv, what haces […]?
[…]
[…]
Maddie: Um, wait. (32)
Liv, you’re […]
Liv: […] just another
(33) twinsie thing […]
[…]
Maddie: ¡Eh! Oye, (32)
Liv. ¿Ensayaréis […]?
Liv: […] Otra (33) cosita
de gemelas […]
(28) The English term is used as
a diminutive but both words
serve as vocatives.
(29) The word is the diminutive
term (used as a friendly and
affectionate name) of ‘Ralph.’
(30) The term is used in its
diminutive form (or shortened)
for expressive emphasis.
(31) The diminutive (nickname
and affective term) as a vocative
(32) The diminutive form of the
name is used as a vocative
(appellative function)
(33) The diminutive is used as a
friendly expressive way to
describe an activity.
(32) Equivalence
(33)
Modulation
(the
focus
in
English
is
on
‘twins’ and in
Spanish in ‘thing’).
However, it can be
said
to
be
equivalence.
(S1.07.7)
(T1.07/108.7)
(34) Borrowing
(34) The name is used to refer to
Skippy: Getting (34) Skippy: Sacar a (34)
the mascot in a friendly and
Paulie out of school […] Paulie del insti […]
affectionate way.
Karen: […] I was Karen: Miraba un video (35) Equivalence
(35) The diminutive is used to
looking at a (35) kitten de un (35) gatito […]
refer to a baby or small cat.
video […]
Pete: (36) Joey, I need Pete: (36) Joey, más vale (36) Borrowing
(36) The diminutive of ‘Joseph’
[…]
que […]
functions
as
a
vocative
(28 & 29) The features have
the same intensity both in the
ST and the TT.
(30 & 31) The features have
the same intensity both in the
ST and the TT.
(32 & 33) The features have
the same intensity both in the
ST and the TT.
(34) The features
same intensity both
and the TT.
(35) The features
same intensity both
and the TT.
(36) The features
same intensity both
have the
in the ST
have the
in the ST
have the
in the ST
109
Joey: […] Who’s the
(37) Paulie protector?
[…] that first bratwurst
on (38) Paulie […]
Joey: […] ¿Quién es el (37) Omission (Ø)
protector? […] la primera (38) Borrowing
salchicha a (38) Paulie
[…]
(S1.07.9)
Liv: “(39) Liv and the
Golden Chords” […]
Maddie:
(40)
Liv,
this…just is not gonna
work […]
Liv: […] a (41) couple
of first graders? […]
(T1.07/108.9)
(39) Equivalence
Liv: “(39) Liv y los (40) Equivalence
Acordes de Oro” […]
Maddie: Liv, esto no está
gustándome […]
Liv: ¿[…] Somos (41) (41) Equivalence
niñitas de primero?
Liv: Should have stuck Liv:
Lamentarás
no (42) Omission (Ø)
with shuffleboard, (42) jugártelo a las cartas […]
Granny […]
(S1.07.10)
Diggie: […] take your
time, (43) Joey. Go!
Joey: You two get under
(44) Paulie […]
[…]
Diggie: (45) Paulie!
(T1.07/108.10)
(43) Borrowing
Diggie: […] sin prisa. (44) Borrowing
¡(43) Joey, corre!
(45) Borrowing
Joey: Coged a (44) Paulie
[…]
[…]
Diggie: (45) ¡Paulie!
(appellative function) in a and the TT.
friendly way.
(37 & 38) The terms make (37 & 38) Even though there
reference to the mascot by its is an omission in Spanish, the
friendly nickname.
features have the same
intensity both in the ST and
the TT.
While (39) is just referring to the (39 & 40) The features have
girl by its affectionate nickname, the same intensity both in the
(40) functions as a vocative ST and the TT.
(appellative function)
(41) Even though the English
term does not use a diminutive,
both language use an expression
that
implies
negative
connotations, such as ‘silly.’
(42) The feature is used as a
vocative. Since there is visual
support and the character
addresses directly the old
person, the Spanish text has
omitted the reference.
(43) The diminutive of ‘Joseph’
is used as a vocative.
(44) The name refers to the
mascot in a friendly way.
(45) The diminutive of ‘Paul’
(used in a friendly and
affectionate way) functions as a
vocative.
(41) The features have the
same intensity both in the ST
and the TT.
(42) In general terms, I
reckon that the Spanish text is
slightly less powerful than the
English one, which uses the
word ‘granny’ as provocative
and challenging.
(43, 44 & 45) The features
have the same intensity both
in the ST and the TT.
110
(S1.07.11)
Liv: […] You know
what, (46) Maddie? […]
(S1.07.13)
Diggie: […] We made it
to the game and (47)
Paulie is…safe and
sound […]
Joey: […] We put (48)
Paulie back together […]
Diggie: […] to bestow
upon (49) Paulie […]
(S1.07.14)
Pete: […] Why are you
acting (50) so weird?
[…]
Pete: Let’s not (51) get
sidetracked […]
(T1.07/108.11)
Liv: […] ¿Sabes qué, (46)
Maddie?
(T1.07/108.13)
Diggie: […] Ha llegado el
día del partido y (47)
Paulie está sano y salvo
[…]
Joey: Pegamos a (48)
Paulie […]
Diggie: […] para que se la
deis a (49) Paulie.
(T1.07/108.14)
Pete: ¿Por qué estás tan
(50) rarito?
[…]
Pete: ¡Déjate de (51)
detallitos!
(46) Borrowing
(47) Borrowing
(48) Borrowing
(49) Borrowing
(46)
The
diminutive
of
‘Maddison’ is used as a vocative
(appellative function)
(47, 48 & 49) The names are
used to refer to the mascot in a
friendly way.
(46) The features have the
same intensity both in the ST
and the TT.
(47, 48 & 49) The features
have the same intensity both
in the ST and the TT.
(50) Equivalence
(51) Modulation (in
English,
Pete
seems
more
inclusive than in
Spanish, which he
directly addresses
to Karen) though it
might also be an
equivalence
(50) The word is used to
describe
Joey’s
awkward
behaviour.
(51) The structure is used to play
down the importance of the
grill’s price. I believe that both
instances state direct comments
to the addressee, and rather than
showing angriness, they seek to
create a slight humorous effect.
(50 & 51) Even though the
Spanish except makes use of
diminutives and the English
one does not, I reckon that the
features have the same
intensity both in the ST and
the TT.
Table 21.1. The instances of diminutives from S1.07 and T1.07/108, methods of translations, the features’ functions and their intensity
111
‘Detention- A-Rooney’ (S2.11 and T2.11): Diminutives
English
Spanish
Method of
translation
(S2.11.1)
(T2.11/209.1)
(52)
Karen: […] we parade in Karen: […] para desfilar Equivalence
costume with our (52) disfrazadas con nuestros
youngest sons […]
(52) hijitos […]
Karen: Oh, look at my
(53) little sailor […].
Now, (54) mama pulled a
few strings […]
Karen: Oh, mira mi (53) (53)
marinerito […] (54) Equivalence
Mami ha usado sus (54)
influencias […]
Equivalence
(S2.11.2)
Karen: One time (55) Liv
got sick […] By that
afternoon, (56) Maddie
had a fever […]
[…]
Karen: […] I saw (57)
Maddie this morning […]
Maddie: (58) Mommy.
I’m (59) sicky […] I want
my (60) blanky.
[…]
Maddie: […] Is this (61)
blanky made of fire?
[…]
Karen: […] (62) Mama
loves you.
(T2.11/209.2)
Karen: Una vez, (55)
Liv se puso enferma […]
y esa tarde (56) Maddie
tuvo fiebre […]
Karen: […] Vi a (57)
Maddie esta mañana […]
Maddie:
(58)
Mami…estoy (59) malita
[…] Quiero mi (60)
mantita.
[…]
Maddie: […] ¿La (61)
mantita tiene fuego?
[…]
Karen: (62) Mami te
(55)
Equivalence
(56)
Borrowing
(57)
Borrowing
(58)
Equivalence
(59)
Equivalence
(60)
Equivalence
(61)
Equivalence
(62)
Function
Intensity
(ST & TT)
(ST & TT)
(52) The terms are used to refer (52) I reckon that the Spanish
to the mother’s sons.
term has more affective and
expressive intensity than the
English one, which appears to be
rather neutral.
(53) The term is used to refer to (53 & 54) The features have the
Parker in an affective way.
same intensity in both the ST and
(54) The term is used to refer to the TT.
Karen in a friendly and loving
way.
All the features (55, 56 & 57) (55, 56 & 57) The features have
make reference to proper names the same intensity in both the ST
in an affectionate and friendly and the TT.
way.
The features (58) and (62) are (58, 59, 60, 61 & 61) The features
used to refer to Karen in an have the same intensity in both
affectionate and friendly way.
the ST and the TT.
The terms (59), (60) and (61)
refer to Maddie’s health and the
blanket.
By
using
the
diminutives, she is not referring
to small items but she is
expressing herself in baby talk
112
quiere
Equivalence
Maddie: (63) Daddy. Maddie:
(63) (63)
Bubby.
Papi…papi…
Equivalence
Pete: (64) Liv, honey […] Pete: Oh, (64) Liv, hija (64)
[…]
Equivalence
(or motherese).
(63) The terms are used as
affectionate terms that refer to
Pete. They function as vocatives.
(64) The diminutive is used as a
vocative. It carries affective
connotations.
(S2.11.3)
Joey: […] are you hiding
one under your orange
man (65) perm?
[…]
Artie: […] so your
enchanting sister (66) Liv
can be […]
[…]
Joey: […] like (67) footie
pajamas […]
(S2.11.4)
Joey: […] Hello, (68)
Artie.
[…]
Superintendent
Kneebauer: […] I want
this (69) little monster in
there […]
(T2.11/209.3)
Joey: […] ¿Llevas una
bajo esa (65) permanente
pelirroja?
[…]
Artie: […] para que tu
hermana (66) Liv […]
[…]
Joey: como un (67)
pijama complete [….]
(65)
Equivalence
(66)
Equivalence
(67)
Equivalence
(65) The noun is shortened but
Joey does not use it to mean that
something is small.
(66) He name is shortened and it
functions as an affectionate and
friendly nickname.
(67) Joey uses the word ‘footie’
as a diminutive of ‘footed
pyjamas’ to refer to Artie’s
nightclothes.
(T2.11/209.4)
Joey: […] Hola, (68)
Artie.
Inspectora Kneebauer:
Castigue a ese (69)
monstruo lo que queda
[…]
[…]
(68)
Borrowing
(69)
Equivalence
and omission
(Ø)
(68) The name is used as a
vocative. It is a diminutive of
‘Arthur.’ The nickname is used
as a friendly way.
(69) The use of ‘little’ softens
the way Kneebauer refers to
Parker. This nuance is lost in
Spanish.
(S2.11.5)
(T2.11/209.5)
Dump Truck: […] We Volquete: […]
(70)
Que Equivalence
(63) I consider that the intensity is
slightly different. Maddie has a
stuffy nose and she cannot talk
well. That is the reason why she
says ‘bubby.’ In Spanish, the
nuance is lost.
(64) The features have the same
intensity in both the ST and the
TT.
(65, 66) The features have the
same intensity in both the ST and
the TT.
(67) I reckon that a ‘pijama
completo’ is understood as two
cloth pieces than just one.
However, since there is no visual
image of the pyjamas, the
intensity can be regarded as being
the same.
(68 & 69) The features have the
same intensity in both the ST and
the TT, even though in (69) there
is an omission that makes
Keebauer’s language towards the
children
more
direct
and
aggressive.
(70)
The
agreement
is (70) Despite the omission, the
considered to be small, a fact features have the same intensity in
got
a
(70)
little
arrangement […]
(S2.11.6)
Maddie: (71) Daddy!
[…]
Pete: (72) Daddy’s here
with the juice.
[…]
Liv: […] I am so late for
class. (73) Liv Rooney
present […]
[…]
Liv: […] I’m fine. (74)
Joey, tell dad that I’m
fine. Wow, (75) Joey,
your arms […]
Maddie: No, (76) daddy,
it’s the […] Come on, (77)
daddy, here’s […]
(S2.11.7)
Joey: […] (78) Artie! Oh,
I have never […]
[…]
Artie: (79) Joey, minions
cannot be given […]
sepas que tenemos (70)
un acuerdo […]
(T2.11.209/6)
Maddie: (71) ¡Papi!
[…]
Pete: (72) Papi está aquí
con el zumo.
[…]
Liv: […] Llego tardísimo
a clase. (73) Liv Rooney
presente […]
[…]
Liv: […] (74) Joey, di a
papá que estoy bien.
Vaya, (75) Joey, te estás
poniendo muy […]
Maddie: No. Es la de
[…] Toma (77) papi,
aquí está […]
(T2.11/209.7)
Joey: […] (78) ¡Artie!
¡Ay! Nunca me […]
[…]
Artie: (79) Joey, los
esbirros no se pueden
[…]
(S2.11.8)
(T2.11/209.8)
Karen: Did you hear that, Karen: ¿Lo has oído,
(80) sweetie? […]
(80) cielito? […]
[…]
[…]
Dump Truck: […] You Dump Truck: […] Esto
showed me something, lo he aprendido de ti.
113
and omission
that is not known in the Spanish
text.
(71)
(71) Affectionate way to refer to
Equivalence
the dad and it is used as a
(72)
vocative.
Equivalence
(72) Self-reference by using a
(73)
diminutive. Its use echoes baby
Equivalence
talk (or motherese)
(74 & 75) (73) Self-reference by using her
Borrowing
nickname.
(76) Omission (74 & 75) The brother is referred
(Ø)
by his nickname. Both instances
(77)
are used as vocatives.
Equivalence
(76 & 77) The dad is referred to
with affectionate terms that
function as vocatives.
both the ST and the TT.
(71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76 & 77) The
features have the same intensity in
both the ST and the TT, despite an
omission of a vocative in Spanish,
which does not affect the meaning
by not repeating the term.
(78)
Borrowing
(79)
Borrowing
(78 & 79) Both terms refer to the (78 & 79) The features have the
characters in a friendly way. same intensity in both the ST and
They are both used as vocative the TT.
(appellative function)
(80)
Equivalence
(81) Omission
(Ø)
(80) Affectionate term to refer to
Parker. It functions as a vocative
(appellative function)
(81) It is used to refer to Parker
as positive reinforcement. It
functions as a vocative.
(80) The features have the same
intensity in both the ST and the
TT.
(81) Despite the fact that the
vocative is omitted in the
translation, I consider that the
114
(81) little guy.
Superintendent
Kneebauer: […] When I
get down from here, you
(82) little punks are gonna
be in detention […]
(S2.11.9)
Artie: This is a beautiful
moment, (83) Joey.
Inspectora Kneebauer:
[…] Cuando baje de
aquí, (82) delincuentes,
me voy a encargar de que
os castiguen […]
(T2.11/209.9)
Artie: Es un momento
hermoso. No lo estropees
[…]
(82)
Equivalence
and omission
of ‘little’ (Ø)
(S2.11.10)
Superintendent
Kneebauer: Your (84)
little monster of a son and
[…]
Parker:
Sorry,
(85)
mommy, […]
(T2.11/209.10)
Inspectora Kneebauer:
El (84) monstruo de tu
hijo y […]
Parker: Perdona, (85)
mami […]
(84)
Equivalence
and omission
of ‘little’
(85)
Equivalence
(83) Omission
(82) The insult functions as a
vocative (appellative function).
The diminutive softens the
pejorative word, which does not
happen in Spanish.
(83) The nickname is used as a
vocative (appellative function),
which does not appear in
Spanish.
(84) The pejorative term is used
to refer to Parker. By using
‘little’, the effect is softened. In
Spanish, the word also refers to
Parker.
(85) The term is used to refer to
Karen in a loving way. It
functions
as
a
vocative
(appellative function)
intensity in both the ST and the
TT is the same.
(82) I consider that the intensity is
slightly different between the two
languages because ‘delincuentes’
(without a softener) increases
Parker’s bad behaviour.
(83) Despite the fact that the
vocative is omitted, Artie is
directly referring to Joey. I
believe there is no need to add a
vocative in Spanish. That is why I
consider that the intensity is the
same.
(84) Together with (82), the fact
that Spanish omits ‘little’ in the
translation increases Parker’s bad
behaviour and the terms seem
more pejorative than the English
one.
(85) The features have the same
intensity in both the ST and the
TT.
Table 21.2. The instances of diminutives forms from S2.11 and T2.11/209, the fucntions and intensity
115
10.8. Table 22. Transcripts S1.07 and S1.07/108
Liv and Maddie
“Dodge-A-Rooney”
(S1.07)
(In Rooney’s kitchen)
S1.07.1
Maddie: Hi, mom. I had the best day doing community service at the
senior center. Helping people feels so great.
Karen: Wow, Maddie. I'm so glad. Would you help me set the table?
Maddie: Ugh! I'm so tired.
Additional comment:
Karen: I chair the Ridgewood High community service campaign.
My community service is to make sure those lazy slackers do their
community service.
(In Rooney’s kitchen)
Karen: I am so proud of you and Liv. But I'm surprised you didn't
pick the same project.
Maddie: Yeah, well, I think Liv knows that the senior center is my
turf, you know. I've been there for two years. Plus, it's all florescent
lighting. She says it makes her look like she has the flu.
Karen: Well, she was unbelievably excited about volunteering for
“Beautify Wisconsin.”
Maddie: Yeah, wait till she finds out what “Beautify Wisconsin”
actually means.
Liv: Turns out “Beautify Wisconsin” is not going door-to-door
giving makeovers.
I spent two hours in a ditch! Picking up anything that people threw
out of their cars, cigarette butts, potato chip bags, and most
humiliating of all, the season one DVD of “Sing It Loud.”
(At school)
S1.07.2
Diggie: All right, all right, Porcupines. Friday night we play our
Liv y Maddie
“El partido de brilé de las Rooney”
(T1.07/108)
(En la cocina de los Rooney)
T1.07/108.1
Maddie: ¡Hola mamá! He disfrutado mucho ayudando en el centro de la
tercera edad. ¡Ayudar sienta genial!
Karen: ¡Vaya, Maddie! ¡Me alegra tanto! ¿Me pones la mesa?
Maddie: ¡Oh! ¡Estoy tan cansada!
Comentario adicional:
Karen: Yo dirijo los servicios a la comunidad del instituto, ¿sabéis? Me
ocupo de garantizar que esos vagos totales hagan sus servicios a la
comunidad.
(En la cocina de los Rooney)
Karen: Estoy orgullosa de ti y de Liz, pero ¿cómo no estáis en el mismo
programa?
Maddie: Ya, Liv sabrá que el centro de la tercera edad es mi territorio.
Llevo dos años. Además, dice que con la luz de allí, su cutis palidece.
Karen: Bueno, estaba muy animada con ser voluntaria para
«Embellecer Wisconsin».
Maddie: Sí, pues cuando sepa lo que es «Embellecer Wisconsin», ya
verás.
Liv: Oh, resulta que «Embellecer Wisconsin» no era un programa de
cambios de imagen. He pasado dos horas en una zanja, recogiendo lo
que tiran de los coches: bolsas de patatas, colillas, y lo más humillante
de todo, un DVD de “Sing It Loud”.
(En la escuela)
T1.07/108.2
Diggie: Bien, bien, puercoespines. Este viernes vamos a aplastar a
116
biggest rivals “The Fairview Tiger Sharks!” And every year, those
Tiger Sharks try to steal our beloved mascot: Paulie, the Porcupine!
But the night before the big game, two freshmen are chosen to watch
over Paulie. As basketball Team Captain, I have selected Joey
Rooney and Skippy Ramirez to keep Paulie safe from the Tiger
Sharks!
Joey: I'm sorry. Just to be clear, are you booing us or are you booing
the Tiger Sharks?
Skippy: Dude, stop saying Tiger Sharks.
Joey: We are your Paulie protectors! Yeah!
nuestro gran rival, «¡Los Tiburones Tigre de Fairview!»
Y cada año, los Tiburones Tigre intentan robarnos nuestra mascota, a
Paulie, el Puercoespín. El día anterior al partido, dos alumnos de
primero vigilarán a Paulie. Como capitán del equipo, he elegido a Joey
Rooney y a Skippy Ramírez para mantener a Paulie a salvo de los
Tiburones Tigre.
Joey: Lo siento, una cosita, va por nosotros o por los tiburones?
Additional comment:
Joey: I begged Diggie for this job. If Skippy and I could keep Paulie
safe all night, we'd get the honor of hanging the first bratwurst link
around Paulie's neck. It's like winning an olympic medal, but with
meat.
(At the senior centre)
S1.07.3
Maddie: Okay, “Silver Steppers”, you are doing great. Now
remember, exercise reverses the aging process. So pretty soon, with a
little bit of work, you will all look 70 again. And if you get any
younger than that, then you'll have to pay full price at the movie
theater. Okay, get ready to switch stations. And go.
Budge: Hey, if you really want to get their attention, yell “bingo.”
They'll listen to anything you say after that.
Additional comment:
Maddie: I love my “Silver Steppers.” I mean, they're a blast. And
they don't think of me as one half of Liv and Maddie. I'm just me,
Maddie. Although they do keep calling me Addie, but you know, you
can't have everything.
(At the senior centre)
Liv: Maddie, hi.
Comentario adicional:
Joey: Le supliqué a Diggie que nos diera el puesto. Si mantenemos a
Paulie a salvo toda la noche tendremos el honor de poner a Paulie la
primera salchicha en el cuello. Es como ganar una medalla, pero de
puerco.
(En el centro de la tercera edad)
T1.07/108.3
Maddie: Bien, «Chicos de Plata», lo estáis haciendo genial! No olvidéis
que el ejercicio ralentiza el envejecimiento, así que con un poquito de
esfuerzo aparentaréis tener 70! Y si seguís así, no os harán descuento en
el cine! Venga! Listos para cambiar de sitio y…¡ya!
Skippy: No digas tiburones!
Joey: Somos los protectores de Paulie! ¡Sí! ¡Sí!
Budge: ¡Oye! Si lo que quieres es que te presten atención, grita ¡Bingo!
Escucharán todo lo que digas después!
Comentario adicional:
Maddie: Me encantan los «Chicos de Plata». Son la monda y…y no me
ven como la mitad de Liv y Maddie. Soy sólo yo, ¡Maddie! Aunque
siempre me llaman Addie, pero no se puede tener todo.
(En el centro de la tercera edad)
Liv: Maddie, hola.
Budge: Who's Maddie?
Maddie: Liv, what are you doing here?
Liv: I've decided to ditch the ditch. I didn't even know that was
gonna come out of my mouth until I said it. Oh, I'm adorable.
Anyway, I'm looking for a new community service idea. And I
thought…
Maddie: Uh, you can't volunteer here! I already checked. There is a
waiting list. For volunteers. You should check with mom. She will
reassign you. I so wish that we could do this together, you know? I
just we can't. It's such a bummer. It's so sad. Next station!
Additional comment:
Maddie: The truth was I couldn't figure out a nice way to tell my
sister that I needed space so technically I was lying right to her face,
which is also my face. So really I was just lying to myself, which
makes it okay. Right?
(In Rooney’s courtyard)
S1.07.4
Pete: Check it out. The “Fire Magic Smokehouse Deluxe” is ready
for action. Complete with thumbprint ignition pad. Only I can use it.
Karen: Well, then I must have one of those on the stove, the
dishwasher, the dryer, the iron, the vacuum, and the toilet handle
after Parker uses it. Sorry, sorry. That's some grill. Please tell me
more.
Parker: Ah, my scooter broke. It was the weirdest thing. Me and
Cooper and Isaac, and Caulden and Jack and Richie and Stevie and
Evan were riding on it. And it just snapped! This piece of junk!
Karen: Eight people on a scooter? What were you thinking?
Parker: We were going for the world record. Didn't think it would
snap till we added big Wayne. So can you glue it back together?
Pete: I'm sorry, buddy. They haven't invented glue strong enough to
fix that.
Parker: Correction, they haven't invented it yet. To my laboratory!
117
Budge: ¿Quién es Maddie?
Maddie: Liv, ¿Qué haces aquí?
Liv: Voy a zanjar la zanja. ¡Anda! ¡Si me ha salido solo! Soy
adorable…En fin, busco otra actividad para ayudar y creo que…
Maddie: Pues no puede…ser aquí. Ya me he enterado. Hay una lista de
espera. De voluntarios. Háblalo con mamá, te asignará otro sitio. Sería
genial poder hacer esto juntas pero…¡Qué va! Es una pena. Es tan
triste…¡Cambio de sitio!
Comentario adicional:
Maddie: En realidad, no sabía cómo decirle a mi hermana que
necesitaba espacio, así que técnicamente le mentí a la cara…que
también es la mía. Y mentirme a mí no es malo, ¿verdad?
(En el patio de los Rooney)
T1.07/108.4
Pete: Fíjate, a barbacoa «Grill Magic Deluxe» está lista para la acción.
Y tiene encendido por huella dactilar. Así. Solo puedo encenderla yo.
Karen: Pues yo debo de tener algo así en la cocina, el lavavajillas, la
secadora, la plancha y la tapa del váter tras usarla Parker. Perdón,
perdón. ¡Es muy guay! ¡Cuéntame más!
Parker: Ah, se me ha roto el patinete. No lo puedo entender. Me,
Cooper, Issac, Caulden y Jack y Richie y Stevie y yo estábamos encima,
y se partió. ¡Menuda basura!
Karen: ¿Con ocho personas encima? ¿Qué te creías?
Parker: Es que queríamos batir el récord. Aguantó hasta que se montó
Wayne el fofo. Oye, ¿crees que se podrá pegar?
Pete: Lo siento, hijo, pero no se ha inventado un pegamento lo bastante
fuerte.
Parker: ¡Corrección! No se ha inventado todavía. ¡A mi laboratorio!
(At school)
S1.07.5
Diggie: Look, dudes, just make sure nothing happens to Paulie, all
right? He's our good-luck charm.
Skippy: I'll crush anyone who comes near him.
Diggie: Okay, Joey, I can't believe I'm gonna say this, but I think
you're the muscle.
Additional comment:
Joey: I was the muscle, which comes with great responsibility. At
least I think it does. I don't really know. I've never been the muscle
before.
(At school)
Skippy: Joey, thanks for hooking me up with this job. This is gonna
be so much fun.
Joey: Fun? Fun? Skippy, this is serious work. Have you looked
around? We can't secure this porcupine. I did a quick 360 and there
are 47 points of entry…48 if these Tiger Sharks can tunnel up
through the floor.
Skippy: This is…this is so bad. We'll be the freshman that let Paulie
fall into enemy hands. What are we going to do?! We can't wait for
them to come to us. We need a new plan!
Joey: Okay, give me second. I'm…I'm thinking. Don't look me in the
eye when I'm thinking.It makes me uncomfortable.
Diggie: Good practice, guys. Catch you later. Hey, I'm gonna go
sneak up on our Paulie protectors, give them a good scare and listen
them scream like little girls. See you. Shark attack!
(At the senior centre)
S1.07.6
Maddie: Four more. Three, two, one, and take a break.
Budge: Don't need a break. Thanks to you and my titanium hips, I'm
practically bionic.
Maddie: Okay well, let's not exaggerate things, Budge. You did need
118
(En la escuela)
T1.07/108.5
Diggie: Chicos, que no le pase nada a Paulie, ¿vale? Nos da buena
suerte.
Skippy: ¡Machacaré a quien se acerque a Paulie!
Diggie: Vale, Joey, tu eres el más fuerte por increíble que parezca.
Comentario adicional:
Joey: Yo era el fuerte y eso es mucha responsabilidad. O eso creo
porque nunca he sido el fuerte.
(En la escuela)
Skippy: Gracias por conseguirme esto. ¡Porque va a ser de lo más guay!
Joey: ¿Guay? ¿Guay? Skippy, este es un trabajo serio. ¿Te has fijado?
No se puede proteger al puercoespín. He hecho un reconocimiento y hay
47 orificios de entrada, 48 si los Tiburones Tigre entran por abajo.
Skippy: Esto…¡Esto no mola nada! Seremos los pringaos que perdieron
a Paulie. ¿Qué hacemos? ¡No podemos esperar! ¡Haz un plan!
Joey: Un segundo, voy a…pensar. No me mires mientras pienso. Me
hace sentir incómodo.
Diggie: Bien hecho, chicos. Hasta luego. ¡Eh! Voy a espiar a los
vigilantes de Paulie para darles un buen susto y que griten como nenas.
¡Chao! ¡Ataque de tiburón! ¡Aaah!
(En el centro de la tercera edad)
T1.07/108.6
Maddie: Cuatro más. Tres, dos, uno…y descanso.
Budge: No me hace falta, gracias a ti y a mi cadera de titanio soy casi
biónica.
Maddie: Es mejor no exagerar, Budge. Antes me pediste que te abriera
119
me to unscrew your water bottle.
Budge: Ah, no. I can do that myself. But you could use the exercise.
I'm looking out for you, hon. You're the best thing to hit the wrinkle
ranch since Ralphie showed up in short shorts.
Liv: Cha cha cha cha cha, hey. (x6) Okay, everyone, big finish. Big
finish. Jazz hands! Surprisies.
Maddie: Liv, what are you doing here?
Liv: I'm teaching show choir. I stopped off at the office and it turns
out that they do have more room for volunteers. So…say hello to the
“Golden Chords.”
Baxter: Hello.
Woman I: Hello.
Woman II: Hello.
Liv: Hello. “Hello-ooo Hello-ooo.”
Baxter: Hello. Am I seeing double or did I lose a contact? Baxter
Fontanel, charmed.
una botella.
Budge: No, eso podía hacerlo yo. Te viene bien hacer ejercicio. Te
estoy cuidando, rica. Eres lo mejor que ha pasado en este rancho de
viejos desde que Ralphie vino en pantalón corto.
Liv: Chá, chá, chá, chá, ¡hey! (x6) ¡Venga! El gran final, ¡vamos!
¡Manos de Jazz! ¡Sorpre!
Maddie: Liv, ¿qué haces aquí?
Liv: Darles clases de coro. Fui a la oficina y sí tenían sitio para más
voluntarios, así que…saluda a los «Acordes de Oro»
Liv: Baxter, could you put piano in the corner?
Baxter: Sure. Send the 70-year-old man with a cane to move the
piano.
Maddie: Um, wait. Liv, you’re gonna practice in here? This is my
room.
Liv: Yeah, but I mean, all the other rooms are booked. Plus, I
thought it would be fun to share. You know, just another twinsie
thing that we can do together.
Additional comment:
Maddie: How do you tell your best friend to go back to the ditch she
came from? You look her right in the eye and you lay down the cold,
hard truth.
(At the senior centre)
Maddie: I am so glad you’re here. Jazz hands!
Liv: Jazz hands!
Liv: Baxter, ¿pones el piano allí?
Baxter: ¡Claro! Pídele al setentón con bastón que mueva el piano.
Baxter: ¡Hola!
Señora I: Hola.
Señora II: Hola.
Liv: Hola. «Hola-aaa Hola-aaa».
Baxter: Hola. Acaso veo doble o es que he perdido una lentilla? Baxter
Fontanel, un placer.
Maddie: ¡Eh! Oye, Liv. ¿Ensayaréis aquí? Esta es mi sala.
Liv: Ya, pero no hay más sitio. Además, será genial! Otra cosita de
gemelas que haremos juntas.
Comentario adicional:
Maddie: ¿Cómo le dices a tu mejor amiga que se vuelva a la zanja de la
que venía? Mirándola a los ojos y soltándole toda la verdad. Dura y
cruda.
(En el centro de la tercera edad)
Maddie: ¡Cuánto me alegro que estés aquí! ¡Manos de jazz!
Liv: ¡Manos de jazz!
(In Rooney’s courtyard)
S1.07.7
Skippy: Getting Paulie out of the school hallway was a stroke of
pure genius. But are you sure this is the best hiding spot?
Joey: Absolutely. He’ll be safe until tomorrow.
Skippy: Your parents aren’t gonna notice a giant porcupine swinging
from your oak tree?
Joey: No. Everyone’s got their nose in their phones nowadays.
Nobody looks up.
Karen: Oh, sorry. I didn’t see you there. I was looking at a kitten
video. You should have known you weren’t big enough to jump over
that baby gate.
Pete: Joey, I need answers from you. I need them now. Bratwurst or
pork burgers for the barbecue this weekend? I know I’m asking early,
but I hate to have things hanging over my head.
Joey: Well, Dad, just pick a dead animal and I’ll eat it.
Pete: My man! Does it look like rain?
Karen: Oh, that’s a good question. I’ll check my phone.
Joey: Huh? I’m sorry, wait, what’s that? Who’s the Paulie protector?
This guy! Oh, it’ll be awesome hanging that first bratwurst on Paulie.
Everyone’ll be clapping and, just when they think we can’t get any
cooler…Boo-yah! Oh, it’s perfect. Just remember to stay on my left.
We want to be ‘boo-yah.’ ‘Yah-boo’ is just stupid.
(In Rooney’s kitchen)
S1.07.8
Pete: How’s it going with the glue, Professor?
Parker: Uh, did people ask Einstein “how’s it going” while he was
splitting atoms?
Pete: Uh, Einstein didn’t split atoms.
Parker: Maybe that’s because people kept interrupting him. And
now…the moment of truth. Yes, it worked!
Pete: This is amazing.
120
(En el patio de los Rooney)
T1.07/108.7
Skippy: Sacar a Paulie del insti ha sido un golpe de puro genio. ¿Pero
seguro que aquí estará mejor?
Joey: ¡Por supuesto! Estará a salvo hasta mañana.
Skippy: ¿Tus padres no verán que hay un puercoespín gigante colgado
del roble?
Joey: ¡No! Hoy en día todo el mundo mira el móvil, no hacia arriba.
Karen: ¡Oh! ¡Perdón! ¡No os había visto! Miraba un video de un gatito.
¿Cómo es que has saltado por encima de esa valla?
Pete: Joey, más vale que me des una respuesta ya. ¿Carne o pescado
para la barbacoa del sábado? Aún queda tiempo pero no me gusta dejar
las cosas colgadas!
Joey: Ah, bueno, papá, pues pilla un animal muerto, ¡y a comer!
Pete: ¡Así se habla! ¿Creéis que va a llover?
Karen: ¡Ah! Buena pregunta. Miraré en el móvil.
Joey: ¿Eh? ¿Perdona? ¿Qué dices? ¿Quién es el protector? ¡Este tío! Va
a ser increíble colgarle la primera salchicha a Paulie. Todos aplaudirán.
Y cuando piensen que no se puede ser más guay…«Boo-yah!»
¡Perfecto! Pero ponte ahí, deber ser «booyah», «yabooh» sonaría bobo.
(En la cocina de los Rooney)
T1.07/108.8
Pete: ¿Qué tal va con el pegamento, profesor?
Parker: Eh…¿Le preguntaban a Einstein qué tal le iba cuando dividía
átomos?
Pete: Eh…Einstein no dividía átomos.
Parker: Puede que no interrumpieran siempre. Y ahora…el momento de
la verdad. ¡Sí! ¡Funciona!
Pete: ¡Es increíble!
Karen: Well, it’s impressive, but how are you gonna get my good
pan off the fridge?
Parker: Mom, a simple “Parker, you’re a genius” will do.
(At the senior centre)
S1.07.9
Liv: “I’m gonna strap on my velcro shoes. And dance with the
Golden Chords. Sing with the Golden Chords. Check with the
Golden Chords. So turn up your hearing aid and come see the Golden
Chords. Liv and the Golden Chords.” Break it down, Baxter!
Baxter: “Still got my teeth, still got my hair. My funky tight
suspenders give me lots of flair. Come on, lady, I’m coming up at
you. I’m a grey-haired rapper who’s handle is Baxter.” Word. Wait, I
need that.
Maddie: Liv, this…just is not gonna work for me, okay? You’ve got
us packed over here tighter than Budge’s workout pants.
Budge: If you got it, flaunt it, honey.
Baxter: If you got it, I’ve never seen it.
Maddie: This is my room and I call dibs.
Liv: Dibs? Really? What, are we a couple of first graders? Are we
gonna settle this with a game of dodge ball? Winner’s gonna get the
room?
Maddie: Nice shot, Budge.
Liv: Should have stuck with shuffleboard, Granny, because this
game’s gonna hurt.
(In Rooney’s courtyard)
S1.07.10
Diggie: What is wrong with you two?
Joey: What’s wrong?
Skippy: Did you see sharks?
Diggie: No, but I’ll tell you what I did see, a giant bronze porcupine
statue swinging from the tree. When I was three blocks away!
Joey: Okay. That is a problem. But you have to admit when you’re
121
Karen: Es impresionante, ¿Pero cómo despegarás mi sartén de la
nevera?
Parker: Em…mamá, tú dime «Parker eres un genio», y ya está.
(En el centro de la tercera edad)
T1.07/108.9
Liv: «Mis zapatos listos para bailar con los Acordes de Oro hoy, cantaré
con ellos hoy, saltaré con ellos hoy, enciende el audífono abuelo hoy,
ven con nosotros hoy, Liv y los Acordes de Oro» ¡Dale caña, Baxter!
Baxter: «Aún tengo dientes, aún tengo pelo y unos tirantes con los que
voy a juego. ¡Vamos, preciosa! No te retrases, soy un viejo rapero que
responde por Baxter». ¡Hecho! Espera, me hace falta.
Maddie: Liv, esto no está gustándome, ¿vale? Estamos más apretados
que los pantalones de Budge.
Budge: Hay que enseñar lo que se tiene, hija.
Baxter: Si lo tienes, yo no lo he visto.
Maddie: Esto es mío y llegué primero.
Liv: Primer en serio? Somos niñitas de primero? Vamos a jugarnos el
sitio al balón prisionero y la que gane se queda?
Maddie: ¡Buen tiro, Budge!
Liv: Lamentarás no jugártelo a las cartas, porque esto te va a doler.
(En el patio de los Rooney)
T1.07/108.10
Diggie: ¿Pero qué os pasa a los dos?
Joey: ¿Qué pasa?
Skippy: ¿Hay tiburones?
Diggie: ¡No! Pero te diré lo que hay: una estatua de bronce de un
puercoespín colgada de un árbol que se puede ver desde lejos.
Joey: Vale, es un problema. Pero tienes que admitir que desde aquí
standing right here, you don’t see it at all.
Diggie: We have to get him back. If people find out you took him,
you’ll be outcasts. I’ll be the doofus who picked the outcasts and I’m
not gonna be Diggie the doofus!
Joey: Okay, okay. Let’s get him down.
Diggie: Oh, yeah, take your time, Joey, go!
Joey: You two get under Paulie. I’m going to let him down gently.
Stupid thing is stuck.
Diggie: Oh! Going this way. Going this way.
Joey: Dad’s grill!
Diggie: Paulie!
Skippy: My lemonade!
Parker: I fixed my scooter, losers!
Joey: Parker, beat it. We have to figure…wait a second. How’d you
get your scooter back together?
Parker: Oh, my new invention. “Parker Paste”, patent pending.
Sticks to anything. I just glued Dad’s toilet seat shut, so after dinner,
get ready for the show.
Joey: Parker, your paste might be the only thing that could get me
out of this jam. Well, I beg of you. As your brother, Parker, please.
Give me some glue.
Parker: I think what we have here is what you call a “swapportunity”. Ah! Pleasure doing business with you, butt bags. Diggie,
you’re better than this. Ah!
(At the senior centre)
S1.07.11
Baxter: This is no holds-barred dodge ball. Winner takes the room.
Loser takes…who cares. You’re the loser.
Maddie: You sure you want to do this, songbird? Jazz hands can’t
save you now.
122
dentro no se ve en absoluto.
Diggie: Tenemos que devolverlo. Si ven que os lo llevasteis estaréis
acabados. Y yo seré el tarugo que os buscó. Y no pienso ser Diggie, el
tarugo.
Joey: Vale, vale. Lo bajaré.
Diggie: Si…sin prisa. ¡Joey, corre!
Joey: Coged a Paulie. Lo bajaré con suavidad. ¡Esta cosa se ha
atascado!
Diggie: ¡Uy! ¡Cuidado, cuidado!
Joey: ¡La barbacoa de papá!
Diggie: ¡Paulie!
Skippy: ¡Mi limonada!
Parker: Ya he arreglado mi patinete.
Joey: Parker, ¡pírate! Tenemos que…un segundo. ¿Cómo has podido
pegar el patinete?
Parker: ¡Ah! Con mi invento: «Pasta Parker» sin patentar. La que lo
pega todo. He pegado la tapa de váter de papá, así que listos para las
risas!
Joey: ¡Parker! ¡Tu pasta! Podría ser la solución para sacarme de este
problema. Te lo suplico. Como hermano, Parker. Por favor. ¡Dame
pegamento!
Parker: Creo que esto es lo que se suele llamar una cambiooportunidad. ¡Ah! Ha sido un placer hacer negocios, cara mocos. Diggie,
¡qué bajo has caído! ¡Ah!
(En el centro de la tercera edad)
T1.07/108.11
Baxter: Este es el balón prisionero sin piedad. El que gane se queda. El
que pierda…¡da igual! Perderás tú.
Maddie: ¿Seguro que quieres seguir, pajarraca? Las manos de jazz no te
salvarán esta vez.
Liv: Oh, estoy segura. Esa zanja me ha congelado las venas. E irritado el
Liv: Oh, I’m sure. That ditch put ice in my veins. And a rash on my tobillo. ¿Sabes, Maddie? Pensándolo mejor, es todo tuyo. Chao.
ankle. You know what, Maddie? Changed my mind. The room all
yours. See ya.
(In Rooney’s living room)
S1.07.12
Karen: Do you have any idea what it feels like to have to pick up
your daughters because they started a dodge ball riot at the senior
center? No, you don’t because it’s never happened before in the
history of the world.
Liv: High marks for originality, what, what?
Karen: Because of you the senior center will no longer allow my
Ridgewood students to volunteer.
Maddie: Mom, we’re really sorry. We messed up.
Liv: Yeah, and we swear if we could fix it, we would.
Karen: Funny you should mention that because I just happen to have
two openings.
Liv: Ah! Not the ditch!
Karen: I signed you both up for double the hours. Report to mile
marker 35, between the cow farm and the sewage plant. Uh, what,
what?
Maddie: Dibs on the cow farm side.
Liv: Ha. Cute that you think that there’s a good side. What happened
back there?
Maddie: I just…The senior center is just kind of my hang and you
sort of space invaded it.
Liv: Got it. Oh, hey, here’s an idea. Next time you have a problem,
tell me before the over-80 crowd opens up a can of butt-whoop on us.
So are we good?
Maddie: Yeah, we’re good.
Liv: Okay. Seriously?
Maddie: Yeah. There’s no way I’m losing any sport to you. You
throw like a girl!
Liv: Come at me! What? What? What?
123
(En la sala de estar de los Rooney)
T1.07/108.12
Karen: ¿Tenéis alguna idea de lo que es tener que ir a buscar a tus hijas
porque se han pegado con balones en un centro de la tercera edad? ¡No,
qué va! ¡Porque es la primera vez que había pasado en la vida!
Liv: ¿Buena nota por originalidad, qué tal?
Karen: Por vuestra culpa, el centro ya no permitirá que mis alumnos
sean voluntarios allí.
Maddie: Mamá, sentimos haberlo estropeado.
Liv: Sí, y lo arreglaríamos si pudiéramos.
Karen: Me alegra que lo digas porque tengo justo dos vacantes.
Liv: ¡Ah! ¡La zanja no!
Karen: Os he apuntado por el doble de horas. Debéis ir al kilómetro 35
entre una cuadra y el vertedero. ¿Qué tal?
Maddie: Me pido lo de la cuadra.
Liv: Los dos sitios son iguales. ¿Pero qué nos ha pasado?
Maddie: Es que ese centro era mi sitio, y tú…fuiste a invadirlo.
Liv: Entiendo. ¡Oh! Oye, tengo una idea. Cuando te moleste algo,
dímelo antes de que unos ochentones nos den una paliza. ¿Olvidado?
Maddie: Sí, claro.
Liv: Vale. ¿Va en serio?
Maddie: Sí. Me niego a perder contra ti. ¡Lanzas como una nena!
Liv: Vale, ven ven ven.
124
Maddie: Ah!
Maddie: ¡Ah!
(At school)
S1.07.13
Diggie: Ah! All right, Porcupines. We made it to game day and
Paulie is…safe and sound.
Additional comment:
Joey: It took all night, but that “Parker Paste” is amazing. We put
Paulie back together and fixed my Dad’s barbecue. Oh, and
somehow I got a spatula stuck to my elbow.
(At school)
Diggie: Gentlemen, your ceremonial bratwursts to bestow upon
Paulie. All right. Do the honors.
Joey: All right, big finish. Boo-yah! Oh, we’re yah-boo. We’re yahboo. Switch. Switch. Switch. Boo-yah! Uh! Go Porcupines!
(In Rooney’s courtyard)
S1.07.14
Pete: Joey, my firstborn son. It means a lot to me that you’re here for
the maiden burn of the “Fire Magic Smokehouse Deluxe.” Someday,
all this will be yours.
Joey: Yeah, yeah. Dad, that’s great. Uh, grill’s all right though,
right? No whiffs of burning glue?
Pete: No, it’s fine. Why are you acting so weird?
Joey: Hey, look! Parker’s here. Yeah! Oh, it’s awesome. Your
scooter’s still in one piece. You know, I was kind of worried about
“Parker Paste” after the whole Paulie fiasco, but it appears that Dad’s
grill will be okay.
Parker: Uh, no. My other scooter broke again. This is a new one.
Parker Paste is a total bust. But I did make some adjustments to my
metal detector. Now it detects fear.
Joey: Uh, hey, guys. Does it look like rain? Sure does. Cancel the
barbecue. Everyone inside. Everyone inside.
Pete: What are you talking about? You’re about to taste what a
(En la escuela)
T1.07/108.13
Diggie: Muy bien, puercoespines! Ha llegado el día del partido y Paulie
está sano y salvo.
Comentario adicional:
Joey: Fue difícil, pero la «Pasta Parker» es bestial! Pegamos a Paulie y
la barbacoa de mi padre. ¡Ah! Y no se cómo, tengo una espátula pegada
en mi antebrazo.
(En la escuela)
Diggie: Caballeros, vuestra salchicha ceremonial para que se la deis a
Paulie. Venga, haced los honores.
Joey: La apoteosis final. ¡Boo-yah! ¡Pone yah-boo! ¡Cambio! ¡Cambio!
¡Cambio! ¡Booyah! ¡Vamos, puercoespines!
(En el patio de los Rooney)
T1.07/108.14
Pete: ¡Joey! ¡Mi primogénito! Significa mucho para mi que estés
presente en la primera vez que uso el «Grill Magic Deluxe». Algún día
todo esto será tuyo.
Joey: Sí, genial. ¿Pero está todo bien? ¿No huele a pegamento
quemado?
Pete: No le pasa nada. ¿Por qué estás tan rarito?
Joey: ¡Eh, mirad! ¡Parker está aquí! ¡Sí! ¡Genial! Aún sigue de una
pieza. Empezaba a dudar de la «Pasta Parker». Después de lo de
Paulie…pero parece que la barbacoa de papá sobrevivirá.
Parker: Eh…no. El otro patinete cascó. Este es nuevo. La Pasta Parker
es una pifia. Pero he hecho unos ajustes en mi detector de metales.
Ahora detecta el miedo.
Joey: ¡Eh, escuchad! Creo que va a llover. ¡Seguro! ¡Apagad la
barbacoa! ¡Todos adentro! ¡Todos adentro!
Pete: ¿Pero de qué estás hablando? Vas a probar lo que hace con la
125
$2,000 grill can do to a piece of meat.
carne una barbacoa de dos mil dólares.
Karen: It cost how much?
Karen: ¿Cuánto dices que has pagado?
Pete: Let’s not get sidetracked. Time to take a look at these bad Pete: ¡Déjate de detallitos! Veamos cómo va esta joya…¿Cómo es
boys. How did this happen?
posible?
Table 22.1. English transcript (S1.07) and the Spanish transcript (T1.07)
10.9. Table 23. Transcripts S2.11 and S2.11/209
Liv and Maddie
“Detention-A-Rooney”
(S2.11)
(In Rooney’s living room)
S2.11.1
Parker: Ha! Take that, munch!
Joey: Why did you kill me? We are teammates.
Parker: Not anymore. You're dead.
Karen: Parker, are you excited? It's that time of year again.
Parker: It's my half-birthday? Where's my half-cake and half-gift?
Karen: No, no, even better. It's time for “The Momma's Sweet Baby
Boy Pageant.”
Additional comments:
Karen: The mothers of Stevens Point have a pageant where we
parade in costume with our youngest sons. Oh! Best day of the year!
Parker: Worst day of the year, but it's really important to my mom,
so I suck it up and die a little inside.
Joey: Mom used to make me do the pageant, but then there was a
new baby boy for her to dress like a doll. Now I go to laugh and take
lots and lots of pictures.
(In Rooney’s living room)
Joey: Remember when you were seven and the theme was
"Mysteries of the Ocean"? My favourite.
Liv y Maddie
“El castigo Rooney”
(T2.11/209)
(En la sala de estar de los Rooney)
T2.11/209.1
Parker: ¡Toma ya, pringao!
Joey: ¿Por qué me has matado? ¡Vamos en el mismo equipo!
Parker: Estás muerto. Ya no.
Karen: Parker, ¿estás nervioso? Se acerca ese día tan especial.
Parker: ¿Es mi medio cumpleaños, media tarta y medio regalo?
Karen: No, no. Aún mejor. Es la época del «Concurso niño bonito de
mamá».
Comentarios adicionales:
Karen: Las madres de Stevens Point tenemos un concurso para desfilar
disfrazadas con nuestros hijitos. Oh, es el mejor día del año.
Parker: El peor día del año. Pero es importante para mamá y lo soporto.
Pero me muero un poco por dentro.
Joey: Mamá me llevaba a mi al concurso, pero tuvo otro bebé al que
vestir de muñeco. Ahora puedo reírme y hacer muchas, muchas fotos.
(En la sala de estar de los Rooney)
Joey: ¿Recuerdas a los siete años? El tema fue «Misterios del océano».
Mi favorito.
Karen: Oh, look at my little sailor. So this year's theme is “Beyond
the Arctic Circle.” Now, mama pulled a few strings so you get to be
the narwhal. Ha ha! Can I get a nar-what-what? Whoo! Whoo!
Additional comment:
Parker: This is a narwhal. I know it's technically a whale, but let's be
honest. It's a sea unicorn. I've gotta get out of this pageant. It'll be
worse than “disco fever.”
(In Rooney’s kitchen)
S2.11.2
(The parents enter in silence)
Liv: Hey, guys.
Karen: Oh, no, she's sick. Pete, she's sick.
Additional comments:
Karen: Whenever one twin gets sick, the other goes down, too. One
time Liv got sick in California. By that afternoon, Maddie had a fever
in Wisconsin.
Pete: You've heard of the black plague. Well, this is the blonde
plague.
(In Rooney’s kitchen)
Karen: Oh, let's not panic. Maybe they've grown out of it. You
know, I saw Maddie this morning. She's fine.
Maddie: Achoo!
Pete: Is she, woman? Is she?
Maddie: Mommy. I'm sicky. I'm so cold. I want my blanky.
Karen: I can't get sick. Okay. There, there. All better. Okay.
Maddie: Mmm, so hot. Is this blanky made of fire?
Karen: Oh, well, looks like I'm on plague patrol. I can kiss that
pageant goodbye.
Pete: Wait a minute, honey. I can take care of the twins.
Karen: What? You would do that for me?
Pete: Sure.
Karen: You are such a prince.
126
Karen: Oh, mira mi marinerito. Bueno, el tema de este año es «Más allá
del círculo ártico». Mami ha usado sus influencias, así que podrás ser el
narval. ¡Quiero un nar-narval! ¡Uh! ¡Uh!
Comentario adicional:
Parker: Esto es un narval. Ya sé que es una ballena, pero siendo
sinceros, es un unicornio marino. Debo librarme del concurso. Será peor
que la fiebre disco.
(En la cocina de los Rooney)
T2.11/209.2
Karen: No, de eso nada.
Liv: ¡Hola chicos!
Karen: ¡Oh no! Está mal. Pete, está mal.
Comentarios adicionales:
Karen: Si una de las gemelas se enferma, la otra también cae. Una vez,
Liv se puso enferma en California y esa tarde Maddie tuvo fiebre en
Wisconsin.
Pete: ¿Conocéis la peste negra? Pues esto es la peste rubia.
(En la cocina de los Rooney)
Karen: No, que no cunda el pánico, lo habrán superado. Vi a Maddie
esta mañana, está bien.
Maddie: ¡Achú!
Pete: ¿Lo está mujer? ¿Tu crees?
Maddie: Mami…estoy malita…tengo frío. Quiero mi mantita.
Karen: No puedo enfermar. Vale, venga, toma, mucho mejor.
Maddie: ¡Qué calor! ¿La mantita tiene fuego?
Karen: Oh, bien, me va a tocar hacer de enfermera. Me puedo despedir
del concurso.
Pete: No, un momento. Yo puedo cuidar de las gemelas.
Karen: ¿Qué? ¿Harías eso por mi?
Pete: Claro.
Karen: Eres todo un príncipe.
Maddie: Does no one see me dying here?
Karen: Well, hop to it, prince. Mama loves you.
Maddie: Daddy. Bubby.
Pete: Liv, honey. Are you all right in there?
Liv: Yeah. Good news is I got it all out of me. Bad news is I think
we might need a new toaster. Just one second.
(At the community centre)
S2.11.3
Joey: There's a hundred ways to die in Clancy's Dairy Farm slash
community centre. Choose one. Ha!
Artie: There's also a hundred ways to look like a doofus. Burn! Now
stop this tomfoolery and turn the mat over to a real Kendo master.
Joey: Why, are you hiding one under your orange man perm?
Artie: One, I will destroy you at Kendo. And two, this is all me,
baby.
Joey: Fine, then I challenge you to a duel. I'm gonna slice you, dice
you, then serve you over rice, you.
Artie: Very well. When I win, you will have me over for a sleepover
so your enchanting sister Liv can be bewitched by the sight of me in
my casual evening attire.
Joey: Nothing lights a girl's candle like footie pajamas.
Artie: You don't have to tell me, brother.
Joey: Fine, but if I win, I get your minions.
Artie: My minions? I could never part with Taylor, Joel and the
other one. Luckily, that will never happen because of my can-do
Kendo skills.
Joey: [unrecognizable sound] Is that a ladybug?
Artie: Ah! Demon at the summer garden. Minions, seize her.
Joey: Ha-ha-ha! I used your fear of ladies and bugs against you.
Your Minions are now my mine-ions. Victory music, please.
Artie: Wait! Don't leave me with the ladybug.
(At school)
127
Maddie: ¿Nadie nota que me estoy muriendo?
Karen: Pues venga, príncipe. Mami te quiere.
Maddie: Papi…papi…
Pete: Oh, Liv, hija, ¿todo bien por ahí?
Liv: Sí, lo bueno es que lo he echado todo. Lo malo es que hay que
comprar otra tostadora nueva. Un segundo.
(En el centro social)
T2.11/209.3
Joey: Hay cien maneras de morir en la lechería guión centro social de
Clancy. Elige una. ¡Ha!
Artie: Y hay cien maneras de quedar como un memo. ¡Booyah! Ahora
déjate de payasadas y cede el sitio a un maestro del Kendo.
Joey: ¿Por qué? ¿Llevas uno bajo esa permanente pelirroja?
Artie: Una, te machacaré al Kendo y dos, es natural, monada.
Joey: Bien, entonces te reto a un duelo. Voy a cortarte, picarte y servirte
con arroz…te.
Artie: Fantástico. Cuando te venza, me invitarás a tu casa para que tu
hermana Liv alucine al verme con mi atuendo informal nocturno.
Joey: Nada las atrae como un pijama completo.
Artie: Y que lo digas, tío.
Joey: Bien, pero si gano, me quedo a tus esbirros.
Artie: ¿Mis esbirros? Nunca abandonaría a Taylor, Joel y el otro, ese.
Por suerte, eso no pasará por mi nivel de Kendo.
Joey: ¡Ay, duele! ¿Es una mariquita?
Artie: ¡Ay! ¡Demonio en el jardín! ¡Esbirros, capturarla!
Joey: ¡Hahaha! He usado tu miedo a los bichos para poder superarte.
¡Hehe! Tus esbirros ahora son míos. ¡Música de victoria!
Artie: ¡Alto! No me dejéis con la mariquita.
(En la escuela)
S2.11.4
Joey: Mm, minty. I could get used to this. Minions! To robotics
class. Hello, Artie. Have you lost weight since yesterday? Like, I
don't know, like three Minions worth. Fake compliment that turned
into a burn burn. You guys are so good at that.
Artie: I don't even know the combination to my locker. My…my
minions have always opened it for me.
Joey: I wouldn't worry about it. Ha-ha! That's not your locker.
Minions! We ride! Parker, I know you're only here twice a week for
robotics class, but you were not supposed to take projects out of the
lab. Mom and superintendent Kneebauer are right there.
Parker: Don't worry. I know what I'm doing.
Superintendent Kneebauer: Hey!
Parker: Oh, no, I have made a horrible error in judgment.
Karen: Parker, what is the matter with you? And why are you
wearing a second skirt?
Superintendent Kneebauer: I have four more under this one. I don't
leave the house until I'm completely prank proof. Now what are you
planning on doing with this hooligan? Are you tough enough to
discipline your own kid?
Karen: Of course I am. Now, Parker, if you are old enough to get
into high school trouble, you are old enough for high school
consequences. You have detention for the next two days. I'll make
you a snack.
Superintendent Kneebauer: Two days? This entire hallway almost
got an eyeful of underpants. I want this little monster in there for the
rest of the week.
Karen: Oh, well, he kind of has plans on Friday.
Superintendent Kneebauer: They've just been canceled.
[Background music. Karen does not seem to answer]
Additional comment:
Parker: Oh, did mama's sweet baby boy get thrown into detention
128
T2.11/209.4
Joey: Mmm mentolado. Podría acostumbrarme a esto. ¡Esbirros! A
clase de robótica. Hola, Artie. ¿Acaso has perdido desde ayer? Como el
peso de tres esbirros? ¡Booyah! ¡Cumplido falso que es una puya!
Chicos, esto se os da de maravilla.
Artie: Ni siquiera sé la combinación de mi taquilla. Es que mis esbirros
me la abrían.
Joey: No te preocupes, esa no es tu taquilla. ¡Haha! ¡Esbirros, a
cabalgar! ¡Eh, Parker! Solo vienes dos veces por semana a robótica, pero
no se pueden sacar los prototipos. Mamá y la inspectora Kneebauer
están aquí.
Parker: Tranquilo, sé lo que hago.
Inspectora Kneebauer: ¡Eh!
Parker: ¡Oh, no! He cometido un error de cálculo que ha sido terrible.
Karen: ¡Parker! ¿Pero qué demonios te pasa? ¿Y usted por qué lleva
otra falda?
Inspectora Kneebauer: Llevo cuatro más debajo. No salgo de casa sin
estar a prueba de bromas. ¿Qué piensa hacer con este gamberro? ¿Está
lista para castigar a su hijo?
Karen: ¡Por supuesto que sí! Bien, Parker, si eres mayor para liarla en
el instituto, también lo serás para sufrir las consecuencias. Te pongo dos
días de castigo. Te traeré un bollo.
Inspectora Kneebauer: ¿Dos días? ¡Pero si todos han estado a punto de
ver mi ropa interior! Castigue a ese monstruo lo que queda de semana.
Karen: Bueno, tiene planes para el viernes.
Inspectora Kneebauer: Acaban de cancelarse.
Karen: ¿Qué?
Comentario adicional:
Parker: ¡Oh! ¿Podrá el niño bonito de mamá acabar castigado en el insti
129
“accidentally,” making himself unavailable for the pageant? Oops! I
guess he did.
(At school/Detention room)
S2.11.5
Superintendent Kneebauer: Line up, detainees.
Parker: Superintendent Kneebauer, you're in charge of detention?
Superintendent Kneebauer: Oh, yeah, and you're in for a week of
hard labor. Listen up, maggots. I want this school to shine. First up,
graffiti removal. And we're waiting for what?
sin querer y por lo tanto no ir al concurso? ¡Uy! Parece que sí.
Parker: Dump truck? What kind of loser calls himself “dump
truck”?
Dump Truck: Who you calling a loser?
Parker: Woe! What. It's lovely to meet you, Mr. Dump Truck, sir.
I'm a big fan of your work.
Dump Truck: Listen, noob, I don't know how they do things in
middle school, but this here is my detention. That's the boss, but I'm
the guy. She lets me say that. We got a little arrangement going on.
You're gonna do what I say, noob. First, you're gonna empty the rat
traps out by the dumpster. Then you're gonna empty the roach traps
out by the dumpster. And then you're gonna clean the dumpster.
Then you're gonna go to the cafeteria and you're gonna make me
some nachos. Wash your hands after the dumpster.
Additional comment:
Parker: Anything's better than being mama's sweet baby boy. Even a
bag of dead dumpster rats. Mostly dead dumpster rats.
(In Liv and Maddie’s bedroom)
S2.11.6
Maddie: Daddy!
Liv: There's the bell. Gotta go to school. Hey, mom. Love that outfit.
Pete: Daddy's here with the juice.
Maddie: What? Dad, that wasn't the juice bell. That was the fluff my
Parker: «¿Volquete?» ¿Que pringao se pondría ese nombre?
(En la escuela/Sala de castigados)
T2.11/209.5
Inspectora Kneebauer: ¡En fila, castigados!
Parker: Inspectora Kneebauer, ¿se encarga de los castigos?
Inspectora Kneebauer: Oh, sí. Y te espera una semana de duro trabajo.
¡Escuchad, gusanos! Quiero que este centro brille. Lo primero, a borrar
esos grafitis. ¿Y a qué estáis esperando ahora?
Volquete: ¿A quién llamas tú pringao?
Parker: Es un placer, señor Volquete. Me encanta su obra.
Volquete: Escucha, nuevo, no sé cómo hacéis las cosas en el cole, pero
esta zona es solo mía. Ella manda, pero yo soy el jefe. Que sepas que
tenemos un acuerdo entre los dos. Vas a hacer lo que te mande, nuevo.
Primero, vacía las trampas para ratones, después, vacía las trampas para
cucarachas y después limpia los restos. Y luego ve a la cafetería y
tráeme unos nachos. Pero lávate las manos primero.
Comentario adicional:
Parker: Todo es mejor que ser el niño bonito de mamá. Incluso un saco
lleno de ratas muertas. La mayoría están muertas.
(En la habitación de Liv y Maddie)
T2.11/209.6
Maddie: Papi…
Liv: ¡El despertador! Me voy a clase. Hola, mamá. Bonito conjunto.
Pete: Papi está aquí con el zumo.
Maddie. ¿Qué? No era la campana del zumo. Es la de mullir almohadas.
pillows bell. This is the juice bell.
Liv: That's the first period bell. I am so late for class. Liv Rooney
present, Mrs. Tidwell. I have my pencil and I'm ready to learn.
Pete: Oh, oh, honey. Honey, you're delirious with fever.
Liv: What?
Pete: Come on, no school for you, sweetheart. No school, no school.
Liv: No, dad, I'm fine. Joey, tell dad that I'm fine. Wow, Joey, your
arms are getting really big.
Pete: Is that the rub my feet bell?
Maddie: No, daddy, it's get the boogies out of my nose bell. Come
on, daddy, here's a snot sucker.
Liv: Second period. It's time for choir. [sings] Thank you.
Pete: Come on, come on [unrecognizable word due to the Liv
singing] What? What? Tissue, tea, cough drop? What?
Maddie: If you loved me, you would know.
Liv: [Sings] Thank you.
(In Rooney’s living room)
S2.11.7
Joey: Oh, wow, oh, wow, okay. Guys, I can crack my own claw.
You're not gonna chew for me, too?
Additional comment:
Joey: Minions seem like a good idea until they are smothering you
all day long. Applying your deodorant after gym. Popping
blackheads on your forehead. Handing you toilet paper under the
stall. Granted, it was six ply and really soft on my bottom. But still, a
man needs his space. Stop it.
(In Rooney’s living room & courtyard)
Joey: Okay, really, none of this is weird for you guys? Get off me,
get off me, get off me, get off me. Ah! Artie! Oh! I have never been
so happy to see you.
Artie: Hey, minions.
Joey: Dude, you have to take them back. I thought it would be cool,
130
Ésta es la del zumo.
Liv: ¡Oh, es el timbre! Llego tardísimo a clase. Liv Rooney presente,
profesora. Tengo el lápiz para coger apuntes.
Pete: Oh, hija, hija. Estás delirando por la fiebre.
Liv: ¿Qué?
Pete: Venga, hoy no puedes ir a clase. Nada de clase. A tumbarte.
Liv: No, papá, estoy bien. Joey, di a papá que estoy bien. Vaya, Joey te
estás poniendo muy musculoso.
Pete: ¿Es la frótame los pies?
Maddie: No. Es la de sácame los mocos de la nariz. Toma papi, aquí
esta la pera.
Liv: Segunda clase, toca coro. [Canta] Gracias.
Pete: Vamos, otro día, cielo, vamos. ¿Qué? ¿Qué? ¿Pañuelos? ¿Té?
¿Jarabe? ¿Qué?
Maddie: Si me quisieras lo sabrías.
Liv: [Canta] Gracias.
(En la sala de estar de los Rooney)
T2.11/209.7
Joey: ¡Oh! Vaya, oh, vale, chicos, puedo partir las pinzas. ¡Hehe! ¿No
vais a masticar por mi?
Comentario adicional:
Joey: Los esbirros parecen una buena idea hasta que empiezan a
agobiarte el día entero. Te ponen desodorante en gimnasia, te quitan los
puntos negros de la frente, te dan el papel higiénico por la puerta. Cierto,
era de seis capas y suave para mi trasero. Aún así, un hombre necesita
respirar. ¡Para ya!
(En la sala de estar de los Rooney y el patio)
Joey: Vale, ¿nada de esto os resulta raro, chicos? ¡Fuera, fuera, fuera!
¡Ah, Artie! ¡Ay! Nunca me había alegrado tanto de verte.
Artie: Hola, esbirros.
Joey: Tío, tienes que llevártelos. Creí que sería guay pero no soy un tío
but I am just not a Minion man, man.
Artie: Joey, Minions cannot be given away. They must be won back.
I won them from Neville Hosaka in a vicious game of Hopscotch.
And now you've won them from me.
Joey: Fine, fine. Then we'll just have a rematch so you can win them
back fair and square. I'll have the Minions set it up.
Artie: You'd do that? Bless you, brother!
(At school/Detention room)
S2.11.8
Superintendent Kneebauer: Dump truck, where's the noob?
Dump truck: I sent him to scrape the gum off from under every desk
in school, boss.
Superintendent Kneebauer: A job like that could break a man.
Great work.
Dump Truck: Yeah, I bet he's curled up under one of them desks
right now, sobbing. Listening for crying, boss?
Superintendent Kneebauer: Listening for crying.
Parker: Gum scraped. What's next?
Dump Truck: Whoa! You scraped all this gum yourself?
Parker: Well, I wanted you to know I was man enough for
detention.
Dump Truck: No. You're no man. You're a machine. Guys, how
about a round of applause for the gumball machine, huh?
Additional comment:
Parker: I started the week as a lowly middle school noob. Now I
was the gumball machine. I had broken the ice, like the horn of the
narwhal. No wait. Not a narwhal, never a narwhal.
(At school/Detention room)
Karen: Superintendent Kneebauer, I have come to beg for your
mercy. Parker's my sweet baby boy. Oh, he done wrong, but he paid
the price. Can you find it in your heart to set him free tomorrow?
Superintendent Kneebauer: You know what? I think he's learned
131
de esbirros. Tío.
Artie: Joey, los esbirros, no se pueden regalar, hay que recuperarlos. Yo
se los gané a Neville Hosaka en un partido de fútbol. Y tú me los
ganaste a mi.
Joey: Bien, bien. Te doy la revancha para que los recuperes. Y todo
listo. Que los esbirros lo monten.
Artie: ¿Harías eso? ¡Eres un hermano!
(En la escuela/Sala de castigados)
T2.11/209.8
Inspectora kneebauer: Volquete, ¿dónde está el nuevo?
Volquete: Lo he mandado a raspar los chicles de las mesas, jefa.
Inspectora Kneebauer: Algo así hunde a un hombre. Bien hecho.
Volquete: Sí, estará metido debajo de una mesa llorando, ¿sabe? ¿Tiene
ganas de oír llantos?
Inspectora Kneebauer: Tengo ganas de oírlos.
Parker: Chicle raspado. ¿Ahora qué?
Volquete: ¡Ala! ¿Los has quitado tú solo, chaval?
Parker: Bueno, quería dejar claro que soy un tío a la altura.
Volquete: No. No eres un tío. Eres una máquina. ¡Chicos, un aplauso
para la máquina de chicles, eh!
Comentario adicional:
Parker: Empecé la semana como un pobre novato de colegio. Ahora era
la máquina de chicles. Rompí el hielo como el cuerno del narval. No,
espera, no como un narval. Narval, jamás.
(En la escuela/Sala de castigados)
Karen: Inspectora Kneebauer, he venido para suplicarle clemencia,
porque Parker es mi niño bonito. Hizo mal, pero ya ha pagado el precio.
¿Tendría la bondad de dejarlo libre mañana?
Inspectora Kneebauer: ¿Sabes qué? Creo que ha aprendido la lección.
his lesson. This is your last day of detention, gumball machine. Uh,
no, no, no. Not a fan of human contact.
Karen: Did you hear that, sweetie? We are going to make it to the
pageant after all.
Additional comment:
Parker: Or I'm going to rob a bank and go to actual jail. It's got to be
better than last year's pageant.
(At school/Detention room)
Dump Truck: Gumball machine, we wanted to give you something
to remember your time in the joint. Gum me. You showed me
something, little guy.
Parker: This is the grossest piece of awesome I've ever held. But I'm
not going anywhere.
Additional comment:
Parker: That's when I told the guys about “Mama's Sweet Baby Boy
Pageant.” It was humiliating, but they got it. There's something about
identical orange jumpsuits that brings people together.
(At school/Detention room)
Dump Truck: A whale with a pointy horn? That's not right, gumball
machine. That ain't right at all.
Parker: Exactly. Which is why I need your help to stay in detention.
Dump Truck: What can we do?
Parker: We can give Kneebauer a wake up call.
Dump Truck: You do the honors.
Superintendent Kneebauer: Aaah! When I get down from here,
you little punks are gonna be in detention the rest of your worthless
lives!
(At the community centre)
S2.11.9
Joey: You're late.
Artie: My inions usually serve as my navigation system. I got lost
three times on the way here. Some hunters found me wandering in
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Este será tu último día de castigo, máquina de chicles. Oh, no, no, no.
No me gusta el contacto humano.
Karen: ¿Lo has oído cielito? Al final vamos a poder ir al concurso.
Comentario adicional:
Parker: O también puedo atracar un banco e ir a la cárcel. Será mejor
que el concurso del año pasado.
(En la escuela/Sala de castigados)
Volquete: Máquina de chicles, queríamos darte algo para recordar tu
paso por aquí. ¡Chicles! Esto lo he aprendido de ti.
Parker: ¡Esto es lo más asquerosamente molón que me han dado en mi
vida! Pero no pienso irme de aquí.
Comentario adicional:
Parker: Y les conté lo del «Concurso del niño bonito de mamá». Fue
humillante, pero lo pillaron. Los monos idénticos de color naranja
tienden a unir a la gente.
(En la escuela/Sala de castigados)
Volquete: ¿Una ballena con un cuerno? Eso no está bien, máquina de
chicles. Nada bien.
Parker: Exacto. Por eso quiero que me ayudéis a seguir aquí.
Volquete: ¿Qué hacemos?
Parker: Podríamos ayudar a Kneebauer a despertarse.
Volquete: Haz los honores.
Inspectora Kneebauer: ¡Aaah! ¡Cuando baje de aquí, delincuentes, me
voy a encargar de que os castiguen para toda la vida!
(En el centro social)
T2.11/209.9
Joey: Llegas tarde.
Artie: Los esbirros son mi sistema de navegación. Me perdí tres veces al
venir. Unos cazadores me encontraron por el bosque.
the woods.
Joey: Yeah, whatever, weirdo. Come on, let's do this. Okay, come
on, just hit me once and I'll take a dive. Kendo up.
Artie: Avert your eyes, minions. I don't want you to remember me
like this.
Joey: Is he allowed to do that?
Artie: He's breaking all the rules of “minionhood.” For me. I feel my
strength returning.
Joey: Okay, it's just like, if there are “rules” of “minionhood”…
Artie: This is a beautiful moment, Joey. Don't ruin it. Wow! Yeah!
Haw! Yii-hah! The king is back! Minions, we ride. Yii-hah!
(In Rooney’s living room)
S2.11.10
Superintendent Kneebauer: Your little monster of a son and his
band of misfits tied me to a chair and hung me from the ceiling.
Parker: Sorry, mommy, I goofed up.
Superintendent Kneebauer: If I didn't carry a multi-tool in my
garters, I never would have gotten out of there.
Karen: Parker! Wait. You wear garters?
Superintendent Kneebauer: Just because I'm superintendent doesn't
mean I have to stop being a lady.
Parker: She revoked my pardon, mom. I'm going to be in detention
for the pageant. Shucky darns!
Karen: Wait a minute. Something's up. Are you trying to stay in
detention so that you don't have to do the pageant with me?
Parker: What? No, I…I just broke bad. Got in with the wrong group
of guys, stopped eating vegetables, quit flossing before bed. I'm
riddled with gingivitis.
Karen: Okay, okay, you are definitely faking. Honey, if you didn't
want to do the pageant with me, all you had to do was say so.
Parker: I don't want to do the pageant.
Karen: Oh, you are doing that pageant.
133
Joey: Ya. Da igual, vamos, venga. Bien, dame una sola vez y me caeré.
Kendo, tío.
Artie: ¡No miréis, esbirros! No quiero que me recordéis así.
Joey: ¿Le está permitido hacer esto?
Artie: Ha roto las reglas del «esbirrismo». Por mi. Siento mis
fuerzas…¡resurgir!
Joey: Vale, es que si…si hay “reglas” del «esbirrismo»…
Artie: Es un momento hermoso, no lo estropees. ¡Toma! ¡Yii-hah! ¡Yiihah! El rey ha vuelto. Esbirros, ¡cabalgad! ¡Yii-hah!
(En la sala de estar de los Rooney)
T2.11/209.10
Inspectora Kneebauer: El monstruo de tu hijo y su banda de
delincuentes me ataron a una silla y me colgaron del techo.
Parker: Perdona, mami. Metí la pata.
Inspectora Kneebauer: De nos ser por la navaja suiza que llevo en la
liga no habría podido bajar.
Karen: ¡Parker! Espere…lleva ligas?
Inspectora Kneebauer: Que sea inspectora no significa que deba dejar
de ser una dama.
Parker: Me ha retirado el perdón, mamá. Estaré castigado por el
concurso. ¡Maldita suerte!
Karen: Un momento. Pasa algo. ¿Intentas que te castiguen para no ir al
concurso conmigo?
Parker: ¿Qué? ¡No! Es que me he vuelto malo. Me he mezclado con
mala gente. Ya no como verdura, ya no me cepillo los dientes…¡me
acosa la gingivitis!
Karen: Vale, vale. Sé que estás fingiendo. Cariño, si no querías ir al
concurso conmigo, ¿por qué no me lo has dicho antes?
Parker: No quiero ir al concurso.
Karen: Oh, sí que vas a ir.
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(At Momma’s Sweet Baby Boy Pageant)
S2.11.11
Karen: Welcome to the “Momma's Sweet Baby Boy Pageant.” We
bring you “Beyond the Arctic Circle.”
Joey: Uh! Uh!
Parker: I am the narwhal, the unicorn of the sea.
Joey: Hey, mama's sweet baby boy, you better nar-work it.
Dump Truck: Hey, guy I'm about to punch. How about you keep it
down 'cause some of us is trying to enjoy the show? You go, gumball
machine! Whoo!
(In Rooney’s kitchen)
S2.11.12
Maddie: Ah, morning, guys.
Pete: Hey, girls. Feeling better?
Liv: Yeah! I am raring to go for that exam in Mrs. Tidwell's class,
and then it is off to buy a new purse. One with less chunks in it.
Maddie: Yeah, I was so sick. But luckily I was able to shut my body
down, and I slept the whole time.
Liv: Yeah. Dad, thanks for taking care of us.
Maddie: Yeah, not that I really think it was that hard, but we really
appreciate it.
Liv: Yeah.
Karen: Well, they may not appreciate it, but I do. Thank you, honey.
I owe you one.
Pete: Good, you can replace the toaster that Liv ruined.
Joey: Ruined? Are you kidding? This is the best toast I have ever
had. Mmm, tastes like hotdogs.
(En el Concurso del niño bonito de mamá)
T2.11/209.11
Karen: Bienvenidos al «Concurso del niño bonito de mamá», amigos.
Os presentamos «Más allá del circulo ártico».
Joey: Parker, Parker.
Parker: Soy el narval, el unicornio de los mares.
Joey: Eh, niño bonito de mamá, será mejor que le des caña.
Volquete: ¡Eh, candidato a puñetazo! ¿Por qué no te callas y nos dejas
disfrutar del espectáculo? ¡Dale, máquina de chicles! ¡Uh!
(En la cocina de los Rooney)
T2.11/209.12
Maddie: ¡Ah! Hola a todos.
Pete: Hola, hijas. ¿Estáis mejor?
Liv: Sí! Estoy deseando hacer el examen de la señora Twindle. Y luego
me compraré otro bolso. Uno sin tropezones dentro.
Maddie: Ya…yo estaba fatal. Por suerte conseguí apagar mi organismo
y dormir.
Liv: Sí. Papá, gracias por cuidarnos.
Maddie: Sí, no es que me parezca muy difícil pero…gracias por todo.
Liv: Eso.
Karen: Bueno, aunque ellas no lo valoren, yo sí. Gracias, cariño. Te
debo una.
Pete: Bien, reemplaza la tostadora que estropeó Liv.
Joey: ¿Estropeada? ¿Estás de broma? ¡Es la mejor tostada que he
probado! Sabe a perrito.
Table 18.2. The English transcript (S2.11) and the Spanish transcript (T2.11)
135