April 24, 2017 Economics Group Special Commentary Eugenio J. Alemán, Senior Economist [email protected] ● (704) 410-3273 Eat More Chicken, Beef, Pork, and Fish Executive Summary The industry battle that continues to be fought in the fast food industry between those fast food chains that sell chicken versus those that sell beef (i.e., recall the Chick-fil-A advertising campaign, “eat more chicken,” which demonstrates this strong rivalry competitive relationship between chicken consumption and beef consumption within the fast food industry.) That is, chicken and beef are substitutes in consumption. However, the story is very different for American households eating food “purchased for off-premises consumption,” that is, buying food for eating at home. According to our analysis, U.S. beef suppliers should be concerned only with the market for pork; they should be very conscious about pork prices. However, changes in the price of poultry, fish, or other meats do not affect the consumption of beef in the United States. During the past several years, it is clear that what is good for one type of meat is good for the other. Although someone might choose between a chicken fast food franchise and one that sells beef, the truth is that for household consumption, increasing meat consumption has lifted all industry participants. This is probably not surprising. If you barbecue at home, you normally use several types of meat: beef, pork, poultry, etc. Thus, your meat choice is not constrained by whether you are at a chicken fast food store or at a beef fast food store. Furthermore, nowadays you can often eat chicken or beef at either of these fast food chains. What is different from cooking food at home is that there is no limit to what you can serve; you can have them all. Hence, our analysis: although there is a relatively strong substitution effect in the consumption of beef and pork when eating at home, there is little response from American consumers to the consumption of beef if the price of poultry, fish, or other meats, changes. In this report, we examine the relationship between these different types of meats and try to identify the patterns present in U.S. consumption. Strong Increase in U.S. Meat Consumption Lower meat and poultry prices in the United States during the past several years have helped push meat and poultry consumption at homes to an all-time high for most of the different meats, with the sole exception of beef. The decline in meat and poultry prices since early 2015, about 6.4 percent (Figure 2), does not seem to be related to an economic recession or excessive weakness in the economy, due to the economic cycle, but rather to more structural issues within the meat and poultry industries. 1 Within the meat and poultry category, the consumption of poultry, pork, fish and other meats is at an all-time high today (Figure 3). As mentioned above, the exception has been beef and veal consumption, both of which had been trending down over the past several decades and are now starting to recover. Furthermore, as we state in the next section and in Figure 3, some of the beef market seems to have been pressured by the consumption of other types of meats and poultry. However, our econometric analysis shows that competitive pressure appears to come from the consumption of pork and not from other types of meats. 1 An analysis of the reasons for this “structural,” rather than cyclical, change in the pricing of meat and poultry is beyond the scope of this report. This report is available on wellsfargo.com/economics and on Bloomberg WFRE. For household consumption, increasing meat consumption has lifted all industry participants. Eat More Chicken, Beef, Pork, and Fish April 24, 2017 WELLS FARGO SECURITIES ECONOMICS GROUP Figure 1 Figure 2 Total Meat and Poultry Consumption Meat & Poultry Prices In Billion of Dollars Index; 2009=100 $140 $140 $135 $135 $130 $130 $125 $125 $120 $120 $115 $115 140 140 130 130 120 120 110 110 100 100 90 90 80 80 70 70 Meat and Poultry: Feb @ $137.6 Billion $110 99 01 03 05 07 09 Meats and Poultry: Feb @ 118.4 11 13 15 17 $110 60 99 01 03 05 07 09 11 13 15 17 60 Source: U.S. Department of Commerce and Wells Fargo Securities To understand what has happened to meat and poultry prices over the past several decades, we can point to the increase in prices since 1999 until today for the different type of meats and poultry (Figure 4). For example, beef prices in February of this year were up 114 percent compared to January 1999 while poultry prices rose “only” 44.1 percent, pork prices were up 46.2 percent, other meats prices were up 50.1 percent and fish prices grew 59.4 percent, all during the same period. Furthermore, if we look at the peak increase in beef prices, which occurred in February 2015, beef prices were up 138 percent compared to February 1999. That is, today’s beef prices are down 10 percent from the peak seen in February 2015. Where’s The Beef?…Price The first decade-and-a-half of this century saw a very strong increase in the price of all meats in the United States, perhaps as a consequence of strong worldwide growth and the overall increase in the commodities prices. At the same time, Americans continued to eat less beef, substituting it for pork and, perhaps, other meats and poultry. Meanwhile, Americans love for chicken continued to advance independently of what was happening to beef consumption. In the figures below, it is probably clear that a fundamental reason for the decline in beef consumption has been the difference in prices between these different types of meat. Figure 3 Figure 4 Meat & Poultry Consumption by Type Price Index for Meat & Poultry In Billions of Dollars $60 $50 The price for every type of meat has risen, but the pace at which the price of beef has increased has been faster than for other meats. 2 $60 Beef and Veal: Feb @ $31.9 Billion Poultry: Feb @ $48.3 Billion Pork: Feb @ $27.9 Billion Fish and Seafood: Feb @ $11.5 Billion Other Meats: Feb @ $29.9 Billion $50 $40 $40 $30 $30 $20 $20 $10 $10 Index; 2009=100 160 160 140 140 120 120 100 100 80 80 60 60 Beef and Veal: Feb @ 133.8 Pork: Feb @ 115.4 Poultry: Feb @ 111.9 Fish and Seafood: Feb @ 120.9 Other Meats: Feb @ 113.8 40 20 $0 99 01 03 05 07 09 11 13 15 17 $0 0 99 01 03 05 07 09 11 13 15 17 40 20 0 Source: U.S. Department of Commerce and Wells Fargo Securities Since the early 2000s, the increase in the price of beef had, for the most part, outpaced increases in the price of other meats. The price for every type of meat has risen, but the pace at which the price of beef has increased has been faster than for other meats. This was especially true as the U.S. economy got out of the Great Recession. Beef prices skyrocketed starting in 2010 and then accelerated again in 2014, whereas other meat prices continued to increase but at a much slower Eat More Chicken, Beef, Pork, and Fish April 24, 2017 WELLS FARGO SECURITIES, LLC ECONOMICS GROUP pace. Furthermore, beef prices have dropped considerably since early 2015 even as the price of poultry has increased slightly during the past several years. What is also interesting from analyzing the data on meat and poultry consumption in the United States is that the latest wave of increases is benefiting all industry participants (Figure 3). Still, beef consumption is the only meat that is lower today than in 1999 even though it has increased considerably during the past couple of years. Today, the quantity of beef consumed for home consumption is down 16.6 percent compared to January 1999 while poultry consumption is 24.6 percent higher, pork is up 22.4 percent, other meats are up 43.5 percent and fish and seafood is up 9.4 percent, all during the same period of time. Econometric Results: Beware of Pork 2 Our econometric results are very telling regarding the relationship between these different types of meat in the consumption decisions of Americans. The results clearly show that each of these types of meat is highly sensitive to its change in the price. That is, consumers in these markets are highly price sensitive to the price of that meat, i.e., if the price of poultry increases then consumption of poultry declines, everything else equal. Furthermore, it is clear that consumers of every type of meat are very aware of the price of pork. The econometric results on the different types of meat show that poultry, beef, fish, and other meats consumption are vulnerable to changes in the price of pork. If pork prices increase then consumption of each of these different types of meat increases, everything else equal, and vice versa. However, the consumption of poultry, beef, fish, and other meats does not respond to a change in price of each other. From our analysis, it is clear that the demand for poultry does not depend on the price of beef, fish, and other meats and the demand for beef does not respond to the price of poultry, fish and other meats, and so forth. We also split the whole time period in two, before the Great Recession and afterward, including the Great Recession to see if there have been changes between the two periods compared to the whole period. We found that there were no measurable differences in terms of meat consumption and the relationship between these variables. Does this mean that pork consumption only depends on the price of pork and that the price of poultry, beef, other meats and fish does not affect the consumption of pork? That is basically close to the truth, according to our econometric analysis. Although we found that, especially during some of the periods considered, the price of fish had a small effect on the consumption of pork, the result was not statistically significant to change our general view on this issue. This means that pork consumption is, according to our analysis, the ultimate competitor versus poultry, beef, other meats and fish consumption. Conclusions In this report, we examined the consumption of different types of meats and poultry by the American consumer. We were not looking at what Americans eat at fast food restaurants or at full services restaurants but at what they buy for home consumption. First, we pointed to the strong decline in the price of meats and poultry during the past two years, which helped push the consumption of meats and poultry to historical highs today. According to our analysis, pork consumption is the ultimate competitor versus poultry, beef, other meats and fish consumption. However, we also saw the differences between the consumption of different meats and pointed to the secular decline in meat consumption over the past several decades while the rest of the sectors continued to enjoy increases in consumption, particularly poultry, pork and other meats consumption. We also conducted an econometric analysis on the different types of meat and poultry and concluded that all types of meat are vulnerable to changes in their own price and to the price of pork while the consumption of poultry, beef, other meats, and fish do not respond to a change in 2 Econometric results are available upon request. 3 Eat More Chicken, Beef, Pork, and Fish April 24, 2017 WELLS FARGO SECURITIES ECONOMICS GROUP the price of their potential competitor other than pork. This means that pork consumption is the real deal in terms of competitive pressures for poultry, beef, other meats and fish and that the fate of these sectors’ consumption depends on the path of pork prices. 4 Wells Fargo Securities Economics Group Diane Schumaker-Krieg Global Head of Research, Economics & Strategy (704) 410-1801 (212) 214-5070 [email protected] John E. Silvia, Ph.D. Chief Economist (704) 410-3275 [email protected] Mark Vitner Senior Economist (704) 410-3277 [email protected] Jay H. Bryson, Ph.D. Global Economist (704) 410-3274 [email protected] Sam Bullard Senior Economist (704) 410-3280 [email protected] Nick Bennenbroek Currency Strategist (212) 214-5636 [email protected] Anika R. Khan Senior Economist (212) 214-8543 [email protected] Eugenio J. Alemán, Ph.D. Senior Economist (704) 410-3273 [email protected] Azhar Iqbal Econometrician (704) 410-3270 [email protected] Tim Quinlan Senior Economist (704) 410-3283 [email protected] Eric Viloria, CFA Currency Strategist (212) 214-5637 [email protected] Sarah House Economist (704) 410-3282 [email protected] Michael A. Brown Economist (704) 410-3278 [email protected] Jamie Feik Economist (704) 410-3291 [email protected] Erik Nelson Currency Strategist (212) 214-5652 [email protected] Misa Batcheller Economic Analyst (704) 410-3060 [email protected] Michael Pugliese Economic Analyst (704) 410-3156 [email protected] Julianne Causey Economic Analyst (704) 410-3281 [email protected] E. Harry Pershing Economic Analyst (704) 410-3034 [email protected] Donna LaFleur Executive Assistant (704) 410-3279 [email protected] Dawne Howes Administrative Assistant (704) 410-3272 [email protected] Wells Fargo Securities Economics Group publications are produced by Wells Fargo Securities, LLC, a U.S. broker-dealer registered with the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission, the Financial Industry Regulatory Authority, and the Securities Investor Protection Corp. Wells Fargo Securities, LLC, distributes these publications directly and through subsidiaries including, but not limited to, Wells Fargo & Company, Wells Fargo Bank N.A., Wells Fargo Advisors, LLC, Wells Fargo Securities International Limited, Wells Fargo Securities Asia Limited and Wells Fargo Securities (Japan) Co. Limited. Wells Fargo Securities, LLC. is registered with the Commodities Futures Trading Commission as a futures commission merchant and is a member in good standing of the National Futures Association. Wells Fargo Bank, N.A. is registered with the Commodities Futures Trading Commission as a swap dealer and is a member in good standing of the National Futures Association. Wells Fargo Securities, LLC. and Wells Fargo Bank, N.A. are generally engaged in the trading of futures and derivative products, any of which may be discussed within this publication. Wells Fargo Securities, LLC does not compensate its research analysts based on specific investment banking transactions. Wells Fargo Securities, LLC’s research analysts receive compensation that is based upon and impacted by the overall profitability and revenue of the firm which includes, but is not limited to investment banking revenue. The information and opinions herein are for general information use only. Wells Fargo Securities, LLC does not guarantee their accuracy or completeness, nor does Wells Fargo Securities, LLC assume any liability for any loss that may result from the reliance by any person upon any such information or opinions. Such information and opinions are subject to change without notice, are for general information only and are not intended as an offer or solicitation with respect to the purchase or sales of any security or as personalized investment advice. Wells Fargo Securities, LLC is a separate legal entity and distinct from affiliated banks and is a wholly owned subsidiary of Wells Fargo & Company © 2017 Wells Fargo Securities, LLC. Important Information for Non-U.S. Recipients For recipients in the EEA, this report is distributed by Wells Fargo Securities International Limited ("WFSIL"). WFSIL is a U.K. incorporated investment firm authorized and regulated by the Financial Conduct Authority. The content of this report has been approved by WFSIL a regulated person under the Act. For purposes of the U.K. Financial Conduct Authority’s rules, this report constitutes impartial investment research. WFSIL does not deal with retail clients as defined in the Markets in Financial Instruments Directive 2007. The FCA rules made under the Financial Services and Markets Act 2000 for the protection of retail clients will therefore not apply, nor will the Financial Services Compensation Scheme be available. This report is not intended for, and should not be relied upon by, retail clients. This document and any other materials accompanying this document (collectively, the "Materials") are provided for general informational purposes only. SECURITIES: NOT FDIC-INSURED/NOT BANK-GUARANTEED/MAY LOSE VALUE
© Copyright 2026 Paperzz