REPATRIATION AND RE-INTEGRATION: DURABLE SOLUTIONS?
I n r e f u g e e matters, the objective o f the international community ,
of governments , o f my o f f i c e and of other organisations concerned
is, f r o m the very first moment, to identify and implement durable
solutions- Poul Hartling, (ex) United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees (UNHCR 1981: 1)
The UNHCR coined the term 'durable solutions' to the 'problems' of refugees,
taking this on as its mandate in the area of forced migration.
Repatriation
is considered to be one of three durable solutions, the other two being local
integration and settlement in the country of first asylum, and resettlement
to third countries of permanent asylum (Simmance 1986).
It has been the
position of the UNHCR over the last few decades that repatriation is the most
desirable of the three, and since the early 1980s, the office has made the
promotion of voluntary repatriation
a major emphasis of its work
More recently , however,
(Simmance 1986; UNHCR 1987; UNHCR 1993).
writers
have begun to question the hitherto unquestioned assumption that
repatriation
involves a 'return home ' and constitutes a safe and durable
solution to all cases of forced
migration (Harrell-Bond 1989; Rogge 1994;
Sepulveda 1994).
This paper will begin by contrasting the position of the UNHCR on
repatriation with that of independent researchers and their evidence on
repatriation to date.
Although the UNHCR may have more recently
incorporated some of the criticisms arising
from independent research of
its policy of promotion of repatriation as the most desirable durable
solution, I argue that this has made no difference to the attitude of the
donor community towards repatriation , because of the political economy of
refugee issues and the 'trends ' of globalization.
the macro-structural constraints on repatriation
3028381128
After drawing a picture of
as a 'durable solution', I
turn to a consideration of the micro -situation and questions of the
definition of the concept of re-integration within this context.
The
Other
Side:
Independent
Views
Is repatriation really a 'durable solution'?
...while many refugee repatriations
on
Repatriation
John Rogge argues that
have run their course without
problems and have resulted in a total return of all refugees and
their
subsequent effective re-integration into their home regions,
in other cases, repatriations have turned out to be a most difficult
and problematic durable solution to implement (1994: 14).
Although there have been too few studies of repatriation , Rogge argues
that the few which have been produced 'show that this [problem -free
nature of repatriation ] is a myth', and he cites a number of studies which
show that 'repatriation
is anything but problem free (Akol 1986, 1987; Crisp
1984a, 1984b, 1986, 1987; Cuny and Stein 1988; Rabe 1990; Rogge 1990a, 1990b,
1991; Rogge and Akol 1989; and Wood 1989)' (Rogge 1994: 21).
Sepulveda (1994) argues that UNHCR's 'enthusiasm for repatriation '
should be viewed with suspicion in light of the dearth of empirical
evidence that repatriation is indeed such a durable solution.
geopolitics, she argues that
repatriation
At the level of
involving 'mass re-migration of
nationals ' might be as destabilizing to the country of return as 'mass entry '
is perceived to be by countries
of asylum (p .4).
difficulties involved in repatriation arise
For the individual, the
from the long-term psycho-social
effects of 'going home', and the trauma of the experience which may make
'return more traumatic than the experience of flight and exile itself
The reasons for the promotion of repatriation
(p .5).
as the most desirable of
the three 'durable solutions' reflect the international community's attitude
towards forced migration and 'the refugee problem *.
Harrell -Bond suggests
that the main reasons for UNHCR's push towards voluntary repatriation
are
its donor-led motives to decrease spending on refugees and to decrease the
total numbers of people considered 'refugees' in the world , in the context of
donor concerns over the 'increasing costs of maintaining refugees, the
fear that industrialized countries
would be overwhelmed with numbers of
asylum seekers, the economic and political pressures which refugees place
on host governments, and the interests of the governments of the countries
of origin ' ( 1989: 16).
Sepulveda suggests that the assumption which lies
behind the idea that repatriation
is the optimal solution, is that 'a singular
and immutable bond exists between a "people" and a particular "space"'
( 1994: 8).
She criticizes
the international community's unfounded
'reliance on the questionable assumptions that all refugees want to go home
and the best place for refugees is home' (p. 11).
Beliefs on the basis of
which
...policy to promote repatriation have been justified have not been
tested by independent research .
These include the belief that most
refugees today do not have a legitimate claim for asylum; that they
have been "pulled " out of their countries by relief ; and that they
can be "pulled " or pushed back home again if minimal assistance is
simply transferred to the other side of the border (Harrell -Bond
1989: 23).
The
UNHCR
Come - back
In contrast to these views, Simmance attributes loftier motives to the
international community, and to the UNHCR in particular.
He writes
that
...the paramount importance of the search for durable solutions
derives
immediately from the mandate with which the High
Commissioner has been entrusted [...] namely the function of
international protection
and that
of
seeking permanent
solutions
through voluntary repatriation or the assimilation within new
national communities of the refugees concerned (1986: 1).
He admits that while voluntary repatriation
is seldom the easiest.
may be the happiest solution, it
The basis for its desirability is that it 'recognizes the
full weight of cultural, linguistic and family ties as well as the right
refugee to return in safety to his or her country of origin
of the
and to resume
the normal life of a citizen in his or her natural home' (p.2).
Although the criticisms levelled against the international community,
and against the UNHCR as its instrument, are still valid today , (i.e. that
voluntary
repatriation
has been
researched
insufficiently, that it ought
not to be promoted unquestioningly as the most desirable solution for all
refugees, that returning home is not simple and straightforward, and that
voluntariness
is compromised by 'tripartite agreements' which do not
involve the refugees) it seems that the UNHCR 's attitude and approach have
changed somewhat since the 1980s, and it would be uncharitable not to
recognize the (admittedly quite subtle) changes in the way it views
repatriation
and durable solutions.
Two documents put out by the UNHCR in
the 1990s in particular show that it may have listened to some of the
criticisms
from the 1980s.
First, there is the recognition of a different context to the one in which
voluntary repatriation
was originally
promoted as the most desirable
solution for developing country refugees, and in particular African
refugees.1
The UNHCR Background Paper to its Round Table Consultation on
^ When the Geneva Convention of 1951 was written , repatriation was only
mentioned in negative terms, as the prohibition of refoulement, because it
was meant to be a matter for individual decision, and in particular refugees
fleeing communist countries were not expected ever to return.
These
refugees were a European problem , to be solved in the European/western
context.
In contrast , during the African wars of independence,
repatriation was seen as the logical ending to the colonial expulsions, and
therefore those who drafted the 1969 OAU Refugee Convention made explicit
reference to repatriation (Harrell -Bond 1988).
Partly for these reasons,
and also for the less admirable ones of racism and self-interest, the idea
Voluntary Repatriation
( 1993) begins with a recognition that the nature of
population movements currently is very complex, including global
problems -of unequal resource distribution and illogical national
boundaries as well as problems more specific to regions such as political
strife and natural disasters, which are interconnected .
UNHCR sees its new
view as 'political realism ', as opposed to the 'euphoria ' of the initial postCold War period during
which time repatriation was seen as the beginning
of the end of 'the refugee problem ' (1993: 1).
And in the same paper, it
recognizes the complexity of ' durable solutions', which must 'bring
together human
rights , economic development and peace-building efforts'
(P .3).
Secondly, the UNHCR seems to have recognized the gap in institutional
responsibility
for development-oriented
aid for refugees which has
hampered efforts to promote truly durable solutions, following the Second
International Conference on Assistance to Refugees in Africa
(ICARA II).
In a paper on Refugee (Returnee) Aid and Development , it states that
the promotion of durable solutions for refugees and for the reintegration of returnees in the least developed countries
cannot be
solved by limited self - sufficiency programmes alone, but requires a
wider development-oriented approach aimed at the inception of
schemes for the benefit of refugees, returnees and the
surrounding population alike (1992: 7).
However,
...UNHCR programmes are directed specifically at refugees and do
not have the character of country programmes aimed at the
development of certain economic sectors within a society as a
whole.
But UNHCR can and should contribute to the refugee-related
that repatriation was the most desirable solution for refugees in Africa took
hold in the minds of policy makers and the international community .
aspect of development schemes by acting as a catalyst with other
agencies, provided that these related directly to a durable solution
n ed... Thus the solution to the refugee
for the refugees concer
in the least developed countries can no longer be treated
problem
in isolation from the main development issues (1992: 7).
To prove that this new approach is not simply rhetoric , UNHCR points
out in this paper that its cooperation with UNDP on refugees and
development has actually begun, with the case of Malawi, in October 1991.
The government, UNHCR, and UNDP jointly developed a programme of
assistance for refugee hosting areas in Malawi which amounted to US$ 10.5
million (p .9).
It also suggests that a similarly comprehensive,
development-oriented
approach to returnee aid is required, as the
countries to which refugees are returning often are in great need of
reconstruction and rehabilitation after devastating wars and difficult
economic conditions (p . 10).
Whence
'Durable
Solutions'?
The UNHCR may have bowed its head in recognition of the criticisms of
independent researchers that refugee aid must be approached as an
opportunity for real development, and that the current context forces us to
consider refugee 'problems ' from a much more holistic perspective, but it
still remains to be seen how it will tackle the question of what it actually
means to look for 'durable solutions' to the current problems of forced
m i g r a t i o n.
Numerous writers on repatriation suggest that it will only be successful
when the root causes of the refugee movements have been resolved.
Opondo states that "promotion of voluntary repatriation is distinguishable
from refoulement only when those promoting it are sure that changes
have taken place in the country of origin in such a way that the causes
which led refugees to choose the flight option have been eliminated' ( 1992:
3).
German suggests that 'the first set of conditions that permit voluntary
repatriatio n involves a clearcut political or military change on a national
scale which eliminates the root causes that initally prompted refugee
flight' (1984: 4).
Coles notes that repatriations
underlying security
'have taken place when the
or political problems had not been resolved fully with
the result that the returns have not always proved durable' ( 1989: 212,
quoted in Alien and Morsink 1994: 5).
Alien and Morsink argue that by the
late 1980s, 'it had become apparent that repatriation in itself may solve
nothing if the underlying causes of flight remained unaddressed ' (1994: 6).
'Some would argue that until the structural defects of the world states
system have been corrected, Africa, indeed all of the poorest regions of the
world , will continue to be overwhelmed by refugees ' (Schultheis 1983,
quoted in Harrell-Bond 1989: 20).
Muntarbhom ( 1987) points out that the term 'durable solution' has
itself been criticised
by some because it implies that refugees are
inevitably a problem to be solved, and because it can lead to the assumption
that only the three solutions promoted
solutions.
by UNHCR are to be considered
An alternative term suggested is 'suitable options', because it
implies a greater input by refugees in the search for an appropriate
livelihood, and that they should not be assumed to be problems per se; 'they
may prove to be as contributive as the indigenous population of recipient
countries , if given the chance to lead normal lives' (p.l).
This is not a
question of semantics, but rather a difference in perspective on the issue
which could prove to be decisive in determining the approach taken to
refugee issues.
Muntarbhom also argues that the three solutions proposed by UNHCR
to be undertaken formally should not obscure the realization that refugee
problems are complex and may not submit to such formalized and
generalized solutions.
Refugees are part of a group of forced
migrants, but
they are also individuals, and therefore it is likely that there will not be
only one .solution to a particular
refugee flow, but rather a multiplicity of
solutions from which individuals can choose in order to. coincide with their
own priorities
He uses the example of the refugee
and experiences .
situation in Thailand to illustrate his point : Kampucheans of Thai ethnic
origin
are permitted to be assimilated at the local level, while Laotians are
able to opt for voluntary repatriation, which has been rejected for
Kampucheans, and many Vietnamese have benefitted
from resettlement to
third country, although the option is not open to Burmese (p.3).
Strangely, though, this example is not of a situation in which the refugees
themselves have been able to choose their preferred option, but rather are
forced to respond according to the laws of the land in Thailand and to
pressure
from
the
international
community.
The word 'durable' according to the Concise Oxford English Dictionary
The word 'solution' in this context is not
means 'lasting, not transitory '.
definable without having conceived of the 'problem' which is to be solved.
For this, we need an understanding of forced migration and refugee
movements, and an appropriate
argues against the empirical
of forced
theoretical framework (Daley 1989).
Daley
studies which have predominated in the field
migration, which 'perpetuate the myth of the exceptional nature
of refugee migration [in Africa ]' (1989: 24).
explanation of
In their place , she proposes an
refugee movements which
...employs aspects of theories
of underdevelopment, of the state, and
of imperialism to produce a framework which provides
explanations for the emergence and persistence of the refugee
phenomenon in post-colonial Africa, and with which to understand
the solutions which have been used to "deal" with the problem in
asylum countries
(ibid.).
Daley enumerates a variety
expounding her own theory .
of approaches to refugee migration before
She argues that 'studies dealing with
migration .tend to follow two types: the first is concerned empirically or
theoretically with the causes of migration, which can be economic, social,
cultural, demographic, environmental or technological.
The second
essentially concentrates on the economic and social consequences of
migration for the host and sending areas' (p.32).
Both of these types of
migration studies tended to look at it from a micro -analytical perspective,
in contrast to the more recent structuralist approach.
The problem with
such typologies, is that being descriptive , they are unable to explain why
'certain events produce refugees and others do not, and why some people of
particular refugee group choose to remain behind when conditions are
unfavourable to
their well-being' (p .35).
Daley proposes that both individualist and political economy
approaches need to be informed by the historical and contemporary
realities of the colonial and neo -colonial era, as well as by analysis at the
level of the household.
At the macro -level, we need to look at the global
and international political economy which provides the
structure within
which forced migrations take place as well as the responses to them .
At the
micro -level, we need a descriptive picture of the political economy in
which the households and individuals are involved, as well as a model to
interpret the interaction of these factors with the situation at the macrol e v e l.
The previous discussion of the international community and its
promotion of repatriation
as the most desirable solution to the 'problems ' of
refugee movements suggests the outline of a macro -level analysis.
For the
purposes of this paper, it should be sufficient to highlight the main factors
in the framework for the analysis of repatriation
as a 'durable solution'.
The background to the situation is the current perception
of refugee
movements as a 'problem ' for the international community, rather than as
il- , <
an outcome of the neo-colonial global system for which th.ey ape
r e s p o n s i ble.
As outlined in the second section of this paper, the international
community is keen to promote repatriation
of refugees both because it is
cheaper ( at least in the short term) and because it would appear to be a
'solution', thus reflecting well on their ability to 'solve' the ' refugee
problem ' (Harrell -Bond 1988).
Of the three 'durable solutions', resettlement
to the West is not considered the best option, ostensibly because of
difficulties encountered by Africans
in adapting to Western societies, but
more likely because of institutional racism, the perception
that immigrants
(of which refugees are seen to form a sub-category) are a drain on the
economy, and the sheer numbers of refugees awaiting 'solutions'.
Neither
is settlement and integration in the country of asylum considered
practicable
any longer, as African countries
take on the restrictionism
the West for their own, arguing that refugees pose a security
they create friction
of
threat , that
and compete with host populations for scarce resources
at a time when the continent is feeling the effects of economic 'crisis ' and
more
endemically,
structural
adjustment.^
However, the causes of the forced migrations in Africa seem to have
little to do with the things which preoccupy the 'international community'.
Daley's argument describes
the forces of underdevelopment and neo-
colonial dependence of African
states which have put them in a position in
which they are unable to provide for the aspirations of their people for
Of course, the situation is much more complicated than this suggests.
Countries of first asylum have often been forced to follow the international
community's directives for placing refugees in camps, in order to receive
financial support, and the camp situation is often at the root of tensions
between refugees and local populations because of perceptions of
inequality and favouritism, as well as bad planning leading to overexploitation of local resources and changes in the patterns of trade
unfavourable to local people. See de Voe 1988; Harrell-Bond 1986, 1992;
Voutira and Harrell-Bond 1992; Waldron 1987.
material
well-being, and yet the state elites depend on extraction of a
surplus from the latter.
This leads to repression, often along ethnic lines,
and the failure to provide for the basic human rights
of the citizens, such
as physical security , subsistence, and liberty of political participation and
physical movement.
In addition to this, the building of the so-called
'nation-state' in Africa
is hampered by the illogical boundaries inherited
of 'states without nations' (Kahn and
from colonialism, leaving the majority
Magode 1992).
The implication of this analysis for the idea of 'durable solutions' is as
complex as the problems themselves.
If forced migrations are a result of
the mode of incorporation of peasant communities into the post-colonial
economy and the political tensions resulting from the underdeveloped and
dependent character of African states and their inability 10 protect and
satisfy the aspirations of their people , then does it follow that a durable
solution will only be one which resolves these larger questions?
This discussion of the contextual and theoretical framework for the
study of refugee issues means a number of things for the present
discussion.
that
First, it underlines the assertions at the beginning of the paper
repatriation
and re-integration are anything but
straightforward technical exercises.
simple and
It points to the need for an analysis of
the structural constraints on re-integration, within both the global and
national political economy , as well as an investigation of the micro
situation and an analysis of the interactions between the household and the
broader context.
It suggests, further, that we analyse assistance for such
' durable solutions' within the paradigm of refugee aid and development.
The
Micro-analysis
The previous discussion of repatriation
inter
n ational
within the framework of
refugee policy and assistance should give an idea of the
structural background.
The following discussion aims to look at the concept
of (re)integration from the more concrete data of case studies, in order to
consider how it might be defined, measured and operationalized.
Although there seems to be widespread agreement on the necessity of a
resolution of the broader problems at the root of refugee movements before
repatriation can be deemed a durable solution, little is actually known about
the process of re-integration of returnees following repatriation .
It
appears to be a dictate of commonsense that once the problems which
caused the refugee movements in the first place are 'solved', refugees will
want to return and repatriation
should happen smoothly.
Despite the fact
that little research has been done on the basis of which to draw a sound
picture of what actually occurs, several documented cases appear to
contradict
the
commonsense
assumption.
First, the assumption that a resolution of the causes of refugee
migration is necessary before repatriation can occur is challenged by the
evidence that
many
refugees have repatriated voluntarily during conflicts,
and without support from any agency, international or otherwise.^
In the
absence of other 'durable solutions', refugees will find 'spaces' in which
they can obtain the physical security, material
and moral support which
they feel is adequate to warrant return, even during
any outside assistance (Stein 1992: 33).
belief that return
conflict and without
Secondly, it has been shown that the
and re-integration should be natural and unproblematic
is not always a warranted assumption, as was outlined above (see p.l).
One explanation for the paucity of data on what happens to returnees
following repatriation is their relative invisibility once they
return and
For example, the Tigrayans returned to war-tor
n
Ethiopia and are judged
to be successfully reintegrated (Muntarbhom 1987; Alien and Morsink
1994).
Barry Stein writes that 'today , most voluntary repatriations occur
under conflict, without a decisive political event such as national
independence, without any change in the regime or the conditions that
originally caused flight' (Stein, 1994:52).
disperse (Alien and Morsink 1994).
Another is the assumption that the
wider conditions in the home society affect all of the population alike
(Tapscott 1994).
The fact that returnees tend to disperse and blend in, and
that their re-integration is likely to take place at the level of the
community, means that it is difficult to assess both how their situation
compares to that of the general population after a period of war, and how
durable the solution is likely to be.
This shifts the question of what it
means to achieve a ' durable solution' to the question of what 'reintegration'
involves.
Stein argues that 'the problem with defining refugee aid and
development is less a difficulty with the meaning of the words or the
concept and more an issue of who is responsible for refugees and of
institutional arrangements' ( 1994: 58).
Although it is clear that issues of
responsibility and operational problems are crucial to an understanding of
many of the failed attempts at so-called integration and re-integration, the
question of conceptual clarification cannot be neglected.
If there is no
accepted definition for terms such as ' re-integration' or 'integration', then
it is most likely that donors and the UNHCR will employ their own criteria
for the success and failure of such programmes , according to their own
agenda, which is well -documented for its failure to coincide with the needs
and aspirations of refugees in too many cases.^
It is important to note,
however, that the issues of responsibility and operationalisation are not
straightforwardly separable from the conceptual questions.
Stein's point
alerts us to the important fact that the current situation of economic crisis
in Africa means that development assistance to local areas of returnee
influx will only be possible with funding by the international community .
While this factor should not have an impact on an ideal concept of re-
See Harrell-Bond 1985, 1986:1-27, 1989; Zetter 1988; de Voe 1981; Waldron
1987; Baitenmann 1990; Kubat 1993.
integration, it seems more useful to search for a definition which merges
the desirable with the practicable, than to search for a definition
may turn out to be divorced
which
from the actuality and therefore inapplicable.
(Re)integration
Re-integration is a multi-facetted concept, but one which it is necessary to
define, measure and clarify if it is to be considered an option for 'durable
solutions'.
At the simplest level, it can be distinguished from ' integration'
on the basis of whether the location is a country of first
asylum/resettlement or the country of origin.
While this becomes slightly
muddy in the case of second generation refugees born in exile, and in the
case of people going to new areas within their country of origin , it is useful
to make the distinction because it suggests that one look for both the
differences from and the similarities
sections of the paper, I will write
with 'integration'.
In the coming
(re)integration except where there is a
difference between the two which merits mention , but ultimately I will
argue that there is a significant difference between life in exile and return
home which is fuelled by the expectations of returnees and conceptions of
'h o m e' .
The concept of (re)integration actually contains within it several
components which can be distilled and considered separately, although not
entirely in isolation.
Frechette (1994) suggests that one of the reasons for
the diversity (and even lack of unity) of writing
discipline brings
on integration is that each
its own methods and approaches to bear on a multi-
disciplinary subject, which makes it necessary to establish an integrated
framework for the whole in order to reach a singular and coherent
definition of the concept.
Frechette distinguishes economic, social,
psychological and legal integration.
Baare employs the first three
categories , as he is concerned with returnees and demobilised soldiers
rather than refugees, for whom legal integration is a less significant factor
Bulcha ( 1988) conceives of societal integration
(personal communication).
in an analytical model including economic, social, cultural and sociopsychological
spheres.
Amongst the writers
on (re)integration, few have attempted an over-
arching definition of the concept, preferring
parts and define them instead.
definition
of
to split it into its component
UNHCR, however, advances its own general
integration:
the process by which a refugee is assimilated into the social and
economic life of a new national community (or, in the case of
voluntary repatriation, of a national community he had abandoned
earlier) ( 1981: 5).
Kuhlman points out that this definition is tautological , as it merely
replaces integration with assimilation, for which it provides no definition
'( 1991: 2).
He argues that Harrell-Bond 's definition comes closer to a
substantive notion of integration, although she herself points out its shortcomings: integration refers to a 'situation in which the host and refugee
communities are able to co-exist , sharing
the same resources - both
economic and social - with no greater mutual conflict than that which
exists within the host community' (Harrell-Bond 1986 quoted in Kuhlman
1991: 3).
The problems with this definition are that access to resources may
be unequal within the host society; one group may be exploited by another,
in particular on the basis of ethnicity; and conflict
within the host society
may have increased due to the pressure of the refugees' presence
(Kuhlman 1991: 3).
However, the definition brings in the crucial element
of the host society as a variable
in the equation, rather than as a static
entity , and it also points to conflict as an important factor for assessing
(re)integration, to which I will return later.
In both the case of
integration and of re-integration, the host population is a significant
f a c t o r.
Kuhlman's own definition is really a definition in numerous parts , in
recognition of the various elements contained within the concept of
(r e) i n t e g r a t i o n:
If refugees are able to participate
in the host community in ways
commensurate with their skills and compatible with their cultural
values; if they attain a standard of living which satisfies
determined
minimum
requirements
(standard of
culturally
living meaning
not only income from economic activities, but also access to
amenities such as housing, public utilities, health services and
education); if the socio-cultural change they undergo permits them
to maintain an identity of their own and to adjust psychologically to
their new situation; if standards of living and economic
opportunities for members of the host society have not deteriorated
due to the influx of refugees; if friction between the host
population and refugees is not worse than within the host
population itself; and if refugees do not encounter more
discrimination than exists between groups previously settled
within the host society, ... then refugees are truly integrated (p.7).
This definition of integration sets up a kind of absolute standard against
which to measure the actual situation of the groups involved, whether it be
refugees and their hosts, or returnees and the communities of return.
The
fact that it is an absolute standard rather than a relative one is deducible
from
the first four criteria, which postulate desirable conditions for living
regardless of whether those conditions hold for the general population of
the country.
The last two criteria
are relational rather than absolute, in
recognition of the fact that the overall level of conflict
and discrimination
might be high, yet integration may have been achieved if there is no
distinction on this account between the newly-arrived and more
established
populations.
There are potential advantages and drawbacks to this approach to
(re)integration.
On the one hand , the fact that an absolute standard for
(re)integration is set which promotes at least a minimal basis for
development may mean that an initial situation in which the conditions for
decent life do not hold, can be tranfonned into one in which all of the
people in an affected region move towards a more favourable situation.
So
if returnees arrive in a region in which there do not exist the means for a
minimally acceptable standard of living, the aid and development would be
invested in the region in such a way as to provide these means for the
population living there, and it can be safely surmised that such activity
will decrease the likelihood of conflict between the populations, or of a
further
migration.
On the other hand , this definition seems to fall into the camp of those
whom Daley accuses of taking 'no account of structural factors and how
they may impinge on integration' ( 1989: 45).
By focusing narrowly on the
groups to be integrated and the communities receiving them , we will be
unable to explain the failure of re-integration in such cases as that of
Zimbabwe, which from all other perspectives is deemed a success (Jackson
1994).
Jackson writes
help for repatriation
that 'arguably the right
proportions
of humanitarian
and re-integration combined well with development
support for rural rehabilitation... however, given the benefit of hindsight,
it is apparent that the decade of the 1980s has seen the reproduction
peasantry as the poorest sector of the economy' ( 1994: 126).
the endemic rural poverty
hampering real
of the
He attributes
re-integration to the structural
limits imposed by the post -independence modernization and incorporation
of the peasantry into the structure of capitalist agriculture :
If civil unrest and lack of peace were the sole driving
pushing people into exile, voluntary repatriation
forces
ought to follow
automatically from the removal of these forces or at least be easy to
promote.
type of
The Matabeleland experience
narrow political
has made us question this
interpretation of circumstances
surrounding exiles and returnees.
Refugees are spawned from
within a wider historically structured rural economic context
(p .161).
Thus it becomes essential to ask, 're-integration into what'?
writes
of the situation in Mozambique that 'repatriation
Ken Wilson
will not be a
question of re-inserting people who fled the country into a surviving
socio-economic system: a new society and economy must be re-created as
part of the process of repatriation .
This will beg the larger question about
the nature of such development in post -war Mozambique' (Wilson 1992:
13*).
This echoes Stein's contention that the issue is really centred on
refugee aid and development in the current context of political and
economic change in Africa , and adds credibility to Daley's assertion that the
theoretical framework within which to consider these issues involves an
examination of the structural impediments to articulated development in
the underdeveloped and dependent state societies of Africa.
It is possible, however, to use Kuhlman's model of integration as a basis
for looking at the micro-factors which influence (re) integration, within
the broader structural context.
Then we could examine the data on retur
n
and (re) integration in light of both the model and of the underlying
structural situation, in order to develop a theory or a variety
of theories
on
which factors are most significant, and how the different levels interact.
His model is reproduced here, in order to set the stage for the following
discussion of the factors taken individually.
A . Characteristics of Refugees:
demographic characteristics
socio-economic background (educational level, occupation before flight,
rural/lirban)
ethno-cultural affiliation (native tongue , religion, place of birth)
B. Flight-related Factors:
Cause of flight : ideally studied by means of a typology of conflicts that cause
flight, which does not exist; difficult to analyze the effect of this factor in a
systematic and comparative way
Type of movement: acute, anticipatory and intermediate movements (acute can be
further classified into categories such as mass flight, deportation, flight of
soldiers etc.)
Attitude to displacement: Kunz: majority-identified, events-alientated and selfalienated refugees; reactive-fate groups and purpose groups; passive hurt ,
integration-seeking realists, eager assimilationists, restoration activists,
revolutionary activists and founders of idealist colonies.
C. Host-related Factors:
Macro-economic situation in host country
Natural resource base of settlement region: capacity of region to receive without
environmental deterioration, depends on type of economic activities carried out
by refugees, access of different groups to productive resources, and available
technology to exploit them
Ethno-cultural make-up of settlement region
Social stratification in settlement region: impact of refugees likely to be
different for various groups
Socio-political orientation of host society: does it welcome immigrants in
principle or accept them only reluctantly; tolerates cultural diversity or is
monistic in tendency
Auspices: availability of assistance from kin or co-ethnics
D. Policies
National policies relating to refugees
Policies followed by regional or local authorities
Policies of aid agencies
E. Residence in Host Country
Length of residence in country of asylum: identifying 'vintages of refugees' in
Kunz's sense, but also time elapsed can be an important determinant of progress
in integration
Movements within country of asylum: simplest indicators would be whether or
not refugee has lived at various locations prior to staying where -he does; how
many movements he had made;also could include data on different locations
where the refugee has stayed in process; occupation followed there, and reasons
for moving.
At the same time as we can distinguish these factors individually, we can
also group them into other categories based on the point of view of the
refugee and of the host society.
Adaptation as seen from the point of view
of the refugees involves both subjective and objective aspects: Subjectively,
adaptation involves changes in their identity, the way in which they
internalize this, and their satisfaction with the situation.
Objectively,
adaptation involves their legal rights , their spatial integration, economic
integration, cultural change and their social relations.
For the host, the
important subjective aspect involves their attitudes towards the
refugees/returnees.
The objective aspects of the impact of the return are
the effects on overall income, employment, other aspects of living
standards,
stratification, natural
resources , infrastructure, culture change
and security.5
Economic
(R e)integration
Many writers
on (re)integration single out the economic issues as the
most important, both for their urgency a n d also for their crucial
contribution to the sustainability of (re)integration as a solution.
Bulcha
writes that 'it can be construed with safety that economic opportunities are
pivotal in early adjustment.
integration ' ( 1988: 90).
They facilitate the rate and scope of
Jackson states that 'the hidden agenda of
"successful" repatriation is fundamentally that of meaningful economic reintegration* (1994: 161).
Tapscott writes
of the Namibian experience that,
" irrespective of how favourably disposed the SWAPO government may have
See Kuhlman 1991: 14-5
n r ees, economy and state have set the parameters in the
been towards retu
process
of re-integration' ( 1994: 251).
Rogge refers to the primacy
of
economic re-integration by pointing out that while social adjustments are
made by choice, all migrants must make at least some attempt at economic
adjustment and integration or risk
their very survival (1994: 35).
However, the term ' re-integration' implies much more than simply a
question of fitting returnees back into the economy.
If this were the case,
it should be referred to as ' re-accommodation ' rather than re -integration
(Arhin 1994).
have been
Re-integration implies a context in which social networks
disrupted, infrastructure destroyed, individual's skill-base
transformed, material capital lost or gained, land tenure come under
dispute, and the entire basis for the national and local economies changed.
It is not simply a case in which material
wealth is lost or abandoned and
must be re-instated; 'the refugee is also stripped of an important means to
generate more wealth - the access to resources that is an aspect of the
political and social relationships that are abandoned or destroyed' (Hansen
1982: 32).
'Economic' in this context seems to refer at a most general level to
livelihood, its obtention and sustenance.
Kuhlman's definition of economic
is 'those aspects of social life having to do with attaining material
welfare
through the optimal allocation of resources which are scarce and
alternatively applicable' ( 1991: 8).
He proposes that economic integration
be assessed on the basis of four criteria
: 1) adequate participation in the
economy; 2) an income which allows an acceptable standard of living; 3)
access equal to that of the host population to those goods and services to
which access is not determined solely by income levels; 4) the impact of
refugees on the host society having been such that , on balance, the
position of the various
socio-economic categories within the indigenous
population with respect to criteria
1, 2, and 3 has not deteriorated
(p .l6).
This schema neglects one crucial element , however, which is the
question of how sustainable a livelihood will be in the long term .
Robert
Chambers defines a sustainable livelihood as one in which livelihood is
understood as comprising
the capabilities (skills and experience ) of the
individual, the assets (resources , stores, claims and access) of the
household, and the activities required for a means of living: a livelihood is
sustainable which can cope with and recover from stress and shocks,
maintain or enhance its capabilities and assets, and provide sustainable
livelihood opportunities for the next generation; and which contributes
net
benefits to other livelihoods at the local and global levels and in the short
and long term (Chambers and Conway 1992: 7-8).
From the literature on
disasters and vulnerability, it is clear that a household may have an
adequate income at a given time but nevertheless be highly vulnerable to
risks and shocks.
People may sacrifice
some long-term security
in order to
keep present income at a certain level, and this would not be obvious from
the data obtained by using Kuhlman's definition alone (Mongolia study**).
In addition to these data, vulnerability could be assessed using Peter
Winchester's model which considers the tangible assets (stores and
resources) and intangible assets (claims and access) of the household
(Winchester 1992).
It is important
to distinguish between poverty and
vulnerability because poor communities are not homogeneous, and poverty
can be reduced by borrowing or investing but such debt makes households
more vulnerable ( ibid. ) .
This assessment which encompasses the long term is particularly
important
in the case of returnees , who are likely to be more vulnerable in
number of different ways, although they may not appear on the surface
to be significantly poorer than other elements of the population .
returnees are more likely to have important
First ,
gaps in their social networks,
and this will be significant in situations in which social networks act as a
safety net in the absence of state welfare provision.
Secondly, although
retur
n ees might initially be welcomed by their kin and be cared for in the
short term , the welcome is unlikely to extend indefinitely when the
returnees are unable to find work and do not have access to land which
would allow them to become self-sufficient and take the burden off their
kin.6
Apart from the question of livelihood vulnerability , there is the
question of security
in a broader sense which impinges on more 'purely '
economic motivations of returnees.
Hansen's analysis of refugee situations
underlines the importance of personal power; in the case of the Angolans
in Zambia whom he studied after their flight during the war of
independence, the majority
of the refugees opted for settlement in Zambian
villages rather than opt to take advantage of government welfare in a
government-administered
settlement, because self-settlement 'is a means
of
minimizing losses incurred in becoming a refugee and maximizing the
refugee's self-control and power over things ' ( 1982 : 35).
Hansen argues
that it is necessary to expand the concept of welfare to include more than
material
subsistence, in order to take account of the importance of personal
power.
'Power and control are not parameters of the refugee existence,
they are variables ' (i b i d . ) .
If questions of security , power, and control are as important as those of
material
welfare in situations of forced migration, then it is clear that
planning for re-integration must not approach it from a 'purely economic '
standpoint, in particular where 'economic' is equated with income and
formal employment rather than livelihood.
sacrifice
It may be necessary to
certain economic objectives , in particular in the short -term , in
order to achieve a more sustainable basis for livelihood or in order to
The case of Namibia is an example of initial welcome by kin which n
tur ed
into resentment after a period of a year, as the retur
n ees were not able to
reintegrate sustainably into the economy (Preston 1994)
support the reconstruction and reconciliation process .
For example, many
states are currently facing the task of decreasing the budgetary drain on
their resources caused by military expenditures during
or instability.
long years of war
However, the budget may not show such an immediate
response, because in many cases an equivalent amount of funds will need to
be disbursed in order to create alternative means of livelihood for that
large sector of the population formerly dependent on the military , to
establish political
stability after prolonged conflict and deeply -rooted
resentments, to prevent chaos in the form of armed , disbanded soldiers
preying on civilians for lack of other livelihood opportunities, and to
create a newly representative army which is well-trained , professional and
contained (World Bank 1991).
This understanding of 'economic' as comprising livelihood in its
broader sense rather than simply income and formal employment has
important methodological implications.
The normal meaning of 'poverty'
among economists as low income or, (more easily measurable) low
consumption, is often acknowledged to be lacking but is then used as a
proxy for other deprivations
(Chambers 1995).
for reasons of simplicity of measurement
Instead, methods of participatory analysis must be used
in order to show up the realities of poverty without relying on official
statistics which tend to obscure rather than enlighten.
categories and criteria
For example, the
of changing economic status proposed by fanners
and villagers in Rajasthan (Jodha 1988, quoted in Chambers 1995: 14)
showed improvements in living standards by these criteria , although
income had declined more than 5 per cent in per capita real terms.
Chambers proposes to replace the traditional questions of the World Bank,
'Who is poor?
Why are they poor?
What needs to be done to reduce the
number of the poor?' with the questions, 'Who defines poverty?
the poor as defined
within a society by local people themselves ?
Who are
What
of poverty or deprivation do they have?
criteria
What are their priorities ?'
(Chambers 1995: 17-8).
Stein makes a controversial statement in his paper on refugee aid and
development ( 1992), arguing that the areas to which refugees return are
not necessarily
the areas which would produce the most developmental
benefits from investment, and therefore that funds for development ought
not to be directed to returnee regions solely because there are returnees
there.
While this is clearly true, and while it is also true that no state
receiving a large returnee influx is likely to have sufficient resources to
invest in every region in need , I would argue that it does not follow that
such a decision should be made solely on the basis of physical/geographic
factors.
Stein states that 'the presence of repatriated refugees is just one of
many factors that need to be evaluated in the course of development
decisions' and that 'a region of refugee return is not necessarily the most
potentially productive area or a suitable focus for infrastructural
assistance.
Such development projects might be the wrong project in the
wrong place with the wrong needs, thus skewing the national development
plan ' ( 1992: 29).
But what this overlooks is a factor to which a number of
other writers have brought our attention, namely , that refugees often
leam new skills while in exile which are not found elsewhere in the home
country (Kabera and Muyanja 1994), that they often become more
innovative and open to experimentation if they have had the opportunity
to leam from their hosts while in exile (Akol 1994), that they often
have a
stronger motivation to rebuild a new life and have been able to make use of
the experience they gained even in camps during
exile in order to do such
things as create associative groups in conjunction with foreign aid (Alhabo
and Passang 1994).
Clearly Stein is not dismissing the possibility of investment in
infrastructure in areas of refugee return out of hand.
However, it is
dangerous to refer to the presence of repatriated refugees as just one of
many factors which needs to be evaluated in the course of development
planning without pointing out that there are questions of human resources
which should not be overlooked, as well as questions of physical resources
which
are often given precedence in development planning.
This point is tied closely to the question of whether development should
follow people or vice versa.
African
This is a thorny issue, particularly in the
context, as many people have (generally negative) experience
of
forced resettlement for 'economic' and 'security ' reasons (e.g . the
Mozambicans during
colonial
vision of utilising repatriates
rule7 ).
Wilson points out that although the
for the creation of agri cultural settlements or
such like might appear attractive, it is likely to prove the costly failure that
such settlements have generally been elsewhere in Africa
( 199?).
Not only
are formal programmes of physical relocation, reception centres,
settlement villages and so on, ill-advised because people do not want them,
but they are also impractical on politico-administrative grounds (1992b: 5).
'All aspects of the restrictions
of freedom of movement that have
characterised the war need to be addressed, as these are a major cause of
peasant suffering
and displacement ' (.ibid. ) .
The evidence from
repatriation
Wilson's studies on the process of return and
in northern Mozambique indicates that most people wish to
return to their precise 'original ' home, as culturally defined either by
village or chiefdom depending on the area of the country.
These people
wish to re-establish their lives without external controls, drawing partly
on their traditions , and partly on new social ideas from exile.
minority
Only a
of returnees wish to relocate themselves in areas of perceived
higher economic potential .
Wilson advocates supporting the self-
See Ken Wilson, "Repatriation to Mozambique: current processes and
future dilemmas".
retur
n ees, through participatory
organisation of the
research
which
could
also contribute to the generation of genuine local decision-making
capacities, in order to lay a foundation for rural development ( 199?).
He
also points out that this need not require huge investments: often a hoe is
tool , and a path the only route needed to market, but
the best agricultural
without these basic inputs, little can be done (1991b).
n ees as such a distinct group,
It is too smooth, however, to speak of retur
and to equate their situation with that of refugees in a country of
settlement/asylum.
If we are looking at the economic sphere in isolation
still, we will find that re-integration and integration diverge sharply.
In
the case of integration, there is a fairly clear group which is to be
integrated, the refugees, and a more-or-less defined economic structure
into which they must fit.
However, in the case of re-integration, at the
local level there may be no clear distinction between a 'returnee', a
'refugee', a 'migrant ', a 'stayee', and a 'demobilised soldier', and the
infrastructure, society and economy are likely to have been devastated.
The implications of these facts is multiple.
First, it means that, as
mentioned earlier, returnee aid must be treated as development aid for
regions and sectors of the economy which will fit in with the overall
development plan for the country.
Secondly, and perhaps more
significantly, decisions will have to be made about the direction in which
the society is to move, because re-construction is not a simple matter of reinstating structures previously existent.
Rather, it is often the case that
older structures which have been destroyed by war were inappropriate and
inadequate to begin.
Not only will society have been transformed during
the process of the conflict which caused flight, but it will need to undergo
further
transformations
after
peace.
Issues of decision -making and the design of the fundamental economic
and social institutions of society will have to be confronted.
Crucial to this
process of the (re)designing of society are questions of power and
responsibility .
Ideally , countries
under duress.
The current reality for most developing countries
otherwise.
should not have to make such decisions
is
Either they make do with the resources available to them , and
take tough decisions on the distribution and redistribution of societal
wealth; or they bow to the pressures of external bodies dictating how they
Who designs economic plans, who sets the
must run their economies.
agenda for the future?
If countries
require aid in order 're-integrate' their
populations after conflict, it is likely they will have to face what Joseph
Hanlon calls 'the re colonization ' ( 1991: 1) of the country, losing their
independence
and
challenging
their
sovereignty.
In each area of the economy which is likely to be a significant element
in economic re-integration, the issue of sovereigty and the overall
developmental direction of the country will be at the nexus.
land
distribution/tenure,
employment,
agricultural plans , industrial
infrastructural
Factors such as
investment,
strategies, as well as monetary economics
questions such as currency , exchange rate, tariffs and taxation, will all
affect re-integration and will all in turn be affected by the decisions of
those in power.
It is for these reasons that social and cultural integration
must be considered in tandem with economic integration, not separately
nor
secondarily .
Social
( r e) i n t e g r a t i o n
The UNRISD Briefing
Paper on Social Integration ( 1994: i) states that there
are
at least three different ways of understanding the concept of social
integration.
For some, it is an inclusionary goal, implying equal
opportunities and rights
for all human beings...To others, however,
increasing integration has
a negative connotation, conjuring
up
the image of an unwanted imposition of uniformity.
others, the term does not necessarily
negative state.
And, to still
imply either a positive or
It is simply a way of describing the established
patterns of human relations in any given society.
For each understanding of the concept, there are dangers.
If social
integration is opposed to exclusion, then it may be politically expedient to
assume that the solution to serious problems of poverty and injustice would
be to include people formerly 'excluded' from certain activities or benefits
(UNRISD 1994: 3).
economically
But if the existing pattern of development is
and/ or ecologically unsustainable or politically
inclusion will be no great gift.
repressive,
Rather, reform of the existing system
should be the goal instead of inclusion in an inherently unjust one.
But if social integration means the eradication of cultural diversity,
there is also the negative aspect of the imposition of uniformity.
And if the
idea of social development is conceived of as integrating 'those with
nothing' into the modem mainstream , as though the groups defined as
excluded are surviving in a virtual vacuum, there is the danger of
overlooking the existing forms of social organisation of even the most
impoverished and apparently disorganized people.
Mark Chingono
documents the coping strategies of people in Mozambique during
the war,
finding in his research that the 'weak and powerless' were able to alter the
distribution
of power and exploit the resources of their dependence on the
powerful by creating an
centralised
alternative economy
economic planning
(Chingono 1994).
which challenged
and paternalistic
state domination
War was not a purely destructive phenomenon ; rather, it
created new openings for social and economic re-organisation, sometimes
in favour of the less powerful .
The results of Chingono's research are most
significant in this discussion for the way in which they reveal the subjectobject dynamic as a dialectic.
Although the concept of domination should
not be deprived of its moral force, its counterpart should be recognised as
an active force
in itself rather than a passive object, since the master is not
master without a servant.
Therefore people might be operating on the margins of the central
economy and society, and yet be integrated into their own social world.
Therefore it is again dangerous to pursue social integration as if it were a
panacea, and as if it were the resolution of a situation of limbo for those
who are excluded from the 'mainstream'.
fourth problematic to consider with concept of social integration is
the risk
that 'narrow concentration on the normative goal of social
integration will make disintegration undesirable by definition' (UNRISD
1994: ii).
The dismantling of societal institutions may actually be necessary
in order for the people and state to progress and overcome
the difficulties
which led to conflict initially, such as in the case of slavery, before
progress toward a more just and equitable society can be made.
For these reasons, it should be clear that social integration should not
be pursued as a policy goal in itself , in order to increase integration p e r
se, but rather there should be an effort to understand existing dynamics of
social interaction, patterns of personal and public relationships, in order to
develop a picture of the current processes and on the basis of this, move
towards the creation of a more just and equitable society .
At any given moment in time in a society, it is possible to take a
snapshot of the way a certain society is organized: what are the
values and rules which shape people's actions in each of these
contexts?
What kinds of behaviour, within what sets of relations
among people, allow them to survive or get ahead?
How is power
held and exercised, for example, and how is wealth created and
distributed ?
What relations between man and nature are
predominant? (UNRISD 1994: 5).
The picture provided by analysing a society from this perspective will
obviously not be drawn in blacks and whites , since causal relations in the
social sphere are not entirely similar to those in the 'scientific' sphere.
Certainly 'more' integration does not necessarily imply a 'better' situation
for all social actors, since 'increasing integration is simply an indication
that the complexity of social relations is greater' and therefore the 'life
chances of people are more bound up with those of others, and less
amenable to independent determination' (UNRISD 1994: 7).
In contrast,
disintegration signifies the unravelling of existing ties .
Therefore, it is not only quantitative changes in problems of violence,
exclusion and lack of solidarity to which we should point as indicators of a
lack of social integration, but rather quantitative changes in the way
people are related to each other should also be recognized for their
fundamental importance
(UNRISD 1994: 8).
UNRISD argues that the end of the twentieth century is marked by a
peculiar combination of integrating and disintegrating trends.
At the same
time as human beings are being brought into communication with others
at great physical distance, and national, subnational and local economies
are being linked in very complex though fragile networks, conflicts over
the nature of human interaction are emphasizing divisions between people
based on older notions of nationality , ethnicity and identity which seem not
to have been diminished by processes of 'globalization'.
These trends do not
submit to simplistic explanation, but a salient feature of the changes over
the last decades is that the 'barriers separating nations and groups from the
global marketplace and global culture have broken down in a rapid ,
spontaneous and haphazard fashion, with very little planning for change
that might cushion the blows that economic and social re-organization
have dealt to large numbers of groups and individuals' (UNRISD 1994: 11).
In this context, the absence of compensatory mechanisms is creating an
even wider gulf in between those who benefit from globalized 'integration'
and those who shoulder the burden of the negative implications of this
'integration', within countries and between them .
The responses to these
trends (especially of economic marginalization) include migration, illicit
and illegal activities, as well as ethnic conflict as an exclusive form of
identity and solidarity among people who have defined a common enemy
(UNRISD 1994).
Ken Wilson asks a number of crucial questions on social integration
after war and displacement, based on the case of Mozambique.
First, 'to
what extent can social networks and social movements active during the
war, such as the Naparama movement in Zambezia, provide frameworks for
the re-creation of communities in peace-time' (1992: 14*)?
Secondly, will
'the past history and severity of the conflict militate against the rapid
creation of a viable functioning social order following peace, or will a new
version of the 'old order' of society quickly be re-established when peace
emerges' ( 1991: 3*)?
He believes that it is likely that one will see the
emergence or strengthening of popular movements addressing the sense of
powerlessness, guilt and division caused by displacement and the war
(1991).
Chingono documented the movements and ideologies able to unite
and divide people in the socio-political framework of war, but what can we
say will be the social construction of peace, and how will this assist in the
process of healing the wounds of war, and rebuilding community life based
on trust?
These questions point the way towards a methodology for looking at
questions of social (re)integration, one which requires a sound general
analysis of the recipient rural societies, as well as the refugee/returnee
communities, seen as 'moments in the flow of history, drawing on longstanding memories of migration and re-integration' (Ranger 1994: 286).
Ranger highlights the need to see the mechanisms of power as functioning
participation in the economy , as in the case of the label 'refugees'.9
in the
n ee labour migrants to Ghana after their explusion from
case of retur
Nigeria , a critical
element in minimizing the social and economic problems
of return was the public labelling of the migrants as heroes, given
sympathy for their expulsion, and attracting the attention of the
inter
n ational community (Arhin
Algeria during
In contrast, the retur
n ees who fled
1994).
the war of independence had negative connotations
attached to their status, because they were seen as deserters who had fled
rather than fight the good fight (Bouhouche 1994).
It is well documented that social identities, roles, networks and
expectations are transformed by experiences of migration, exile,
displacement and war (Marx 1990; Said 1984; Vasquez 1981; Zetter 1991;
Nowak 1977; Bauer 1991; Baker 1990).
Any methodology for studying social
re-integration cannot assume a static entity, such as a host population,
against which to measure the progress
of a population to be integrated.
Rather, it must focus on processes of change, attempting to understand
underlying mechanisms but often being forced
back onto the limitations of
descriptive analysis without being able to draw firm causal arrows.
'Social
integration' taken as the processes of interaction between individuals in
the public as well as private arenas will not have a discrete beginning and
end.
Nor can a singular goal be imputed to such a process : social 'harmony'
seen as a lack of conflict is not a concept which exists in reality, but rather
is a construct of the 'assimilationist ' theoretical literature which depends
on the assumptions of a consensus on the nature of society, of cultural
homogeneity and societal equilibrium
(Daley 1989: 41-2).
Bulcha outlines
the Marxist sociological approach which criticizes such a functionalist
model of social organization for its depiction of society as a consensual and
static entity, neglecting the primacy
See Zetter, 1990.
of conflict in social relations.
In
contrast the Marxists suggest a'dialectical approach which recognizes the
duality of stability and change and of consensus and conflict as the real
faces of society' (1988: 85).
If 'power is a function of social position and social position diminishes
with dislocation' (Bulcha 1988: 88), then the process of re-integration can
be seen as the aggregation of individuals attempting to re-establish their
The term 're-establish ', however, is not
social position and power.
particularly appropriate , referring as it does in some way to the situation
prior to dislocation , and setting this as a kind of standard against which to
measure current positioning .
Instead, as noted earlier, the disruption of
n al yardsticks for
social life will have changed people's own inter
measuring social position , and the norms and rules defining social
institutions will be very different in this time of flux.
As individuals and
groups jostle for position and power, it is likely that conflict will be
prevalent.
Bulcha writes ,
...all human relations involve integrative and conflictual processes.
There is no consensus among sociologists on a specific definition of
social conflict.
Conflict theorists
must recognize the pervasiveness
of social conflict and employ broad definitions.
Hence, hostilities
like war , competition, antagonism, tension , contradictions,
quarrels, violence, opposition, disputes etc., are invariably
as aspects of conflict in sociological discourse.
treated
In short , conflict is
considered as "any social situation or process in which two or more
entities are linked by at least one form of antagonistic interaction"
( 1988: 188-9).
Although Bulcha writes
that 'the antithesis of social integration is social
conflict' (p . 175), this later definition belies the statement.
If it were taken
literally, in combination with the former definition, the resulting analysis
would label every social situation as conflictual, since there are
antagonistic interactions in every social situation.
However, Bulcha goes
on to point out that conflict resolution is an aspect of integration , as
conceived of in terms of 'adjustment and accommodation between
antagonists, and not in terms of the victory of one unit , group or class over
another'
(p . 189).
This accords with other anthropological writing which has 'abandoned
theories
of social structure that assume social integration, and now deal[s]
with social life as a creative process rather than a steady state or
equilibrium
70).
in which all elements work together for good' (Colson 1995:
Nevertheless , as Colson points out, the focus on dispute settlement
tends to assume that the 'appropriate outcome to negotiation or adjudication
is the restoration of good relationships', and that dispute settlements are
rituals of reconciliation (ibid.).
Instead, Colson argues that 'negotiation and
adjudication can settle particular claims [...], but they have much less
success in convincing contenders that they are in the wrong, and they do
little or nothing to heal ruptured social relationships or abate anger and
contempt' (p.80).
Most importantly, although the rhetoric
of dispute
settlement may be centred on 'community values ', what people learn from
them is much more 'pragmatic information': 'the limits of community
tolerance for different kinds of behaviour under a variety
of
circumstances, an appreciation of how particular individuals respond to
provocation, and some mapping of the changing alliances that form the
basis for daily interaction ' ( ibid. ) .
Colson's paper leads us to examine the function of disputes in society, as
opposed to its form, or as distinct from its form.
This is just one of the
debates in legal anthropology, which takes as its starting point the study of
law by analysis of 'problem-cases' (Snyder 1981: '67).
legal anthropology has numerous contributions
Snyder argues that
to make to the study of law
and society, which study has also been the object of inquiry in other
domains in the social sciences and in law.
First, it was anthropology which
brought attention to the fact that 'every society comprises a multiplicity of
legal systems' (Snyder 1981: 67), while previous legal study had given
to state law, based on ethnocentric assumptions arising from the
primacy
relative autonomy of law in Western societies.
Secondly, anthropology
argued that disputes are to be seen as part of more general social processes ,
shifting the main inquiry from social organisation to processes , and from
groups to networks of individuals.
This analysis arose from the particular
anthropological tool of using extended case method or situational analysis
(P .69).
Anthropological approaches to disputes also emphasize the actions
of
the panics to a dispute as much as those of negotiators or adjudicators,
resulting in a mapping of 'the perceptions of individual disputants and
giving special attention to the cultural meanings and rationalisations of
social action' (p.69).
This is really a double contribution to the study of
legal processes, highlighting as it does both the critical
importance of the
litigants' perspective, and the general social context of law.
However, a number of weaknesses in the anthropological
dispute processes are not to be overlooked.
approach to
There is the question of the
extent to which cultural relativism in anthropology is compatible with
social theories
of law, including Marxist ones, which claim to be
universally valid (Snyder 1981: 86).
This is connected to the fact that there
is often only implicit comparative work in anthropological studies of legal
processes, which can them to ignore cross-culturally relevant economic
forces
such as those highlighted in Marxist contributions to the sociology
of law.
related weakness of legal anthropology is its tendency to 'reduce law
to dispute settlement, and to view legal and social processes as not simply
inseparable but identical' (Snyder 1981: 87).
This can be seen as the reason
for legal anthropology's neglect of state law in favour of micro -community
dispute settlement processes, and its failure to develop more abstract
theories of .state, society and law, as are found in sociological work.
Snyder
argues that the future development of legal anthropology must therefore
lie 'not only in elucidating the relationships between social action and
cultural ideologies, but also in grasping the extent to which these
relationships and the wider social processes of which they form part are a
product of specific historical and economic conditions' (p.88).
For the study of re-integration , the implications of the debates over
legal anthropology are multiple.
First , it seems that the word 'integration'
cannot be taken to imply a steady-state or equilibrium
in society, and
therefore concentration must be on processes of social interaction rather
than some elusive end goal such as 'social harmony'.
Secondly, it implies
that research on communities must bear in mind the multiple levels at
which conflicts and disputes are played out.
At the same time as
recognizing the value of micro-analytical study of community dispute
settlement and the processes involved, the researcher must not ignore state
law, nor should she allow a non-ethnocentric
approach to obscure the more
cross -culturally comparable forces at work in the social context of disputes.
Finally , however, the study of disputes as problem-cases should be seen as
invaluable for its capacity to illuminate moral norms and social
relationships, especially in the context of re-integration which involves
the creation of a new social world with a wide variety
Other
Facets
of
(R e)integration:
of new and old actors.
Psychological,
Cultural,
Political
Other categories
of (re)integration have not received the same kind of
attention as that of economic and social (re)integration , but some writers
have considered them
significant enough to warrant individual mention
rather than leaving them to be subsumed under one of the wider
c a t e g o r i e s.
Psychological (re) integration takes the individual as the unit of
analysis, and is 'concerned mostly with patterns of response among
individuals [while] the larger social situation plays only a background role
in analysis' (Frechette 1994: 6).
Because of this focus on the individual, the
term 'adaptation' is used rather than 'integration'.
The analysis of
psychological adaptation looks at factors contributing
to mental problems ,
social deviance and difficulties in social relationships among refugee and
migrant populations , as well as at factors which contribute to good mental
health among refugee and migrant populations (i b i d . ) .
Perhaps the
reason why
psychological re-integration receives
less
attention in the studies considering integration as a whole has to do with
political questions as much as questions of theoretical relevance.
It would
be politically expedient, it seems, for problems of re-integration to be
considered solely as problems for the individuals involved, because it would
mean that the solutions are in the realm of subjective issues which can be
changed by dealing with the individual's mental problems, rather than
solutions in an objective reality which require much larger societal
solutions.
While explanation in psychology is far from uncontroversial, it
is relatively safe to hold the view that apart from certain problems
associated purely
with
chemical/physical
disorders, most psychological
problems have both subjective and objective causes.
Since most discussions of re-integration are mainly concerned with its
public manifestations, the issues are generally focused on the public realm
of
objective reality
rather than individual subjective consciousness.
Therefore it is those factors involved in psychological re-integration
which overlap with those in the social realm which tend to get attention:
gender, level of education, prior
inter-cultural experience , facility with
the language of the local host, attitude towards the culture of the host
society, culture of society of origin , coping strategies and available social
support (Frechette 1994: 6).
It seems that the burden of proof rests
currently with those who would argue the primacy of issues of
psychological re-integration because evidence is still scarce which could
challenge the traditional model of economic and social re-integration as
the
principal
components.
However, the subjective elements of
re-integration have certainly
drawn the attention of theorists and empirical
researchers; while they
might not all be straightforwardly classifiable as 'psychological ' factors,
the line to draw between psychological and social here is quite vague.
various
So
writers have brought attention to the way in which people's
expectations affect re-integration (Preston 1994; Tapscott 1994; Akol 1994),
the way in which gender and other demographic characteristics affect reintegration (Mihyo 1992; Jackson 1994; IAG/NNS 1994; Thorn 1991), the
importance of ideological beliefs in the conception of the experience of
flight and exile (Rogge 1994; Makanya 1994; Ranger 1994), the importance
of rituals of social healing for re-building communities (Wilson 1992), the
importance of symbolic aspects of re-integration (Makanya 1994; Arhin
1994), and the way in which perceptions of security
as the objective security
and fear are as crucial
situation (Wilson 1991b).
It is similarly difficult to specify what is meant by 'cultural reintegration', and there has been very little writing
on this subject.
The
elements which can loosely be placed in the domain of culture are things
such as native tongue, religion, place of birth, and other more ephemeral
characteristics of a people, such as moral beliefs and world view.
In the
widest sense, a 'culture' could be shared by a large group of people , but
within its boundaries
there could be numerous sub-cultures.
Since culture
itself is a dynamic idea, in situations of social re-construction and the re-
building of communities, it is all the more likely that it will be amorphous
and difficult to pin down.
Investigating cultural re-integration would
involve compiling a mosaic-like picture based on the subjective testimonies
of individuals, as to how they understand the cultural rituals in which they
take part , as well as a careful observation from
various
elements seem to cohere.
the outside of how the
The danger is either to chop up 'culture'
so much that each micro-element is seen to have a life of its own and it
becomes a miracle to understand how cultures interact, or to employ such a
broad and inclusive definition so as to fail to perceive the divisions and
frictions within a culture and to miss the subtle stratification system.
Terence Ranger (1994) pointed out numerous items of significance
which could be classified under the heading of 'cultural' re-integration.
He
argues that 'what is crucial in repatriation is what refugees 'know ', how
they define the 'home' to which they will be repatriated
they perceive authority ' ( 1994: p.285).
or return, how
Further, questions such as how they
define identity, and the 'nation' are both social and cultural questions,
involving as they do shared belief systems built by social and cultural
m e c h a n i s m s.
Political
re-integration has perhaps
received more specific attention
than either psychological or cultural re-integration.
Maley argues that
'individuals are integrated to the extent to which they accept responsibility
for the political system and feel that the actions of the system are
fundamentally their actions or the actions of those they trust.
The
converse relation with the political system is alienation' (Maley 1992: 3).
On this definition , it seems likely that there will be quite a high degree of
political alienation in most societies, given that even the most developed of
political systems depends on centralized institutions at a great remove from
the consciousness of the majority .
However, the idea that power is
' exercised through political institutions which temper, moderate and
redirect the power so as to render the dominance of one social force
compatible with the community of many ' (ibid .) adds substance to the
d e f i n i t i o n.
In order to operationalize Maley 's definition, we would need a robust
concept of responsibility , and an understanding of what it means to assert
that the actions of the system are one's own.
In a sense, the definition
seems to have the idea of the social contract at its base; if the citizen accepts
responsibility for the system, it implies some sort of compact into which
she enters freely and knowingly.
The important
which 'system' do people identify?
question is, however, with
Is it the micro-society within which
people hold reciprocal relations and whose leaders are visible and
therefore to some degree accountable?
ubiquitous in its reach and popularity
In Africa , recent writing
and the state, as it has arisen
centuries .
Africa
Or the 'nation-state' now becoming
amongs political elites?
tends to concentrate on the idea of the nation
in such an unorthodox
manner over the last
Kahn and Magode (1992) argue that the majority
of states in
are 'states without nations' because of the division of territory by
the European powers in the Berlin Conference which did not respect any
existing ethno-cultural groupings although these were the basis for
political organisation on the continent in general.
They argue that in the
present states in Africa , there is a need to form, from the basis of ethnic
diversity, a national culture, and a need to deepen the feeling of belonging
to a national community, on the part
groups.
of members of different socio-cultural
This resembles Maley 's definition of political integration,
concentrating as it does on the subjective attitudes of the individual towards
the state/political system.
Their argument has a warning attached to it as
well , as they believe that 'multi-ethnic states need dialogue and interethnic participation , without which they will dissolve into "repressive
movements and disintegration by going from nation to ethnos, and from
state to tribe " (Frantz Fanon)' ( 1992: 2).
In such situations of primary
political allegiance at a community level,
with rural communities mostly beyond the institutional reach of the state,
there is a choice between state-appointed mediators as the link between the
micro and macro levels of political power, or decentralization of state
power.
In recent academic and political debates over the African state
discourse has shifted from confidence in the state to an attitude of
pessimism (Alexander 1995: 1).
The moves towards political reform are
heralded as 'democracy movements', and decentralization is seen as the
panacea for problems of 'corruption , bloated bureaucracies, gross abuses of
power, inefficiency and authoritarian!sm' ( i b i d .).
Simultaneously the idea
of 'civil society' has arisen as a potential check on the centralized power of
the state, where 'civil society ' refers to non-state institutions, organizations
and loose associations (Alexander 1995: 2). There is a danger, however, of
assuming a simplistic dichotomy of 'state' versus 'civil society'.
Alexander
chronicles the way in which 'institutions as well as individuals shift in and
out of "statehood" over time , place and context' and how 'authority is a
product of shifting local alliances, themselves reflecting social divisions
and a range of military , economic and other imperatives' (p .2).
research
Her
showed the need for the concepts of power and authority to be
historicized .
Although there is a potentially very wide range of political
arrangements, the actual options from which a society can select are much
more limited, by political imagination and experience , as well as by
material
constraints of resources and the wider political economy; ' attitudes
towards power are historically produced [...] and notions of what people
believe to be politically possible must be taken into account' (.ibid.).
Connected with the exploration of the subjective nature of citizens'
attitudes to the state and their political participation is the issue of political
loyalty.
Zinkin writes that
nations are subjective phenomena .
They exist in the minds and
hearts of those who believe themselves to constitute a nation .
One
can belong to more than one nation ... the only condition is that
each nation must be seen as covering some of the political ground,
and entitled to a part of one' s political loyalty ( 1991: 267).
His definition of a nation is a body of people who believe themselves to
have a 'culture, an ethos, a way of life, probably
a language, which sets
them sufficiently apart from other similary bodies for them to wish to
conduct at least part of their political lives togethers and in greater or
lesser degree separately from others' (p .267).
Since his definition allows
for there to be a plurality of 'nations' within the political boundaries of the
greater 'nation', the requirement of loyalty to 'the nation' translates into a
requirement that whatever other nations have a claim to a person 's
political loyalty, the individual must have a concomitant loyalty to this
wider 'nation'.
integrate'
'The immigrant', he argues, 'must be someone who will
(p .274).
The dilution of the concept of loyalty to permit multiple loyalties
without an over-arching
allegiance might strike
some as a weakness.
It is
initially attractive for its accommodation of plural identities and
allegiances, which is increasingly necessary in recent times as conflicts in
ethnically plural societies increase and deepen.
However, although each
'nation' is stipulated to have its distinct sphere of influence, there is bound
to be some overlap between them.
The debate will then be shifted to the
question of mediation between competing authorities
conflicting loyalties and overlapping jurisdictions .
in situations of
How are nations to be
integrated with each other?
This requires a more substantive theory of
political integration than mere political loyalty to a 'nation'.
Several writers
attribute the ethnic conflicts in Africa
to the strategies
of nation-building pursued by the political elites in the post-independence
Kahn and Magode ( 1992) note that although the borders have been
era.
surprisingly unchanging
given their
arbitrary
origins, nationalism
as
an
ideology of political and social integration has not been effective in the
building and sustenance of a solid political order.
This is attributed to the
policies of the ruling elite to win the allegiance of particular ethnic or
religious groups in order to consolidate the shaky foundations of their
power.
Daley (1989) explains this same phenomenon as the result of a
general lack of resources
available to states for building loyalty based on
economic development and on the incorporation of the majority
people outside the urban centers into the state system.
African
peripheral
of the
In the context of
economies being swallowed by the global system and
constrained by it to a particular path of development which limits the role
of the state and the capacity for planning on a societal level, as well as
effectively preventing real redistribution of wealth and access to
resources , the redistribution
impossible.
of power itself becomes difficult if not
'The imposition of the nation state on African societies, by
exogenous forces, turned its political and economic priorities
onto their
heads, in a process in which these societies lost their endogenous nature,
and with it, their capacity to confront problems of social change and
economic transformation.' (Kami and Magode 1992:
).
If the weakness of the nation state and its inherently divisive nature in
Africa
are problems which have contributed
to the creation of refugee
movements and internal conflicts, the issue of political re-integration
would appear to be of great significance for the sustainability of
repatriation
movements.
As noted above (see section 1), it is highly likely
that massive retur
n
movements in this context have the potential to be
quite destabilizing to the state of origin .
In this context, it appears that the
crucial political issues initially will be those of trust, accountability , and
fairness .
The important actors for returning refugees and displaced people
will be the government and the agencies responsible for assisting with the
return/re-integration.
The authorities
through whom funds are
channelled will determine to a large extent the distribution of power,
which will be particularly significant in the time of re-building the
communities.
Conclusions
The preceding discussion of the theoretical and empirical issues involved
in re-integration as a 'durable solution' to the problems of forced migration
is aimed to raise more questions than can currently be answered.
Conclusions are difficult to frame for reasons of lack of data and experience
with re-integration in the current shifting global and local context, due to
the general propensity of the international community to ignore the
people at the base of the social pyramid and governments ' lack of resources
to carry out in-depth research, as well as to the lack of a clear and
integrated framework for analysis.
The lack of research on the subject is an important obstacle to framing
coherent theory of re-integration, because the populations in question
are relatively invisible once they have returned
to their country of origin,
and even closer attention must be paid to detail in order to understand the
processes
involved.
The lack of an integrated framework for the analysis of the various
aspects of integration (economic, social, political , cultural, psychological
etc.) is also reflective of the difficulties of an interdisciplinary concept.
While it would be much easier to remain within a single disciplinary
framework in order to formulate theories
of re-integration such as have
been formulated for other concepts individually, it is less desirable in the
case of re-integration because of the nature of the concept.
Re-integration
must be seen as a process , and in order to study it as a slice in time of a
particular society it must first be embedded in the history of that society, as
history is composed of the threads of society (social, economic , political
spheres) interwoven and interpreted by the present.
integration holds within itself the idea of change.
The concept of reIt is only valid when
thought of as the re -integration of various groups and individuals with
each other, rather than of individuals and groups into some third , static
entity such as 'society'.
The elucidation of the concept of re-integration will depend on a
historically -informed account of a number of
other connected concepts:
first, the concepts of ' economy ', ' society', 'state, 'development'; then
concepts such as 'community', 'identity ', 'nation ', 'home'.
Because the
concept relates to both the formal structures of society and the lived
experience
of its members, re-integration involves subjective as well as
objective issues: expectations, beliefs , morals, attitudes are as important as
material
resources
and physical
institutions.
While re-integration happens at the level of the community, there are
no boundaries
separating factors at national and international levels from
intervening as variables , and the process of change goes in both
directions : from ground up as well as from centre to periphery .
interaction between the various
area for research
levels of power and authority
on re-integration.
The
is a crucial
Variables can well have different and
even contradictory effects on integration at different levels.
It is
important to note that the directional arrows within each sphere of reintegration may not always go in the same direction (Bhalla 1995); for
example, while economic integration might be increasing, there may be a
process of
social disintegration simultaneously occurring .
Furthermore,
the concept of re-integration cannot be taken to have exclusively positive
connotations, because the possibility of disintegration should not be ruled
out a priori as undesirable.
Sometimes social systems must disintegrate
before other, more just and equitable ones can take their place .
The questions remaining to be answered, therefore, are related to the
specific processes of re-integration, and how the diverse collection of
variables interact and affect the lives of people at the community level.
Rogge writes
(1994: 45), 'rehabilitation of such returnees is as much a
process of instilling
income
As
new sets of values as it is of finding suitable means of
generation'.
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