PROFILE OF INTERNAL DISPLACEMENT :
SOLOMON ISLANDS
Compilation of the information available in the Global IDP
Database of the Norwegian Refugee Council
(as of 16 May, 2002)
Also available at http://www.idpproject.org
Users of this document are welcome to credit the Global IDP Database for the collection of information.
The opinions expressed here are those of the sources and are not necessarily shared by the Global IDP
Project or NRC
Norwegian Refugee Council/Global IDP Project
Chemin Moïse Duboule, 59
1209 Geneva - Switzerland
Tel: + 41 22 799 07 00
Fax: + 41 22 799 07 01
E-mail : [email protected]
CONTENTS
CONTENTS
1
PROFILE SUMMARY
5
CAUSES AND BACKGROUND OF DISPLACEMENT
7
GENERAL BACKGROUND
7
FROM COLONIAL RULE TO INDEPENDENCE (1978)
7
GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE SOLOMON ISLANDS
8
A GREAT CULTURAL DIVERSITY
9
A WEAK GOVERNMENT AND A FACTIONALIZED POLICE FORCE (MARCH 2002)
10
ECONOMY ON THE BRINK OF COLLAPSE (APRIL 2002)
11
CAUSES OF DISPLACEMENT
12
OVER 20,000 PEOPLE FORCED TO FLEE GUADALCANAL FOLLOWING A MAJOR UPHEAVAL IN JUNE
1999
12
COUP D'ETAT IN JUNE 2000 CAUSES FURTHER DISPLACEMENT
13
BACKGROUND OF THE CONFLICT
14
87 PERCENT OF THE LAND IS IN CUSTOMARY-OWNERSHIP
14
LAND DISPUTES AND UNEQUAL DEVELOPMENT LEAD TO ETHNIC TENSIONS
15
ETHNIC TENSION ESCALATES INTO ARMED CONFLICT
17
THE IFM AND THE MEF
18
PEACE EFFORTS (DECEMBER 2000)
19
LACK OF MONEY HAMPERS THE DRAFTING OF THE NEW FEDERAL CONSTITUTION (MAY 2002) 20
POPULATION PROFILE AND FIGURES
21
GENERAL
UP TO 40,000 DISPLACED BY THE ETHNIC UNREST AT THE END OF 2001
GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION
IDPS IN GUADALCANAL PROVINCE (JANUARY 2001)
IDPS IN MALAITA PROVINCE (JANUARY 2001)
IDPS IN WESTERN PROVINCE (JANUARY 2001)
IDPS IN NORTH WEST CHOISEUL (JANUARY 2001)
IDPS IN CENTRAL ISLANDS PROVINCE (JANUARY 2001)
IDPS IN RENNEL AND BELLONA PROVINCE (JANUARY 2001)
IDPS IN ISABEL PROVINCE (JANUARY 2001)
IDPS IN MAKIRA/ULAWA PROVINCE (DECEMBER 2000)
PROFILE OF THE DISPLACED
21
21
23
23
25
26
28
29
31
31
32
34
GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE 1999 DISPLACED
IDPS IN MALAITA
VULNERABLE GROUPS
WOMEN AND CHILDREN PARTICULARLY VULNERABLE (OCTOBER 2000)
34
35
36
36
PATTERNS OF DISPLACEMENT
38
GENERAL
POLITICAL INSTABILITY AND ECONOMIC PROBLEMS FORCE PEOPLE FORM THEIR HOMES IN
WESTERN PROVINCE (APRIL 2002)
EXTENT AND DIRECTION OF DISPLACEMENT PRIOR TO JUNE 2000
38
38
38
PHYSICAL SECURITY & FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT
43
GENERAL
43
IDPS ON MALAITA AND GUADALCANAL LACK EFFECTIVE PROTECTION (2001)
43
PHYSICAL SECURITY
ERROR! BOOKMARK NOT DEFINED.
FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT
ERROR! BOOKMARK NOT DEFINED.
SUBSISTENCE NEEDS (HEALTH NUTRITION AND SHELTER)
45
GENERAL
45
LOCAL COPING MECHANISMS NEED TO BE SUPPORTED (APRIL 2001)
45
PROBLEMS FACED BY IDPS IN RENNEL AND BELLONA PROVINCE (JANUARY 2001)
45
GENERAL NEEDS OF IDPS IN MALAITA PROVINCE (JANUARY 2001)
46
GENERAL HEALTH AND FOOD SITUATION OF IDPS IN GUADALCANAL PROVINCE (OCTOBER 2000)
46
GENERAL HEALTH AND FOOD SITUATION OF IDPS IN MALAITA PROVINCE (OCTOBER 2000)
46
RECIPIENT PROVINCES UNABLE TO COPE WITH INFLUX OF IDPS (OCTOBER 2000)
47
HEALTH
47
LACK OF HEALTH SERVICES AGGRAVATES IMPACT OF DISPLACEMENT (DECEMBER 2001)
47
GUADALCANAL HEALTH SYSTEM SEVERELY AFFECTED BY THE SOCIAL UNREST (AUGUST 2001)48
SECURITY PROBLEMS COMPOUND DELIVERY OF HEALTH SERVICES IN HONIARA (OCTOBER 2000)
49
RURAL AREAS OF GUADALCANAL ARE FACING SHORTAGE OF HEALTH PERSONNEL AND BASIC
49
MEDICAL SUPPLIES (OCTOBER 2000)
HEALTH SERVICES IN MALAITA UNDER SEVERE STRAIN FOLLOWING THE IDP INFLUX (OCTOBER
2000)
49
NUTRITION
ERROR! BOOKMARK NOT DEFINED.
SHELTER
ERROR! BOOKMARK NOT DEFINED.
WATER AND SANITATION
50
32% OF VILLAGES IN MALAITA PROVINCE NOT EQUIPED WITH ADEQUATE WATER AND
SANITATION SUPPLY (OCTOBER 2000)
50
ACCESS TO EDUCATION
51
GENERAL
51
2
REHABILITATION OF SCHOOLS NEEDED IN GUADALCANAL PROVINCE TO INCLUDE IDP STUDENTS
(JANUARY 2001)
51
CONTINUED INSECURITY FORCES SCHOOLS TO STAY CLOSED IN HONIARA (MAY 2002)
53
FEW DISPLACED STUDENTS RECORDED IN ISABEL PROVINCE (JANUARY 2001)
54
DISPLACED STUDENTS IN NORTH WEST CHOISEUL (JANUARY 2001)
54
DISPLACED STUDENTS IN RENNEL AND BELLONA PROVINCE (JANUARY 2001)
55
SCHOOLS IN CENTRAL ISLANDS PROVINCE NEED MORE EQUIPMENT TO COPE WITH IDP INFLUX
(JANUARY 2001)
56
SCHOOLS IN HONIARA FACE TEACHER AND STUDENT SHORTAGES (OCTOBER 2000)
56
DISPLACEMENT HAS EXARCERBATED ALREADY EXISTING PROBLEM IN THE EDUCATION SECTOR
(OCTOBER 2000)
57
41 PERCENT OF DISPLACED IN MALAITA PROVINCE NOT ATTENDING PRIMARY AND SECONDARY
57
SCHOOL (OCTOBER 2000)
PROPERTY ISSUES
59
GENERAL
GOVERNMENT ASK DISPLACED WHO HAVE LOST PROPERTY TO BE PATIENT (MAY 2001)
MEF STEAL WEAPONS TO PRESSURE THE GOVERNEMENT TO COMPENSATE THE DISPLACED
(JANUARY 2000)
59
59
59
PATTERNS OF RETURN AND RESETTLEMENT
61
GENERAL
61
LACK OF JOB OPPORTUNITIES AND VOLATILE SECURITY HINDER RETURN OF IDPS TO HONIARA
(APRIL 2001)
61
HUMANITARIAN ACCESS
62
GENERAL
HUMANITARIAN ASSISTANCE RESTRICTED BY VOLATILE SECURITY SITUATION (APRIL 2001)
ICRC SUSPENDS ITS ASSISTANCE ACTIVITIES FOLLOWING ATTACKS ON ITS STAFF (OCTOBER
2000)
ICRC USES A VESSEL TO REACH IDPS IN INACCESSIBLE AREAS (OCTOBER 2000)
AID WORKERS HARASSED BY ARMED GROUPS (SEPTEMBER 2000)
62
62
NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL RESPONSES
65
NATIONAL RESPONSE
RELIEF PROVIDED TO IDPS IN MALAITA PROVINCE (JANUARY 2001)
COMMUNITY RECONCILIATION AND REINTEGRATION PROJECT (CRRP) PRESENTED TO THE
DONOR COMMUNITY (MAY 2002)
TIGHTER CONTROL OF INTERNAL MIGRATION (MARCH 2002)
SICA'S ASSISTS DISPLACED PERSONS (APRIL 2001)
CHURCH AND WOMEN'S GROUPS (OCTOBER 2000)
NGO EFFORTS (OCTOBER 2000)
GOVERNMENT EFFORTS (OCTOBER 2000)
65
65
63
63
64
66
66
67
68
69
70
3
THE WANTOK SYSTEM OF TRADITIONAL RECIPROCITY ACTS AS SAFETY NET FOR IDPS (OCTOBER
2000)
70
SOLOMON ISLANDS RED CROSS RESPONSE (OCTOBER 2000)
71
CHURCHES AS IMPORTANT BASES FOR SOCIAL MOBILISATION (1998)
72
ROLE OF NGOS HAS INCREASED DURING THE 90'S (1998)
72
INTERNATIONAL RESPONSE
74
JAPAN ASSISTS IDPS (SEPTEMBER 2001)
74
ICRC ASSISTS THE DISPLACED (AUGUST 2001)
75
UNDP'S ACTIVITIES (OCTOBER 2000)
75
WORLD VISION'S RELIEF EFFORTS (OCTOBER 2000)
76
UNFPA'S ACTIVITIES (OCTOBER 2000)
77
OBSTACLES TO ASSISTANCE
77
WORLD BANK AND ASIAN DEVELOPMENT BANK ASK GOVERNEMENT TO PAY DEBT ARREARS
77
BEFORE COMMITTING NEW HELP (APRIL 2002)
INCREASED INSECURITY AND UNLAWFULNESS CAUSE KEY DONORS TO REAPPRAISE THEIR AID
78
PROGRAMS (MARCH 2002)
KILLING OF NEW ZEALAND'S DEPUTY HIGH COMMISSIONNER (MARCH 2002)
79
GOVERNMENT NOT ABLE TO FINANCIALLY COMPENSATE IDPS (MAY 2001)
81
WEAKNESSES IN THE RELIEF EFFORTS (OCTOBER 2000)
82
FUNDS FOR THE RESETTLEMENT OF IDPS HAVE BEEN MISUSED (JULY 1999)
83
ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS
84
LIST OF SOURCES USED
85
4
PROFILE SUMMARY
Following an outbreak of inter-ethnic violence between Malaitan and Guadalcanal communities on the
main island of Guadalcanal in 1998-1999, 35,000 persons (nine percent of the national population) were
forced from their homes. An estimated 24,000 Malaitans fled to the capital city, Honiara, while some
11,000 Guadalcanalese fled the capital and the coast for the interior of the island (Schoorl, J.J. and W.
Friesen, 2002). The majority of displaced Malaitans had returned to their home island of Malaita [1] by the
end of 1999. Others settled in Honiara with some joining the Malaita Eagle Force (MEF), a militant group
formed to counter attacks by the Guadalacanalese Isatabu Freedom Movement (IFM) against Malaitan
populations (John Rougham, October 2000, p 7) [2]. Few displaced Guadalcanalese have been able to
return and remained displaced on Guadalcanal Island in 2002.
The conflict worsened in June 2000 resulting in the overthrow of the government of the Solomon Islands
by the MEF. An increase in fighting immediately followed displacing an additional 3,000 persons in rural
Guadalcanal by the end of the year. The Townsville Peace Agreement was signed in October 2000.
However, it has proven ineffective in securing the peace. Generalized violence and lawlessness continue to
prevail in some areas of the country. Incomplete data makes it difficult to estimate the exact number of
people who are still displaced; however, indications do exist. Most observers estimate that some 30,000
persons were still displaced in early 2002, most of them in Malaita, Guadalcanal and in the Western
province. The main obstacles to return are the disarmament of former parties to the conflict (as accorded by
the peace agreement) and an extremely depressed national economy and the consequent lack of jobs for
IDPs and resident populations alike.
Following the end of the Second World War, Malaitans migrated in large numbers to Honiara where most
employment opportunities were to be found. They have since come to dominate Honiara as a political and
economic force, resulting in strong resentment by local Guadalcanalese.
Protection
With the June 2000 coup, police forces on the islands of Malaita and Guadalcanal were disarmed, and
many of the police –75 percent of whom were of Malaitan origin – moved over to the MEF. No national
police force has since functioned, meaning that inhabitants of the Solomon Islands are without civilian
protection. Local armed militias have replaced the police on both islands using extortion to extract financial
support from IDP and resident populations (AI, 7 September 2000, p 16).
Food and health security
The situation of IDPs is little documented in the Solomon Islands. Still there are some indicators of how
these populations are living.
Food and other basic needs are required in all affected provinces, in particular in Guadalcanal and Malaita
where the influx of IDPs has placed considerable strain on the limited resources of a predominantly
traditional subsistence economy [3]. The prolonged civil conflict has led to a severe deterioration of the
economy. The formal sector workforce has been diminished by 15 percent (Denton H- Rarawa, October
2000).
As of 2000, severe food shortages affected more than half of the displaced in Malaita; three-quarter of the
displaced indicated that they were dependent on assistance for their survival (Donald Kudu, October 2000).
As concerns IDPs in Guadalcanal, persistent insecurity has hampered access to these vulnerable
5
populations and aid workers have faced difficulties in providing the needed assistance. Although some
IDPs have been able to access land and have started to re-establish some form of livelihood, the lack of
agricultural tools and seeds continues to undermine their attempt at self-reliance.
The health and education networks throughout the country have been seriously damaged as a result of the
crisis. Unpaid staff salaries and lack of medical and drug supplies have undermined the operational capacity
of the health care system. Clinics in the hard-hit areas of Guadalcanal were closed due to security reasons
and thus unable to provide health care service to the displaced. Half of the clinics and the schools in the
country remained closed as of early 2002 (EU, 19 March 2002, p 6). A health study conducted after the
initial displacement movement of 1999 indicated that 40 percent of displaced families had suffered from
malaria, 12 percent complained about acute respiratory infection and 7 percent were affected by
diarrhoeal/abdominal related illnesses (UNICEF, 21 December 2002).
National and international assistance
The main provisions of the Townsville peace agreement are the restoration of peace and order, assistance to
those who suffered loss or damage to property, increased autonomy for Malaita and Guadalcanal Provinces
and the granting of amnesty to militants of both sides for abuses committed during the ethnic strife in
exchange for surrender of arms. Human rights organizations have voiced concern about the amnesty clause
of the agreement. They have pointed out that this general amnesty may create a climate of impunity not
conducive to reconciliation (AI, 19 December 2000).
Since no government organization existed to cope with a disaster of such a magnitude in 1999, a
Repatriation and Rehabilitation Committee (RRC) was established with a mandate to provide housing and
agricultural tools to IDPs. However, government assistance has turned out to consist mainly of financial
compensation of USD 1,000 per IDP, which were later cut in half when it was realized that government
resources were insufficient to compensate all IDPs (George Saemane, October 2000, p 3). This said, most
assistance to the displaced over the last year has been provided by the traditional social safety net of the
'wantok' [4] system, local NGOs, church organizations, international NGOs, the International Red Cross
and the European Union.
Under the UN Resident Coordinator’s Office, UNDP has coordinated humanitarian assistance during the
emergency phase and has engaged in post-conflict peace-building and rehabilitation processes. Other UN
agencies involved in IDP support include UNFPA, UNICEF and WHO. As of early 2002, the UN Human
Rights organisation had set up an Office of the Human Rights Advisor in the country and engaged in
human right training.
6
CAUSES AND BACKGROUND OF DISPLACEMENT
General background
From colonial rule to independence (1978)
•
Traditionally Solomon Islanders believe they originated from within the islands, which has
important implications to issues of identity and claims of ownership over land and other
resources.
•
In 1893, Britain declared a protectorate over some of the islands in the group (New Georgia,
Guadalcanal, Makira and Malaita)
•
In 1900, Germany ceded to Britain the Shortlands, Choiseul, Isabel and Ontong Java.
•
In 1942 the Japanese landed on Guadalcanal and were driven out Guadalcanal by the Americans
following one of the bloodiest battle of WWII.
•
A large percentage of Solomon Islands early roads and airstrips date from the war.
•
Post WWII saw the emergence of proto-nationalist movements and of a natrional consciousness
éeading to independence in 1978.
•
"Indigenous Solomon Islanders have their own versions of how they came to these islands. The details of
origin stories (oral traditions) differ between tribes, islands and regions. However, a characteristic found in
nearly all origin stories throughout the group is the belief that they originated from within rather than from
some place outside the Pacific, in contrast to the linguistic and archaeological record and as assessed by
historians, archaeologists and other social scientists. There is usually no reference to the first inhabitants’
traveling in from some far off land. In a version of the origin story of Guadalcanal, for example, the island
of Isatabu (as Guadalcanal was then known) was created by gods and the people originated from the god
Irogali (O’Connor, 1973; Davenport and Coker, 1967). It is only in the origin stories of the Polynesian
outliers of Rennell, Bellona and Tikopia that one finds references to canoes coming in from some far off
land. The fact that traditionally Solomon Islanders believe they originated from within the islands is
important to note because it has salient implications to issues of identity and claims of ownership over land
and other resources. Oral traditions are often used to gain and legitimise claims of ownership over
resources and positions of power and authority. Those who have access to and control oral traditions can
become powerful in society. In fact, a criterion for being recognised as a Big-Man is to have wide
knowledge of oral traditions (Strathern and Goddier, 1991; Sahlin, 1970).
(...)
It was not until 1893 that Britain declared a protectorate over some of the islands in the group (New
Georgia, Guadalcanal, Makira and Malaita). This was in response to German annexation of New Guinea
and the North Solomons, and to pleas from missionaries to control the labour trade. It was hoped that this
would limit the German advances, and also protect resident Europeans. In 1896 C. M. Woodford was
appointed first Resident Commissioner and soon after set up Headquarters at Tulagi in Ngella. The Santa
Cruz group, Rennell and Bellona became part of the British Solomon Islands Protectorate in 1898 and
1899. In 1900 Germany ceded to Britain the Shortlands, Choiseul, Isabel and Ontong Java in exchange for
a free hand to annex Samoa in the eastern Pacific (Bennett, 1987). Colonialism and Christianity were later
followed by an influx of MNCs and European and Asian business interests.
7
Another important landmark in Solomon Islands history is the Second World War. On 7 July, 1942 the
Japanese landed on Guadalcanal and quickly started construction of an airstrip which could be used to
strike at Australia and the American base on Espiritu Santo in the (then) New Hebrides. However, in
August of that year 10,000 United States Marines went ashore at Red Beach on Guadalcanal and quickly
captured the partly completed airstrip. The months that followed witnessed one of the bloodiest battles of
the Pacific war. For Solomon Islanders, it was not just the war but the aftermath that was significant. World
War II left deep scars on the Solomons and set a new era in the country’s development. Tulagi was
destroyed by Japanese
bombardment and so a new capital was established at Honiara out of what was left of the war
infrastructure. In fact, a large percentage of Solomon Islands early roads and airstrips date from the war.
More importantly, the post-World War II period was characterised by the rise of proto-nationalist
movements such as the Ma’asina Ruru Movement,2 dubbed “Marching Rule” (Laracy, 1983). Although the
Ma’asina Ruru Movement had cargo cult characteristics 2 and was, therefore, often referred to as a
millenarian movement, its contribution to the development of early nationalist sentiments in Solomon
Islands cannot be disregarded. Ma’asina Ruru Movement and other similar movements, such as the Moro
Movement of Guadalcanal (Kabutaulaka, 1990; O’Connor, 1973; Davenport and Coker, 1967), contributed
significantly to the early development of a national consciousness and a push towards independence.
The Second World War also had a profound impact on Solomon Islander perceptions of themselves and the
colonial administration. It was after the war that Solomon Islanders started to question and resist colonial
rule. Post-war resistance of colonial rule engendered nationalist movements that eventually led to
independence, thus beginning the quest for national consciousness in Solomon Islands - a quest that in large
part is still being pursued. Constitutional independence on 7 July, 1978 was only part of the journey
towards national consciousness." (Tarcisius Tara Kabutaulaka September 1998, pp. 12-15)
General characteristics of the Solomon Islands
•
Country consists of 6 large islands (Choiseul, Isabel, Malaita, New Georgia, Guadalcanal and
Makira), 20 medium size islands and thousands of small islands.
"Solomon Islands is an archipelago of 922 islands about 1,860 kilometres north east of Australia and
located between 5 and 12 degrees south latitude and 155 and 170 degrees east longitude. The group consists
of six large islands (Choiseul, Isabel, Malaita, New Georgia, Guadalcanal and Makira), twenty medium
sized ones, and hundreds of smaller islets and reefs that stretch in a double chain for over 1,800 kilometres
from the Shortland Islands in the west to Tikopia and Anuta in the east, and nearly 900 kilometres from
Ontong Java atoll in the north to Rennell Island in the south. Of all these islands, only 347 are presently
inhabited. The total land area is 28,369 square-kilometres, which makes Solomon Islands the second largest
insular nation of the south Pacific, after Papua New Guinea (Stanley, 1993).
The climate is usually hot and humid all year-around and the heaviest rainfall season is between December
and March. This is also the tropical cyclone season. The worst in recent years was cyclone Namu in 1986
which devastated some of the islands, particularly Guadalcanal, Malaita, Makira, Rennell and Bellona.
In comparison to the Polynesian islands to the east and Micronesia to the north, Solomon Islands is
endowed with relatively rich natural resources such as timber, minerals and fisheries. Most of the islands
are covered with thick tropical rain forest which provides timber, one of the country’s most important
natural resources. In 1996 it made up about 50 per cent of Solomon Islands total exports (Central Bank of
Solomon Islands, 1996). There is, however, a continuing topical and controversial debate in recent years
surrounding the rates of exploitation, sustainability, logging practices and transfer pricing (Fraser, 1997;
Roughan, 1997; Dauvergne, 1996; Baird, 1996; Price Waterhouse, 1995; Montgomery, 1995; Duncan,
1994; Grynberg, 1994).
8
Another important natural resource is minerals. Gold will become economically important since the
Australian-based Ross Mining Company began mining at Gold Ridge on Guadalcanal in June 1997. Gold
Ridge is estimated to hold about US$1 billion worth of gold ( Solomon Star, 7 February, 1996). It has,
therefore, been viewed as a project that will salvage Solomon Islands’ currently deteriorating economy.
There are other gold deposits at Poha in west Guadalcanal and Vangunu Island in the Western Province
which are still undergoing prospecting to determine their economic viability. Also, there were intentions to
mine phosphate and bauxite on Rennell and Bellona island. However, this never eventuated because the
deposits were not big enough to be economically viable, and there was resistance to mining from the land
owning groups on the islands.
Large scale commercial agriculture, on the other hand, is not a major development alternative because of
the rugged mountainous feature of the islands. The only large scale commercial agriculture is limited to the
Guadalcanal plains where the British company, Commonwealth Development Cooperation (CDC), owns
huge oil palm, and cocoa plantations. In 1995 palm oil and kernel made up about 12.6 per cent of the
country’s total exports (Central Bank of Solomon Islands, 1995). Apart from on the Guadalcanal plain,
there are very few other parts of the country where commercial agriculture could be carried out on a
relatively large scale.
Another important resource-based industry that has a lot of potential for development is fisheries. Solomon
Islands has an Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) which covers an area of some 1.34 million square
kilometres of ocean and holds some of the world’s richest tuna fishing grounds. This provides an invaluable
opportunity for the development of the fisheries industry which so far, has been dominated mostly by
Solomon Taiyo Ltd (STL), a joint venture operation between the government of Solomon Islands and the
Taiyo Gyogyo of Japan, one of the world’s largest multinational fishing companies. (See the section on the
private sector for a discussion of Solomon Taiyo Ltd and fisheries in general). The fisheries industry still
has tremendous
potential for development.
(...) about 85 percent of land in Solomon Islands is under customary ownership." (Tarcisius Tara
Kabutaulaka, September 1998, pp. 11-12)
A great cultural diversity
•
Great cultural diversity with 87 languages for 400,000 people, 94 percent Melanesians, 4 percent
Polynesians, 2 percent Micronesian, Chinese, Europeans and others.
•
Pidgin developed as a lingua franca and, although English is the official language of education,
commerce, the media and government administration.
•
Divisions along linguistic, regional and ethnic lines are real and influence public opinion and
decisions about development.
•
Among the main problems facing the country : rapid population growth, increasing urbanisation,
unemployment, crime and social disintegration.
•
About 47 per cent of the population are in the age group of 0 -14 while 48 per cent are in the age
group of 15-59, and 5 per cent 60 years old and over
"An important feature of Solomon Islands, as with Papua New Guinea and Vanuatu, is the tremendous
range of cultural diversity. This is exemplified by the fact that there are 87 distinct languages and numerous
dialects shared by a population of about 400,000 people. This population is further divided by ethnicity about 94 per cent are Melanesians, 4 per cent are Polynesians, with the other 2 per cent Micronesian,
Chinese, European and other. Because of the diversity of languages, Pidgin ( Pijin as it is known in the
Solomons), developed as a lingua franca and, although English is the official language of education,
9
commerce, the media and government administration, Pidgin. is spoken by the majority of the population of
Solomon Islands for everyday communications. Pijin is similar to Papua New Guinea Tok Pisin and
Vanuatu Bislama.
This cultural and ethnic diversity has salient implications for nation-building and the authority of the state
and its capacity to implement national policies. It is important to note that despite strong rhetorical
statements such as “unity in diversity”, the divisions along linguistic, regional and ethnic lines are real and
influence public opinion and decisions about development. On the other hand, it is important to be aware of
an increasing national consciousness, especially amongst the educated, urban dwellers where social
groupings often cut across linguistic, ethnic and regional boundaries, and the emergence of a national
culture is evident (Jourdan, 1995).
Today, the 400,000 Solomon Islanders of diverse cultural backgrounds share some common national
problems. These include rapid population growth, increasing urbanisation, unemployment, crime and social
disintegration. The rapid population growth rate is important for Solomon Islands because of its limited
land size and slow economic growth. At 3.5 per cent per year, the country has one of the most rapidly
growing populations of the world. At this rate, it will double in two decades. This problem has been further
exacerbated by the fact that 52 per cent of the population are either below the age of 15 or above 60. About
47 per cent of the population are in the age group of 0 -14 while 48 per cent are in the age group of 15-59,
and 5 per cent 60 years old and over. The rapid growth rate and young age structure of the population
means that there is an increasing probability of high unemployment, insufficient schools, prostitution, rising
crime and other related social problems. These problems are especially profound in the rapidly growing
urban centres such as Honiara which has an annual population growth rate of around 6 per cent. A large
percentage of prostitutes in Honiara, for example, are between the age of 13 and 25 (Tara, 1996)."
(Tarcisius Tara Kabutaulaka September 1998, pp.15-16)
A weak government and a factionalized police force (March 2002)
•
Executive authority is vested in the Prime Minister, Allan Kemakeza, and his Cabinet.
•
New parliament and Prime Minister was ekected in December 2001 during elections considered
free and fair.
•
Judiciary is independent but hampered by police ineffectiveness and lack of resources.
•
Since the June 2000 takeover of Honiara by Malaitan militants, the police force has become
factionalized.
•
Paramilitary Police Field Force (PFF) has been primarily directed by militant Malaitans rather
than the Police Commissioner.
•
Members of the PFF have engaged in criminal activities, including extortion, robbery, vehicle
theft, intimidation, and fraud.
"The Solomon Islands has a modified parliamentary system of government consisting of a single-chamber
legislative assembly of 50 members. Executive authority is vested in the Prime Minister and his Cabinet.
The Prime Minister, elected by a majority vote of Parliament, selects his own Cabinet. A new Parliament
was elected in December with Allan Kemakeza as Prime Minister; elections were considered free and fair.
In 1998 tensions between two of the main ethnic groups in the country--the Malaitans and the
Guadalcanalese--resulted in violence. Throughout 1999 Guadalcanalese militants forced thousands of
Malaitans residing on Guadalcanal from their homes. Beginning in January 2000, Malaitan militants stole
large quantities of weapons from the police and actively began to combat the Guadalcanalese. The conflict
continued to escalate, and in June 2000, armed Malaitan militants, reportedly assisted by paramilitary
police officers acting without authorization, took over Honiara, the capital. Following their takeover of the
capital, the Malaitan militants forced the then-Prime Minister, Bartholomew Ulufa'alu, to resign, and
10
Parliament chose a new Prime Minister, Manasseh Sogavare, under duress. A new government, known as
the Coalition for National Unity, Reconciliation, and Peace, was formed. The Government has sought to
restore peace, but its success has been limited due to its weakness--both political and institutional--and the
perception that its leaders are beholden to one of the conflicting parties. The judiciary is independent, but
was hampered by police ineffectiveness, lack of resources, and threats against judges and prosecutors.
A police force of approximately 1,000 persons under civilian control is responsible for law enforcement,
internal security, and border security. However, since the June 2000 takeover of Honiara by Malaitan
militants, the police force has become factionalized and has not functioned as an effective institution. One
faction, the paramilitary Police Field Force (PFF), primarily has been directed by militant Malaitans rather
than the Police Commissioner. As many as 2,000 untrained former militants have been taken into the police
force as "special constables;" the special constables operate under a loose command structure. Members of
the PFF and the special constable group have engaged in criminal activities, including extortion, robbery,
vehicle theft, intimidation, and fraud; these abuses were not sanctioned by police leadership." (US DOS 4
March 2002)
Economy on the brink of collapse (April 2002)
•
75 percent of population engage in subsistence farming and fishing.
•
The formal sector of the economy is on the brink of collapse.
•
During 2001, the Government became insolvent.
•
Commercial export activies have ceased.
•
Basic public services like the electricity nad telcommuications face severe difficulties.
"The economic chaos in Solomon Islands has deepened with the new Finance Minister reversing the
twenty-five percent devaluation of the Solomon Islands dollar which his predecessor announced when
bringing down the budget last week.
The devaluation had the full support of the highly respected Governor of the Solomon Islands Central Bank
who has now been left in a most invidious position.
The Solomons Islands Central Bank Governor, Rick Hou, has performed miracles to keep the Solomons'
currency afloat during three years of ethnic conflict that's devastated the economy. He was fully in favour
of the twenty-five percent devaluation, which was a key element of the budget introduced to Parliament last
week.
However, at the weekend, the Prime Minister, Sir Allan Kemakeza, sacked his Finance Minister, Michael
Maina, over the devaluation and appointed in his place a naturalised citizen businessman cum politician,
Laurie Chan.
Hou advised Chan not to reverse the decision saying the country would not be able to afford any imports in
six months time if he did.
His advice was ignored. A motion of no confidence in the three-month old Kemakeza Government could
go to a vote next week" (Pacnews 5 April 2002)
"Approximately 75 percent of the population of 480,000 engage to some extent in subsistence farming and
fishing and have little involvement in the cash economy. The approximate per capita GNP is $578 (2,890
Solomon Islands dollars). With the breakdown of law and order, the formal sector of the economy is on the
brink of collapse. During the year, the Government became insolvent due to the collapse of export
11
industries, the granting of duty remissions to associates of those in power, and misallocation of foreign
assistance grants in fraudulent compensation payments to senior government officials and their supporters.
Commercial export activities, which included some plantation production of copra, cocoa, and palm oil, a
fish cannery, a gold mine on Guadalcanal, and small resort and diving enterprises, have ceased to operate;
only the logging industry continued to operate, albeit at a reduced level. An estimated 20,000 to 30,000
persons fled their homes since 1999. Electricity and telecommunications services face severe difficulties.
Power black-outs in the capital, Honiara, were frequent in the last 3 months of the year due to illmaintained generators and the Electricity Authority's inability to pay for fuel." (US DOS March 2002)
Causes of displacement
Over 20,000 people forced to flee Guadalcanal following a major upheaval in June
1999
•
Ethnic tensions started in November 1998 and escalated in June 1999 with ethnic cleansing
causing large-scale displacement on Guadalcanal.
•
Most of the displaced were Malaitans who eventually were evacuated to Malaita Island. Local
Guadalcanalese were also affected by displacement but moved primarily within the Island. Some
of those displaced within the province returned after July 1999.
"From November 1998, tension based on ethnic differences started to build up in various areas of
Guadalcanal, resulting in people being displaced from their villages. The Isatabu Freedom Movement
(IFM, originally known as Guadalcanal Revolutionary Army) gained control of Guadalcanal, and a major
upheaval in June 1999 caused a large-scale displacement, effectively ethnically cleansing the island except
for the Malaitan pocket on the eastern tip. As the situation in Honiara also became unstable, a major
movement of people emerged there too.
Although most of those displaced from Guadalcanal were Malaitans, people from Guadalcanal were
equally affected because of local retaliations, the generally insecure situation and the pressure from the
various parties involved in the conflict. However, their displacement largely occurred within the province.
After July 1999 the tension eased to a certain extent and some of the people who had been displaced within
Guadalcanal or had fled from Honiara returned to their original places of residence. It was during this
period that the census took place." (Schoorl & Friesen, 2002)
"The ethnic tension in Guadalcanal Province resulted (...) in a massive exodus back to their places of origin
of people from other provinces who had been living in areas controlled by Guadalcanal Province. The
majority of these people were from Malaita Province and their displacement had a huge impact not only on
the displaced families, but on the communities of both Provinces." (Ruth Liloqua & Alice Aruhe'eta
Pollard, September 2000)
"During 1999, the majority of people displaced in Guadalcanal were originally from other islands, mainly
from neighbouring Malaita. Preliminary statistics from a December 1999 census recorded an overall
population figure on Malaita (121,000) which tends to support some of the estimates on displaced people
compiled by churches, the Red Cross and United Nations between June and August 1999. United Nations
reports noted considerable difficulties in assessing the extent of displacement, but estimated that some 1520,000 Malaitan people living on Guadalcanal were evacuated during 1999, ''or about 20 per cent of the
population of Guadalcanal'.
12
The majority of these were eventually evacuated from Guadalcanal to Malaita island - most of them after
temporarily being processed and housed in Red Cross evacuation centres in Honiara. " (AI, 7 September
2000, p. 17)
Coup d'Etat in June 2000 causes further displacement
•
From January 2000 onwards, ethnic tension escalated with the emergence of the MEF who
eventuyally took over Honiara in June, causing further displacement of population, mainly from
Honiara.
•
After June 2000, an estimated 3,000-7,000 people fled their homes in rural Guadalcanal
"In January 2000 the ethnic tension flared up again, with a new factor: the emergence of the Malaita Eagle
Force (MEF). Raids and retaliations on Guadalcanal and in Honiara set new flows of displaced persons in
motion. However, it was not until the armed take-over of the capital by the MEF early in June that
displacement reached new heights. In contrast to the major upheaval one year previously, this may have
involved the population of Honiara more than that of Guadalcanal." (Schoorl & Friesen, 2002)
"Since June 2000, threats, abductions, torture and killings of civilians and prisoners, frequent looting and
burning down of homes, as well as shootouts between IFM and MEF forces, have caused at least 3,000
people to flee their homes in rural Guadalcanal. Many had already spent months in remote shelters in the
hills of Guadalcanal or on offshore islands after various police and militant raids in 1999. On 18 July 2000,
a public warning by Malaita Eagle Force spokesperson Andrew Nori, reported on national radio, advised all
civilians resident in large areas up to 20 kilometres from the capital to evacuate ahead of new military
operations. In late July 2000, national radio reported that police confirmed the burning down of 20 homes
at Independence Valley in Honiara which followed earlier attacks on homes at Matanikau and Tasahe
(Honiara)." (AI, 7 September 2000)
"Between 7,000 and 10,000 people fled their homes in rural Guadalcanal during the year, following threats,
abductions, looting and burning of their property by armed political groups. Humanitarian aid for those
displaced by the conflict was intermittent. MEF blockades prevented essential supplies reaching
Guadalcanese islanders." (AI, 2001)
"Following the attempted coup of 5 June 2000, civil unrest became a national problem that threatened the
cords that bind the country. It affected the ability of the government and the private sector to provide the
basic services that sustain community living and human development. The coup attempt also saw people
from other provinces who had lived and worked in the capital forced to return to their places of origin.
People from Rennell and Bellona, Western, and Temotu Provinces had to flee the capital, their jobs and
properties as they became targets of the civil unrest. Civilians who spoke out against criminal activities
committed within the city were beaten up and had their property stolen in front of their children. Business
houses and individuals were continually harassed. Many businesses closed and stopped making new orders
for the basic goods needed by residents and people all over the Solomons. They were no longer able to cope
with the demands for cash and the harassment of their workers and families by criminal elements.
Within Guadalcanal Province many local people as well as people from other provinces were left with no
homes and in many cases no clothes as their houses and properties were burned, looted and destroyed.
Foreign
governments evacuated their citizens because their security could no longer be guaranteed.
In so doing, they effectively suspended or cancelled assistance to the country, especially that which directly
benefited women, children and the disadvantaged. These drastic and justified actions taken by foreign
governments to ensure the safety of their citizens meant that sanctions were indirectly imposed on the
13
country. Within a week, the economy collapsed. The civil unrest thus affected the business sector, the
organisations of civil society and the public sector, throughout the entire country." (Ruth Liloqula & Alice
Aruhe'eta Pollard, September 2000, p. 7)
Background of the conflict
87 percent of the land is in customary-ownership
•
87 percent of the land is in customary ownership, 9 percent is government-owned and 2 percent is
leased to foreigners.
•
Land is much more than a mere economic commodity, it cannot be bought and sold like other
marketable commodities.
•
Not only is it a source of food, but it also has historical, political, and religious significance. It is
usually owned by the clan or line, and not just by an individual.
•
The concept of individual ownership with the right to sell land was introduced and in the early
days of the British administration and has been the cause of some presentday conflicts over land.
In Solomon Islands, the prominence of cultural traditions in national affairs is most conspicuous in the
relationship between development and traditional land tenure. Large-scale resource development is often
made difficult by a land tenure system in which about 87 percent of the land is in customary-ownership,
leaving only about nine per cent government owned and the rest by individual Solomon Islanders. Only two
per cent of the land is leased to foreigners. The small percentage of government-owned land means that the
state has limited access to land for the purposes of national development. It also means that state power
over land-based development initiatives can be (and has in the past been) seriously undermined. The role of
landowners has been discussed earlier in this report. However, the politics of land ownership (the
interactions within land owning groups) is important to consider, and this can best be understood by
looking at the traditional land tenure system.
To appreciate why a large percentage of land remains in customary- ownership, one needs to have an
understanding of the traditional value of land to Solomon Islanders. For them, land is much more than a
mere economic commodity, it cannot be bought and sold like other marketable commodities. Traditionally
land is of great significance and indeed the most valuable resource. Not only is it a source of food, but it
also has historical, political, and religious significance. The land holds burial grounds, sacrificial sites, and
monuments that are important to a society’s history and culture. It is not only a resource for the living, but
also a vehicle for providing a link with dead ancestors. In this sense land has a religious significance which
makes it the most valuable heritage of the whole community and one that is not often lightly parted with. It
is usually owned by the clan or line, and not just by an individual. Traditionally land also has a political
importance that is embedded in the role that it plays in binding together the land-owning clan or line
(Zoloveke, 1979). It is a source of political and economic power for those who can successfully lay claim
over large areas of land. One can do so by having knowledge of oral traditions which legitimate ownership
of different portions of the land or successfully manipulating such oral traditions to legitimise one’s own
claim over land. For Solomon Islanders, land is the centre of life. People have use-rights over portions of
land because of their membership in a clan or line; traditionally there was no individual ownership of land.
(Zoloveke, 1979). The traditional land tenure system is based on the close relationship between land and
people and is similar in effect to land tenure systems found throughout Melanesia and the Pacific Islands
(Ballard, 1996; Ward, 1996; Crocombe, 1987).
However, since European contact and the colonisation of the islands, land tenure has changed. The concept
of individual ownership with the right to sell land was introduced and in the early days of the British
14
administration a large percentage of the best and most accessible land was alienated. In the 1960s the
colonial government introduced a ‘land settlement’ program which involved the survey and registration of
customary land, documenting ownership, use rights and boundaries. This program was later severely
criticised for being ineffective and too centralised. By 1984, only thirteen percent of the land area of
Solomon Islands had been registered, the boundaries surveyed and tenure regulated by statute. The rest
remained in customary ownership and used according to custom (Larmour, 1984; Bennett, 1995).
The arrangements made during the colonial era have been the cause of some presentday conflicts over land.
In Pavuvu in the Russell Islands in the Central Province, in 1905 the British colonial government leased
Pavuvu Island to Levers Pacific Plantations. The original owners of the island, the Lavukal people of the
Russell Islands, for many years demanded that the island be returned to them. However, their demands
were ignored (Rose, 1995). On 10 March, 1995, the executive of Central Province granted Marving
Brothers, a Malaysian registered logging company, a business license that allowed the central government
to issue a logging permit for Pavuvu Island. The island’s forest was worth about US$120 million (Roughan,
1997). The Lavukal people, assisted by non-government organisation (NGOs) such as the Solomon Islands
Development Trust (SIDT), Soltrust, Greenpeace, and Development Services Exchange (DSE) resisted the
logging of Pavuvu. Company machines were sabotaged and workers were threatened. However, the central
government sent in police officers to protect the company, as the government claimed the company was
logging on government land (Roughan, 1997; Tuhanuku, 1995). Today, Pavuvu Island remains the centre
of intense confrontation between landowners, the central government, Central Province and Marving
Brothers. In November, 1995, Martin Apa, a Russell Islander anti-logging campaigner, was murdered but
to date the police investigation
has failed to find his killers. Many suspect that the murder was connected to the Pavuvu Island logging
issue.
(...)
Cultural traditions undoubtedly have a tremendous impact on national affairs. However, to further
understand national development in Solomon Islands, it is necessary to look at, not only the traditional
systems and structures, but also the formal public sector system - that structure we often refer to as the
state. This will give us a better understanding of how national policies are made and the factors that
influence the way these policies are implemented." (Tarcisius Tara Kabutaulaka September 1998, pp. 3032)
Land disputes and unequal development lead to ethnic tensions
•
Development initiated under the colonial administration was mainly centered around a few areas
along the coast and large number of people were moved according to the labour needs, sometimes
against their will.
•
The majority of people employed as labourers, both inside Solomon Islands and abroad, were
from the island of Malaita.
•
Land ownership, cultural identity, and position within one’s community, tribal group and island
remained very important for people’s livelihood and social well being throughout the colonial
period.
•
Internal migration was encouraged, mainly to Honiara and provincial centers, leading to rapid
population increase, establishment of squatter's settlements and eventually to ethnic tensions
revolving around land issues.
•
Residents of Guadalcanal origin in areas affected by the ethnic conflict erupting in June 1999
were forced to flee to the interior; residents from other provinces were forced to return to their
home provinces.
"Before the Solomon Islands were discovered by the outside world the free movement of people occurred
within each island amongst people who had blood and land ties. Movement also took place outside such
15
ties through marriages arranged by chiefs and elders and as a direct result of inter-tribal and inter-island
wars, when young children were taken as spoils of war by chiefs. In other cases people were given away as
part of compensation, to make lasting peace and build relationships between neighbouring islands, in
particular to protect the donor group from head hunting activities. Those involved in such movements were
treated with respect, taken into the host family and group as their own, and had equal rights with true
members of the family and group. They often held the most prestigious positions and had important
property rights. During this precolonial period the people now known as Solomon Islanders did not see
themselves as one people, as belonging to one country.
Following the establishment of the British Solomon Islands Protectorate at the end of the nineteenth
century, the colonisers grouped the various islands into one country and initiated social and economic
development, but it was mainly confined to a few centres along the coast. During the colonial period large
numbers of people were moved by those who traded in labour: within islands, from island to island, and in
some cases outside the country, often against their will, to places like Samoa, Fiji, and Australia. Such
population movements, beyond blood and land ties and tribal connections, were implemented by expatriate
plantation owners and missions seeking plantation labourers, educators and health workers. Before and
after independence the majority of people employed as labourers, both inside Solomon Islands and abroad,
were from the island of Malaita.
Plantation labourers on islands other than their own received no education about the cultural norms and
traditions of the islands where they worked. They lived in these locations practising and maintaining their
own cultures and identities and kept very much to themselves. Before this era, Solomon Islanders had lived
in their own communities and on land with which they identified. Throughout the colonial period, land
ownership, cultural identity, and position within one’s community, tribal group and island remained very
important for people’s livelihood and social well being.
Before and after independence in 1978, economic and social development was limited to the capital
Honiara, on the island of Guadalcanal, and a few other, mostly coastal centres. By giving all citizens of
Solomon Islands the right to move freely within the national boundaries, the new national constitution
encouraged internal migration. For economic and social reasons many people migrated, especially from
Malaita but also from other provinces. They went mainly to the capital and other provincial centres. The
colonial and national governments also resettled victims of natural disasters, (especially the victims of the
1977 earthquake), on alienated land around Honiara. People moved outside land, blood and tribal ties,
within islands, between islands and between provinces. All these factors contributed to rapid population
increase in the capital and to the expansion of squatter settlements in Guadalcanal Province and to a lesser
extent in other provinces.
The growth of squatter settlements in and around Honiara led to conflicts with the local Guadalcanal
people. Indigenous villagers resented the acquisition of land by migrants, in particular Malaitans, whether it
had occurred legally or illegally. Nor did they like the domination by migrants of businesses in and around
the capital. These factors eventually led to the current ethnic tension in Guadalcanal Province, which
resulted in a massive displacement and exodus of people back to their villages of origin. Residents of
Guadalcanal origin in areas affected by the conflict were forced to flee to the interior; residents from other
provinces were forced to return to their home provinces. For Malaita Province, the total number of returned
settlers, during the peak of the tension, was estimated to be over 23,000 people, or about 4,100 families."
(Ruth Liloqula & Alice Aruhe'eta Pollard, September 2000 p. 2)
"In January 2000, former member of parliament Andrew Nori announced himself as the spokesperson of
the Malaita Eagle Force (MEF). Using police weapons, uniforms and equipment (partly seized in a 17
January 2000 MEF raid on the police armoury at Auki, capital of Malaita), the MEF declared it was using
military force in order to increase political pressure on the government to pay compensation for Malaitan
loss of lives and property from earlier IFM attacks. Split along ethnic lines, the Malaitan-dominated police
failed to stop skirmishes and revenge killings between the two groups. In February 2000, Governor General
16
Sir John Ini Lapli formally outlawed both organizations. The MEF subsequently refused to attend peace
talks until the ban was suspended in May 2000. At the same time, Andrew Nori predicted that ''a major
confrontation between the two militant organisations'' was a ''possibility, in fact a probability''.
On 5 June 2000, the MEF, supported by paramilitary police officers acting without authorization, seized
control of Honiara, forced then Prime Minister Bartholomew Ulufa'alu to resign, pressured parliament to
elect a successor, and used captured police weapons and equipment to step up its military operations
against the IFM and Guadalcanal civilians. MEF spokesperson Andrew Nori declared that the takeover was
prompted by the government's failure to resolve the conflict, a loss of police control over security in the
capital and a desire to replace Prime Minister Ulufa'alu. In the weeks preceding the coup, Malaitandominated Honiara police had already allowed MEF members to move about armed and unhindered.
Visiting senior Commonwealth and European Union delegates tried without success to negotiate a quick
return to constitutional government. On 30 June 2000, Nori publicly threatened ''all-out war'' if parliament
failed to elect a new Prime Minister, and hours later opposition leader Manasseh Sogavare from Choiseul
Province was elected to succeed Ulufa'alu, and a new government, known as the Coalition for National
Unity, Reconciliation and Peace, was formed." (AI, 7 September 2000, pp. 4-5)
For a more detailed analysis of the underlying causes of the ethnic tension, please see:
"Understanding Conflict in Solomon Islands: A Practical Means to Peacemaking", Ruth Lilioqula
and Alice Aruhe'eta Pollard, in State, Society and Governance in Melanasia, Research School of
Pacific and Asian Studies, The Australian National University, September 2000
Ethnic tension escalates into armed conflict
•
Increase in ethnic tensions between local Guadalcanalese and Malaita migrants as of second half
of 1998.
•
Land and land ownership are the fundamentals underlying the crisis which have been expressed as
issues of ethnic identity and enmity.
•
Additional factors include: rapidly expanding population, unequal development between
provinces, large scale exploitation of natural resources by powerful external entities without
sufficient commensurate return in investment in local infrastructure.
•
Grievances about land aquisition and occupation by outsiders crystallised in February 1999 into
demands submitted to the Guadalcanal Provincial Government.
•
In 1999 action by the IFM led to the departure of thousand of workers, particularly Malaitans,
from plantations on Guadalcanal.
•
In June 2000, the MEF supported by police and paramilitary field force officers loyal to Malaita
raided police armories, seized control of Honiara and forced the resignation of the Prime Minister,
•
A peace summit held in Townsville in October, 2000 has resulted in a comprehensive peace
agreement between the major factions.
"Since the second half of 1998 there has been an alarming increase in tensions in Solomon Islands between
Malaitan and Guadalcanal people which has escalated into armed conflict and civil war. The roots of the
crisis are complex and involve multi-layered geographical, historical and demographic forces. Land and
land ownership are the fundamentals underlying the crisis which have been expressed as issues of ethnic
identity and enmity. These issues have been compounded by a rapidly expanding population which has
increased the pressures on land and social structures. Unequal development between provinces, difficulties
in managing the national economy, and large scale exploitation of natural resources by powerful external
entities without sufficient commensurate return in investment in local infrastructure, have also helped to
17
create the crisis and fuelled profound dissatisfaction by indigenous landowners in many parts of the
country.
The crisis involves long-standing grievances of indigenous Guadalcanal people about land acquisition and
occupation by outsiders, particularly Malaitans, in Guadalcanal and around the capital Honiara. These
grievances crystallised in February 1999 into demands submitted to the Guadalcanal Provincial
Government which included a demand for rent for Honiara to be paid to traditional land owners,
compensation for Guales killed in the past, plus restrictions on citizens from other provinces owning land
on Guadalcanal. In 1999 action by the IFM led to the departure of thousand of workers, particularly
Malaitans, from plantations on Guadalcanal.
Fighting between the Isatabu Freedom Movement and the Malaita Eagle Force has led to the breakdown of
law and order in Honiara and surrounding areas of Guadalcanal. A State of Emergency was declared in
June 1999 and although lifted on 15 October 1999, there has been continuing violence and abuse of human
rights resulting in the deaths of at least 60 people and the displacement of many thousands of people from
Honiara and Guadalcanal to all parts of the country.
Many people, not only Malaitans, have lost property and investments in Guadalcanal and Honiara. In June
2000, the MEF supported by police and paramilitary field force officers loyal to Malaita raided police
armories, seized control of Honiara and forced the resignation of Prime Minister Bart Ulufa’alu. A new
Prime Minister, Manasseh Sogavare, was elected and a new government, the Coalition for National Unity,
Reconciliation and Peace containing many members of the opposition, was formed. Through the use of
multi million dollar compensation payments to both militants and their respective provincial governments,
a cease-fire agreement was signed on 3-August 2000 and a Cease Fire Monitoring Group established. The
cease-fire has been fragile, marked by occasional murders and further damage to property inside and
outside Honiara. A peace summit held in Townsville in October, 2000 has resulted in a comprehensive
peace agreement between the major factions, including international monitoring and disarmament. It
remains too early to tell if this will be a lasting and comprehensive peace, but regardless the impacts of
recent events on local communities need to be addressed and support provided for peace and reconciliation
to take root at all levels." (ACT 3 April 2001, p. 2)
The IFM and the MEF
Isatabu Freedom Movement (IFM)
Collective name for armed political groups also known as "Guadalcanal militants", emerging between
March and October 1998 and made up of approximately 500-2,000 indigenous Guadalcanalese villagers,
including many child soldiers, mainly from the south coast and areas to the northwest and northeast of
Honiara. Apparently without a single leader, several commanders representing eastern and western
Guadalcanal groups cooperate in armed operations which in 1998 and 1999 focussed on driving out
Malaitan settlers from rural Guadalcanal. In 1999, the IFM was also known as Guadalcanal Liberation
Front, Guadalcanal Revolutionary Army (GRA), and Isatabu Freedom Fighters (IFF). Despite recent
military setbacks, the IFM controls rural Guadalcanal around Honiara outskirts, extorting support from
villagers.
(...)
Malaita Eagle Force (MEF)
Armed political group named after popular Malaitan football club, emerging in January 2000 and made up
of an estimated 150-300 Malaitans of various tribal groups, believed to be recruited mainly from settler
families on Guadalcanal displaced by the IFM and from disgruntled former and serving police officers
(who the former government believes facilitated MEF raids on police armouries). No single leader is
known, but two lawyers - including spokesman Andrew Nori - an influential politician and a local
18
businessman have been linked to the leadership. Members are said to be grouped in units (such as a "Tiger
Unit") according to their tribal links to central and northern Malaita which also determines command
loyalties. An August 1999 peace accord signed by the government refers to Malaitan armed political groups
operating in and around Honiara under various names (Panatina Agreement, clause 6 (h)); they may have
been merged into the MEF. Since the 5 June 2000 coup, more than 100 Police Field Force and Rapid
Response Unit officers reportedly joined the MEF to form what the MEF calls the "Joint Paramilitary
Police-MEF Operation" - a name apparently designed to obscure its illegal status as an armed political
group." (AI 7 September 2000, pp. 2-3)
Peace efforts (December 2000)
•
In June 1999, the Commonwealth sent a Special Envoy to help broker peace while at the same
time the government declared a 4 months State of Emergency.
•
Prime minister acknowledged that unresolved land disputes and compensation demands made by
indigenous Guadalcanal landowners were issues central to the conflict.
•
IFM declared itself not to be bound by the first peace agreements in which the government
promised to address the concerns of the rural Guadalcanal population.
•
The Townsville peace agreement was signed in October 2000 and provides for the restoration of
peace and ethnic harmony in Solomon Islands, settling of political and social questions, and
monitoring of reconciliation.
"In June 1999, in response to a rapidly deteriorating security situation, the then Government of Solomon
Islands invited the Commonwealth to send a Special Envoy to help broker a peace deal. Former Fijian
Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka made repeated visits to Solomon Islands to consult and negotiate with all
sides. At the same time, the national government declared a four-month State of Emergency, under which
the police were given special powers permitting the use of violence in the course of their duties if acting ''in
good faith''.
In the first of a series of peace agreements brokered by Commonwealth Special Envoy Rabuka, the then
government of Prime Minister Ulufa'alu - for the first time in the conflict - publicly acknowledged in June
1999 that the root causes of the conflict included long-standing compensation demands by indigenous
Guadalcanal landowners for the development of the national capital on their island, and for unresolved
questions of land ownership and squatting by migrant Malaitans ''who form the largest group of workers
employed by the government and private sectors in Honiara''. The peace agreements committed the
government to address the concerns of the rural Guadalcanal population, restrain police operations against
the IFM's predecessors, and also called on all members of armed political groups to disband, hand in their
weapons and return to their home villages. In discussions with Amnesty International in September 1999,
IFM representatives stated that they were not party to the accords, and thus did not feel bound by them.
Their members were largely unaware of the accords' provisions. Consequently, the violence continued
despite the presence from October 1999 of a small number of international police peace monitors under
Commonwealth auspices. In addition, Malaitan vigilante groups in Honiara became increasingly active in
the face of perceived government inaction over their grievances. " (AI 7 September 2000, pp. 4-5)
"After the coup on June 5 [2000] , normality has returned to Solomon Islands. An agreement reached two
months ago by the parties in conflict helped to restore calm and confidence among the local people. Fides is
informed by local Church sources that the "agreement is accepted and respected". Visible effects are
restored freedom of movement for people, road blocks dismantled, paramilitary resettled at home and
business and tourist activities gradually resuming.
19
The Townsville Peace Agreement was signed by the Malaita Eagle Force MEF and the Isatabu Freedom
Movement IFM, by the Solomon government, the Malaita provincial government, and the Guadalcanal
provincial government. The act, for restoration of peace and ethnic harmony in Solomon Islands, comprised
the restoration of order in the field of national security, settling of political and social questions, and
monitoring of reconciliation.
The first crucial question: the text guarantees immunity for those who surrender weapons or property. The
accord included immediate de-militarization, identification of remains of missing persons, claims for lost
and damaged property. For long term interventions, a purposely formed Peace and Reconciliation
Committee will co-ordinate efforts to achieve full community-based reconciliation and forgiveness
throughout Solomon Islands. Significant the final declaration for peace and harmony at the end of the
document in which the parties "renounce violence and the use of armed force" and undertake to "settle their
differences through consultation and peaceful negotiation", and confirm their respect for human rights and
the rule of law.
Following the wave of disorder in the Fiji Islands, on June 5, in Solomon there was an ethnic based coup,
by the Malaita Eagle Force which deposed the Prime Minster Ulufa’alu, forcing parliament to form a new
government. Violent fighting with the Isatabu Freedom Movement from Guadalcanal, caused more than
100 victims and 30,000 displaced persons. The new Prime Minister Mannaseh Sogavare sought to restore
peace promising an amnesty for paramilitary to encourage a peace-fire agreement, signed on August 2,
2000. Groups and organisations of the civil society opposed the amnesty, denouncing serious violation of
human rights of civilians on the part of the Malaita Eagle Force. Peace talks began in early September and
succeeded with the Townsville Agreement signed in Australia on October 15, 2000." (Fides 15 December
2000)
Access to the complete "Townsville Peace Agreement" 15 October 2000
See also: Michael Costello, Final report on weapons collection, May 2001
Lack of money hampers the drafting of the new federal constitution (May 2002)
•
Chances to present a draft of the revised constitution to the parliament by August are remote,
mainyl because of the lack of money.
•
New constitution will introduce a federal system of government, giving more autonomy to the
provinces.
"The chances of introducing a draft of the new Solomon Islands constitution in the August session of
Parliament look remote, a key figure said.
John Tuhaika, leader of the Constitutional Review Committee given the mandate to draw up a constitution
for a federal system of government, said lack of money is the problem. The proposed state government
system, which has been passed in Parliament, would give the provinces more autonomy running their
affairs.
It was proposed after the two years of ethnic conflict and continuing law and order problems, which have
led to the country's current economic crisis.
The committee needs about Sol$ 1.5 million (US$ 238,500) to tour all the provinces to consult the people
there, and then to put together its draft, Tuhaika said. Tuhaika and his committee have just returned from
Canberra where they met Australian National University academics to discuss and study the federal
government system." (SIBC/PINA Nius Online, 14 May 2002)
20
POPULATION PROFILE AND FIGURES
General
Up to 40,000 displaced by the ethnic unrest at the end of 2001
Total number of displaced persons
"The most reliable estimates of displaced people are around 50 – 60,000 (World Vision and the ACFOA
Delegation Report). The SICA Federation of Women has just completed a nationwide survey in which
10,535 homeless or displaced families were identified, which concurs closely with this estimate, given an
average of around 5 people per family in the Solomon Islands.
TARGETED BENEFICIARIES
Number of Displaced Families by Province/Church
SSEC
Malaita
UC
Catholic
CoM
SDA
Total
2,492
-
900
516
800
4,708
200
350
1,989
200
1,400
4,139
4
-
-
-
-
4
12
-
10
-
15
37
Western
-
198
200
-
400
798
Choiseul
-
130
-
-
150
280
Temaotu
-
-
-
125
14
139
Rennel
-
-
-
-
50
50
Isabel
-
-
-
75
12
87
2,708
678
3,099
916
2,841
10,242
Guadalcanal
Santa Anna
Makira
All beneficiaries are located in rural communities, but most of them are former residents of
Honiara.
These figures are by family and can be assumed to represent approximately:
21
Women: 10,000
Men: 10,000
Children: 50,000
(ACT, 3 April 2001, pp. 3-5)
"An estimated 30,000 persons were internally displaced in the Solomon Islands at the end of 2000. Most
became displaced following the outbreak of conflict on the main island of Guadalcanal in 1998, with an
estimated 3,000 displaced since a June 2000 political coup." (USCR, June 2001)
Displacement caused by the June 1999 upheaval
"A total of 35.3 thousand people reported in the census that they had moved from their place of residence in
Guadalcanal or Honiara because of the tension, almost 9 percent of the population of the Solomon Islands.
Given the geographical concentration of the tension, the effect on Guadalcanal province was strongest, in
terms of population movement: 24.6 thousand peoples were displaced. That is, an estimated 34 percent of
the pre-displacement population. (The pre-displacement population is estimated by adding the displaced
population enumerated in other provinces to the population enumerated in the province). Prior to the
census, 10.7 thousand people were displaced from Honiara, or 19 percent of its population (table 5.5).
Thus, in 1999 most of the displacement, 70 percent, was from rural Guadalcanal. At that time, Honiara’s
share in the displacement was only 30 percent, especially from the large wards of Kola’a and Panatina (16
percent each).
Table 5.5 Population displaced from Guadalcanal and Honiara, by province of displacement and
province of enumeration
Prov. of enumeration
Guadalcanal+Honiara
Guadalcanal
Honiara
Displaced
% of pop.
displaced
% of pop.
displaced
% of pop.
35,309
8.6
24,597
10,712
Solomon Islands
6.0
2.6
Choiseul
Western
Isabel
Central
Rennell-Bellona
Guadalcanal
Malaita
Makira-Ulawa
Temotu
Honiara t.c.
316
1,140
331
486
32
12,806
12,676
584
599
6,339
1.6
1.8
1.6
2.3
1.4
21.3
10.3
1,9
3.2
12.9
133
418
197
341
9
12,381
7,788
283
360
2,687
0.7
0.7
1.0
1.6
0.4
20.5
6.4
0.9
1.9
5.5
183
722
134
145
23
425
4,888
301
239
3,652
0.9
1.2
0.7
0.7
1.0
0.7
4.0
1.0
1.3
7.4
[Note]: "As most of the displacement into Malaita from rural Guadalcanal occurred before mid-December
1999, the census is likely to have captured most of that movement. On the other hand, a large part of
displacement from Honiara occurred in 2000, and this is not registered by the census." (J.J. Schoorl and W.
Friesen December 2001)
"Close to 40,000 people from Guadalcanal rural areas and from the capital-Honiara were either temporarily
or permanently displaced. For Malaita Province alone the total number of returned settlers during June/July
1999 was estimated to over 20,000 people or about 4,000 families.
22
Note: Due to the nature of the movement and lack of consistent registry, the exact number of displaced
people is not known. The Red Cross Society of Solomon Islands recorded more than 20,000 displaced
people in Malaita province alone during the height of the 1999 tension, but it is believed there was some
double counting and in some cases temporarily displaced people were from within Honiara. The database
by SIDAAP project indicates about 6,500 displaced people for 5 most affected constituencies, out of 13 in
Malaita. The 1999 population census figure for most affected rural areas of Guadalcanal is about 17,000.
Most of this people (used to reside along the coast of Eastern and Western Honiara) were forced to flee to
the interior abandoning their houses and gardens. Almost all people of Guadalcanal origin have moved out
of Honiara for security reasons. Likewise, many residents of Honiara have left to other provinces, most of
them awaiting normalcy to return.
(...)
Information on the total number of displaced families is sketchy. The Red Cross record for displaced
people in Malaita province points to 20,000. The estimate for the total number of displaced people in
Guadalcanal province varied from 12,000 to 18,000. There are significant numbers of displaced people
from other provinces too (probably about 10,000), but the total number is not known. " (Donald Kudu
October 2000, Annex E-3, pp. 1-3)
Displacement caused by the June 2000 coup
"Between 7,000 and 10,000 people fled their homes in rural Guadalcanal during the year, following threats,
abductions, looting and burning of their property by armed political groups. Humanitarian aid for those
displaced by the conflict was intermittent. MEF blockades prevented essential supplies reaching
Guadalcanese islanders. MEF and IFM members were reported to have beaten, threatened and harassed
International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) staff, medical professionals and clerical and lay workers
trying to carry out humanitarian work or perform their religious duties among displaced people. The leader
of the ICRC delegation sustained head injuries when he was attacked by an ethnic Malaitan gunman." (AI,
2001)
Geographical distribution
IDPs in Guadalcanal Province (January 2001)
•
Data presented is incomplete but gives an indication of the situation.
•
A good number of persons and families were displaced from within the province of Guadalcanal.
•
East Guadalcanal Constituency, which includes the Marau Islands, recorded most of the displaced
families and population (5,911 IDPs)
•
Total displaced population on Guadalcanal registered by the survey: 6,696 IDPs.
•
During the height of the tension, most schools throughout the province were affected either
because teachers escaped for the fear of their lives or schools have been burned or vandalized.
•
"Guadalcanal Province was where the ethnic tension saw most of its activities. The uprising did a lot of
destruction to industries and properties on the island. Due to the suspension of the PDV project only after
the first month of operation, data presented is not complete, thus not a good representation of what people
think and what actions are needed to fulfil the aims of the project.
23
The data presented in this section are for the following constituencies: West Guadalcanal, Northwest
Guadalcanal, East Guadalcanal, East Central Guadalcanal, South Guadalcanal, and Northeast Guadalcanal.
The reports of the other two constituencies are not available when compiling this report. Nevertheless, it is
hoped that the data presented would give an indication of the situation on Guadalcanal at the time of the
PDV survey.
(…)
Since the province of Guadalcanal was the center of all the destruction and bloodshed throughout the social
uprising, it follows that a good number of displaced persons and families also come from the province. The
figures for the IDPs would have been larger if statistics from South Guadalcanal, North Guadalcanal and
Central Guadalcanal Constituencies are made available. This is because, the Central and North Guadalcanal
Constituencies are the closest to Honiara while South Guadalcanal received a few attacks from the
governments patrol boats soon after the signing of the Townsville Peace agreement (TPA). The following
figures summarize the number of displaced families and the total displaced population in the constituencies
covered by the survey.
Table 10: Summary of IDPs on Guadalcanal
Table 10: Summary of IDPs on Guadalcanal
Constituencies
West Guadalcanal
East Guadalcanal
Northwest Guadalcanal
NE & East Central
Guad.
Total
No. of Displaced Families
28
679
49
53
Displaced population
170
5911
323
292
809
6696
From the information contained in the above table, it is clear that the East Guadalcanal Constituency, which
includes the Marau Islands, recorded most of the displaced families and population. This is because of the
fact that the Constituency was divided and destroyed by both militia groups during the conflict. The
displaced families and individuals recorded throughout Guadalcanal were either from areas with close
proximity to Marau or Honiara and the Guadalcanal Plains.
D. Surveys of Schools and Displaced Students
During the height of the tension, most schools throughout the province were affected either because
teachers escaped for the fear of their lives or schools have been burned or vandalized. Some schools opened
their doors but had to accommodate the increased enrollment due to displaced students. Students in both
primary and secondary schools had to leave their original schools either because their parents left or
because they are unsure of their security. Some students were basically denied education since the schools
where they were displaced to could not accommodate them.
The table below summarizes the information on schools and internally displaced students recorded in each
school throughout the constituencies surveyed on Guadalcanal. You will note that only 5 schools have
records of their displaced students while the rest either do not have the records or were not operating at the
time of the survey.
Table 11: Summary of IDS on Guadalcanal
24
School
Susu Primary School
Kobito Primary
Keith Miller Memorial
Mboeni Primary
Ruavatu Extension
Total
Boys
Girls
Total
3
2
4
1
2
12
0
2
2
0
0
4
3
4
6
1
2
16
(SIDAPP January 2001, pp. 22-23)
For more information on the socio-economic profile of Guadalcanal Province see:"Guadalcanal
Province Development Profile", Ministry of Provincial Government & Rural Development, August
2001
IDPs in Malaita Province (January 2001)
•
A total of 1,363 IDPs were recorded on Malaita during the survey.
•
Data is incompete as only two constituencies were surveyed.
•
A total of 347 displaced students were enrolled in schools on Malaita.
"As alluded to earlier, a large number of Malaitans were forced to leave their employment and settlements
and properties on Guadalcanal as a result of the tension. The number of displaced persons on Malaita is
obviously higher that what is presented here because of the limited coverage of the survey throughout the
province. Nevertheless, the following is a summary of the IDPs for the constituencies surveyed:
Table 17: Summary of IDPs in two Malaita Constituencies
Constituency
Number of Families
South Malaita Constituency
47
Aoke/Langalanga
186
Total
233
Displaced Population
241
1122
1363
(...)
With the sudden exit of Malaitans on Guadalcanal and Honiara, their children were denied access to
education. Some eventually got enrolled in the schools closers to where they were residing at the height of
the tension. The following table summarizes the number of IDS and the schools they attended in the
schools surveyed on Malaita." (SIDAPP January 2001, pp. 35-36)
Table 18: Summary of IDS in some Malaita Constituencies
Schools
Number of Number
Girls
Boys
Gwounatolo Community High
36
Takaito CHS & Primary
16
of Total IDS
50
18
86
34
25
Tawaro Community High School
Ro’one Primary School
Inamauri Primary School
Sa’a Community High School
Liwe Primary
Maka Primary
Ta’aku Primary School
Su’uhiramo Primary
Sarawasi Primary
Talakali Primary & CHS
Auki CHS
Sinasu Primary
Bitakaula Primary
Total
2
6
8
10
2
0
3
5
5
11
30
13
14
161
4
8
10
8
3
1
4
4
10
3
36
8
21
186
6
14
18
18
5
1
7
9
15
14
66
21
35
347
Source: (SIDAPP January 2001, p.36)
For more information on the socio-economic profile of Guadalcanal Province see:" Malaita
Province Development Profile", Ministry of Provincial Government & Rural Development, August
2001
IDPs in Western Province (January 2001)
•
There were some employment opportunities in Western Province with industries and companies
operating within it.
•
A total of 4 constituencies were visited by the survey and 386 IDPs were recorded.
•
Most IDPs originated from Malaita, Guadalcanal and from within the province.
•
More than half of the displaced were hosted by relatives.
•
Several schools in the province saw a sudden increase in their enrollment as a result of the tension
with a total of 178 internally displaced students recorded in Western Province
"Western Province is the largest province in the Solomon Islands in terms of landmass. It is also one of
those provinces that had employment opportunities prior to the tension because of industries and companies
operating within it. Although not all constituencies in the province were visited the PDVs surveyed 4.
These included Marovo, South Vella la Vella, Ranonga/Simbo, and South New Georgia/Rendova
Constituencies.
The province as such was fairly covered and information presented could be assumed to represent the
province. Peace forums were conducted in some villages. Furthermore, a good number of school and health
facilities were surveyed and information gathered.
(…)
Survey of Internally Displaced Persons
The IDPs found in the Western Province were mostly from Malaita, Guadalcanal and the Western province.
The Malaitans and Guadalcanal IDPs went there either through marriage connections or the Red Cross
26
evacuated them there for safety. A good number of Western IDPs were those that escaped threats and on
Guadalcanal, Honiara and Noro areas.
Most of the IDPs were working people but had to leave work for the safety of their families and
themselves. Almost all of them lamented over the loss of their properties through theft and physical
destruction. This contributed to the hardships they were facing in their various rural (sometimes, adopted)
communities. In the first three month of their arrival in the western province more than half of the 87dispalced families resided with host families. In some instances, they were spared houses belonging to
single relatives of the spouses. The table below summarizes the number of IDPs recorded in the surveys.
Table24: Summary of IDPs in the Western Province
Constituency
No. of Displaced Families
Total IDPs
Marovo
South Vella la Vella
Rannogga/Simbo
South New Georgia/Rendova
Total
108
78
97
103
386
18
30
21
18
87
(...)
" Table 25: IDS in the Western Province
Schools
Elioteve Primary
Eleoteve CHS
Buri Primary
Koriovuku Primary
Batuna Primary
Batuna Vocational
Patukae Primary
Patukae CHS
Bilua CHS
Vonunu High Sch.
Baruku Primary
Baruku CHS
Baniata Extension
Hopongo Primary
Penjuku Primary
Peava Primary
Bekabeka CHS
Total
Boys
12
3
3
6
3
5
8
4
0
6
4
9
0
3
1
7
12
99
Girls
9
0
6
5
1
0
6
4
1
10
8
5
1
0
1
3
15
79
Total IDS
21
3
9
11
4
5
14
8
1
16
12
14
1
3
2
10
27
178
From the table above, it could be gathered that several schools in the province saw a sudden increase in
their enrollment as a result of the tension. Bekabaka Community High School recorded the highest
enrolment of IDS, almost the number of students for an additional class. It is also obvious that all CHS and
Vonunu Provincial Secondary School recorded dramatic increases in their enrolments.
The primary schools also had their share of IDS enrolments. Elioteve, Koriovuku, Patukae, Baruku and
Peave primary schools obviously stretched their teaching and learning resources. As was the experience in
27
most parts of the country, the meager resources of the schools in the West were over stretched in an attempt
to educate the younger generation.
Apart from increased enrolments, a good number of schools listed above needed attention from responsible
authorities. Even without the tension, their needs for more textbooks, teaching materials and proper
classrooms remain their plea to education authorities. Western Province is not alone in this since most
schools throughout the country reminded their respective PDVs about these same issues." (SIDAPP
January 2001, p. 43-44)
For more information on the socio-economic profile of Guadalcanal Province see:"Western
Province Development Profile", Ministry of Provincial Government & Rural Development, August
2001
IDPs in North West Choiseul (January 2001)
•
Total number of internally displaced persons in northwest Choisuel is 226, most of them
originating from Honiara.
•
A total of 102 students were displaced.
"A. Survey of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs)
The total number of internally displaced persons in northwest Choisuel is 226. Out of these, 76 were
formally employed while the rest are dependents of those employed. More than half of the displaced
population was originally from Honiara and Guadalcanal. Another 12% were displaced from Noro as a
direct consequence of the ethnic tension as well the scaling down of operations by the Solomon Tayio
Limited operating from Noro. The table below summarizes the place from which the IDPs were displaced.
Table5: Summary of IDPs in Northwest Choisuel
Origin
Honiara
Noro
Guadalcanal/SIPL
Auki
Suva
Total
Number of IDPs
172
27
18
2
2
226
Of the 76 formally employed people who were displaced, only 28 have their own houses in the village.
About 63% (48) of them lived with host families, a move that many of them found very uncomfortable.
When asked whether they wish to return to their original place prior to the ethnic tension, 61 said yes while
15 never wish to return. Those that wanted to return emphasize education, employment and reunion with
relatives as their reasons. The ones that do not want to return cited the loss of properties, uncertainty on the
situation and the law and order problem.
(...)
Internally Displaced Students (IDS)
28
During the height of the ethnic tension, a good number of students were displaced with their parents and
guardians. They ended up in one or more of the schools throughout the province. The table below
summarizes the composition of students displaced during the tension and the schools that they eventually
attended in Northwest Choisuel.
Table 6: IDS in Northwest Choisuel
School
Taro
Nukiki
Saqigae
Voza
Moli
Tutu
Bangara
Voruvoru
Konamana
Polo
Pangobiru
Borokuni
Vurango
Chivoko
Kaqamama
Ogho
Pirakamae
Choisuel Bay Secondary
Total IDS
Boys
Girls
Total
4
1
3
2
2
2
0
0
3
9
2
0
5
2
2
1
10
0
21
64
3
0
1
0
0
7
0
4
6
0
0
1
2
0
9
38
7
3
0
5
2
1
0
3
16
2
4
11
2
2
2
12
0
30
102
There are more displaced male students in northwest Choisuel than females. For Choisuel Bay Secondary
school, the increase means that there needs to be extra dormitory and dinning hall space. At the same time,
rations, stationery and administration costs are a major concern for the school.
Apart from Choisuel Bay Secondary, there are two other community high schools in the constituency. They
are Pirakamae and Voza Schools. However, there was a report of non-enrolment of IDS in these two
schools." (SIDAPP January 2001, pp. 18-19)
For more information on the socio-economic profile of Guadalcanal Province see:"Choiseul
Province Development Profile", Ministry of Provincial Government & Rural Development, August
2001
IDPs in Central Islands Province (January 2001)
•
Majorities of displaced people were found in the rural areas of Small Ngella with close proximity
to Guadalcanal and Honiara.
•
A total of at least 578 people were recorded to be internally displaced in Central Islands province.
29
•
Central Islands Province also experienced a heavy inflow of displaced students from Guadalcanal
and Honiara schools (267 students).
"For the Central Islands Province, actual survey on the internally displaced persons and families started on
October 13th 2000 until the suspension of the project in early 2001. It is interesting to note that Tulagi (the
capital center of the province) only recorded 4 displaced families unlike other centers throughout the
country. Nevertheless, majorities of displaced people were found in the rural areas of Small Ngella with
close proximity to Guadalcanal and Honiara. They found refuge in these areas after they fled Guadalcanal
and Honiara at the height of the tension.
The survey of internally displaced persons in most parts of the Central Islands Province found out the
following information The figures are calculated from all the reports produced by the PDVs working in the
Central Islands province. Specific categorized figures can be viewed in these reports.:
I.
II.
III.
Displaced persons not married
80 persons
Total number of displaced families 87 families
Total displaced population
578 people
It is important to note that these figures are mainly for the Ngella Constituency. Not much work was
undertaken in the Russell and Savo Constituency. This is mainly due to the fact that only one person was
assigned to cover Russell islands and the Ngella PDVs did not cover Savo during their survey. The number
could have been more if figures for Russells and Savo are produced fully. This is with the understanding
that many people exiting the Western and Guadalcanal provinces found refuge with the Russell Islands
Plantations Limited premises and the nearby Savo island. Nevertheless, the figures above give an indication
of the number of displaced families and persons residing in the Central Islands Province at the time of the
survey.
(...)
The Central Islands Province also experienced a heavy inflow of displaced students from Guadalcanal and
Honiara schools. Some displaced students found their way into existing schools in the province while
others were less fortunate. The figures below show the status of the displaced students in the Central islands
province at the time of the survey:
I.
Number of Displaced Students in Schools: 256 students
130 Boys
126 Boys
II.
Number of displaced students not in schools: 31 students
16 boys
15 girls
III.
Total number of displaced students in Central Province: 267 students" (SIDAPP, January 2001 pp.
14-15)
For more information on the socio-economic profile of Guadalcanal Province see:"Central Province
Development Profile", Ministry of Provincial Government & Rural Development, August 2001
30
IDPs in Rennel and Bellona Province (January 2001)
•
Survey has been limited to some areas of the province.
•
A large number of people from this province were residing in Honiara and forced to return
following the ethnic uprising.
•
A total of 158 IDPs were recorded by the survey.
"The Rennell and Bellona Province is a province comprising of basically 2 Polynesian islands isolated from
the main trading centers. A large number of people from this province were residing in Honiara. However,
due to the ethnic uprising, many of them were displaced and lost their properties in Honiara. At the same
time, many students residing with their parents in town found themselves out of school. Some fortunately
found enrolment in other school back in the province. Despite the limited coverage of the province by this
survey, the information here is indicative of what was going on at the time of the survey.
B. Survey of Internally Displaced Persons
The following summarizes the figures for IDPs and families in the Rennell and Bellona Province.
Table 22: IDPs in Rennell and Bellona Province
Wards
Families
Ward 10
14
Ward 9
15
Ward 8
13
Wards 7
10
Total
52 families
Total IDPs
40
36
43
39
158 IDPs
The survey of IDPs on Rennell and Bellona Province brought out an important point that other provinces
also highlighted in their reports. It was commonly reported that the project raised expectations and false
hopes that material benefits would follow the PDV surveys. Most IDPs referred to other forms they filled
earlier with other surveys with not realization of material benefits. After careful explanations, the Rennell
and Bellona team managed to have the cooperation of the IDPs." (SIDAPP January 2001, p.39)
For more information on the socio-economic profile of Guadalcanal Province see: "Rennel and
Bellona Province Development Profile", Ministry of Provincial Government & Rural
Development, August 2001
IDPs in Isabel Province (January 2001)
•
Few people from Isabel province displaced by the ethnic tensions on Guadalcanal.
•
A total of 43 IDPs were recorded by the survey.
"Compared to other provinces covered above, not many people from Isabel Province were displaced at the
height of the tension. This is not to deny the fact that many working people from Honiara returned home at
the height of the tension. The low number of Isabel people residing outside of Honiara could explain the
reason for this small number of displaced population. A good number of the population displaced to Isabel
are those with spouses from other provinces.
The following figures summarize the number of families and people displaced to Isabel province:
31
Constituency
Number of Families
Population
1. Maringe/Kokota
2. Hograno/Kia/Havulei
9
4
24
19
Total
13
43
Two points were raised regarding the displaced from Isabel. Some IDPs occupied land spaces as
settlements causing disagreements among landowning groups. The communities were not sure whether
those married to other islands are returning to Isabel to remain there or will be returning to their spouse’s
homes when the tension subsides. What ever the case may be, those IDPs in Isabel were well received by
the people there and they were feeling at home at the time of the survey. Those occupying relative’s homes
were building new houses with the help of communities." (SIDAPP January 2001, p. 31)
For more information on the socio-economic profile of Guadalcanal Province see: "Isabel Province
Development Profile", Ministry of Provincial Government & Rural Development, August 2001
IDPs in Makira/Ulawa province (December 2000)
•
A total of 90 IDPs (or families ?) were recorded in the province, 64 were displaced from
Guadalcanal, 23 from Honiara and 3 from Western province.
•
Most sought refuge in the central Makira constituency and in the west Makira constituency.
•
130 students were displaced to the province, most (63%) came from Honiara schools, while others
came from Guadalcanal (18%) and Western Province (9%).
•
Another 142 students from secondary schools were displaced to the province.
""As with data collected and presented in this report the province has a total of 90 Internally Displaced
Persons. Of the total 64 are displaced from Guadalcanal, mostly workers of the Solomon Islands
Plantations Limited, representing 64.44% of the total displaced. 23 people are being displaced from
Honiara representing 25.56% of the total IDP's for the whole province while three(3) people are displaced
from Western province, representing 3.33%.
Of the Internally Displaced Persons; Central Makira Constituency received the highest IDP's with a total of
53 families, East Makira Constituency second with 24 families followed by West Makira Constituency with
2 and Ulawa/Ugi the least with one Internally Displaced family. (Refer Annex 3 for Details of IDP's)
Below is a summary table for the Total Internally Displaced Families's for the whole province. It is
classified by Constituency.
Table 1: Total Internally Displaced Persons by Constituency.
Item No.
Name of Constituency
Total IDP/Constituency.
01
Ulawa/Ugi Constituency
1 UP
32
02
East Makira Constituency
24 IDP's
03
Central Makira Constituency
53 IDP's
04
West Makira Constituency
2 IDP's
Grand Total of IDP's
90 IDP's
Source: PDV Survey in Central Makira Constituency, SIDAPP/SICHE/USP Peace and Development Volunteer Project.
"There was a total of 130 Internally Displaced Students recorded from a survey conducted by the Provincial
education division. Out of those IDS's, 52 went to schools in Central Makira Constituency, 36 were
displaced to schools in Ulawa/Ugi Constituency and 21 students each for schools in East and West Makira
Constituencies. It was noted that most of the IDSs came from schools in Honiara representing 63% from
the total while 18.18% came from schools on Guadalcanal, 9.09% displaced from schools in Western
province and the same percentage is true for schools within Makira/Ulawa province itself.
However, Table 2 below gives a brief summary of the total Internally Displaced Students for primary
schools, for the whole province, by constituency.
Table 2: Total Internally Displaced Table 2: Total Internally Displaced Students by Constituency.
Table 2: Total Internally Displaced Students by Constituency.
Item No.
Name of Constituency
Total IDS's
01
Ulawa/Ugi Constituency
36 IDS's
02
East Makira Constituency
21 IDS's
03
Central Makira Constituency
52 IDS's
04
West Makira Constituency
21 IDS's
Grand Total I DS's
130 I DS's
Source: Provincial Education Division IDS Survey, Makira/Ulawa Province. Date: 23`d August, 2000.
The survey also took account of displaced students for secondary schools except for Pamua where data is
not made available. Survey findings showed that total Internally Displaced Students for secondary schools
in Makira/Ulawa province was 142 IDS's. Campbell Community High was being the highest recipient of
IDS's; a total number of 50 students representing 35.21 followed by Waimapuru National Secondary school
with 47 IDS's at 33.10%, Pirupiru Community High at 9.86% with a total of 14 I D S's, Pawa Secondary
with 10 I DS's at 7.04%, Santa Ana Community High at 5.63% with a total of 8 registered IDS's, then
Tawatana Community High at 4.93% with a total of 7 IDS's and Ramah Community High being the least
with a total of 6 IDS's at 4.23%.
Table 3 reflects total IDS's for Table 3 reflects total IDS's for secondary schools in the province.
33
ITEM No.
NAME OF SECONDARY SCHOOL
TOTAL IDS's
01
Pirupiru Community High School
14 IDS's
02
Tawatana Community High School
07 IDS's
03
Santa Ana Community High School
08 IDS's
04
FM Campbell Community High School
50 IDS's I
05
Pawa Provincial Secondary School
10 IDS's
06
Waimapuru National Secondary School
47 IDS's
07
Ramah Community High School
06 IDS's
Grand Total All
142 IDS's
Source: Provincial Education Division IDS Survey, Makira/Ulawa Province. Date: 23"d August, 2000.
For more information on the socio-economic profile of Makira/Ulawa Province, see :"Makira/Ulawa
Province development Profile", Ministry of Provincial Government & Rural Development, August
2001
Profile of the displaced
General characteristics of the 1999 displaced
•
Women and men equally affected by displacement.
•
Age distributions are comparable, as it seems that in most cases whole families were displaced.
•
Fewer adults among those displaced from Honiara as it appears that adults with a job stayed in
Honiara while sending their children away.
•
Displaced from Guadalcanal of 15 years of age or older tend to be slightly over-represented in
both the higher educational levels (attended form or higher) and in the lowest one (never attended
school), relative to the total population enumerated in Guadalcanal province.
•
Displaced from Honiara were on average lower educated than the total population of the town.
"Displacement hit men and women almost equally: 52 percent of the displaced were men, 48 percent
women. The age distribution of the displaced and the enumerated populations in Guadalcanal and Honiara
is illustrated by figure 5.13. Generally, the age distributions are remarkably comparable, as it seems that in
most cases whole families were displaced, although from the census data we cannot deduce whether
families moved together, or for instance children were sent away sooner. Only in the case of Honiara are
there somewhat more children (ages 0-14 years) and comparatively fewer adults of working age among the
displaced than among the total population of the capital. This can well be explained by the likelihood that
those with a job in town stayed on, while sending their children and non-working spouses to other
provinces. This is further supported by the finding that there are somewhat more women than men in the
age group 20-34 among the displaced.
34
Finally, men and women 15 years of age or older who were displaced from Guadalcanal tend to be slightly
over-represented in both the higher educational levels (attended form or higher) and in the lowest one
(never attended school), relative to the total population enumerated in Guadalcanal province. The displaced
from Honiara were on average lower educated than the total population of the town (figure 5.14). This
might suggest that the higher educated, with jobs in the formal economy, were more likely to stay on, or
otherwise that the population groups most at risk of displacement are overrepresented at the lower
educational levels." (J.J. Schoorl and W. Friesen December 2001)
IDPs in Malaita
•
Proportion of women in the age group 15 – 49, tend to surpass their natural share in the
population.This might be explained by the fact that men stayed in Honiara for professionnal
reasons or to await compensation from the government.
•
Average family size of the displaced families was calculated as 5.7
•
23 percent of family were not reunited
•
About 57 percent of displaced families owned land at the place of displacement
IDPs in Malaita
35
"The overview of the situation after displacement was document by case study carried out in Malaita
Department of Development Planning, January 2000, Analytical report on monitoring & planning for
displaced families, case study – Malaita. , during September 1999, as follows;
About 14 percent of displaced families had female heads at the time of the study. The proportion of women
in the age group 15 – 49, tend to surpass their natural share in the population (or in other words, in this age
group, there were fewer men than expected). This was probably because of the fact that some of the heads
and adult male members of families were away from their families for employment reasons or have come
to Honiara to wait for payment of compensation by the government.
The average family size of the displaced families was calculated as 5.7. But if hosting families are
considered together, the mean increases to 12.6 (indicating among other problems, the extent of
overcrowding in small dwellings).
As many as 23 percent of family heads stated that members of the family were not currently living together.
About 13 percent of family heads were born outside Malaita. On the average, the family heads have lived
about 18 years outside Malaita.
About 57 percent of displaced families owned land at the place of displacement (mostly by either
purchasing or leasing from individual landlords or the Government and few cases by inheritance).
The highest proportion of the displaced families who did not own land at the place of displacement was
squatter-settlers (43 percent) followed by living with wantoks (28 percent), rental (about 19 percent) and
other (11 percent).
(...)
Some families have indicated that they have already faced problems in accessing land for building houses
(9 percent) and land for gardening (16 percent).
Families headed by women (with many children), elderly men and women, people from artificial islands
and disabled people were in a much more difficult situation for building houses or obtaining and clearing
garden areas. Too much physical labour (clearing of new garden, fetching of water and collection fire
wood, travelling to distant market and carrying bags of rice for long distance, etc.), joint pain, maternal
health, food and financial shortage, were also cited as major problem of women.
While forest clearing was stated as major environmental concerns, drug and other youth related problems
and home brew/ kwaso were cited as major social problems." (Donald Kudu October 2000, Annex E-3, pp.
3-4)
Vulnerable groups
Women and children particularly vulnerable (October 2000)
•
IDP Guadalcanal women married to Malaitan men and who fled to Malaita face difficult
conditions as they are deprived of everything they owned including their social status.
•
Similarly, IDP Malaitan women married to Guadalcanal men and who moved back to Malaita left
their husband behind and are without a source of revenue.
•
Other causes for concen include harassment, intimidation of women by MEF or GRA militants,
and lack of vaccination and proper nutrition for children
36
"The heavy toll of the impact is on displaced Guadalcanal women who were married to Malaitan men who
used to own land, have a regular source of income, many friends, comfort and security in their former lives,
but now are deprived of all. The new life for them in Malaita is scary, difficult and traumatic and
dangerous. These women are also separated from their families, friends and relatives. Equally deprived
are also women of Malaita origin, who married to Guadalcanal men. Most of these women have gone back
to Malaita leaving their husbands behind. Some of these women could face difficulties due to their
attachment and offspring to the Guadalcanal. For the same reason, they could also be less privileged to the
traditional safety net of wantok system.
The tension and the constant sight of guns is seeping into young children’s minds. Recently two children
played MEF and GRA in Malaita and one stabbed the other in the stomach with a knife. The wounded
child was hospitalised.
The sight of the militant’s walking in groups in their army uniforms and armed with guns is very scary and
intimidating to many women and their families in Guadalcanal and Malaita. These militant are also causing
panic among the villages. In fact, villagers have become vulnerable to harassment and intimidation by the
militants. These militants are also tempted to use their firearms for the thrill of demonstrating power.
Unless disarmed immediately, these youngsters could cause further damage to their communities.
Children, specifically in Guadalcanal have become particularly vulnerable, as they continued to be out of
the reach of vaccination schemes. These children are also likely to lack proper nutrition and are vulnerable
to malnutrition." (Donald Kudu October 2000, Annex E-3, p. 7)
37
PATTERNS OF DISPLACEMENT
General
Political instability and economic problems force people form their homes in Western
Province (April 2002)
•
Continued political insrability and economic problems force people in western Province to cross
the border to Papua New Guinea.
"Solomon Islanders are crossing over into Bougainville as refugees or seeking to trade for desperately
needed goods, a Papua New Guinea parliamentarian said. Central Bougainville MP Sam Akoitai called for
the Papua New Guinea Government to quickly address the issue.
The increase in border crossings is a result of the continuing political instability and economic problems
Solomons Islands faces, he said. He said that Solomon Islanders had crossed over at Siwai, the beaches of
Buin and even Kieta to either trade for trade-store goods, sell fish or seek refuge with relatives in those
areas. He said indications are that the problems facing the Honiara government have impacted negatively
on the country’s Western Province, bordering Bougainville. Mr Akoitai said he was not attempting to stop
or prosecute the islanders. He was mindful of the way the Solomons assisted Bougainvilleans with refuge,
food and medication during the heart of the Bougainville crisis.
Mostly Western Province Islanders are crossing into South Bougainville. Some have even been reported as
far in to Bougainville as Kieta, Central Bougainville. 'I am calling on the Government to set up a processing
centre for temporary border-crossers so they can travel safely and legally,' he said. Mr Akoitai suggested an
arrangement such as that put in place for the Wutung people. They hold permits that allow them free access
to visit relatives in West Papua, which is ruled as a province of Indonesia. Mr Akoitai said he has met with
Foreign Affairs Secretary Evoa Lalatute over the Solomon Islands border crossings. He said Mr Lalatute
had indicated his department had to indefinitely postpone the Papua New Guinea/Solomon islands Border
Talks, which would have addressed the current problems. 'My concern is that the issue is beginning just
now,' Mr Akoitai said. 'We need to address the issue as soon as possible.'
He said what needed to be done was to immediately set up a processing centre to ensure safer and legal
travel arrangements. He said many of the Western Province Islanders were relatives of Bougainvilleans so
it should not be a difficult issue to deal with. 'It’s going to become worse the longer we turn a blind eye on
it,' Mr Akoitai said."
Extent and direction of displacement prior to June 2000
•
35,300 people were displaced from Guadalcanal and Honiara by the ethnic unrest in June 1999.
•
Most of the displacement, 70 percent (or 24,600 people), was from rural Guadalcanal and 30
percent (or 10,700 people) were displaced from Honiara.
•
Most of the Guadalcanal displaced were uprooted from East Tasimboko ward (4,900 people)
representing 20 percent of the Guadalcanal displaced; 4,100 people (or 17 percent) were displaced
from Malango ward; 3,200 from Tandai ward (or 13 percent).
38
•
East Tasimboko, West and East Ghaobata and Malango saw 66, 65, 58 and 58 percent
respectively of their populations displaced.
•
Over one third of all the displaced from Guadalcanal and Honiara together were enumerated in
Malaita (36 percent, or 12.7 thousand persons). Another 36 percent were enumerated in
Guadalcanal and 18 percent in Honiara.
•
Most of the displaced who went to Malaita settled in the north of the island, most notably in
Nafinua, Takwa, East Baegu, Mandalua/Folot and Langalanga in northern Malaita, and the island
of Sikaiana .
"Extent and direction of displacement
A total of 35.3 thousand people reported in the census that they had moved from their place of residence in
Guadalcanal or Honiara because of the tension, almost 9 percent of the population of the Solomon Islands.
Given the geographical concentration of the tension, the effect on Guadalcanal province was strongest, in
terms of population movement: 24.6 thousand peoples were displaced. That is, an estimated 34 percent of
the pre-displacement population. (The pre-displacement population is estimated by adding the displaced
population enumerated in other provinces to the population enumerated in the province). Prior to the
census, 10.7 thousand people were displaced from Honiara, or 19 percent of its population (table 5.5).
Table 5.5 Population displaced from Guadalcanal and Honiara, by province of displacement and
province of enumeration
Prov. of enumeration
Guadalcanal+Honiara
Guadalcanal
Honiara
Displaced
% of pop.
displaced
% of pop.
displaced
% of pop.
35,309
8.6
24,597
10,712
Solomon Islands
6.0
2.6
Choiseul
Western
Isabel
Central
Rennell-Bellona
Guadalcanal
Malaita
Makira-Ulawa
Temotu
Honiara t.c.
316
1,140
331
486
32
12,806
12,676
584
599
6,339
1.6
1.8
1.6
2.3
1.4
21.3
10.3
1,9
3.2
12.9
133
418
197
341
9
12,381
7,788
283
360
2,687
0.7
0.7
1.0
1.6
0.4
20.5
6.4
0.9
1.9
5.5
183
722
134
145
23
425
4,888
301
239
3,652
0.9
1.2
0.7
0.7
1.0
0.7
4.0
1.0
1.3
7.4
Thus, in 1999 most of the displacement, 70 percent, was from rural Guadalcanal. At that time, Honiara’s
share in the displacement was only 30 percent, especially from the large wards of Kola’a and Panatina (16
percent each).
Overall, displacements (irrespective of the destination) were most massive from East Tasimboko from
which 4.9 thousand people fled (20 percent of all displacement from Guadalcanal province) (table 5.6).
Table 5.6 Number of people displaced from wards in Guadalcanal and Honiara and their share in the
total number of displacements
Ward of residence before
Number
Percent
Ward of residence before Number Percent
displacement
displaced displaced
displacement
displaced displaced
Guadalcanal and Honiara
35,309
100.0
Guadalcanal province
24,597
69.7
Honiara town council 10,712
30.3
East Tasimboko
4,924
20.0
Kola'a
1,705
15.9
Malango
4,098
16.7
Panatina
1,705
15.9
Tandai
3,241
13.2
Naha
1,351
12.6
39
West Ghaobata
Saghalu
East Ghaobata
Vulolo
Birao
Moli
Talise
Aola
Tangarare
Vatukulau
Duidui
Savulei
Paripao
Longgu
Wanderer Bay
Avuavu
Tetekanji
Kolokarako
Valasi
2,808
1,881
1,594
1,148
851
633
540
402
352
349
345
332
301
150
147
115
108
62
60
11.4
7.6
6.5
4.7
3.5
2.6
2.2
1.6
1.4
1.4
1.4
1.3
1.2
0.6
0.6
0.5
0.4
0.3
0.2
Vura
Nggossi
Mataniko
Vavaea
Rove/Lengakiki
Kukum
Mbumburu
Vuhokesa
Cruz
Ward not stated
1,227
1,063
952
845
582
492
371
180
106
133
11.5
9.9
8.9
7.9
5.4
4.6
3.5
1.7
1.0
1.2
This ward, together with West and East Ghaobata, housed the workers of the SIPL plantation, many of
whom were from Malaita, with a smaller group originating from Temotu. Second in displacement comes
Malango (4.1 thousand displaced, 17 percent of Guadalcanal displacements), followed by Tandai (3.2
thousand), West and East Ghaobata (2.8 and 1.6 thousand respectively), Saghalu (1.9 thousand) and Vulolo
(1.1 thousand). Together, these seven wards account for 80 percent of all displacements from or within
Guadalcanal (19.7 thousand people).
In relation to their estimated pre-displacement population sizes, these same seven wards were most heavily
affected. East Tasimboko, West and East Ghaobata and Malango saw a staggering 66, 65, 58 and 58
percent respectively of their populations displaced. The other three, Tandai (44 percent) and Saghalu (39
percent) in western Guadalcanal, and Vulolo in centre-north (39 percent) were somewhat less affected,
although there too considerable population displacement occurred. In Honiara at that time only one ward
was that strongly affected: Naha, which had 61 percent of its population displaced.
But many inhabitants were also displaced from Mataniko (Tuvaruhu village), Rove-Lengakiki, Cruz and
Kukum (see figure 5.10).
Where did all these people go? That in itself cannot be derived from the census data directly, as no question
was asked on this. What we do know is where they were on census night. Therefore, this tells us the
direction of displacement only to the extent that people were still displaced at the time, and had not yet
returned. It is estimated that some people at least had returned, especially those that had not fled far, within
Guadalcanal, although it is thought that the majority of the Malaitans, who returned to their province of
origin, were still in Malaita on census night. The data support this, as over one third of all the displaced
from Guadalcanal and Honiara together were enumerated in Malaita (36 percent, or 12.7 thousand persons).
More than half were enumerated in Guadalcanal (36 percent, or 12.8 thousand people), or in Honiara (18
percent, 6.3 thousand people) itself.
Although close to half of the displaced from Honiara were enumerated in Malaita on census night (46
percent, 4.9 thousand persons), in fact 34 percent (3.7 thousand) were also enumerated in Honiara.
Relatively few went to other provinces: only 4 percent (425 people) went from Honiara to Guadalcanal,
less than the 8 percent (722 persons) who took refuge in Western province. Furthermore, most of the
displaced from Honiara who were again enumerated in Honiara (84 percent), were enumerated in the same
ward, suggesting that they might have returned before census night (figure 5.11). People who lived in
40
Honiara’s eastern wards of Vura and Panatina and in centrally located Vavaea in particular before
displacement were enumerated there too. But Vura and Panatina also lost most people through
displacement, followed by Kola’a and Nggossi. The small ward of Naha, on the other hand, saw only 16
percent of the displaced back before census night.
By comparison, just over half of people who had originally fled from Guadalcanal were enumerated there
(12.4 thousand persons), one third (7.8 thousand) were in Malaita on census night and 11 percent in
Honiara (2.7 thousand). Of those displaced from Guadalcanal but also enumerated there, as in Honiara, a
high percentage (83 percent) were enumerated in the same ward they reported living in prior to
displacement. Assuming these were mostly returnees, the lowest return (or alternatively, within-ward
displacement) seems to have been to the wards of Duidui on the weather coast (40 percent) and Saghalu in
western Guadalcanal (50 percent). On the other hand, the wards of Vatukulau, Talise and Moli on the
weather coast, Tetekanji and Birao in the south-east as well as East Tasimboko and Malango in the centrenorth had high rates of return or within-ward displacement, of over 90 percent. The wards reporting the
highest numbers of intra-Guadalcanal displacements are East Tasimboko (2.4 thousand), Tandai (2.3
thousand), Malango (1.6 thousand), West Ghaobata (1.2 thousand) and Vulolo (1.0 thousand).
41
With so much of the displacement being in the direction of Malaita, by census night one in ten of this
province’s population reported displacement status. Wards in northern Malaita carry a comparatively heavy
burden, relative to the population size (figure 5.12). In Nafinua ward more than one in five people said they
were displaced (22 percent), and a number of other wards reported between 15 and 20 percent displaced
among the population: Takwa, East Baegu, Mandalua/Folot and Langalanga in northern Malaita, and the
island of Sikaiana." (Schoorl & Friesen, 2002)
Note: "As most of the displacement into Malaita from rural Guadalcanal occurred before mid-December
1999, the census is likely to have captured most of that movement. On the other hand, a large part of
displacement from Honiara occurred in 2000, and this is not registered by the census." (Schoorl & Friesen,
2002)
42
PHYSICAL SECURITY & FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT
General
IDPs on Malaita and Guadalcanal lack effective protection (2001)
•
Three-quarters of the country's police force are Malaitans.
•
Both government and rebel commanders are unable or unwilling to control splinter groups and
police officers seeking revenge for past human rights abuses or taking advantage of the lack of
law and order.
•
Local police unable to provide potection to IDPs on Malaita since MEF raided the Malaita police
armoury in January 2000.
•
Information is scarce as all telecommunications from Malaita were cut off in May 2000.
•
Similarly, IDPs on Guadalcanal have no police protection since most police officers evacuated the
island in 1999.
"A severe ethnic imbalance in the national police service has hampered efforts of some senior officers to
operate with impartiality and neutrality. According to the last government, some 75 per cent of the
country's 897 police officers are Malaitans.Assistant Commissioner for Operations, Wilfred Akao (a
Malaitan) estimated that in mid-1999, no more than 30 officers were from Guadalcanal, and these were
deployed in other provinces. Since the MEF coup, most civilians on Malaita and Guadalcanal islands have
had no protection against human rights abuses, internal displacement or ordinary crime. The police service
is effectively no longer functioning on these two main islands, as MEF members have deprived it of almost
all weapons, most vehicles and equipment. Officers still attending to their posts are reportedly further
limited in their functions due to MEF intimidation. Officers in Honiara who left on unpaid leave after the
coup appear to be reluctant to comply with repeated public calls by the police leadership to resume their
duties. While the new government of Prime Minister Sogavare has made rebuilding the police one of its
primary objectives, both the government and rebel commanders are apparently unable or unwilling to
control splinter groups and police officers seeking revenge for past human rights abuses or taking
advantage of the lack of law and order.
The situation is complicated by reports that provincial police officers and special constables based in rural
areas of Guadalcanal reportedly either fled from IFM attacks during 1999, sided with the IFM or ''made an
arrangement'' with the IFM in the interests of their own security." (AI 7 September 2001, p. 6)
"According to recent visitors from Malaita, local police are currently unable to provide protection for
displaced Malaitans on their home island, after the MEF raided the Malaita police armoury in January 2000
and later established a provincial headquarters at the wharf in the Malaitan capital Auki. Information about
the present situation in rural areas where most Malaitan families displaced from Guadalcanal have resettled,
remains scarce, as there are no telephones. Almost all tele-communications from the Malaitan capital Auki
with the outside world have been cut off since 18 May 2000 when IFM fighters destroyed a transmitter at
Gold Ridge on Guadalcanal.
(...)
The majority of displaced Guadalcanalese villagers have had no police protection since most locally-based
officers and special constables evacuated as a result of IFM raids during 1999. By mid-July 2000, at least
3,000 people were believed to be in hiding away from their villages.(61) So far, sporadic fighting in rural
Guadalcanal, poor communications and the fear of MEF reprisals against boat crews (needed to visit
43
remote parts of Guadalcanal), have made it impossible to assess their situation and provide reliable
estimates of their overall number.' " (AI 7 September 2000, pp. 16-17)
44
SUBSISTENCE NEEDS (HEALTH NUTRITION AND SHELTER)
General
Local coping mechanisms need to be supported (April 2001)
•
The community-based subsistence agriculture security net of rural areas has been stretched to its
limits by the influx of IDPs.
•
Food, agricultural tools, seeds and other basic needs are not met and affect parts of all provinces.
"The emergency is affecting those rural areas where displaced people from Honiara have placed extra stress
on an already vulnerable subsistence base, exacerbating local tensions. The collapse of centralised services
and the cash economy, plus recent heavy rains has stretched the traditional Melanesian community-based
subsistence agriculture security net to breaking point. It is seen as crucial to stabilise food and basic needs
security at this level if any orderly rehabilitation and resettlement is to be imagined.
Much of the population of Honiara have fled back to their home villages in all provinces. In most cases
those who fled were not able to take many of their possessions. The most comprehensive estimates of
internally displaced people are in the range of range of fifty to sixty thousand (ACFOA delegation; World
Vision; SICA). Out of a total population of approximately 460,000 this represents a massive impact on the
traditional rural subsistence and local market agricultural mechanisms, which will be ongoing in the
foreseeable future. Given the collapse of the cash economy, a major development need is to support and
expand these mechanisms, and in some cases on Guadalcanal to regenerate them. ACFOA, World Vision
and SICA report food and basic needs security to be a major issue affecting parts of all provinces. Seeds
and basic agricultural tools were commonly identified by communities on all islands as major needs to
ensure medium-term food security." (ACT 3 April 2001, p. 3)
Problems faced by IDPs in Rennel and Bellona Province (January 2001)
•
IDPs in Renell and Bellona Province are faced with housing, food and water shortages.
"The IDP survey also revealed the following problem issues:
Uncomfortable housing. It was reported that many IDPs live in discomfort due to housing shortage, over
crowding and the use of tents not appropriate for accommodating children.
Food Shortage. Having got use to stable food like rice, flour and other manufactured goods, it was difficult
when these were in short supply in the villages. Resorting to traditional village diet was not very
comforting.
Water had been a real problem on these islands. People relied heavily on rainwater and with the influx of
IDPs, tanks supporting and supplying families were not enough.
IDPs were becoming burdens to host families in terms of food, accommodation and other essential needs.
Most of these IDPs lost their properties in Honiara but were very optimistic that something positive would
happen to alleviate their hardships and loses." (SIDAPP January 2001, pp. 39-40)
45
General needs of IDPs in Malaita province (January 2001)
•
IDPs on Malaita not used to toughness of the rural life on Malaita Island.
•
Lack of employment opportunities, access to health services and education.
"In the first few months of returning home, about 50% of the IDPs lived with host families and friends.
With the help of relatives and communities, many IDPs live in their own homes before the survey was
conducted. Among the common complaints raised by the IDPs during the survey are the following:
Life in the villages is very tough for those who were used the services and infrastructure on Guadalcanal
and Honiara.
Very low revenue opportunity in the villages.
Access to health services is difficult and hectic.
Sometimes, basic household items such as salt, soap, rice, sugar and tea were absent.
Some children were unable to attend school because of school fee difficulties.
These were some of the general complaints people from Malaita raised during the survey. There views on
how the tension could have been prevented and other questions relating to preventing another similar event
happening are combined with views from other provinces at the end of this report." (SIDAPP January 2001,
pp. 35-36)
General health and food situation of IDPs in Guadalcanal Province (October 2000)
•
Most IDPs in Guadalcanal have become vulnerable to poor health as most clinics were closed for
security reasons or because of a lack of medical supplies.
•
Restricted access to Honiara has meant that IDPs are lacking access to basic supplies.
"Likewise, clinics in the hard-hit areas are closed for security reasons. Clinics in the less affected areas
could have remained open, but lacked medical supplies. Consequently, most people of Guadalcanal were
unable to get basic health services.
As can be expected, almost all displaced families in Guadalcanal, and specifically children and mothers
have become vulnerable to poor health. Among others, children and mothers are cut-off from the
vaccination and MCH services. Some are now vulnerable to severe malnutrition.
These families have also no (or very restricted) access to Honiara - the only outlet for household and
industrial products. Consequently, these people are now in short supply of basics needs, such as rice,
kerosene and sanitary supplies." (Donald Kudu October 2000, Annex E-3, p. 5)
General health and food situation of IDPs in Malaita province (October 2000)
•
High prevalence of illness among IDP children, in particular among children under 5years.
•
69 percent of IDPs complained about the lack of access to health service.
•
76 percent of IDPs reported they were dependent on relatives and external aid for their survival.
•
Severe food shortages were reported as a the main problem, followed by lack of means of
livelihood, health, shelter and water supply.
46
"The prevalence of illness among the displaced families was high and worse among children in general and
among boys under the age of 5 in particular.
About 21 percent of families never seek treatment from modern health services, and nearly 69 percent
stated “inaccessibility” as the main reason for not seeking treatment.
At the time of the survey, about 76 percent of families stated that they have no means of survival other than
assistance by relatives, communities and NGOs such as the Red Cross
Severe food shortage was cited as a priority problem that the displaced families are facing (by about 66 %),
followed by problems related to means of livelihood (62 %), health (43 %), shelter - including building
materials - ( 33 %), water supply (28 %), and transport (26%). (...)" (Donald Kudu October 2000, Annex E3, p. 4)
Recipient provinces unable to cope with influx of IDPs (October 2000)
"Basic services in Malaita, and other major destination provinces were overwhelmed by the influx of
displaced families while those on Guadalcanal were abandoned. Health service providers throughout the
country are experiencing serious shortage of funds for operational costs, including salaries and services.
The health services in Guadalcanal province are near closure while those in rural areas of other province are
operating with limited drug supplies. Many children are unable to continue their education, while women
in many families are now shouldering the daunting task of catering for their family needs." (Donald Kudu
October 2000, Annex E-3, pp. 8-9)
Health
Lack of health services aggravates impact of displacement (December 2001)
•
Lack of health services put young children at risk of malnutrition.
•
Mortality rates have reportedly increased amongst mothers and children due to malaria and child
birth complications.
•
Preliminary reports of families after initial displacement indicated that close to 40% were
reporting some incidence of malaria in the family, 12 % reporting acute respiratory infection, and
7% reporting diarrhoeal/abdominal related illnesses in the family.
"Young children in Solomon Islands face increased risk of death and malnutrition due to the lack of health
services. Although the deterioration of the health network has also resulted in a lack of credible data for
many areas, some reports indicate increases in mortality rates amongst mothers and children due to malaria
and child birth complications. The Ministry of Health (MOH) has attributed this to lack of medical
supplies, trained health staff willing to work in certain areas, funds to pay attendants, and an inability to
distribute basic provisions such as bed nets and quinine. (SIG, Country Report 5th East Asia Ministerial
Consultation, May, 2001).
Government statistics through 1999 indicate that earlier efforts toward achieving some health objectives
were successful. The mortality rate for infants dropped from 38/1,000 live births in 1995 to 28/1,000 live
births in 1999. Similarly, maternal mortality rates declined from 357/100,000 live births in 1995 to
209/100,000 live births in 1999. Although a positive trend, the mortality rates reported in 1999 are still
47
high, and the impact of the events since 1999 is not yet established. Preliminary reports of families after
initial displacement indicated that close to 40% were reporting some incidence of malaria in the family, 12
% reporting acute respiratory infection, and 7% reporting diarrhoeal/abdominal related illnesses in the
family (SIG, End of Decade Review, 2001). Furthermore, major obstacles to health remain in areas of
sanitation and water supply, where only 52% of households had access to safe drinking water in 1998.
Since the deterioration of drinking water supply in Honiara, the number of households in Solomon Islands
with adequate water supply is much lower now than in 1998."(UNICEF, 21 December 2001)
Guadalcanal health system severely affected by the social unrest (August 2001)
•
Inadequate health facilities in Guadalcanal Province.
•
As people were largely dependent on clinics established by timber and mining companies, their
closure have left them without access to health services.
•
Ratio of people per clinic is about 2,500, which is well above the recommended ratio of 1 clinic
per 500 to 1,000 people.
•
The major problems are malaria, maternal health (deaths, anemia, complications), and
pneumonia/acute respiratory infections.
•
Preventive health activities and access to heatlh services have been severely disrupted by the
ethnic tension.
"A general analysis suggests that Guadalcanal Province does not have adequate health facilities for its
population. People on the northern and central regions were reliant mostly on clinics established and run by
Solomon Islands Plantation Limited, Pacific Timbers, RIPEL and Gold Ridge Mine. The closure of these
companies during the ethnic tension has drastically affected people’s access to essential health services.
The population of Guadalcanal is currently paying a relatively high cost, in terms of productivity and
human life, to diseases and ailments that are largely preventable. This is because the people’s knowledge
and attitudes have not yet accepted ideas about septic disposal, nutrition, safe water supply, family spacing,
and environmental management. In the past the emphasis has been on direct health care rather than on the
prevention of diseases by increasing peoples awareness of good practices. Moreover, the increasing
population will stress the health services network in the near future. Currently the ratio of people per clinic
is about 2,500, which is well above the recommended ratio of 1 clinic per 500 to 1,000 people.
The leading causes of death and morbidity in Guadalcanal are similar to those for Solomon Islands as a
whole and remain fairly constant. The major problems are malaria, maternal health (deaths, anemia,
complications), and pneumonia/acute respiratory infections. The majority of presentations at health
facilities in Guadalcanal in 1999 were for fever/malaria, ARI/pneumonia and skin diseases.
The two years of ethnic tension on Guadalcanal has had adverse effects on the health system and service.
Over this period, some preventive activities such as malaria control, environmental health and satellite
clinics providing antenatal care, immunisation etc. have been substantially reduced. Touring medical
services have been irregular and have been totally suspended since the latter part of 2000. Access to
diagnostic and treatment services has been restricted by the loss of health transport, outboard motor canoes
and vehicles, and restricted access to other transport providers.
There is anecdotal evidence that rural services have been less able and patients less willing to use the NRH
for cases of serious illness or obstetric complications. Even travel to rural health clinics has been restricted
due to fear of hostilities." (SI Ministry of Provincial Government & Rural Development, August 2001,
p.32)
48
Security problems compound delivery of health services in Honiara (October 2000)
•
Influx of IDPs has placed an important strain on health services in all provinces affected by
displacement.
•
Security and lack of funds has affected the capacity to deliver health services.
•
In general, however, there has not been any major problem with delivery of health service
delivery through the health clinics in Honiara
"In general, while grants to provinces are being curtailed, provincial health authorities are facing increasing
demand due to the unexpected influx of population in all major destination provinces. Much of the
problem in the provinces is related to provincial health grants. But in the Honiara, the main problem for
health service delivery was security. The Central Hospital, the only national referral hospital, has closed
most of its wards (including surgical) due to the security problem. Health personnel were afraid, and some
times not able to attend to patients. Reportedly, patients in the provinces were reluctant to accept referral to
the referral hospital because of fear for their safety. There are no funds for surgeons from the referral
hospital to carry out their occasional tour to the provinces.
Honiara clinics were able to continue their normal functions, except for two clinics. According to a recent
feedback from the city’s health service authority, major health programmes at Honiara clinics have
remained uninterrupted. The two clinics were closed in order to allow for better deployment of nursing
staff. Recently there has been a plan to reopen one of the two clinics in the White River area, but the clinic
facilities have been looted. The clinic needs major repairs. The supply for vaccines has also been
exhausted (Hepatitis B and DPT) for a short period of time. In general, however, there has not been any
major problem with delivery of health service delivery through the health clinics in the capital. The
Director of the Health Department at Town Council described the situation as follows:
'Our major problem was depletion of staff – due to fear, anxiety and consequently family disruption. As
individuals moved out to more secured provinces, we regrouped our staff by closing some clinics and
redistributing the remaining staff to facilitate and ensure smooth delivery of health services. But our real
need and main recurring problems remain the same. This includes renovation of clinics and staff housing'.
The problem of clinic renovation is a priority and is a pressing issue for most of the rural clinics in
Solomon Islands. The condition of many clinics in rural areas is deteriorating. The last rehabilitation
programme for clinics was carried out in mid 1980’s, but some have never been adequately renovated since
they were built during colonial and missionary days. There is an urgent need for a comprehensive
rehabilitation programme."
Rural areas of Guadalcanal are facing shortage of health personnel and basic medical
supplies (October 2000)
"While the health facilities in other provinces are challenged to cope with the influx of people from the
Capital and from Guadalcanal rural areas, the health facilities in rural areas of Guadalcanal are facing
shortage of health personnel and basic medical supplies. Many rural clinics lack essential drug supplies,
and are unable to deliver basic health services. EPI and Malaria Control programmes have been severely
disturbed. It is anticipated that infant mortality due to preventable diseases and incidence of Malaria will
increase. Children in Guadalcanal are also becoming more vulnerable to malnutrition." (Donald Kudu
October 2000, Annex E-3, p. 14)
Health services in Malaita under severe strain following the IDP influx (October 2000)
49
•
Health and education services on Malaita Island have been overwhelmed by the influx of IDPs.
•
The total number of doctors operating in the province in 1997/98 was 7 and the doctor to
population ratio in Malaita was as high as 1 to over 16,000.
•
Urgent need to expand health facilities and train more health personnel to cater for the additional
demand imposed on medical services in the province.
"Like that of education, the health service in Malaita Province has been overwhelmed by the influx of
displaced families from Guadalcanal and Honiara. The following was documented during a case study in
Malaita province
For almost a decade, there has been no significant increase in the total number of doctors in the province.
The total number of doctors operating in the province in 1997/98 was 7 (4 in government and 3 in Church
operated hospitals) and the number had remained the same for more than a decade. In 1997, the doctor to
population ratio in Malaita was as high as 1 to over 16000. In most cases, nurses at Area Health Centers
and in Clinics are forced to attend cases that would have required doctors.
The monthly report of clinics showed a significant increase in the number of treated patients. For example,
at the Kilu’ufi hospital, the total number of antenatal attendance, child welfare clinic, and out-patient
attendance for the months of June, July and August of 1999 as compared to the same period in 1998 has
increased by about 78, 115, and 185 percent respectively. The increase at other health facilities is also
similar, but not as high as Kilu’ufi hospital.
There is an urgent need to expand health facilities and train more health personnel to cater for the additional
demand imposed on medical services in the province." (Donald Kudu October 2000, Annex E-3, pp. 13-14)
Water and sanitation
32% of villages in Malaita province not equiped with adequate water and sanitation
supply (October 2000)
•
32 percent of the water supply systems on Malaita Island were considered as inadequate.
"There is also a need for improving the sanitation and water supplies, for major destination areas of
displaced people. During a case study in Malaita province, it has been noted that although the majority of
villages (over 59 percent) had water supply systems within their villages, nearly 32 percent were considered
not adequate, and the arrival of the new settlers placed additional demand on the already inadequate water
supply systems." (Donald Kudu October 2000, Annex E-3, pp. 15-16)
50
ACCESS TO EDUCATION
General
Rehabilitation of schools needed in Guadalcanal province to include IDP students
(January 2001)
•
Most schools on Guadalcanal were affected by the upheaval either because teachers fled or
because their were damaged.
•
Other schools had to accomodate displaced students, but some IDPs were denied education as
there the schools were full.
•
Not all schools have recorded the displaced students,so the data is incomplete.
•
Efforts should be directed at rebuilding the schools if all displaced students are to have access to
education again.
•
Education facilities on Guadalcanal were hard hit by the social unrest.
•
Schools had to close down for security reasons, many teachers fled to Malaita, enrollment at all
levels dropped significantly and schools were used to accomodate IDPs.
•
Foreign teachers leaving the country also affected the functionning of the schools.
D. Surveys of Schools and Displaced Students
During the height of the tension, most schools throughout the province were affected either because
teachers escaped for the fear of their lives or schools have been burned or vandalized. Some schools opened
their doors but had to accommodate the increased enrollment due to displaced students. Students in both
primary and secondary schools had to leave their original schools either because their parents left or
because they are unsure of their security. Some students were basically denied education since the schools
where they were displaced to could not accommodate them.
The table below summarizes the information on schools and internally displaced students recorded in each
school throughout the constituencies surveyed on Guadalcanal. You will note that only 5 schools have
records of their displaced students while the rest either do not have the records or were not operating at the
time of the survey.
Table 11: Summary of IDS on Guadalcanal
School
Susu Primary School
Kobito Primary
Keith Miller Memorial
Mboeni Primary
Ruavatu Extension
Total
Boys
Girls
3
2
4
1
2
12
Total
0
2
2
0
0
4
3
4
6
1
2
16
51
The other schools on Guadalcanal were either closed due to the tension or records were not properly
recorded at the time of the survey. Nevertheless, the following information were gathered for some schools
on Guadalcanal which could be used for planning purposes.
The following schools are in dire need of learning materials, staff houses and classroom buildings:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
Susu Primary School
Nangali Primary School
Babasu Primary School
Bolale Primary School
Kobito Primary School
Keith Miller Memorial
Mboeni Primary
Bubunughu Primary
Taylor Rural Training Center
Ngalikoba Rural Training Center
Ade Ade Primary
Ruavatu Extension
Talaura Primary
Tau Primary
Kulu Community High School
Gilo Primary
Taivu Kindergarten
Paonandi Primary
Komukama Primary
Vavalu Primary School
Nughunlathi Primary School
Kolosulu Primary School
Tamboko Primary School
Viso Primary
Chapuria
Kolina Primary
Koloula Primary
Malagheti Primary
Kuma
Veramogho Primary
Laloato Primary School
Guadalcanal Province Schools that were closed
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Naho Primary School
Makaruka Community high School
Makaruka Primary
Kolovaolu Primary
Kolobaubau Primary
Guadalcanal Schools Burned and Destroyed
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
Kaekae Primary School
Makina Primary
Potau Primary
Potau Community High School
Kopiu Primary School
Sukiki Kindy & Early Childhood Center
52
For the schools that are virtually destroyed through burning and other means, there is not other alternative
but to rebuild them. Only then will the students currently displaced were assured of their right to education.
For those schools that are disturbed but not totally destroyed, efforts should be made to get the communities
involved in getting them back to their feet again. As can be seen above, the destruction made to schools and
students throughout Guadalcanal is so immense that if not properly accommodated may have a very
negative impact in the future human resource needs of the province and the nation as a whole." (SIDAPP
January 2001, pp. 23-24)
"For Guadalcanal province, education was the most severely affected by the tension. Restoring it to its
1997/98 level will require a comprehensive and concerted effort. Reportedly enrollment at all levels of
schooling has dropped quite significantly. Some schools are completely shutdown for a security reasons. In
Guadalcanal many qualified teachers have fled to Malaita and other provinces and a number of schools
have been used for camping by displaced people or the militants. Detailed assessment is required to
determine the damage and cost of rehabilitation.
Even for those schools that have remained open, there was inadequate number of trained teachers. The
situation was also worsened by the evacuation of foreign teachers, such as the Peace Corps. Reportedly,
some secondary schools have been left without teachers for Mathematics, Science and English. Some of
these problems are not new, but were made worse by the tension. Secondary schools in particular are facing
an acute shortage of teachers with the evacuation of foreign nationals. Some schools are unlikely to resume
full functioning even after normalcy, if these foreign teachers do not return. As far as the need for trained
teachers is concerned, Guadalcanal province is in the worst position because it lost all its non-Guadalcanal
qualified teachers. Whatever technical and financial assistance is obtained for the training of untrained
teachers priority should be given to the Guadalcanal Province.
In general, as can be noted from the administrative records of the Ministry of Education, number of
students who were enrolled for S-6 and F-3 exams for 2000 dropped substantially from its 1998 level (by
36 and 87 percent, respectively) for the Guadalcanal province, signifying the impact of the tension on
school attendance in the province. On the other hand, there was a substantial increase in enrolment in the
Malaita, Western, Temotu and Makira/Ulawa provinces (see Tables 11 and 12 for details)."(Donald Kudu
October 2000, Annex E-3, p.)
Continued insecurity forces schools to stay closed in Honiara (May 2002)
•
Following threats made to teachers and students, Honiara's White River school has closed down
and will only reopen when guns are turned in to the authorities.
•
Hundreds of high-powered weapons still have not been handed in by ex-militants and some police
officers despite the end of two years of ethnic conflict.
"Honiara's White River school will close tomorrow until guns within the community are turned in to the
authorities. This follows threats made to teachers and students last week amidst continuing law and order
problems, Solomon Islands National Teachers Association said. The incident was the third at the school
this year, association acting general secretary Fred Taika said.
Teachers can no longer tolerate such behaviour from community members who have caused trauma to
children and teachers and damaged school property, he said. Hundreds of high-powered weapons still have
not been handed in by ex-militants and some police officers despite the end of two years of ethnic conflict.
53
A major amnesty awareness programme is now underway to try to get the guns returned under the peace
agreement. Mr Taika said unless illegal weapons held by civilians and others are returned by the end of the
month, the association will not send any members to teach at White River.
A formal complaint will be made to the Honiara Education Board and the Police, he said. He said he is
surprised that although various schools in Honiara are surrounded by people holding on to illegal weapons,
only White River school teachers and students faced threats and intimidation.
Mr Taika says such action is a direct contravention of the Convention on Children ratified by the Solomon
islands Government. People who enter and disturb the operation of schools and clinics commit a crime
against humanity, he said." (SIBC/PINA Nius Online, 6 May 2002)
Few displaced students recorded in Isabel Province (January 2001)
•
Most schools in Isabel Province did not keep record of the number of displaced students.
•
40 displaced students were identified in Jejovo Primary school.
•
Most schools need repair and teaching resources.
"The survey of displaced students in Isabel schools was not very informative because of the fact that most
schools visited were not sure of the exact number of the IDS. The only school that kept records of its
displaced student enrolment is Jejevo Primary School. The said school recorded a large number of IDS
ranging from Kindergarten to Standard 6. The school recorded a total of 40 displaced students.
The other schools visited by the Isabel PDVs were: Tithiro Kindergarten, Maglau Kindergarten, Kubulota
Kindergarten, Guguha Primary School, and Guguha Community High school. The following observations
were made regarding each school. Tithiro kindergarten needs teaching resources. The building is about to
complete with funding from the World Vision and labour force from the community. With the same
funding from the World Vision, Maglau Kindergarten is complete except for the walls. Kubulota
Kindergarten also needs teaching resources. Guguha Community High School is finishing off its two storey
classroom and office block. Unfortunately, Guguha Primary school needs a lot of assistance with its
buildings because the bush materials used in the buildings are rotting away due to age." (SIDAPP January
2001, pp. 31-32)
Displaced students in North West Choiseul (January 2001)
•
A total of 102 internally displaced students were recorded in Northwest Choiseul.
"Internally Displaced Students (IDS)
During the height of the ethnic tension, a good number of students were displaced with their parents and
guardians. They ended up in one or more of the schools throughout the province. The table below
summarizes the composition of students displaced during the tension and the schools that they eventually
attended in Northwest Choisuel.
Table 6: IDS in Northwest Choisuel
School
Taro
Nukiki
Saqigae
Boys
Girls
4
1
Total
3
2
7
3
0
54
Voza
Moli
Tutu
Bangara
Voruvoru
Konamana
Polo
Pangobiru
Borokuni
Vurango
Chivoko
Kaqamama
Ogho
Pirakamae
Choisuel Bay Secondary
Total IDS
2
2
0
0
3
9
2
0
5
2
2
1
10
0
21
64
3
0
1
0
0
7
0
4
6
0
0
1
2
0
9
38
5
2
1
0
3
16
2
4
11
2
2
2
12
0
30
102
There are more displaced male students in northwest Choisuel than females. For Choisuel Bay Secondary
school, the increase means that there needs to be extra dormitory and dinning hall space. At the same time,
rations, stationery and administration costs are a major concern for the school.
Apart from Choisuel Bay Secondary, there are two other community high schools in the constituency. They
are Pirakamae and Voza Schools. However, there was a report of non-enrolment of IDS in these two
schools." (SIDAPP January 2001, pp. 18-19)
Displaced students in Rennel and Bellona Province (January 2001)
•
All schools on Rennell and Bellona enrolled almost an additional class each as a result of the
displacement.
•
Urgent need for teaching resources, classroom space and educational material.
•
A total of 97 internally displaced students were recorded in the province.
The table below depicts the number and gender distribution of internally displaced students and their
respective schools in the Rennell and Bellona Province.
Table 23: IDS in Rennell and Bellona
Schools
Boys
Siva Primary School
18
Puia Primary School
20
Mataiho Primary
13
Ahenoa Baptist School
6
Total
57
Girls
14
11
11
4
40
Total IDS
32
31
24
10
97
The IDS figures above clearly demonstrated that all schools on Rennell and Bellona enrolled almost an
additional class each. There had been problems reported regarding classrooms being overcrowded,
55
insufficient desks and stools, and the severe lack of learning and teaching materials. Ahenoa School was
physically relocated to Bellona Island from Honiara at the height of the tension. Although most of its
materials were shipped to Bellona, the building is so small that it could hardly accommodate 64 students
enrolled. The above IDS figures pointed clearly to the fact that if the enrolments are maintained, there
would be an urgent need for classroom space, desks and educational materials to educate these children."
(SIDAPP January 2001, p. 40)
Schools in Central Islands Province need more equipment to cope with IDP influx
(January 2001)
•
Most schools in Central Islands Province need school materials, classroom facilities and bettertrained teachers.
•
The influx of students has put a significant strain on the laready limited teaching resources.
"Most of the schools visited during the time of the survey have similar problems except for the only
Provincial High School (Siota) which requires proper water supply for the students. The other schools (both
primary and community high) require immediate attention on their normal needs in terms of stationery,
school materials, classroom facilities and better-trained teachers. These of course are long outstanding
issues and problems that the Central Islands and National Government are continuously battling to
overcome. With the influx of displaced students to Central Islands Province schools, it is important that
these issues be immediately studied and addresses." (SIDAPP January 2001, p. 15)
Schools in Honiara face teacher and student shortages (October 2000)
•
As of August 2000, enrollment and teaching staff in Honiara schools dropped significantly from
over 50 percent.
•
Most affected were Honiara Town Council and Government schools.
"Schools in Honiara are also in a serious transitional problem. As of August enrolment at Honiara Town
Council, Private and Church primary schools dropped by about 44, 48 and 53 percent respectively (Tables
4 - 6). Enrollment at Town Council and Government secondary schools dropped by about 64 percent (Table
7). Likewise, enrolment at Church and Private secondary schools dropped by about 79 percent (Tables 8).
Similarly teaching staff at the primary and secondary schools in Honiara dropped by 68 and 65 percent
respectively (Tables 8 and 9). As can be noted from these tables, the drop was significant at Honiara Town
Council and Government schools, as compared to that of Church and Private schools. This could be in part
due to relocation of students from Honiara Town Council and Government schools to Church and Private
schools for reason of better performance and security. It has also been noted that many of the absentees are
waiting for normalcy to return to Honiara.
The following description made by the Deputy Principal of Bishop Epalle Catholic School, was typical of
the situation of the schools in Honiara.
'…this term has been a nightmare with so much unrest in and around Honiara. We began classes last week
for Standard 6, Forms 3 and 5 students, …. When we began we had one teacher only in the English and
Social science department out of five and three science and two agriculture teachers were absent. All three
business and mathematics teachers were missing. Some weeks I have had 26 extra periods on the top of my
own……… . Some students are arriving while some are leaving because of threat to their families. In fact
there was a letter on my desk this morning saying that three students from one family are leaving early next
week because of threats to their Guadalcanal father. My heart goes out to these families.'
56
As of mid-September, for Bishop Epalle Catholic School, about 10 teachers (2 from early childhood
education, 4 from primary and 4 from secondary level education) have not returned. The corresponding
figure for students who have not returned was 440 (81 from early childhood education, 235 from primary
and 124 from secondary division)." (Donald Kudu October 2000, Annex E-3, pp. 10-11)
Displacement has exarcerbated already existing problem in the education sector
(October 2000)
•
Classrooms in the recipient provinces were already overcrowded before the displacement took
place.
•
Schools lacked teaching material, proper sanitation, teachers.
•
Need to strenghten national institutional capacity to deliver rehabilitation and development
packages.
"Most schools in Solomon Islands have had their problems over the years. The impact of the influx of
students from Guadalcanal and Honiara to the provinces can only exacerbate the existing problem
specifically with regards facilities and educational materials. For example it has been noted by the EU
consultants Solomon Islands – European Commission National Indicative Programme – 8th EDF –
Rehabilitation Programme for the Education Sector in Guadalcanal and Malaita Provinces, Feasibility
Study , Oct. – Nov. 1999. who visited the Western, Malaita and Guadalcanal provinces soon after the major
incidence of displacement of mid 1999 that, even before the displaced students enrolled in their new
schools, the classrooms were already overcrowded. These schools are inadequately furnished, some lacked
curriculum material, drinking water and have no or inadequate toilet facilities, etc. Over the years,
teachers/student ratio has been increasing.
From the out set, it is important to consider seriously the delivery mechanism for any future rehabilitation
package. For example, the education kit that was provided by UNICEF for displaced students in Malaita
last year had been left at the warehouse of Ministry of Health & Medical Services for about six months. It
is recommended that measures be taken to strengthen national institutional capacity to deliver rehabilitation
and/or development packages and increase donor bases in Honiara to assist the delivery to the provinces
and to coordinate and monitor implementation." (Donald Kudu October 2000, Annex E-3, p. 9)
41 percent of displaced in Malaita province not attending primary and secondary
school (October 2000)
•
Shortage of teaching staff hampered the enrollment of displaced students on Malaita.
•
41 percent of the primary and secondary school age population was not attending school at the
time of the survey.
•
Primary school age population among the 20,000 displaced in Malaita could be as high as 5,800.
•
At least 3,200 students from displaced families have been admitted at various levels of education
in Malaita.
"In most cases kindy and pre-primary schools were unable to accommodate all applicants from displaced
families mainly due to shortage of teaching staff. Among the primary and secondary school age population
over 41 percent were not attending school at the time of the survey, and out of those not attending, about 60
percent were attending school before the displacement. Financial difficulties, inaccessibility and lack of
space were stated as most common problems.
(...)
57
A case study conducted in Malaita by MNP&HRD (DDP of the time), soon after the mid 1999
displacement Department of Development Planning, January 2000, Analytical report on monitoring &
planning for displaced families, case study – Malaita. showed that out of the 2,105 people covered by the
study, about 610 (or about 29 percent) were in the primary school age (5-14) bracket. For an estimated total
displacement of over 20,000 people, the finding indicated the primary school age population among the
displaced in Malaita could be as high as 5,800.
At the time of the survey, a review of administration records for about 100 schools revealed that about
3,200 students from displaced families have been admitted at various levels of education (the record for 30
more schools were not available, at the time of study).
It has also been observed that, some communities have initiated building new classrooms to accommodate
the new arrivals. Many of these communities had already been over-stretching their capacity for building
community high schools, and this additional demand was placing an additional burden on them. " (Donald
Kudu October 2000, Annex E-3, p. 4, 10)
58
PROPERTY ISSUES
General
Government ask displaced who have lost property to be patient (May 2001)
•
Government ask IDPs to be patient in view of the difficult financial situation.
•
Money to finance the compensation scheme is expected to be provided by Taiwan.
•
"The Solomon Islands government has appealed to people who have lodged claims for property lost during
two years of Guadalcanal-Malaita ethnic conflict to be patient with the government's present financial
situation
And Edward Huni'ehu, special advisor to the Prime Minister, has dismissed rumors that funds have already
been disbursed to the government by the Republic of China (Taiwan) to meet the claims.
Mr. Huni'ehu clarified the situation following speculation that the money will be paid to those making lost
property claims as early as Wednesday. He said this is inaccurate, but that the government is working very
hard to secure the transfer of funds as soon as possible.
The Republic of China (Taiwan) has agreed to loan about $125 million to help the government through its
current difficult financial situation, with major industries shut down by the conflict.
Prime Minister Manasseh Sogavare apologized to representatives of the committee representing displaced
victims of the recent ethnic tension for the delay in the payment of lost property claims. He did so at a
meeting with representatives of the committee. They requested that the situation be clarified, as those
affected are getting uneasy about the conflicting statements issued by government and other unofficial
sources. He explained that the government is committed to its recent arrangements with the Republic of
China (Taiwan). A loan of over $125-million is now ready for disbursement, subject to certain technical
requirements demanded by the financier, he said.
Representatives of the displaced victims committee have demanded that they meet directly with the
government about the issue to avoid further misunderstanding." (SIBC/PINA Online, 13 May 2001)
"The Solomon Islands Government has again suspended payment of lost property claims, amidst reports of
further demands by a group of men. The amount they are claiming is said to be millions of dollars. It comes
amidst continuing problems with compensation payments following the two years of ethnic conflict. SIBC
News understands that the government is denying the million dollars demand and treating the delay of
payment issue as a sensitive matter." (SIBC/PINA Online, 12 March 2002)
MEF steal weapons to pressure the governement to compensate the displaced
(January 2000)
•
MEF 's raid of armoury is reportedly intended to put pressure on the government to compensate
IDPs who have lost property during the 1999 ethnic unrest.
59
"A group of Malaitans have admitted to stealing weapons from Solomon Islands police in an attempt to
pressure the government to compensate victims displaced by the 18-month ethnic conflict on Guadalcanal.
The group, calling itself the Malaita Eagles Force, stole 34 rifles, ammunition and a grenade launcher
Sunday night from the police station at Auki, the capital of Malaita province. The group later contacted
Honiara lawyer Andrew Nori to publicize their claims.
Nori said the group delivered him a note with the intention of having their demands published. Nori turned
over copies of the note to the police and the local newspaper. 'It now appears that they are looking at a
channel through which they can communicate officially with the public and the government, and
unfortunately for us they have chosen to use the facilities of the Malaita Conference,' Nori said.
Nori believes that the group has no intentions of 'causing any damage or using the weapons in an offensive
manner.' The group stole the weapons in order to give them a bargaining edge in its demands that the
government compensate those who lost properties and lives in the Guadalcanal conflict, Nori said.
The government had earlier said it would not compensate those who were displaced in the region during the
past two years. 'The ball is (now) in the government’s court to insure the compensation issues are reinstated
on the peace agenda,' he said. 'I think the group will be emphasizing the point that (they) want
compensation and nothing short of that.' Nori said he doesn’t anticipate any more serious escalations by the
group for another week.
Meanwhile, Commonwealth Special Envoy to the Solomon Islands, Sitiveni Rabuka, is in Honiara to
pursue the peace process in the Solomon Islands. The meetings have so far focused on Malaitans who are
still missing. In an interview with journalist Mary-Louise O’Callaghan, Rabuka acknowledged that the
peace process has been occurring at a slow pace with very little action. 'The Malaita community set a
deadline on January 15 for the government to tell them whether their relatives were alive or not,'
O’Callaghan said. 'That passed last week without any comment from the government or police. I think the
(police) raid probably is directly related to that fact.' " (Radio Australia’s Pacific Beat/PIDP/CPIS 20
January 2000)
60
PATTERNS OF RETURN AND RESETTLEMENT
General
Lack of job opportunities and volatile security hinder return of IDPs to Honiara (April
2001)
•
Main obstacles to return are: lack of employment opportunities and insecurity following the nonrestitution of the weapons.
"Despite the signing of a peace agreement, conditions are not adequate for the return of people to Honiara.
The main reasons are:
Some 400 heavy weapons remain to be handed in to the Peace Monitoring Group – most people do not
have full confidence in security yet
The closure of most commercial activities, especially large foreign-investment activities means that most
people have no jobs to return to
The collapse of the national economy means that public servants also have no jobs to return to at this point
in time." (ACT 3 April 2001, p.3)
61
HUMANITARIAN ACCESS
General
Humanitarian assistance restricted by volatile security situation (April 2001)
•
Ongoing insecurity around parts of Guadalcanal and Malaita.
•
Security in Honiara is still a problem since there are still an estimated 400 to 600 guns in the
hands of the militants.
•
Identifying and reaching the displaced has not been a problem for church organizations, however,
communications between remote islands has reportedly been difficult.
•
At the end of 2000, Honiara was very much under the control of the Paramilitary /MEF Join
Operation Force.
•
Humanitarian assistance is still restricted on Guadalcanal except for the areas that are closest to
the capital.
"Recent reports indicate ongoing security issues concentrated around parts of Guadalcanal and Malaita. In
the more remote islands, security is better and access is not anticipated to be a problem.
The situation in the capital is not yet safe for the community. Militants are still holding on to their guns
even though the Peace Monitoring Team is in the country to see the handing back of the guns. It is
estimated that about 400 to 600 guns are still with the militants. Both Malaita and Guadalcanal is still not
safe for people from other parts of the country to visit because of their ethnic Melanesian background.
However, churches have high respect in all communities in the Solomon Islands and identifying and
reaching the displaced people in the provinces is not a problem.
Communication is a concern because of the remoteness of the Islands. However SICA with the member
churches have been able to keep in touch with each other with the use of a two-way radio network and the
SICA secretariat has been kept informed of all the latest developments in the remoter areas." (ACT 3 April
2001, p. 4)
"The present situation in Honiara is very much characterised by insecurity, uncertainty and risk to many
residents. Incidents of lootings and theft of businesses and residences and harassment of individuals occur
and nothing much can be done about them because of the absence of law and order. Individuals who voiced
out concerns on injustices are harassed and have their properties confiscated. In the days of law and order,
public places such as the Central Market provided a clean and pleasant environment to vendors and
shoppers alike. At present the once clean environment is now strewed with rubbish and scarred with betel
nut stain. A gambling table with rowdy gamblers has recently become a permanent feature of the market.
Honiara is very much under the control of the Paramilitary /MEF Join Operation Force.
On Guadalcanal, in spite of the Cease-fire agreement, which stipulates that Humanitarian Assistance should
be allowed free access to all parts of the island, this is not the case. Humanitarian assistance is still
restricted except for the areas that are closest to the capital. The case of the Marau/AreAre speaking people
who have been forced to leave the mainland and dwell on what used to be an uninhabited island off the
coast of Guadalcanal remains another issue to be addressed by the Guadalcanal Province. There have been
numerous instances of breaches of the Cease-fire agreement by both militant groups since it was signed."
(SICA October 2000, p. 2)
62
ICRC suspends its assistance activities following attacks on its staff (October 2000)
•
ICRC's activities were suspended towards the end of 2000 beacause of the volatile security
conditions.
"The ICRC has decided to suspend its relief activities in the Solomon Islands following an attack on its
staff on the island of Marapa, in the Marau Sounds off the Weathercoast of Guadalcanal, on 6 October, in
which one delegate was seriously wounded.
A joint ICRC / Solomon Islands Red Cross team was distributing relief supplies to the displaced population
on Marapa Island when it was attacked by partially uniformed armed men. An ICRC delegate was severely
beaten and food and other relief items covering the needs of some 50 families were stolen at gunpoint. The
delegate had to be evacuated to Australia, where he was treated for head wounds.
The ICRC started distributing relief supplies in the Marau Sounds on 3 October and was to continue its
operation in the remaining easternmost part of the Weathercoast. A clinic for the displaced was also to be
set up on Marapa and a Solomon Islands nurse brought in together with the necessary medical supplies.
Given the alarming events, Red Cross relief activities in the Solomon Islands will not resume until renewed
and credible security guarantees are received from all parties to the conflict." (ICRC 12 October 2000)
ICRC uses a vessel to reach IDPs in inaccessible areas (October 2000)
•
ICRC used a vessel to deliver assistance to IDPs on the remote and inaccessible island of
Sikaiana.
•
Relief operations have been carried out along the 'weather coast' where 3,000 IDPs have been
registered.
"Last week, ICRC staff based in Honiara went to the aid of some 300 people on the remote island of
Sikaiana, in the most inaccessible part of the Solomon Islands, where they distributed seed, gardening tools,
fishing gear, food and medicines. The inhabitants have no regular outside supplies for most of the year and
have seen their island's population grow dramatically with the arrival of displaced people fleeing the
fighting on Guadalcanal. These items will enable the Sikaianans to plant additional gardens and do more
fishing.
There is no regular transport service between Sikaiana and the other islands. The delegates reached it
aboard the ICRC vessel "Princess 2" after a 24-hour trip though heavy seas. The team included a doctor,
who treated 25 patients – a significant percentage of the population – and was later told that he was the first
doctor to go there in many years. A woman suffering complications as her pregnancy reached its term was
taken to Honiara hospital on the vessel's return voyage. Labour started as the ship approached Honiara
harbour and a baby girl, named Princess, was delivered shortly afterwards.
Despite the extreme difficulty of landing on the beaches in high swells, the delegates, working with staff
and volunteers from the Solomon Islands Red Cross Society, have been able to carry on relief operations in
the Marau Sounds and along the "Weather Coast" of Guadalcanal, where 3,000 displaced people have been
registered. On several occasions, distributions had to be temporarily halted after the ICRC's landing craft
was swamped by waves and conditions were judged too dangerous to continue" (ICRC, 6 October 2000)
63
Aid workers harassed by armed groups (September 2000)
•
June 2000 coup has resulted in an increase in humanitarian workers harrassing by MEF& IFM
militants.
•
MEF blockade has prevented the Red Cross from assisting the displaced in rural Guadalcanal.
"Developments since the MEF coup on 5 June 2000 have also involved an escalation of confrontations
between members of both Guadalcanalese and Malaitan armed groups and Red Cross volunteers, medical
professionals, priests, nuns and lay workers of the main churches who have reported being individually
targetted with threats, being questioned at gunpoint, shot at, harassed or prevented from exercising their
humanitarian or clerical work with displaced people and villagers. For example, members of the
Multinational Police Peace Monitoring Group reported on 15 May 2000 that shots had been fired at the car
of a priest.
A prolonged MEF blockade has intermittently prevented Red Cross officials and volunteers from taking
medical and food supplies to rural clinics. This has left a population of 60,000 people in rural Guadalcanal
largely cut off from access to essential hospital assistance, medicines and nutritional supplements as well as
fuel. Government health officials reportedly raised concern in late July 2000 that essential medicines are in
short supply, that remote clinics face serious shortages following a recent influx of patients injured in
fighting and disruptions in supplies, and that vital clinic equipment had broken down." (AI, 7 September
2000)
64
NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL RESPONSES
National response
Relief provided to IDPs in Malaita Province (January 2001)
•
IDPs have mainly relied on assistance provided by relatives and friends.
•
Organisations involved in the relief and assistance include: World Vision, SICA, Red Cross
Society, The Catholic Church and the government.
"With the loss of property and jobs a lot of people pointed out that life was extremely difficult throughout
the period of the tension. Support from relatives and friends were considered to be the basis for survival
and a new start in the villages. During the tension several organizations gave assistance to the displaced
people, although these were barely sufficient. Some organization who assisted were:
World Vision
Solomon Islands Christian Association
The Red Cross Society
The Catholic Church
Solomon Islands Government.
The kinds of items given ranges from cash to eating utensils and tools. To be more specific, the following
items were supplied:
Food items (rice, sugar, tayio,salt, oil)
Cooking utensils (pots dish, spoons, plates)
Clothing (men, women and children’s clothing)
Tools (hammer, saw, nails, knife, axe)" (SIDAPP January 2001, p. 35)
"The mass dislocation of people from villages around Guadalcanal including Honiara city was a traumatic
experience for both the displaced people and the people and government of Solomon Islands. The Solomon
Islands government was not financially and logistically prepared to tackle this massive population shift.
About 30,000 people were displaced from Guadalcanal to Malaita and other provinces to date as the direct
result of the social unrest experienced in the nation
(...)
Four groups were at the forefront of relief and rehabilitation work in this crisis. They are (wantoks)
members of the extended family, international non-government organizations (the Solomon Islands Red
Cross, and the World Vision Solomon Islands), and the government, local non-government organizations
and Church organizations. It is important to note that relief assistance by the above groups were to address
immediate basic needs to strengthen the ability of the internally displaced people (IPD) to be less dependent
on outside assistance. Rehabilitation assistance were to equip them to settle down and be less dependent on
their extended family or temporary shelters issue by the Solomon Islands Red Cross and the World Vision
Solomon Islands." (Georges Saemane, October 2000, p. 1)
65
Community Reconciliation and Reintegration Project (CRRP) presented to the donor
community (May 2002)
"On April 30th, the Community Reconciliation and Reintegration Project (CRRP), a UNDP/UNV-ILO
joint project housed in the Ministry of National Unity, Reconciliation and Peace (MNURP), called a
meeting in order to present the project to the donor community.
The meeting was well attended by officials from all Embassies and High Commissions as well as senior
Ministers from the SIG.
Opening speeches were delivered by Deputy Prime Minister (also head of MNURP) Allan Kemakeza;
Minister of Development Palnning Michael Maina; and Minister of Foreign Affairs Danny Philip.
These opening speeches seved as a great show of support for the programmes by the SIG.
Jose Salema, UNDP's Chief Technical Advisor to MNURP, presented the programme in detail through a
series of graphical slides before opening the floor for questions.
Initially, it appears that all were in favour of the programme (even Australia) and all agree that there is a
need to set up a coordinating body (such as the Technical Secretariat recommended in the document). All
prospective donors were presented with a copy of the final Project Document before leaving and promised
to study it in detail.
The UNDP representatives said they would expect many calls to the office and further meetings in order to
clarify certain aspects of the document in detail but now is the time to start actively lobbying for support.
Prospective donors attending the meeting included ambassadors and senior officials from Australia, New
Zealand, Japan and the EU and ROC. The British High Commission could not send a representative but
pledged its support.
Other major participants were the member of the MEF and IFM who represented their organisations as
signatories to the TPA." (Solomon Star, 2 May 2002)
Tighter control of internal migration (March 2002)
•
Under the revised government system, states will be better equiped to control internal or interstate migration, with restrictions barring settlement in other states without following their legal
requirements.
•
The immigrant must also abide by the traditional norms and practices of the localities of that area
"Solomon Islands states will be able to impose some measures to control internal or inter-state migration
and settlement under the proposed state government system.
The State Government Task Force 2001 Report says under the proposal states will include in their
constitutions restrictions barring settlement in other states without following their legal requirements. The
report is part of efforts to address the problems which led to the two years of ethnic conflict on
Guadalcanal.
The deadly conflict followed tension caused by the number of people from Malaita Province settling on
Guadalcanal, and the reaction of Guadalcanal militants to this. Guadalcanal is home to the national capital,
Honiara.
66
The report proposes if someone intends to migrate and settle in another state, the person must comply with
the laws and regulations imposed by the other state.
The immigrant must also abide by the traditional norms and practices of the localities of that area, the
report says.
The report, however, acknowledges that Solomon Islands is a party to several international treaties.
Freedom of movement of the individual is a right and that is protected in such treaties. Therefore the report
does not propose any change to that.
The report says individuals - Solomon Islanders and foreigners - will continue to have the freedom to move
around freely within Solomon Islands.
They will also continue to have the freedom to work anywhere in other states, it says." (SIBC/PINA Nius
Online, 24 March 2002)
SICA's assists displaced persons (April 2001)
•
SICA has implemented an assistance project from April to September 2001.
•
SICA’s targeted location will be in all the provinces where the displaced people have been
located.
•
Churches have a good network making it easy to locate, identify and name the displaced
community.
•
SICA's goal is to stabilise food and basic needs security in areas with displaced populations and
also to provide assistance in water/sanitation, agriculture and shelter.
"In response to this big-scale human need, ACT member The Solomon Islands Christian Association
seeks to implement a combined emergency project comprising the following elements:
Food Distribution
Distribution of shelter commodities
Water/sanitation
Agricultural inputs
Project Completion Date: 1 April 2001 – 30 September 2001 (6 months)
(...)
Most of the affected people have returned to their village and Islands province of origin. That means most
of the displaced people are scattered all over the country.
SICA’s targeted location will be in all the provinces where the displaced people have been located. Many
of the displaced have been located through the church network. Other organisations such as World Vision
and the Red Cross have been assisting some of the displaced people in a small way. However, because of
the remoteness of some of the provinces and islands there are many more people to be reached.
The churches have a good network making it easy to locate, identify and name the displaced community.
(...)
Goal: To stabilise food and basic needs security in areas with displaced populations
67
Objectives:
Provide adequate basic needs (food, cooking fuel, shelter, clothing and hygiene items) in the short term for
displaced populations and absorbing communities
This will be done by using the Village Education Program network to supervise, the Federation of Women
network to purchase and distribute each type of assistance identified in the survey, first by province and
then through each local church women’s network
Support the cultivation of extra food crops and collection of extra drinking water needed on a mid to long
term basis in areas of significant displaced populations
Agricultural tools and seeds will be distributed in the same manner as outlined in the first objective
Water tanks will be distributed and installed at the church building or other suitable building (i.e. with iron
roof for rainwater collection)
Containers for water collection will be distributed
The VEP field officers will provide technical support via workshops
(...)
Criteria Utilised In Beneficiary Selection
Using the Federation of Women and the Youth Desk of the SICA secretariat, a simple questionnaire has
been used to identify and locate the displaced people. These have been checked and verified by local
clergy. The survey has identified those families who have been displaced or dispossessed and who have not
received any or sufficient assistance along with their host communities.
(...)
Implementation Description Per Activity
SICA’s Ecumenical Resource and Support Desk (ESRD) is the development arm of SICA. Under the
ERSD are several programs and networks, which include the Village Education Program (VEP) and the
Federation of Women (FOW). The VEP team consists of 4 Field Co-ordinators based in Central, Malaita,
Western and Eastern regions, under which are 12 Field Officers - 5 in Central Honiara, (also covering
remote islands), 2 in Malaita, 3 in Western, 2 in Eastern. The VEP is normally involved in village-level
social issues education and practical workshops such as agriculture and nutrition. The SICA-FOW is a
national network of women’s community support groups based at a village or parish level, co-ordinated at a
national level through a national executive committee elected from the five member churches.
The ERSD will co-ordinate the project through the VEP field staff, who in turn will co-ordinate the
activities through local FOW leaders, who will manage teams of volunteers from the local FOW. These
women will be members of the local community and church and so will be in a position to best understand
the situation of local beneficiaries. VEP field workers will conduct workshops on a rolling basis through
target areas of each province according to their usual techniques. Because of the wide repatriation of the
displaced people to the nine provinces the rehabilitation and the workshops will also be conducted for the
nine provinces in the identified areas and villages. The distribution of supplies will be conducted by the
FOW together with VEP field team." (ACT 3 April 2001)
Church and Women's groups (October 2000)
"The five mainline churches (Church of Melanesia COM, Roman Catholic Church (RC), the South Sea
Evangelical Church (SSEC), the United Church (UC) and the Seventh Day Adventists (SDA) that make up
the Solomon Islands Christian Association (SICA) provided assistance through their varies church
organizations. The Melanesian brothers of the Church of Melanesia were assisting in providing relief
68
assistance to the people of West Guadalcanal until June the 5th 2000. The Roman Catholic, Seventh Day
Adventist Churches provide assistance through their church net works. The Local churches and parishes
were active participants in the provision of relief assistance. Whilst the assistance given by World vision
and Red Cross are more tangible, the assistance provided by wantoks, churches and womens groups are less
tangible but in my view are more sustainable.
The women’s for Peace mothers were also active in relief work. In early 2000 they visited the IFM and
MEF camps to talk to militants as mothers and provide them with food. During this process they organized
exchange of goods at the eastern and Western ends of Honiara by Guadalcanal women and Honiara
women. These arrangements were able to alleviate the acute shortage of foodstuff like sugar and salt and
soap and kerosene to villages immediately out side of Honiara.
The MEF itself was of great assistance to the women folk of Northeast Guadalcanal. On numerous
occasions women are allowed to travel to town to replenish their supplies of rice, sugar, salt, soap and
kerosene and in many cased they were transported by the MEF." (Georges Saemane October 2000, p. 6)
NGO efforts (October 2000)
•
Development Services Exchange has Peace Office called the NGO Peace and Development
Office.
•
A three phase plan of action was prepared.
•
A 6 months short-term plan; a one year medium term plan; a 4 years long term plan.
•
The NGO peace plan intends to compliment government’s initiatives.
"The Development Services Exchange, the umbrella for about 93 international, national and community
based Non-Government Organizations in Solomon Islands has set up a Peace Office called the NGO Peace
and Development Office. This office is headed by a committee whose members are representatives of some
of the Honiara based NGOs. The office currently has two volunteers whose task was to prepare a major
plan of action. This plan of actions was completed in August 2000 and has three major phases. The first
phase is a 6-month short-term plan, followed by a one year medium term plan and a four year long term
plan.
The NGO for peace action plan was based on the premise that NGOs will liaise with government and other
peace advocators on the following issues: compensation, disarmament, amnesty and law and order. The
NGO peace plan intends to compliment government’s initiatives.
The six-month short-term plan, which began in September 2000, has the following components. The setting
of peace offices in the provinces, starting with Malaita and Guadalcanal and followed by Western Province
and Central Islands. Peace Offices will be setup in the other five provinces when funds become available.
These peace offices will act as focal points for all community based organizations and non-government
organizations in their respective provinces. The second important component intends to strengthen the
current communication and network links and information sharing within their respect provinces through
running of peace workshops, meetings, forums, surveys and the training trainers on trauma, psychological
and church counseling in the provinces.
The one-year medium term plan cover three major areas and they are reconciliation, rehabilitation and
sustenance of peace.
The four-year long-term plan covers rehabilitation and sustenance of peace programs. These programs are
developed into a second document. The second document to supplement the Action Plan called the "Non-
69
Government Organization Peace and Development Support Program was completed in September. This
document narrows NGO activities to 7 major components." (Georges Saemane October 2000, pp. 4-6)
These components are:
1. Women and Enterprises Development
2. Youth and Enterprises Development.
3. Education and training
4. Civil Works
5. Community Radio Station
6. Community Policing
7. Village Farming Units
For more details on these 7 components, see "Relief and rehabilitation, current situation and
future directions", Georges Saemane, October 2000
Government efforts (October 2000)
•
Absence of a government organization to deal with man-made disasters led to the formation of the
Repatriation and Rehabilitation Committee (RRC) in 1999.
•
It's mandate was to provide housing and agricultural tools to IDPs. Instead, grants of $1000 were
provided to some displaced. Later the grants were cut in half.
•
Ministry of Education was able to keep schools going through a one off grant assistance from the
New Zealand Government.
"The government effort to provide immediate relief and rehabilitation assistance was hampered by the
absence of an organization within its establishment to address man-made disasters. This led to the
formation of a Repatriation and Rehabilitation Committee (RRC) in 1999. This committee was mandated to
provide housing and gardening tools to the IDPs at that time, however after some negotiations displaced
families were given a total of $1000.00 per head up to a maximum of 8 members per family instead. This
assistance received wide criticism from the public as the money was exhausted before all IDPs were
assisted. This committee’s operation was found wanting and thus the setting up of Small Grants Scheme
under the Ministry of Home Affairs to replace it. The small grant scheme provided assistance to the
displaced families who were missed our during the first payment but at a reduced rate of $500.00 per head
up to a maximum of 8 members of a displaced family.
The Small Grants Committee also assist the
Solomon Islands Red Cross in its endeavor to provide relief and rehabilitation assistance to the displaced
people in all the nine provinces of the nation (Aumana 2000: pers.comm)
The Ministry of Education was able to keep schools going through a one off grant assistance from the New
Zealand Government. The health sector received much-needed drugs through assistance from the nations
traditional partners to keep this sector going." (Georges Saemane October 2000, pp. 3-4)
The wantok system of traditional reciprocity acts as safety net for IDPs (October 2000)
•
The wantok system is a traditional system of share and care based on the notion of reciprocity
within the extended family.
•
During the ethnic upheaval it served as a safety net and alleviated the impact of the displacement
of 23,000 people to Maliata and other provinces and within Guadalcanal.
70
•
IDP member of the extended family were welcomed to occupy homes and share resources
including food items.
•
Despite this safety net, food, shelter and health were inadequate.
"The wantok system is a traditional system of share and care based on the notion of reciprocity within the
extended family. As such it acts as a safety net in times of natural and man-made disasters like the social
unrest on Guadalcanal.
The real value of the wantok system as a social security was tested in the social unrest on Guadalcanal.
This system was forced to absorb about 23 000 people during the height of the social unrest and in my view
has played a vital role in alleviating the impact of the mass migration of people from Guadalcanal to
Malaita and the other seven provinces. The internal dislocation of Guadalcanal people with the
Guadalcanal itself was also catered for by the wantok system. Under the wantok system members of the
extended family were welcomed to occupy homes and share resources including food items until they are
able to fend for themselves. This assistance helped maintain many of the displaced families temporarily.
Through the wantok system even working wantoks and relatives responded positively to the plight of their
IDP relatives. The extended family system readily made available land for building houses and gardening
as very Solomon Islander has the right to use land within the tribal land.
In a survey conducted on Malaita by the Department of Development Planning in 1999, 91% of those
surveyed professed to have land for building houses and 84.3% professed to have land for gardening (DDP
1999: 45). This is an shows the significance of the wantok system as system one can fall back on in times of
disasters. Despite this safety net food, shelter and health were inadequate, as the extended families were
not expecting such a mass return of their relatives. In the same survey about 66.2% of the internally
displaced people saw food as a problem. (ibid :47). This means that the wantok safety net alone was not
able to met and sustain the demands of the 30 000 internally displaced people." (Georges Saemane October
2000, p.3)
Solomon Islands Red Cross response (October 2000)
•
Solomon Island Red Cross was involved in evacuation, catering and housing the displaced to
Honiara and in other villages in the province. Poor funding limited the distribution of food to four
weeks rations.
•
Solomon Islands Red Cross continued to provide relief and rehabilitation assistance during 2000
to people displaced from the Western Province, Marau and Guadalcanal.
"The Solomon Islands Red Cross handled relief work since the early stages of the conflict. They were
involved in evacuation, catering and housing the dislocated populations to Honiara and transporting and
supporting them with food and non-food items in their various villages in the provinces. Follow up
programs were conducted to ensure that families have food, clothing and shelter but because of the large
number of internally displaced people, the Solomon Islands Red Cross was only able to provide four weeks
of ration supply per family. Along with the basic food supplies they provided basic tools and seeds and
provided tents to the IDPs (Akwai 2000: pers.comm).
The relief and rehabilitation work is still a very demanding and dangerous job, as both militant groups are
not well informed of the neutrality of the Red Cross. The Red Cross drew strength from as many as 150
volunteers during the early parts of the social unrest and is still being assisted by about 50 odd volunteers.
The Solomon Islands Red Cross continues to provide relief and rehabilitation assistance to people displaced
from the Western Province, Marau and Guadalcanal. They have been instrumental in the relocation of
displaced Guadalcanal families from Honiara to their homes after the June 5th coup. The Red Cross
recently brought in a boat on Charter to assist in the transportation and distribution of relief and
rehabilitation assistance to Malaita and Guadalcanal and Marau areas however, they were only allowed to
71
supply non-food items by the Malaita Eagle Force (MEF). According to Mrs Akwai they now have the
services of medical doctor to provide medical assistance to the remote parts of Guadalcanal." (Georges
Saemane October 2000)
Churches as important bases for social mobilisation (1998)
•
95 percent of the population belongs to one religious denomination or to another.
•
Churches have a strong influence on the inhabitants of the Solomon Islands and have to be taken
into consideration when implementing any development programme.
•
Churches are also very influential in politics and can influence election outcomes.
"The influence of Christian churches on Solomon Islands is extensive. About 95 per cent of the population
belongs to one denomination or another and it is perhaps true to say that Christianity has had a greater
impact on society and people than any other institution. In Solomon Islands even the state is not as
influential in people’s lives as their church. The churches are regarded highly and play an important role in
development mainly because they have a strong impact on the way people think. In nearly every village in
Solomon Islands one finds either a church building or church leader, and prayer meetings can be as
frequent as once or twice a day.
(...)
Today, 95 per cent of the population professes to being Christians : 34 percent belong to the Church of
Melanesia, 19 percent are Catholics, 17 percent SSEC, 11 percent United Church and 10 percent SDA
(Stanley, 1993). The Bahai faith is also active in Honiara, and there some Solomon Islander converts to
Islam.
(...)
In general, the church has become so powerful that development agencies and the state cannot afford to
ignore this institution as an important vehicle for implementing development programs. In nearly every
community churches are capable of mobilising community support in a way that government institutions
have not been able to do. Church-based organisations such as youth groups, women’s club, choirs, singing
bands, etc. are important bases for social mobilisation. Churches are also very influential in politics and can
influence election outcomes. Church membership is seen as an important criterion in the choice of
candidates for important positions such as parliamentary membership. In the constituency of East Honiara,
for example, two important factors in influencing election results are: i) regionalism, and ii) church
membership. Regarding the first of these because of the large Kwara’ae population living in the squatter
settlements behind Honiara, the only candidates with any chance of winning an election in this constituency
are those who are of Kwara’ae origin. As most of the residents belong to the South Seas Evangelical
Church (SSEC), membership of that church would therefore be a strong criteria for winning that seat."
(Tarcisius Tara Kabutaulaka September 1998, pp. 45-47)
Role of NGOs has increased during the 90's (1998)
•
NGOs emerged in the 1980's in the Solomon Islands and, during the 1990s, acquired a more
central role in providing leadership and initiatives for national development.
•
The largest of the advocacy NGOs is the Solomon Islands Development Trust (SIDT). SIDT's
philosophy is that development should be defined '....as ‘empowerment’ rather than the discredited
notion that the North/South resource transfer was the solution'.
72
•
More than 50 NGOs subscribe to a local umbrella NGO group, the Development Services
Exchange (DSE).
"Non-government organisations have played an active role in development in spite of the fact that the
concept of NGOs is relatively new in Solomon Islands. It was only in the 1980s that NGO organisations
became commonplace but by the beginning of the 1990s many Solomon Islanders had become familiar
with the role NGOs and associated NGO movements can play in the development of the country.
By the 1990s NGOs had moved from having a peripheral role to one that was more central in providing
leadership and initiatives for national development. In writing about NGOs in Solomon Islands, John
Roughan stated that NGOs 'were actively working front stage in Solomon Islands public life. They now
made a difference in how the country was run' (Roughan 1994:143). This shift from a peripheral to a
central role in development was away from the traditionally perceived role of NGOs as being relief- and
project-oriented organisations that are seen as independent of politics and have no influence over policymaking. The historical development of NGOs in Solomon Islands can be viewed as having three periods
through which different waves of NGO movements emerged. The first wave of NGOs came to Solomon
Islands during the colonial era and continued to exist and operate in the post-independence period. These
included organisations such as the Red Cross, Foundation for Peoples of the South Pacific (FSP), the Boy
Scouts and Girl Guides Movement, and church-based organisations. These NGOs were known for bringing
in often much needed material assistance, especially during natural disasters which were not uncommon in
these islands prone to cyclones, earthquakes, and flooding. But the relief and welfare approach, as much as
it was needed, also tended to strengthen the conventional development strategy. It emphasised capital
transfers, formal planning, specialisation, and central government control of the whole development
process.
Even the second wave of NGO-presence, which funded development of community projects, believed that
these activities would be sustained beyond the period of NGO assistance. These NGO-funded activities
carried an added attraction. There was a conscious effort to remove projects from the political scene which
was welcomed by colonial authorities and even more so by the newly founded government. Aid, not
critique, was what the newly established country wanted.
In the early 1980s, however, a third wave of NGOs began to take root in the Solomon Islands. These new
groups were not local versions of overseas NGOs but were indigenous organisations responding to local
problems directed by local leadership. Government reaction to this type of NGO was mixed but
fundamentally, at least in the beginning, distrustful. Some of these important and active NGOs, led by
Solomon Islanders, are the Solomon Islands Development Trust (SIDT), SolTrust, and Iumi Tugeta
Holdings. There are also international NGOs such as Greenpeace, World Wildlife Fund for Nature (WWF),
and Red Cross (...).
The largest of these advocacy NGOs is the Solomon Islands Development Trust (SIDT) which was first set
up in 1982. From its early days, SIDT questioned the prevailing idea that development could only take
place with the transfer of goods, services and knowledge from western industrialised countries to
developing countries. The underlying argument by SIDT is that development should be defined '....as
‘empowerment’ rather than the discredited notion that the North/South resource transfer was the solution'
(Roughan 1994:146). The present Director of SIDT, Abraham Baeanisia, is also the Chairperson for the
Pacific Islands Association of Non-Government Organisations (PIANGO).
NGOs subscribe to a local umbrella NGO group, the Development Services Exchange (DSE), headed by
Judith Siota. 'At present DSE boasts a paying membership of more than fifty NGOs which work in literacy,
community-based rehabilitation, development work, rural training centers' (Roughan, 1994:145). Other
areas in which such NGOs are active include family planning, rehabilitation of commercially logged areas,
sanitation and health.
73
The role of NGO movements in politics and in the task of decision-making is an important one. Some
national leaders balked at the thought of NGOs assuming certain public leadership roles considered to be
the responsibility of elected officials. Development was a government prerogative and governments were
installed by a public, more or less democratic, selection process. In this context, there is concern that NGOs
assume the authority to work in the area of development and leadership. Nevertheless, today NGOs have
become important players in national development in Solomon Islands and they are no longer just relief and
welfare agencies but have become active participants in influencing policy and in creating and moulding
public opinion. Whatever the thoughts people had of NGOs in the 1980s, what is obvious today is that
NGOs are important participants in development in Solomon Islands." (Tarcisius Tara Kabutaulaka
September 1998, pp. 48-49)
International response
Japan assists IDPs (September 2001)
•
Japan's assistance made funds available to small grass-roots projects benefiting IDPs.
•
The first project 'Rehabilitation Programme for Displaced People' provided logistic support to the
Solomon Island Red Cross in 1999.
•
The second project 'Relief items for Displaced People', initiated in December 2000, provided nonfood items to 40,000 people with the help of the Solomon Island Christian Association (SICA)
"Grant Assistance for Grass-roots Projects is one of the functions of Japanese ODA that makes funds
available for relatively small projects. Under this scheme, we have provided two projects specifically for
displaced people
affected by social unrest in Solomon Islands since 1999.
The first, "Rehabilitation Programme for Displaced People", provided two
vehicles and two canoes with engines, in 1999 (before the coup), to the
Solomon Islands Red Cross. At that time, around 20,000 Guadalcanal and
Malaita families were displaced and, because of fear, people had to hide in
the bush, unable to obtain food, clean water and/or medicine. The Red Cross
Society attempted to deliver those basic needs for people from those two
provinces. In that way, we provided them with logistics' support.
The second project, initiated in December 2000, was named "Relief Items for
Displaced People". Kitano Construction (who manage the Mendana Hotel in
Solomon Islands), along with Japanese War Veterans, collected and sent to
Solomon Islands around 250 boxes of second-hand clothes, plates, watches,
toys, etc. from the Japanese people. We met the transportation costs of
those items. All were distributed through Solomon Islands Christian
Association networks. Approximately 40,000 people benefited from this
project.
Besides the Grass-roots scheme, we provide funds for humanitarian needs
under the Human Security Fund (part of the UN Trust Fund). This acts as a
sort of 'bridging' assistance between emergency assistance and normal
assistance. We assisted in the Reproductive Health Programme of the
Ministry of Health in the Solomons, jointly with UNFPA, and we support the
School Rehabilitation Programme of the Ministry of Education jointly with
74
UNDP, under this Trust Funds.
September 2001)
Both valued at around SUD300,000 each." (Embassy of Japan, 6
ICRC assists the displaced (August 2001)
•
ICRC provided assistance to 2,400 people displaced in Gudalacanal in 2000 by supplying and
delivering shelter material and food in remote areas of the country.
"ICRC delegates remained in contact with all the groups involved in the conflict in order to gain access to
civilians and evacuate them to safer areas. These contacts were also used to maintain a dialogue on the
protection of civilians, the wounded and sick, and medical facilities. The ICRC, in cooperation with the
Solomon Islands Red Cross, crossed front lines to deliver vital medical supplies and help ensure that
patients with special medical needs received proper care. By August [2000] , some 2,400 displaced people
had been driven from their homes by fighting in several parts of Guadalcanal province. The ICRC provided
them with urgently needed shelter materials, food and other necessities. As part of the relief effort, ICRC
delegates worked with staff and volunteers from the National Society to bring aid to displaced persons in
remote settlements, chartering a vessel to transport staff and relief supplies across the notoriously rough
seas off the southern coast of the island of Guadalcanal. These activities were ongoing at the end of the
year. To ensure the maintenance of surgical services, the ICRC recruited an expatriate surgeon on the spot
to cover needs throughout the country in the second half of the year." (ICRC 30 August 2001)
UNDP's activities (October 2000)
"UNDP has been actively engaged in the post-conflict peace-building and rehabilitation process in the
Solomon Islands since the beginning of the ethnic crisis two years ago, which has caused serious economic,
social and political disruptions in the country. UNDP has been focusing on the following:
Refocusing ongoing projects - UNDP has been refocusing its ongoing projects in the Solomon Islands to
address some of the emerging issues from the ethnic unrest, including conducting baseline surveys of the
IDPs, community-profiling, etc. One example in this respect is the SIDAPP project which started a youth
mobilization project in 2000, and to date has trained and fielded a total of 90 young student volunteers in
practically all the constituencies of the country’s 9 provinces. These volunteers assist the regular SIDAPP
project trainers organize community peace forum, conduct surveys of internally displaced persons and
update the data on schools and clinics affected by the social unrest, as well as assist youth groups identify
and formulate community projects.
Humanitarian assistance coordination - Under the UN Resident Co-ordinator’s function, UNDP has been
co-ordinating emergency humanitarian assistance by relevant UN agencies including the fielding of two
joint UN humanitarian missions last year to Honiara to assess the immediate humanitarian needs. UNDP
also assigned a Humanitarian Assistance Co-ordination advisor who worked in Honiara for 3 months and
provided assistance to the SOI Government in coordinating humanitarian assistance and in the preparation
of a Comprehensive Policy for the Mitigation and Management of Civil Unrest early this year.
Facilitating national dialogue for peace-building and reconciliation - Along with the peace-building efforts
by various parties in seeking a lasting political resolution to the crisis, UNDP initiated a process of national
dialogue for peace-building and reconciliation at the national and community levels, including the
organization of the EGM. The EGM specifically sought to identify root causes of the ethnic crisis and
priority actions that could be undertaken by donor agencies, the UN and various stakeholders to help
sustain the peace process and address the root causes.
75
Overall Framework of Assistance and coordinated UN response - As an immediate follow up to the EGM
meeting, UNDP in association with ILO will prepare an Overall Framework of Action, which would
outline a process and a strategy through which the various UN agencies will support a Solomon Islands-led
peace-building and rehabilitation process. It is planned that the Overall Framework of Action will be
presented to a Solomon Islands Development Partners Meeting to be organized by the SOI Government in
early 2001.
Demobilization and reintegration - As part of the UN response to the priority actions, UNDP fielded a small
arms disarmament mission in September 2000. As an immediate follow up to the recommendations of the
mission, UNDP will set up a Joint UN Programme Unit for Demobilization, Disarmament and
Reintegration in Honiara in co-operation with the Solomon Islands Government and other UN agencies.
The JPU will, among other tasks, help the Solomon Islands Government reintegrate the demobilized
soldiers into civilian life through community and employment generation projects.
Good governance for sustainable development - For the near future, the UNDP’s sub-regional Governance
programme has planned activities at the request of the Solomon Islands Government to address some key
governance issues including:
Judicial training – On the request of the Chief Justice, UNDP has been asked to assist facilitate a judicial
conference for judges/magistrates and court officers. The purpose of the conference was to assess the
problems that judicial personnel face in the execution of their duties, document clearly security issues
experienced by judges and magistrate, and formulate recommendations to the Government on ways these
issues might be addressed to maintain integrity and independence of the judiciary.
Parliamentarian training - On the request of the Speaker of Parliament, UNDP will be carrying out early
next year a comprehensive legislative needs assessment for the Parliament of Solomon Islands. We will be
focusing particularly on the constitutional roles of parliament, i.e. legislating, oversight and representation,
together with the capacity of parliamentarians. This study should then form the basis of a support
programme for the parliament of Solomon Islands." (Solomon Islands Experts Group Meeting October
2000, Annex D, pp. 1-2)
World Vision's relief efforts (October 2000)
•
World Vision started providing food and non-food items to 2000 IDPs in July 1999.
•
Together with the European Union, WV implemented a second phase of assistance from October
1999 to December 2000 under difficult security conditions.
"World Vision Solomon Islands Country relief program was implemented in July 1999. The four months
program was aimed to provide relief assistance to 2000, Malaita and Guadalcanal IDP families with basic
food items such as rice, tinned fish, salt, milk with basic agricultural tools like knife files, bush knife and
vegetable seeds and tools. This project also distributed handsaws, nails and hammers.
The second phase was a European Union, World Vision partnership assistance to be a follow up the relief
work, which end in October 1999. The six-month program should have ended at the end of June 2000 but
was extended to the end of December 2000. The extension was due to the escalation of fighting after June
5th 2000, resulting in World Visions inability to facilitate deliveries to the internally displaced people on
Guadalcanal. The objective of phase two was the rehabilitation of about 1800 internally displaced people in
all wards on Malaita Province. The work on Malaita is a partnership between the Malaita Emergency and
Relief Initiative (MERI) office and World Vision. MERI office helped to identify people who desperately
need housing and issues them with ID cards. World Vision Solomon Islands uses these ID cards to
distribute cooking pots, rain tanks, medicine, housing tools like hammers, handsaws and sago palm leaves
Alex (2000:6). This project also supplied agricultural tools like bush knives, files, hoes and spades. World
76
Vision Solomon Islands has people on the ground in both Malaita and Guadalcanal who help out in the
distribution of the needed items and tools.
The distribution of rehabilitation supplies on Malaita should be completed by October 2000. Work on
Guadalcanal will resume as soon as access to rural communities is guaranteed. (Ravumandra 2000:
pers.comm)" (George Saemane, October 2000)
UNFPA's activities (October 2000)
"UNFPA assistance to SOI will focus on:
Immediate
Reproductive Health – strengthening quality reproductive health services with particular attention to:
meeting the needs of displaced population for contraceptive, preventive and treatment of sexually
transmitted diseases (STDs); Adolescent Reproductive Health programmes responding to the needs of the
large cohort of youth; reduction of maternal mortality; and training of village health workers.
Empowerment of women – advocacy and action programme to: end violence against women; promote
enrolment and retention of girls in schools, and together with the other partners, promote economic
opportunities for women.
Mid-term Horizon
Strengthening capacity for data collection, analysis and use in order to monitor the provision of basic social
services, to track progress in sector reform programmes and improve the knowledge base for rehabilitation
efforts;
Operationally-oriented research on Population/Sustainable Development linkages addressing population
growth, distribution patterns and population-poverty links;
Technical assistance for the analysis of the 1999 census;
Together with other donors, strengthening women’s NGOs and NGOs involved in reproductive health."
(Solomon Islands Experts Group Meeting October 2000, Annex D, pp. 2-3)
Obstacles to assistance
World Bank and Asian Development Bank ask governement to pay debt arrears before
committing new help (April 2002)
•
World Bank and Asian Development Bank threaten to cut funding for current or new activities
unless governement clears financial arrears totaling 4.3 million dollars.
"The World Bank and the Asian Development Bank say they will not continue any current or new activities
with the Solomon Islands Government - unless the Government pays them its arrears. This was explained
by a joint mission of the two financial institutions when they held discussions with the Government in
Honiara.
77
In a joint mission report, which SIBC has obtained a copy of, they said clearing of the arrears would also be
an important signal to Solomon Islands' other development partners.
The report added that the government's relationship with both financial institutions will improve if it sets up
a debt management strategy that prevents arrears from re-occurring.
Former Minister of Finance Michael Maina reaffirmed to the joint mission, the Government's commitment
to clearing the arrears. SIBC understands that up until the end of last year, the Government's arrears with
the Asia Development Bank reached $3.3 million and with the World Bank $1.1 million. The joint mission
praised former Finance Minister Maina and his team for their strong commitment to economic reform.
They said that the progress made so far reflects Mr Maina's leadership of the finance team. The joint
mission said the economic reforms need the support of the entire government, including Prime Minister Sir
Allan Kemakeza and other senior ministers.
Mr Maina was sacked last week by Sir Allan following controversy over his 25 percent devaluation of the
Solomon Islands dollar. The devaluation was praised by the Central Bank and Economic Association of
Solomon Islands, who said it was vital to save the country's remaining external reserves.
The Solomon Islands economy has been crippled following two years of ethnic conflict and continuing law
and order and governance problems despite a peace agreement.
* Foreign Affairs Minister Alex Bartlett has apologised for his part in the ethnic conflict. Speaking in
Parliament, Mr Bartlett apologised on behalf of himself, and former Malaita Eagle Force militia and
elements of the paramilitary police field force. Last month former spokesperson for the Malaita Eagle
Force, Andrew Nori, held reconciliation ceremonies with some former members of the Solomon Islands
Alliance for Change government they ousted in the June 2000 coup." ( SIBC/PINA Nius Online 5 April
2002)
Increased insecurity and unlawfulness cause key donors to reappraise their aid
programs (March 2002)
•
Killing of a New Zealand diplomat has hardened international opinion towards the Solomon
Island and led key donors to review their aid programmes.
•
Honiara is controled by a paramilitary Police Field Force (PFF) dominated by Malaitans and no
independent judiciary is functionning.
•
Insecurity and threats by former militants on Malaita Island have forced the Australian
peacekeepers out of third post in one month.
"Where does one turn when the police can no longer be trusted to keep order on the streets, the judiciary
has become corrupted and politicians have lost the will to act? Most countries in such a dire predicament
would look to friends abroad to ease them back from the abyss with development packages that could help
quench the fires of discontent. But this option is no longer available to the Solomon Islands government,
which is finding allies hard to come by as it watches a proud island community disintegrate into anarchy,
unsure even if it still has a popular mandate to rule.
The stabbing death of New Zealand envoy Bridget Nichols at her home, possibly with the coercion of a
security detail, has understandably hardened global opinion toward the Solomons. Key donors Australia
and New Zealand are both reappraising their aid programs, as are international development agencies led
by the World Bank and its regional arm the Asian Development Bank. While the money flow is unlikely to
be turned off, it will probably be tied more closely to performance, especially a stronger political
commitment to reform the redundant police force and restore the integrity of the courts system.
78
On the face of it, the social upheaval that has effectively paralyzed the Solomons since inter-island rivalries
erupted in 2000 can be traced to an institutional collapse. As many as 40 percent of the tiny police force of
1,000 officers are believed to have sided with Malaitan militants in their struggle with Guadalcanal
islanders, and a further 15-20 percent with Guadalcanal.
When the Malaitans took over the capital, Honiara, in June 2000, they were actively assisted by the
paramilitary Police Field Force (PFF), which has since become a de facto arm of the insurgents. Armed
with looted military weapons, elements of the PFF and an ill-disciplined civilian force of "special
constables" have set up a criminal network that terrorizes the city of 40,000 while politicians look on.
Judges, not surprisingly, are either unable or unwilling to function in this atmosphere of intimidation. Few
policemen are ever called to account for the violence, and only one has been convicted.
Prime Minister Allan Kemakeza, whose own record has been spotty, promised to clean up both institutions
when he was elected in December, but - like his two predecessors - has taken the path of least resistance.
(...)
The judicial system could be revived with a moderate amount of outside help. Internal reports have said
that it mostly suffers from inadequate resources, especially funding. Yet none of this will work unless
politicians can be convinced of the gravity of the situation, and of the need to instill some sense of national
unity in the scattered population. " (Asia Times Online 28 March 2002)
"The Australian-led International Peace Monitoring Team in the Solomon Islands has now evacuated its
third post in the past month, following security threats. The team pulled its monitors out of Malu‘u in North
Malaita on Thursday, after they were threatened by former militants.
(…)
The evacuation of the international peace monitors from the third post in only one month marks a turn in
the tide of peace making in the country. Only three weeks ago, the monitors pulled out of the Marau area on
the eastern tip of Guadalcanal and from Tetere on the Guadalcanal Plains.
The sudden withdrawal leaves a gaping hole in the monitoring process, which the local Peace Monitoring
Council is not financially or logistically ready to fill. The international team was to have pulled out of the
Solomon Islands in phases, with the final withdrawal planned for October.
The government now is left looking for another option to keep the peace and restore law and order, with the
subtle but obvious increase in illegal activities. Solomon Islanders are now left wondering if the Australian
peace initiative in the country has collapsed and what will now happen in the next few months." (Radio
Australia 8 March 2002)
Killing of New Zealand's Deputy High Commissionner (March 2002)
•
Continued problems of law and order in Honiara illustrated by the stabbing of New Zealand's
Deputy High Commissioner.
•
New Zealand report of the security situation points at the problem caused by the appointment of
2000 special constables to the police force.
•
EU New Zealand consultant killed.
"New Zealand Deputy High Commissioner Bridget Nichols was stabbed to death soon after a Honiara
meeting discussed Solomon Islands law and order problems. Ms Nichols died after being attacked in the
driveway of her home in suburban Honiara and despite the home having security guards.
79
It came as:
* A New Zealand team's report said democracy was restored following December's Solomons election, but
law and order is almost non-existent, mainly because of problems in the police.
* Lawyer Andrew Nori told the meeting on law and order organised by non-government organisations the
problem in Honiara is a Malaitan one which hinges on Malaitan leadership.
* Prime Minister Sir Allan Kemakeza told the meeting his government is reviewing the report compiled by
the New Zealand team.
The New Zealand report said the law-and-order problem has been compounded by the appointment of 2000
so-called special constables to the police force. This was done following the peace agreement ending two
years of ethnic conflict between Guadalcanal and Malaita militia forces. But many of these special
constables were militia supporters or convicted criminals, the New Zealand report said. New Zealand
Foreign Affairs and Trade Ministry Pacific Division Deputy Director Vince McBride said the team was in
Solomon Islands as a result of concerns about the near-chaos since the June 2000 coup. This was staged by
the Malaita Eagle Force militia and elements of the paramilitary police. It led to Honiara becoming a
mainly Malaitan enclave on the island of Guadalcanal.
New Zealand currently has 11 police officers in the Solomon Islands as part of its commitment to the
international peace monitoring process. The International Peace Monitoring Team's mission is due to wind
up later this year. But some posts have been closed prematurely due to threats from local militia. Mr
McBride said the situation was desperate, and hope had all but gone that military weapons still unaccounted
for would be handed in. Meanwhile, Sir Allan said he is heartened by the considerable aid assistance
provided to the Royal Solomon Islands Police so far. Sir Allan, however, stressed during the meeting on
law and order that the responsibility for the progress of the peace programme lies with Solomon Islanders.
Mr Nori told the meeting he is planning to hold a meeting of all Malaitans in Honiara and divide them into
their communities to identify their church, women, and youth leaders. He said these leaders would meet
with their children and help retrieve the weapons that are still at large. They would at least tell young
Malaitans to stop stealing other people's property, he said. Mr Nori also suggested that those not employed
in Honiara must go home to the Malaita province.
New Zealand Prime Minister Helen Clark said the killing of Ms Nichols was "very, very tragic". Ms Clark
said that Ms Nichols staggered from her property into the house of her neighbour, the administration officer
of the New Zealand High Commission. Ms Nichols was treated at the scene by paramedics and transferred
to hospital. She died later in the afternoon. Ms Clark said due to the lawlessness in Solomon Islands all
New Zealand's diplomats were already under 24-hour watch from a local security firm. The New Zealand
peace monitoring team stationed in the area would also now be offering support and staying with high
commission staff, she said. New Zealand Foreign Minister Phil Goff said Ms Nichols is believed to have
disturbed two people burgling her garage. * The government has nine days to fulfil its promise to retrieve
the hundreds of guns still in the hands of criminals. Sir Allan, in his inaugural speech following his election
on 17 December, said his government will aim at returning the estimated 500 high-powered guns within its
first 100 days in power. The government's first 100 days in office will end on 27 March. Sir Allan had said
the issue of law and order can't be isolated from disarmament." (SIBC/PINA Nius Online, 18 March 2002)
"The killing of a European Union-financed consultant at the new Ministry of Finance building construction
site is causing great anxiety to European Union personnel in Solomon Islands. A source said this is because
the tragedy appears to reflect a worrisome increase in threats to consultants and advisers who have come,
with their families, to implement projects. It comes amidst continuing Solomon Islands law and order
problems despite a peace agreement ending a deadly two-year ethnic conflict.
Hundreds of high-powered weapons are still unaccounted for. They include some taken when elements of
the paramilitary police field force joined the June 2000 coup against the elected government. One week
ago, the consultant manager of a transportation project in Malaita received several death threats. He had to
80
be relocated to Honiara as his life in Malaita was endangered by landowners and criminals who stole petrol
and machines.
A European Union adviser in the Ministry of Finance was molested in the building. He has been robbed
twice at his home - including at gunpoint - when criminals forcibly entered his house. These are said to be
just a few examples of European Union staff that have been harassed in Honiara and elsewhere over the
past six months.
The reaction of the police is said to have been far less than could have been expected. It is this which is
causing the greatest anxiety in the community of consultants and advisers. The anxiety among European
Union staff is now higher than ever. This is because many of them will have to move in a few months into
the new building where the recent killing took place. This building is sited on the old Ministry of Finance
building, the frequent scene of violent actions by disgruntled people who came to force payments from
ministry staff. Prime Minister Sir Allan Kemakeza condemned the killing as a senseless murder. Kevin
O'Brien, 39, a New Zealander working as a supervisor with the joint-venture company Fletcher Kwaimani
constructing the building, was stabbed to death by a local worker. Sir Allan said he has instructed the police
to pursue the case quickly and to solve the matter as soon as possible.
O'Brien, who came from Auckland, was married to a local woman and they had one child. He was one of
three expatriates working for Fletcher Kwaimani and had been living in the country for more than five
years. The New Zealand High Commissioner in Honiara, Heather Riddell, confirmed there were concerns
that the police's capability to respond to crime had broken down. "It is not a well-ordered society here and
people need to take care because things like this can happen," she said. "But things have not yet descended
into anarchy and we hope they won't." Police said they are hunting for the killer."(SIBC/PINA Nius Online,
13 February 2002)
Government not able to financially compensate IDPs (May 2001)
•
Government ask IDPs to be patient due to the current difficult financial situation.
•
Money will be made available through Taiwan's 125 million dollar loan
"The Solomon Islands government has appealed to people who have lodged claims for property lost during
two years of Guadalcanal-Malaita ethnic conflict to be patient with the government's present financial
situation
And Edward Huni'ehu, special advisor to the Prime Minister, has dismissed rumors that funds have already
been disbursed to the government by the Republic of China (Taiwan) to meet the claims. Mr. Huni'ehu
clarified the situation following speculation that the money will be paid to those making lost property
claims as early as Wednesday. He said this is inaccurate, but that the government is working very hard to
secure the transfer of funds as soon as possible.
The Republic of China (Taiwan) has agreed to loan about $125 million to help the government through its
current difficult financial situation, with major industries shut down by the conflict. Prime Minister
Manasseh Sogavare apologized to representatives of the committee representing displaced victims of the
recent ethnic tension for the delay in the payment of lost property claims. He did so at a meeting with
representatives of the committee. They requested that the situation be clarified, as those affected are getting
uneasy about the conflicting statements issued by government and other unofficial sources. He explained
that the government is committed to its recent arrangements with the Republic of China (Taiwan). A loan
of over $125-million is now ready for disbursement, subject to certain technical requirements demanded by
the financier, he said.
81
Representatives of the displaced victims committee have demanded that they meet directly with the
government about the issue to avoid further misunderstanding." (Pacific Islands Report, 13 May 2001)
Weaknesses in the relief efforts (October 2000)
•
Government and civil society not prepared to face such a large-scale emergency.
•
Crippled economy did not help in bringing assistance to the IDPs.
•
International donor response was limited and its conditionality was an obstacle to swift assistance
to the IDPs.
•
Absence of a neutral police force was responsible for unequal distribution of food and assistance,
especially in rural Guadalcanal.
•
Lack of communication network structures between Local NGO/NGO, NGO/CBDO and
NGO/SIG, SIG/Provinces resulted in poor coordination.
•
Incomplete data on the displaced made it difficult to provide efficient assistance.
•
Ministry of National Unity, Reconciliation and Peace is still understaffed.
"Un-preparedness and Inexperience Government
The people of Solomon Islands and its government were not prepared for such a man made disaster. This
has contributed to the adhoc and crisis management approach employed during the early stages of the
conflict. Apart from the Red Cross who has some experience in its involvement in the Bougainville crisis
the government and the civil society had no experience and thus were not able to approach the crises in a
coordinated way to provide relief and rehabilitation.
The Poor Economic State of Solomon Islands
The social unrest was a major blow to the already cripple economy of the nation. This situation was a
hurdle to providing adequate relief and rehabilitation assistance.
Donor Response to the Conflict
Donor’s withdrawal of personal and or cessation of funding during the conflict was a major blow to the
people and government of Solomon Islands. Donor's reluctance to support relief and rehabilitation work to
date does not help the suffering of the innocent majority. Most NGOs were dependent on the international
partners for their finances, however they were compounded with the stringent polices of their donor
partners. This led to a spectator attitude by the NGOs. The diverse procedures use by international donor
partners for project preparation and appraisal were another weakness in the provision of relief and
rehabilitation assistance. This led to many NGOs having to wait for ages for their projects to be written up
by experts.
The absence of a neutral Police Force
The absence of a neutral legitimate Police Force may be attributed to the current unequal distribution of
relief and rehabilitation of humanitarian food and non-food items to rural areas of Guadalcanal. The result
is that work on Malaita is going on according to schedule but not on Guadalcanal. The Malaita Eagle Force
embargo placed on rural Guadalcanal has seriously delayed the distribution of food items to the rural
population of Guadalcanal.
Absence of Networking Links
82
Another weakness is lack of communication network structures between Local NGO/NGO, NGO/CBDO
and NGO/SIG, SIG/Provinces. The result is that relief and rehabilitation assistance is not coordinate well
between peace advocators in the nation. Absence of communication networks also resulted in the
reluctance to share information and thus the emergence of competition for programs and donor assistance.
Unavailability of Data on the Social Unrest
It is almost impossible to find complete set of information on any aspect of the social unrest in any of the
Government or NGO offices. This is a major weakness in the relief and rehabilitation work in the current
crisis. For example neither Malaita Province nor World Vision or the Solomon Islands Red Cross have
complete information on the number of IDPs on Malaita.
Understaffing of the Ministry of National Unity, Reconciliation and Peace
One other weakness in the current relief and rehabilitation assistance is that the newly setup Ministry of
National Unity, Reconciliation and Peace is still understaffed. Not only that but some of the divisions are
located in the Ministry of Home Affairs. In a national where communication is by telephone and fax,
efficient and effective decision making is compromised by this arrangement." (Georges Saemane October
2000, pp. 7-8)
Funds for the resettlement of IDPs have been misused (July 1999)
•
Money to help ethnic Malaitans from Guadalcanal resettle on Malaita Island has reportedly been
misused and needy IDPs have not received any of it.
•
Government has set up a committee to supervise aid assistance.
"The Solomon Islands government has expressed concern over allegations that money it gave to repatriate
and resettle ethnic Malaitans from Guadalcanal Province to their home province -- following months of
ethnic violence -- has been misused.
(…)
The Minister of State Assisting the Prime Minister, Alfred Sasako, says some of the allegations appear to
be true, while others are still being investigated. He says about US$ 200,000, of US$ 500,000 given by the
Central Government to help in the repatriation and resettlement of the displaced people, may have been
misused. Mr. Sasako says it would appear that some of that money had gone to people who are not entitled
to claim it, while those who are desperate for assistance have not been able to get it.
Meanwhile, the government has set up a committee to supervise aid assistance from donors given to resettle
Malaitans pushed out of Guadalcanal Province by militants. The Committee is headed by Donald Kudu, the
Secretary of National Development Planning." (Radio Australia 22 July 1999)
83
ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS
AusAID
DFID
EGM
GRA
IFM
MEF
MHA
MNPHRD
MNURP
NRRC
SICA
SICHE
SIG
UN
UNDP
Australian Aid for International Development
Department of Foreign and International Development
Expert Group Meeting
Guadalcanal Revolutionary Army
Isatabu Freedom Movement
Malaita Eagle Force
Ministry of Home Affairs
Ministry of National Planning and Human Resource Development
Ministry of National Unity, Reconciliation and Peace
National Relief and Rehabilitation Committee
Solomon Islands Christian Association
Solomon Islands College of Higher Education
Solomon Islands Government
United Nations
United Nations Development Program
84
LIST OF SOURCES USED
(alphabetical order)
Solomon Islands Broadcasting Corporation/PINA Nius Online, 12 March 2002,
"Solomons payments stalled amidst new reports of demands"
Internet : http://www.pacificislands.cc/pm52002/pinadefault.cfm?pinaid=3906 , accessed
15 May 2002
Solomon Islands Broadcasting Corporation/PINA Nius Online, 13 February 2002,
"Honiara killing adds to consultant fears "
Internet : http://www.pacificislands.cc/pm52002/pinadefault.cfm?pinaid=3644 , accessed
15 May 2002
Solomon Islands Broadcasting Corporation/PINA Nius Online, 13 May 2001,
"Solomon Islands Government issues appeal over lost property claims"
Internet : http://166.122.164.43/archive/2001/May/05-15-09.htm , accessed 10 April 2002
Solomon Islands Broadcasting Corporation/PINA Nius Online, 13 May 2001,
"Solomon Islands government issues appeal over lost property claims"
Internet : http://166.122.164.43/archive/2001/May/05-15-09.htm , accessed 6 May 2002
Solomon Islands Broadcasting Corporation/PINA Nius Online, 14 May 2002,
"Doubts about new Solomons state-system constitution draft"
Internet : http://pidp.eastwestcenter.org/pireport/2002/May/05-15-10.htm , accessed 15
May 2002
Solomon Islands Broadcasting Corporation/PINA Nius Online, 17 April 2002,
"Solomons 'refugees' crossing into Bougainville, says MP "
Internet : http://www.pacificislands.cc/pm52002/pinadefault.cfm?pinaid=4228 , accessed
15 May 2002
Solomon Islands Broadcasting Corporation/PINA Nius Online, 18 March 2002,
"Killing of diplomat underscores Solomons crisis "
Internet : http://www.pacificislands.cc/pm52002/pinadefault.cfm?pinaid=3959 , accessed
15 May 2002
Solomon Islands Broadcasting Corporation/PINA Nius Online, 24 March 2002,
"Solomon Islands: Solomons state plan includes controls on migration"
Internet : http://www.pacificislands.cc/pm52002/pinadefault.cfm?pinaid=4020 , accessed
15 May 2002
Solomon Islands Broadcasting Corporation/PINA Nius Online, 5 April 2002,
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Internet : http://www.pacificislands.cc/pm42002/pinadefault.cfm?pinaid=4129 , accessed
10 April 2002
85
Solomon Islands Broadcasting Corporation/PINA Nius Online, 6 May 2002,
"SOLOMON ISLANDS: Solomons school closing until guns returned, say teachers"
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2002
Amnesty International (AI), 2001, Solomon Island Report 2001
Internet
:
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3 May 2002
Asia Times Online, 28 March 2002, "Solomon Islands: spilled blood's thicker than
water"
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April 2002
Donald Kudu, Permanent Secretary, Solomon Islands Ministry of National Planning
& Human Resources Development, October 2000, An Overview of Structural and
Development Issues Related to the Ethnic Conflict in the Solomon Islands
Donald Kudu, Permanent Secretary, Solomon Islands Ministry of National Planning
& Human Resources Development, October 2000, Impact of the Ethnic Unrest on
Social Development and Disadvantaged Groups in Solomon Islands
Fides, 15 December 2000, "New hope is born with peace agreement"
Internet : http://www.fides.org/English/2000/e20001215b.html , accessed 3 May 2002
George Saemane, Chairman, NGO For Peace, October 2000, Relief and
Rehabilitation: Current Situation and Future Directions
International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), 12 October 2000, "Solomon
Islands: Relief operation suspended following attack on Red Cross team"
Internet
:
http://www.icrc.org/icrceng.nsf/Index/A8DF578BA33C1C4441256976005692AC?Open
document , accessed 3 May 2002
86
International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), 30 August 2001, ICRC Annual
Report 2000
Internet
:
http://www.icrc.org/icrceng.nsf/Index/396817CCE0FE7684C1256AB8002E8FDA?Open
document , accessed 3 May 2002
International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), 6 October 2000, "Solomon
Islands: Difficult relief operation under way"
Internet
:
http://www.icrc.org/icrceng.nsf/Index/17A7DE2044D5273E4125697000398A1D?Opend
ocument , accessed 3 May 2002
J.J. Schoorl and W. Friesen, 2002, Chapter 5: Migration and displacement. In: B. de
Bruijn, ed., Report on the 1999 Solomon Islands population and housing census: analysis.
Draft version
Pacnews, 5 April 2002, "Chaos after Solomon Islands devaluation turn-around"
Internet : http://www.pacnews.org/More_Stories/05_apr_sol.htm , accessed 10 April
2002
Peace and Developement Project (PDV), SIDAPP-SICHE-USP , 28 December 2000,
Effect/ImpactAssessment Report of the Tension on Makira/Ulawa Province
Internet : http://www.peoplefirst.net.sb/Makira/Impact_Makira_1.htm , accessed 3 May
2002
Radio Australia, 22 July 1999, "Concern that money to resettle Malaitans may have
been misused"
Internet : http://166.122.164.43/archive/1999/July/07-23-03.html , accessed 10 April
2002
Radio Australia, 8 March 2002, "Another withdrawal of peacekeepers in Solomon
Islanders"
Internet : http://pidp.eastwestcenter.org/pireport/2002/March/03-11-16.htm , accessed 10
April 2002
Radio Australia’s Pacific Beat/PIDP/CPIS, 20 January 2000, "Disaffected Malaitans
press Solomon Islands government with demands"
Internet : http://166.122.164.43/archive/2000/January/01-21-04.htm , accessed 10 April
2002
Ruth Liloqula and Alice Aruhe'eta Pollard, September 2000, Understanding Conflict
in Solomon Islands: A Practical Means to Peacemaking
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87
Solomon Islands Christian Association (SICA), October 2000, Sustaining The PeaceBuilding and Reconciliation Process
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(SIDAPP), 2001, The Solomon Islands Peace and Development Volunteer Project Report
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in Development: Solomon Islands
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88