Primary Source 4.1
Bartolomé de Las Casas (2004 [1552]), A Short Account of the Destruction
of the Indies, edited and translated by Nigel Griffin with an Introduction by
Anthony Pagden, London, Penguin, 2004, pp. 9–20.
Notes
Las Casas was the first and fiercest critic of Spanish colonialism in the New
World. An early traveller to the Americas who sailed on one of Columbus’s
voyages, Las Casas was so horrified by the wholesale massacre he
witnessed that he dedicated his life to protecting the native community,
publishing his Short Account in 1542 in an effort to convince Philip II to
end the atrocities being perpetrated by Spanish conquistadores in the
Caribbean.
Preface to A Short Account of the Destruction of the Indies
The Americas were discovered in 1492, and the first Christian settlements
established by the Spanish the following year. It is accordingly forty-nine
years now since Spaniards began arriving in numbers in this part of the
world. They first settled the large and fertile island of Hispaniola, which
boasts six hundred leagues of coastline and is surrounded by a great many
other large islands, all of them, as I saw myself, with as high a native
population as anywhere on earth.1 Of the coast of the mainland, which, at its
nearest point, is a little over two hundred and fifty leagues from Hispaniola,
more than ten thousand leagues had been explored by 1541, and more are
being discovered every day. This coastline, too, was swarming with people
and it would seem, if we are to judge by those areas so far explored, that the
Almighty selected this part of the world as home to the greater part of the
human race.
God made all the peoples of this area, many and varied as they are, as open
and as innocent as can be imagined. The simplest people in the world –
unassuming, long-suffering, unassertive, and submissive – they are without
malice or guile, and are utterly faithful and obedient both to their own native
lords and to the Spaniards in whose service they now find themselves.
Never quarrelsome or belligerent or boisterous, they harbour no grudges and
do not seek to settle old scores; indeed, the notions of revenge, rancour, and
hatred are quite foreign to them. At the same time, they are among the least
robust of human beings: their delicate constitutions make them unable to
withstand hard work or suffering and render them liable to succumb to
almost any illness, no matter how mild. Even the common people are no
tougher than princes or than other Europeans born with a silver spoon in
1
The Island of Hispaniola, comprising today Haiti and the Dominican Republic, is,
at its most extensive, some 400 miles from west to east and covers an area of
nearly 30,000 square miles. The Spanish league (legua) was calculated as one
twenty-fifth of a degree of latitude measured on the earth’s surface, or about 2.6
miles (compare the ‘maritime’ or ‘mariners’’ league equal to three minutes or one
twentieth of a degree of latitude)
1
their mouths and who spend their lives shielded from the rigours of the
outside world. They are also among the poorest people on the face of the
earth; they own next to nothing and have no urge to acquire material
possessions. As a result they are neither ambitious nor greedy, and are
totally uninterested in worldly power. Their diet is every bit as poor and as
monotonous, in quantity and in kind, as that enjoyed by the Desert Fathers.
Most of them go naked, save for a loincloth to cover their modesty; at best
they may wrap themselves in a piece of cotton material a yard or two
square. Most sleep on matting, although a few possess a kind of hanging
net, known in the language of Hispaniola as a hammock.2 They are innocent
and pure in mind and have a lively intelligence, all of which makes them
particularly receptive to learning and understanding the truths of our
Catholic faith and to being instructed in virtue; indeed, God has invested
them with fewer impediments in this regard than any other people on earth.
Once they begin to learn of the Christian faith they become so keen to know
more, to receive the Sacraments, and to worship God, that the missionaries
who instruct them do truly have to be men of exceptional patience and
forbearance; and over the years I have time and again met Spanish laymen
who have been so struck by the natural goodness that shines through these
people that they frequently can be heard to exclaim: ‘These would be the
most blessed people on earth if only they were given the chance to convert
to Christianity.’
It was upon these gentle lambs, imbued by the Creator with all the qualities
we have mentioned, that from the very first day they clapped eyes on them
the Spanish fell like ravening wolves upon the fold, or like tigers and savage
lions who have not eaten meat for days. The pattern established at the outset
has remained unchanged to this day, and the Spaniards still do nothing save
tear the natives to shreds, murder them and inflict upon them untold misery,
suffering and distress, tormenting, harrying and persecuting them
mercilessly. We shall in due course describe some of the many ingenious
methods of torture they have invented and refined for this purpose, but one
can get some idea of the effectiveness of their method from the figures
alone. When the Spanish first journeyed there, the indigenous population of
the island of Hispaniola stood at some three million; today only two
hundred survive. The island of Cuba, which extends for a distance almost as
great as that separating Valladolid from Rome, is now to all intents and
purposes uninhabited;3 and two other large, beautiful and fertile islands,
Puerto Rico and Jamaica, have been similarly devastated. Not a living soul
remains today on any of the islands of the Bahamas, which lie to the north
of Hispaniola and Cuba, even though every single one of the sixty or so
islands in the group, as well as those known as the Isles of Giants and others
in the area, both large and small, is more fertile and more beautiful than the
Royal Gardens in Seville and the climate is as healthy as anywhere on
2
‘Hammock’ (hamaca in Spanish) is one of a dozen or so words common to a
great number of European languages – among them potato, tomato, hurricane –
which derive from the Taino language of Santo Domingo
3
The maximum east–west extent of Cuba is approximately 700 miles; the distance
from Valladolid to Rome some 750
2
earth.4 The native population, which once numbered some five hundred
thousand, was wiped out by forcible expatriation to the island of Hispaniola,
a policy adopted by the Spaniards in an endeavour to make up losses among
the indigenous population of that island. One God-fearing individual was
moved to mount an expedition to seek out those who had escaped the
Spanish trawl and were still living in the Bahamas and to save their souls by
converting them to Christianity, but, by the end of a search lasting three
whole years, they had found only the eleven survivors I saw with my own
eyes. A further thirty or so islands in the region of Puerto Rico are also now
uninhabited and left to go to rack and ruin as a direct result of the same
practices. All these islands, which together must run to over two thousand
leagues, are now abandoned and desolate.
On the mainland, we know for sure that our fellow-countrymen have,
through their cruelty and wickedness, depopulated and laid waste an area
which once boasted more than ten kingdoms, each of them larger in area
than the whole of the Iberian Peninsula. The whole region, once teeming
with human beings, is now deserted over a distance of more than two
thousand leagues: a distance, that is, greater than the journey from Seville to
Jerusalem and back again.
At a conservative estimate, the despotic and diabolical behaviour of the
Christians has, over the last forty years, led to the unjust and totally
unwarranted deaths of more than twelve million souls, women and children
among them, and there are grounds for believing my own estimate of more
than fifteen million to be nearer the mark.
There are two main ways in which those who have travelled to this part of
the world pretending to be Christians have uprooted these pitiful peoples
and wiped them from the face of the earth. First, they have waged war on
them: unjust, cruel, bloody and tyrannical war. Second, they have murdered
anyone and everyone who has shown the slightest sign of resistance, or even
of wishing to escape the torment to which they have subjected him. This
latter policy has been instrumental in suppressing the native leaders, and,
indeed, given that the Spaniards normally spare only women and children, it
has led to the annihilation of all adult males, whom they habitually subject
to the harshest and most iniquitous and brutal slavery that man has ever
devised for his fellow-men, treating them, in fact, worse than animals. All
the many and infinitely varied ways that have been devised for oppressing
these peoples can be seen to flow from one or other of these two diabolical
and tyrannical policies.
The reason the Christians have murdered on such a vast scale and killed
anyone and everyone in their way is purely and simply greed. They have set
out to line their pockets with gold and to amass private fortunes as quickly
as possible so that they can then assume a status quite at odds with that into
which they were born. Their insatiable greed and overweening ambition
know no bounds; the land is fertile and rich, the inhabitants simple,
forbearing and submissive. The Spaniards have shown not the slightest
4
The royal gardens (Huerta del Rey) were an extensive pleasure ground lying
outside the Seville city walls
3
consideration for these people, treating them (and I speak from first-hand
experience, having been there from the outset) not as brute animals –
indeed, I would to God they had done and had shown them the
consideration they afford their animals – so much as piles of dung in the
middle of the road. They have had as little concern for their souls as for
their bodies, all the millions that have perished having gone to their deaths
with no knowledge of God and without the benefit of the Sacraments. One
fact in all this is widely known and beyond dispute, for even the tyrannical
murderers themselves acknowledge the truth of it: the indigenous peoples
never did the Europeans any harm whatever; on the contrary, they believed
them to have descended from the heavens, at least until they or their fellowcitizens had tasted, at the hands of these oppressors, a diet of robbery,
murder, violence, and all other manner of trials and tribulations.
Hispaniola
As we have said, the island of Hispaniola was the first to witness the arrival
of Europeans and the first to suffer the wholesale slaughter of its people and
the devastation and depopulation of the land. It all began with the Europeans
taking native women and children both as servants and to satisfy their own
base appetites; then, not content with what the local people offered them of
their own free will (and all offered as much as they could spare), they
started taking for themselves the food the natives contrived to produce by
the sweat of their brows, which was in all honesty little enough. Since what
a European will consume in a single day normally supports three native
households of ten persons each for a whole month, and since the newcomers
began to subject the locals to other vexations, assaults, and iniquities, the
people began to realize that these men could not, in truth, have descended
from the heavens. Some of them started to conceal what food they had,
others decided to send their women and children into hiding, and yet others
took to the hills to get away from the brutal and ruthless cruelty that was
being inflicted on them. The Christians punched them, boxed their ears and
flogged them in order to track down the local leaders, and the whole
shameful process came to a head when one of the European commanders
raped the wife of the paramount chief of the entire island. It was then that
the locals began to think up ways of driving the Europeans out of their lands
and to take up arms against them. Their weapons, however, were flimsy and
ineffective both in attack and in defence (and indeed, war in the Americas is
no more deadly than our jousting, or that many European children’s games)
and, with their horses and swords and lances, the Spaniards easily fended
them off, killing them and committing all kind of atrocities against them.
They forced their way into native settlements, slaughtering everyone they
found there, including small children, old men, pregnant women, and even
women who had just given birth. They hacked them to pieces, slicing open
their bellies with their swords as though they were so many sheep herded
into a pen. They even laid wagers on whether they could manage to slice a
man in two at a stroke, or cut an individual’s head from his body, or
disembowel him with a single blow of their axes. They grabbed suckling
infants by the feet and, ripping them from their mothers’ breasts, dashed
them headlong against the rocks. Others, laughing and joking all the while,
4
threw them over their shoulders into a river, shouting: ‘Wriggle, you little
perisher.’ They slaughtered anyone and everyone in their path, on occasion
running through a mother and her baby with a single thrust of their swords.
They spared no one, erecting especially wide gibbets on which they could
string their victims up with their feet just off the ground and then burn them
alive thirteen at a time, in honour of our Saviour and the twelve Apostles, or
tie dry straw to their bodies and set fire to it. Some they chose to keep alive
and simply cut their wrists, leaving their hands dangling, saying to them:
‘Take this letter’ – meaning that their sorry condition would act as a
warning to those hiding in the hills. The way they normally dealt with the
native leaders and nobles was to tie them to a kind of griddle consisting of
sticks resting on pitchforks driven into the ground and then grill them over a
slow fire, with the result that they howled in agony and despair as they died
a lingering death.
It once happened that I myself witnessed their grilling of four or five local
leaders in this fashion (and I believe they had set up two or three other pairs
of grills alongside so that they might process other victims at the same time)
when the poor creatures’ howls came between the Spanish commander and
his sleep. He gave orders that the prisoners were to be throttled, but the man
in charge of the execution detail, who was more bloodthirsty than the
average common hangman (I know his identity and even met some relatives
of his in Seville), was loath to cut short his private entertainment by
throttling them and so he personally went round ramming wooden bungs
into their mouths to stop them making such a racket and deliberately stoked
the fire so that they would take just as long to die as he himself chose. I saw
all these things for myself and many others besides. And, since all those
who could do so took to the hills and mountains in order to escape the
clutches of these merciless and inhuman butchers, these mortal enemies of
human kind trained hunting dogs to track them down – wild dogs who
would savage a native to death as soon as look at him, tearing him to shreds
and devouring his flesh as though he were a pig. These dogs wrought havoc
among the natives and were responsible for much carnage. And when, as
happened on the odd occasion, the locals did kill a European, as, given the
enormity of the crimes committed against them, they were in all justice fully
entitled to, the Spanish came to an unofficial agreement among themselves
that for every European killed one hundred natives would be executed.
The Kingdoms of Hispaniola
On Hispaniola there were five main kingdoms, each very extensive and each
with its own king; most of the infinite number of local nobles paid
allegiance to one or other of these five powerful leaders, although there
were a few backwoodsmen who recognized no authority above and beyond
their own. One of these kingdoms was called Maguá, with the stress on the
last syllable, which means Kingdom of the Plain. This plain is one of the
wonders of the world, extending, as it does, for some eighty leagues, right
from the southern coast of the island to its northern shore. For the most part
it is some five to eight leagues wide and as much as ten in places, and is
confined by high mountains on either side. Over thirty thousand streams and
rivers flow into it, a dozen of them every bit as big as the Ebro, Duero, and
5
Guadalquivir,5 and those that come down from the mountains to the west
(and there are twenty or twenty-five thousand of them) are rich in
alluvial gold. Among those mountains lies the province of Cibao6 and its
mines, famous throughout the region for their very high-quality gold. The
king of Cibao was called Guarionex and he had as vassals several extremely
powerful local leaders; one of them, for example, had sixteen thousand men
under arms and these he placed at the service of Guarionex. I met some of
these men myself. The king himself was dutiful and virtuous, a man of
placid temperament much devoted to the King and Queen of Spain. For a
number of years, every householder throughout his realm made, on his
orders, an annual gift of a hollow gourd completely filled with gold. The
natives of Hispaniola know little of mining techniques and later, when there
was less gold available, the king reduced this offering to half a gourd filled
with gold. In order to put a stop to the Spaniards’ incessant demands for
gold, Guarionex suggested that he might better serve the King of Castile by
putting a great area of his kingdom under cultivation especially as his
subjects had, as he himself quite correctly asserted, little or no notion of
how to mine for gold. Such a plan was feasible, as I can vouch, and the king
would have been quite happy to see it put into effect. The area involved
would have stretched from Isabela, the site of the first European settlement
on the island, as far as Santo Domingo, some fifty or more leagues distant,
and it would easily have produced an annual income of over three million
castilians7 and, had such a scheme been put into effect, it would have led to
the establishment of fifty or more cities on the island, every one of them as
large as Seville.8
The wicked European commanders rewarded this good and great man by
dishonouring him when one of their number took and raped his wife. To this
the king could easily have reacted by biding his time and gathering an army
to exact revenge, but he elected instead to abdicate and go into voluntary
exile, alone, to an area called Ciguayos, where the powerful local leader was
one of his vassals. Once the Europeans realized he had gone, there was no
chance of keeping his whereabouts secret, and they got up an army and
attacked the local leader under whose protection the king was sheltering.
The carnage was terrible and, eventually, they tracked down the fugitive,
took him prisoner, put him in chains and shackles and bundled him on to a
ship bound for Castile, only for him to perish, along with many Spaniards,
when the ship was lost at sea. A fortune in gold sank beneath the waves that
day, among the cargo being the Great Nugget, as big as a loaf of bread and
weighing three thousand six hundred castilians. In this way, God passed
judgement on the great iniquities committed by the Spanish.
5
The three principal rivers of Spain
6
Columbus called the region ‘Cipango’ in the belief that it was Japan; see his
History of the Indies, book I, chapter 60
7
The castilian was a gold coin worth some 480 maravedis and weighing 1.6
ounces
8
The population of Seville has been estimated at between sixty and seventy
thousand in 1500 and approximately one hundred thousand in 1565
6
Primary Source 4.2
Hernán Cortés (1986 [1523]), Letters from Mexico, translated and edited by
Anthony Pagden, with an introduction by J.H. Elliott, New Haven, Yale
University Press, pp. 70–4.
Notes
This extract is a translation of one of Cortés’s letters to Charles V of Spain
describing the conquest of Mexico (1519–22). This letter covers the
‘Incident’ at Cholula, a notorious massacre at a city which owed allegiance
to Montezuma. The primary source database also contains other
descriptions of this event.
The ‘Incident’ at Cholula
After having spent twenty days in this city, those lords, Mutezuma’s
messengers, who were always with me, asked me to go to a city called
Churultecal, which is six leagues from Tascalteca, for the people there were
Mutezuma’s allies, and there we should know Mutezuma’s wishes, whether
I was to go to his land or not, and some of their number would go and tell
him what I had said, and would return with his reply, although they knew
that certain of his messengers were waiting there to speak with me. I told
them that I would go and advised them on what day I would leave. And
when those of Tascalteca heard what the others had planned with me, and
that I had agreed to go to that city with them, the chiefs came to me much
distressed and warned me on no account to go, for a trap had been prepared
to kill me in that city and all my companions, and that for this purpose
Mutezuma had sent from his land (for some part of it bordered with this
state) fifty thousand men who were garrisoned two leagues from the city.
They had closed the highroad by which they usually travelled, and had made
a new one fully of holes and with sharpened stakes driven into the ground
and covered up so that the horses would fall and cripple themselves; they
had walled up many of the streets and piled stones on the roofs of the houses
so that after we had entered the city they might capture us without difficulty
and do with us as they wished. And if I wished to confirm all they said, I
should take notice of the fact that the chiefs of that city had never come to
see me, although it was so near, while the people of Guasincango, which is
farther away, had come; and I should send for them and I would see that
they would refuse to come. I thanked them for their warning and asked them
to give me messengers that I might send for them. This they did, and I sent
them to ask those chiefs to come to me, for I wished to speak to them about
certain matters on behalf of Your Highness and to explain to them the
reason of my coming to this land.
These messengers went and delivered my message to the chiefs of that city,
and they sent back two or three persons of no great importance who told me
that they had come on behalf of those chiefs who could not come
themselves because they were sick; and that I should tell them what I
wanted. The people of Tascalteca said that this was a trick; for those
messengers were men of little consequence and that I should on no account
1
depart from there until the chiefs of that city had come. I spoke to those
messengers and told them that an embassy from so high a prince as Your
Sacred Majesty should not be received by persons such as they, and that
even their masters were hardly worthy to receive it; therefore the chiefs
should appear before me within three days to owe obedience to Your
Highness and offer themselves as your vassals. I warned them that if they
did not appear within the period I specified, I would march against them and
destroy them as rebels who refused to subject themselves to the dominion of
Your Highness. For this purpose I sent them a command signed in my name
and witnessed by a notary, together with a long account concerning the
Royal person of Your Sacred Majesty and of my coming, telling them how
those parts and other much greater lands and dominions all belonged to
Your Highness, and that those who wished to be Your vassals would be
honored and aided, but that on the other hand, those who rebelled would be
punished in accordance with the law.
On the following day, some or nearly all the chiefs of the above-mentioned
city came and said that if they had not come before it was because the
people of that province were their enemies and they dared not enter their
land because they did not feel safe there. They believed I had been told
things unfavorable to them, but I should not believe what I heard because it
was the word of enemies and not the truth, and I should go to their city, for
there I would recognize that all I had been told was false and that what they
said was indeed true. From thenceforth they offered themselves as vassals of
Your Sacred Majesty and swore to remain so always and to serve and assist
in all things that Your Highness commanded them. A notary set all this
down through the interpreters which I had. Still I determined to go with
them; on the one hand, so as not to show weakness and, on the other,
because I hoped to conduct my business with Mutezuma from that city
because it bordered on his territory, as I have said, and on the road between
the two there is free travel and no frontier restrictions.
When the people of Tascalteca saw my determination it distressed them
considerably, and they told me many times that I was mistaken, but since
they were vassals of Your Sacred Majesty and my friends they would go
with me to assist me in whatever might happen. Although I opposed this and
asked them not to come, as it was unnecessary, they followed me with some
100,000 men, all well armed for war, and came within two leagues of the
city. After much persuasion on my part they returned, though there
remained in my company some five or six thousand of them. That night I
slept in a ditch, hoping to divest myself of these people in case they caused
trouble in the city, and because it was already late enough and I did not want
to enter too late. The following morning, they came out of the city to greet
me with many trumpets and drums, including many persons whom they
regard as priests in their temples, dressed in traditional vestments and
singing after their fashion, as they do in the temples. With such ceremony
they led us into the city and gave us very good quarters, where all those in
my company were most comfortable. There they brought us food, though
not sufficient. On the road we had come across many of the signs which the
natives of that province had warned us about, for we found the highroad
closed and another made and some holes, though not many; and some of the
2
streets of the city were barricaded, and there were piles of stones on all the
roofs. All this made us more alert and more cautious.
There I found several of Mutezuma’s messengers who came and spoke with
those who were with me, but to me they said merely that they had come to
discover from those others what they had agreed with me, so as to go and
inform their master. So after they had spoken with them, they left; and with
them went one of the most important of those who had been with me before.
During the three days I remained in that city they fed us worse each day,
and the lords and principal persons of the city came only rarely to see and
speak with me. And being somewhat disturbed by this, my interpreter, who
is an Indian woman from Putunchan, which is the great river of which I
spoke to Your Majesty in the first letter, was told by another Indian woman
and a native of this city that very close by many of Mutezuma’s men were
gathered, and that the people of the city had sent away their women and
children and all their belongings, and were about to fall on us and kill us all;
and that if she wished to escape she should go with her and she would
shelter [her]. All this she told to Gerónimo de Aguilar, an interpreter whom
I acquired in Yucatán, of whom I have also written to Your Highness; and
he informed me. I then seized one of the natives of this city who was
passing by and took him aside secretly and questioned him; and he
confirmed what the woman and the natives of Tascalteca had told me.
Because of this and because of the signs I had observed, I decided to
forestall an attack, and I sent for some of the chiefs of the city, saying that I
wished to speak with them. I put them in a room and meanwhile warned our
men to be prepared, when a harquebus was fired, to fall on the many Indians
who were outside our quarters and on those who were inside. And so it was
done, that after I had put the chiefs in the room, I left them bound up and
rode away and had the harquebus fired, and we fought so hard that in two
hours more than three thousand men were killed. So that Your Majesty
should realize how well prepared they were, even before I left my quarters
they had occupied all the streets and had placed all their people at the ready,
although, as we took them by surprise, they were easy to disperse, especially
because I had imprisoned their leaders. I ordered some towers and fortified
houses from which they were attacking us to be set on fire. And so I
proceeded through the city fighting for five hours or more, leaving our
quarters, which were in a strong position, secure. Finally all the people were
driven out of the city in many directions, for some five thousand Indians
from Tascalteca and another four hundred from Cempoal were assisting me.
When I returned I spoke to those chiefs I had imprisoned, and asked them
for what reason they had wished to kill me treacherously. They replied that
they were not to blame, for those of Culua, who were Mutezuma’s vassals,
had forced them to it, and that Mutezuma had garrisoned in a place, which
later was found to be a league and a half from there, fifty thousand men for
that purpose. But now they knew that they had been tricked, and they asked
that one or two of them should be freed so as to fetch into the city the
women and children and the belongings which they had outside. They
begged me to forgive them their mistake and assured me that they would not
be deceived in future, and they would be Your Highness’s very true and
faithful vassals and my allies. After having spoken to them at length
3
concerning their error, I freed two of them, and on the following day the
whole city was reoccupied and full of women and children, all unafraid, as
though nothing had happened. Then I set free all the other chiefs on the
condition that they promised to serve Your Majesty most loyally.
4
Primary Source 4.3
Bartolomé de Las Casas (2004 [1552]), A Short Account of the Destruction
of the Indies, edited and translated by Nigel Griffin with an Introduction by
Anthony Pagden, London, Penguin, 2004, pp. 45–6.
Notes
Las Casas was the first and fiercest critic of Spanish colonialism in the New
World. An early traveller to the Americas who sailed on one of Columbus’s
voyages, Las Casas was so horrified by the wholesale massacre he
witnessed that he dedicated his life to protecting the native community,
publishing his Short Account in 1542 in an effort to convince Philip II to
end the atrocities being perpetrated by Spanish conquistadores in the
Caribbean. The primary source database also contains other descriptions of
this event.
The ‘Incident’ at Cholula
Among other massacres was one which took place in Cholula, a great city of
some thirty thousand inhabitants. When all the dignitaries of the city and the
region came out to welcome the Spaniards with all due pomp and ceremony,
the priests to the fore and the high priest at the head of the procession, and
then proceeded to escort them into the city and lodge them in the houses of
the lord and the leading citizens, the Spaniards decided that the moment had
come to organise a massacre (or ‘punishment’ as they themselves express
such things) in order to inspire fear and terror in all the people of the
territory. This was, indeed, the pattern they followed in all the lands they
invaded: to stage a bloody massacre of the most public possible kind in
order to terrorize those meek and gentle peoples. What they did was the
following. They requested the local lord to send for all the nobles and
leading citizens of the city and of all the surrounding communities subject to
it and, as soon as they arrived and entered the building to begin talks with
the Spanish commander, they were seized without anyone outside getting
wind of what was afoot. Part of the original request was that they should
bring with them five or six thousand native bearers and these were mustered
in the courtyards when and as they arrived. One could not watch these poor
wretches getting ready to carry the Spaniards’ packs without taking pity on
them, stark naked as they were with only their modesty hidden from view,
each with a kind of little net on his shoulders in which he carried his own
modest store of provisions. They all got down on their haunches and waited
patiently like sheep. Once they were all safely inside the courtyard, together
with a number of others who were also there at the time, armed guards took
up positions covering the exits and Spanish soldiers unsheathed their swords
and grasped their lances and proceeded to slaughter these poor innocents.
Not a single soul escaped. After a day or two had gone by, several victims
surfaced, soaked from head to foot in the blood of their fellows beneath
whose bodies they had sheltered (so thick was the carpet of corpses in the
courtyard) and, with tears in their eyes, pleaded for their lives; but the
Spaniards showed them no mercy nor any compassion, and no sooner did
they crawl out from under the pile of corpses than they were butchered. The
1
Spanish commander gave orders that the leading citizens, who numbered
over a hundred and were roped together, were to be tied to stakes in the
ground and burned alive. One of these dignitaries, however, who may well
have been the first among them and the king of that whole region, managed
to get free and took refuge along with twenty or thirty or forty others, in the
great temple of the city, which was fortified and was known in the local
language as quu 1 . There they put up a stout defence against the Spaniards
which lasted for the best part of the day. But the Spaniards, against whom
no resistance is really possible, especially when it is mounted by unarmed
citizens, set fire to the temple, burning those inside alive, the victims
shouting all the time: ‘Oh, wicked men! What harm had we done to you?
Why do you kill us? Wait till you get to Mexico City, for there our great
king, Montezuma, 2 will avenge out deaths.’
1
Cúe (or quu) was imply the Mexican (Nahuátl) word for a temple
There is little substance to this account, as Mexican temples were built of stone
and thus could not be destroyed by fire.
2
2
Primary Source 4.4
Bernal Díaz (1963 [c.1570]), The Conquest of New Spain, translated with
an Introduction by J.M. Cohen, Harmondsworth, Penguin, pp. 189–204.
Notes
This is an extract from an original account of the Spanish conquest of
Mexico, written by the conquistador Bernal Díaz (1496–1584). It pertains to
the massacre at Cholula, a city which owed allegiance to Montezuma. The
primary source database also contains other documents which relate to this
event.
The ‘Incident’ at Cholula
We started one morning on our march to Cholula, taking every possible
precaution because, as I have said before, we kept much more on the alert
when we expected trouble or attack, and that night we slept beside a river
less than three miles from that city, where the Indians made us huts and
shelters. A stone bridge has now been built at this place. That same night the
Caciques1 of Cholula sent us some men of importance as messengers to
welcome us to their country and bring us supplies of poultry and maizecakes. They told us that all the Caciques and papas2 would come out to
receive us in the morning, and asked us to forgive them for not having come
immediately. Cortes told them through our interpreters that he was grateful
for the food they had brought and the good will they showed.
We slept there that night after posting sentries and scouts, and as soon as
dawn broke we set out towards the city. When we were on our way and
already close to the town, the Caciques and papas and many other Indians
came out to receive us. Most of them wore cotton garments cut like smocks,
of the kind worn by the Zapotec Indians – I say this for the benefit of those
who have visited that province and seen them – for this is what they wore at
Cholula. They came very peaceably and willingly, and the papas carried
braziers with which they perfumed our Captain and such of us soldiers as
were near him. It seems that when these papas and Caciques saw the
Tlascalans who accompanied us, they asked Doña Marina to tell the General
it was wrong that their enemies should enter their city like this, with arms in
their hands. When this message had been translated to Cortes, he ordered
the Captains, soldiers, and baggage to halt, and having done so he addressed
us: ‘It seems to me, gentlemen, that before we enter Cholula we should put
these Caciques and papas to the test with a friendly speech and see what it
is they want. They are complaining about our friends the Tlascalans; and
they have good reason for what they say. I should like to explain to them in
fair words why we have come to their city. As you gentlemen already know,
the Tlascalans have told us the Cholulans are a turbulent people. It would be
1
Caciques: chiefs
2
Papas: elders
1
a good thing, therefore, if they could be brought into obedience to His
Majesty in a peaceful way, which is what I think we should do.’
Cortes told Doña Marina to summon the Caciques and papas to the place
where he was on his horse. We were grouped around him. The three chiefs
and two priests then came forward and said: ‘Malinche, forgive us for not
having come to Tlascala to see you and bring you food. It was not for lack
of good will but because of our enemies, Xicotenga and Mase Escasi and
the rest of the Tlascalans, who have spoken a great deal of evil of us and our
lord Montezuma. And not satisfied with abusing us, they now have the
temerity, under your protection, to come to our city armed. We beg you as a
favour to send them back to their country, or at least to tell them to stay
outside in the fields and not to enter our city like this. But as for yourselves,
you are very welcome.’
When our Captain saw the justice of their complaint, he at once ordered
Pedro de Alvarado and the quartermaster Cristobal de Olid to ask the
Tlascalans to put up their huts and shelters in the fields and not to enter the
city with us, excepting those who were carrying the cannon and our friends
from Cempoala. He asked them to explain to the Tlascalans that our reason
for this order was that all these Caciques and papas were afraid of them, and
that when we left Cholula on our way to Mexico we would send for them,
and they must not be annoyed by our action. And when the Cholulans saw
what Cortes had done they appeared to be much more at ease.
Then Cortes began to make them a speech, saying that our lord and King,
whose vassals we were, had very great power and ruled over many great
princes and chiefs, and that he had sent us to these lands to warn and
command them not to worship idols, or sacrifice human beings and eat their
flesh, or commit sodomy or other bestialities; and that as the road to
Mexico, where we were going to speak to the great Montezuma, passed
through their territory and there was no shorter way, we had come to visit
their city and would treat them as brothers. Since other great Caciques had
given their obedience to His Majesty, he concluded, it would be as well if
they were to do so too.
They answered that we had hardly entered their country, yet we were
already ordering them to forsake their Teules, which they could not do. But
as for giving obedience to this King we spoke of, this they would do. And
they pledged their word to it; but not before a notary. After this we at once
began our march into the city, and such was the crowd that came out to see
us that the streets and rooftops were full, which does not surprise me, for
they had never seen men like us or horses before.
They lodged us in some large rooms, which we shared with our friends the
Cempoalans and the Tlascalans who carried the baggage, and brought us
food that day and the next; very good food and plenty of it.
After the Cholulans had given us this ceremonious reception, with what
certainly looked like good will, Montezuma, as afterwards transpired, sent
orders to his ambassadors who were still in our company to arrange with the
people of the city that they should combine with an army of twenty
thousand men, which he had sent and which was ready to enter Cholula, to
2
make an attack on us by night or day. Then, when we were driven into a
corner, they were to bring as many of us as they could to Mexico in bonds.
He made them great promises and sent them many jewels and much cloth,
also a golden drum, and he told the papas of the city that they could retain
twenty of us to be sacrificed to their idols.
All was now prepared. The soldiers whom Montezuma had sent with such
speed were hidden in shelters and thickets about a mile and a half from
Cholula, while other were posted in the houses, and all had their arms ready.
Breastworks had been built on the roofs, holes had been dug in the streets,
barricades had been erected to impede the movements of our horses, and in
some of the houses they had collected the long poles, leather collars, and
ropes with which they were to secure us when they led us to Mexico.
So after taking us to our quarters they gave us food for the first two days,
and appeared to be most peaceable in their conduct. Nevertheless we did not
relax our usual precautions. On the third day the supplies of food stopped,
and no Cacique or papas came to see us. Such Indians as we saw did not
approach but stayed some way off, laughing at us as if in mockery. In view
of this our Captain asked the interpreters to tell the ambassadors of the great
Montezuma, who were still with us, that they must order the Caciques to
bring us food. But all they brought was water and firewood, and the old men
who brought it said they had no maize.
This same day these ambassadors were joined by others from Montezuma,
who told Cortes quite shamelessly that their prince had sent them to say we
must not go to his city, for he had no food to give us, and that they wished
to return immediately with our reply.
When Cortes understood the unfriendliness of their speech he replied most
blandly that he was surprised so great a prince as Montezuma should be of
so many minds. He begged them, however, not to return to Mexico, since he
intended to set out himself next day to see their prince and put himself at his
service. I think he gave them some strings of beads, and the ambassadors
agreed to stay.
After this our Captain called us together and said: ‘I see that these people
are greatly disturbed. We must keep very much on the alert, for they are up
to some mischief.’ He then sent for the chief Cacique, whose name I now
forget, asking him to come himself or send some important persons. The
Cacique replied that he was ill and could not come.
When our Captain heard this he told us to persuade two of the many papas
who lived in the cue close to our lodging to come to him. We brought two of
them, without doing them any disrespect, and Cortes ordered that each of
them should be given a chalchihuite. He then asked them in the most
friendly way why it was that the Cacique and the other chieftains and nearly
all the papas were frightened of us, for we had sent to summon them and
they had refused to come. It seems that one of these papas was a very
important personage who had charge or command of all the cues in the city,
like a bishop among them, and was held in great respect. He answered that
the papas were not afraid of us, and that if the Cacique and the other
3
dignitaries had refused to come he would go to summon them, for he
believed they would do what he asked them.
Cortes immediately told him to go and to leave his companion with us to
await his return. The papa went and summoned the Cacique and dignitaries,
who returned with him immediately to Cortes’ lodging. Cortes asked them
through our interpreters what it was they were afraid of, and why they did
not bring us anything to eat; he said that our presence in the city might
inconvenience them, but we intended to leave next day to see and speak
with the lord Montezuma, and he asked them to find porters to carry our
baggage and the tepuzques, also to bring us food at once.
The Cacique was so confused that he could hardly speak. He said that they
would search for the food, but their lord Montezuma had sent them orders
not to give us any and did not want us to advance any further.
While this conversation was going on, three of our friends the Cempoalans
came in, and secretly told Cortes that they had observed close to our
lodgings some holes dug in the streets and covered over with wood and
earth in such a way that they could not be seen without close examination.
They had removed the earth from above one of these holes, however, and
had found that it was full of sharp stakes to kill the horses when they
charged. They also said that the roofs had breastworks of dried clay and
were piled with stones, and this could be for no friendly purpose, since they
had also found barricades of stout timbers in another street. At that moment
eight of the Tlascalans whom we had left in the fields outside Cholula
arrived and said to Cortes: ‘Be careful, Malinche, for this city is hostile. We
know that they sacrificed last night to their god of war. They offered him
seven persons, five of them children, so that he should give them victory
over you. And we have seen them moving all their baggage and women out
of the city.’
When Cortes heard this he immediately sent the Tlascalans back to their
captains with instructions to be fully prepared in case we sent to summon
them. Then he resumed his conversation with the Cacique and the papas
and dignitaries of Cholula, telling them not to be frightened or alarmed, but
to remember the obedience they had sworn to him, and not violate it, or he
would punish them. He reminded them that we intended to depart next
morning, and that, like the Tlascalans, they must provide us with an escort
of two thousand warriors from their city, for we should need them on the
road. They answered that they would provide the escort, and asked his
permission to go at once to prepare it.
They departed well pleased, for they thought that, trapped between the
warriors they were to supply and Montezuma’s companies which were
hidden in the thickets and ravines, we could not escape death or capture. For
the horses would be prevented from charging by the breastworks and
barricades which they now instructed their garrison to build in such a way
that only a narrow lane would be left, through which it would be impossible
for us to pass. They also advised the Mexicans to be fully prepared, since
we were setting out next day and they were providing us with an escort of
two thousand men. So between the two forces our capture seemed certain.
For they could catch us and bind us when we were marching off our guard,
4
and they could be certain of this since they had sacrificed to their war-gods,
who had promised them victory.
But let us leave this matter, which they looked on as a certainty, and return
to our Captain. Wanting further information about this whole plot and what
was going on, Cortes told Doña Marina to take more chalchihuites to the
two papas who had been the first to speak, since they were not afraid, and to
ask them in the friendliest way to come back with her, for Malinche wanted
to speak to them again. Doña Marina returned to the papas and talked to
them as she well knew how; and, persuaded by the presents, they came back
with her at once. Cortes then asked them to tell the truth about what they
knew, for they were priests of idols and chieftains, and ought not to lie. He
promised them that what they said would not be revealed in any way, for we
were going to depart next morning, and he offered them a large quantity of
cloth. They said that their lord Montezuma had known we were coming to
Cholula, and that every day he was of many minds, unable to decide what to
do about it. Sometimes he sent them instructions that if we arrived they
were to pay us great honour and guide us on to Mexico; and at other times
he said that he did not want us to come to his city; and now recently the
gods Tezcatlipoca and Huichilobos, for whom they had great devotion, had
proposed to him that we should be killed at Cholula or brought bound to
Mexico. The papas told Cortes that Montezuma had sent twenty thousand
warriors on the previous day, half of whom were already inside the city
walls, while the other half were hidden in some ravines near by, and that
these men had already been informed that we were going to set out next day.
They spoke also about the barricades that had been put up, and the escort of
two thousand men that we had demanded. He said the Mexicans had agreed
that twenty of us were to be left to be sacrificed to the idols of Cholula.
Cortes ordered these papas to be given a present of richly embroidered
cloth, and told them to say nothing about their conversation with us, for if
they disclosed the secret we would certainly kill them when we returned
from Mexico. He said that we still intended to leave next morning, and told
them to summon all the Caciques so that he could speak with them then.
That night Cortes discussed with us what should be done, for he had very
able men who could give good advice. And as usually happens in such
cases, some said that it would be better to change our route and go through
Huexotzinco, and some that we must preserve the peace at all costs and
return to Tlascala. Others of us, however, stated our opinion that if we let
this treachery pass unpunished we should meet with worse in other places,
and that since we were in this town and amply stocked with provisions, we
should fight them there, for they would feel the effect of it more in their
homes than in the open fields. We said that the Tlascalans should be warned
at once to join us, and everyone approved this last plan.
These are the details. As Cortes had already advised them that we were
leaving next day, we should make a show of tying up our baggage, which
was little enough. Then, in the large courts in which we were lodged, which
were surrounded by high walls, we should give the Indian warriors the
beating they deserved. As for Montezuma’s ambassadors, we should
conceal our feelings from them, telling them that the wicked Cholulans had
5
planned a treacherous attack and intended to throw the blame on their lord
Montezuma and themselves, his ambassadors, but that we did not believe
Montezuma had given any such orders, and therefore begged them to stay in
their apartments and have no more communication with the people of that
city, so that we should have no reason to think that they had any part in this
treachery. We would then ask them to go with us as our guides to Mexico.
As things turned out, the ambassadors answered that neither they nor their
lord Montezuma knew anything about what we were telling them and, little
though they liked it, we put a guard on them so that they should not go away
without our permission and Montezuma should not find out that we knew it
was he who ordered the whole matter.
That night we were on the alert and under arms, with our horses saddled and
bridled. Though it was always our custom to keep a good watch, we had
more sentinels and patrols than usual, for we felt certain that all the
companies, Mexican and Cholulan, would attack us that night.
Now a certain old Indian woman, a Cacique’s wife who knew all about the
plot and trap that had been prepared, came secretly to Doña Marina, having
noticed that she was a young woman and handsome and rich, and advised
her to come to her house if she wanted to escape with her life, because that
night or next day we should all be killed, by command of the great
Montezuma. The plan was, she said, that the Cholulans and Mexicans
should join forces, and that none of us should be left alive except those who
were to be taken bound to Mexico. But knowing of this, and feeling some
commiseration for Doña Marina, the old woman had come to tell her she
had better collect her possessions and come to her house, where she would
marry her to her son, the brother of another youth who accompanied her.
When Doña Marina heard her story, she said to the old woman, with her
usual quickwittedness: ‘Oh, mother, I am indeed grateful to you for telling
me this! I would come with you at once, but I have no one here whom I can
trust to carry my clothes and golden jewels, of which I have plenty. Wait
here a little, mother, I implore you, you and your son, and we will set out
tonight. For now, as you see, these Teules are on the watch, and would hear
us.’
The old woman believed what she had said and remained chatting with her.
Doña Marina asked her how they were going to kill us all, and how, when,
and where the plot had been made. And the old woman told her exactly
what the papas had told us. Then Doña Marina asked her: ‘Seeing that the
business is so secret, how did you come to know about it?’ She answered
that her husband had told her, for he was captain of one of the clans in the
city, and as captain he was now out with the warriors under his command,
giving them orders to join up with the great Montezuma’s companies in the
ravines, where she thought they were already assembling in expectation of
our departure, with the intention of killing us there. As for the plot, she had
known about it for three days, since they had sent her husband a gilded
drum from Mexico, and rich cloaks and golden jewels to three other
captains as an inducement to bring us bound to their lord Montezuma. When
Doña Marina heard this, she concealed her feelings from the old woman and
said: ‘I am indeed glad that this son of yours to whom you want to marry me
6
is an important person – we have been talking a long while, and I do not
want them to notice us; so wait here, mother, and I will begin to bring my
possessions, because I cannot carry everything out at once. You and your
son, my brother, must look after them, and then we shall be able to go.’ The
old woman believed all she said, and she and her son sat down to rest.
Doña Marina burst into the room where Cortes was and told him all about
her conversation with the Indian woman. Our Captain ordered the old
woman to be brought before him, and questioned her about these treasons
and plots; and she told him exactly the same story as he had heard from the
papas. He then put a guard on her so that she should not escape.
When dawn broke it was marvellous to see the haste with which the
Caciques and papas brought in the Indian warriors. Laughing with joy, as if
they had already caught us in their nets and snares, they brought us more
warriors than we had asked for, and large as the courtyards are – for they
still stand undemolished as a memorial of the past – they would not hold
them all. Though it was early when the Cholulan warriors arrived, we were
already quite prepared for what had to be done. Soldiers with swords and
shields were stationed at the gate of the great court so as not to let a single
armed Indian escape.
When our Captain, mounted on his horse, with many soldiers round him for
a guard, saw that the Caciques, papas, and warriors had assembled, he said:
‘How anxious these traitors are to see us among the ravines so that they can
gorge themselves on our flesh. But Our Lord will prevent it.’ He then asked
for the two papas who had revealed the plot, and was told that they were at
the gate of the courtyard with some other Caciques who were about to enter;
and he sent the interpreter Aguilar to tell them to go home, since we had no
need of their presence now. For they had done us a good turn and he did not
want to repay it by killing them. Still on his horse, with Doña Marina beside
him, Cortes then asked the Caciques why they had turned traitors and
decided the night before that they would kill us, seeing that we had done
them no harm but had merely warned them against certain things as we had
warned every town through which we had passed: against wickedness and
human sacrifice, and the worship of idols, and eating their neighbours’
flesh, and sodomy. All we had done was to tell them to lead good lives and
inform them of certain matters concerning our holy faith, and this without
compulsion of any kind. For what purpose, he asked, had they recently
prepared long, stout poles, with collars and many ropes, and stored them in
a house near their large cue? And why three days ago had they raised
barricades and dug holes in the street, and built breastworks on the roofs of
their houses? And why had they sent their wives and children and goods out
of the city? Their hostility was plain to see and their treachery also, which
they could not conceal, for they had not even brought us food, but only
water and firewood as a mockery, and had said they had no maize. He was
well aware, he said, that they had many companies of warriors lying in wait
for us in some ravines near by ready to carry out the treacherous attack they
had planned, with many other bands of warriors who had joined them the
night before in the belief that we should be passing that way on our march to
Mexico. So in return for our coming to treat them like brothers, and tell
them the commands of our lord God and the King, they were planning to
7
kill us and eat our flesh, and had already prepared the pots with salt and
peppers and tomatoes. If this was what they wanted, he said, it would have
been better if they had made war on us in the field like good, brave warriors,
as their neighbours the Tlascalans had done. He knew very well all that they
had planned in the city, and even that they had promised their god, the god
of war, to sacrifice twenty of us before his idol, also that three nights ago
they had sacrificed seven Indians to him so that he might give them victory,
which he had promised them. But being both wicked and false, he neither
had nor would have any power over us, and all the crimes and treacheries
they had planned and carried out were about to recoil on themselves.
Doña Marina translated this speech and made it perfectly clear to them.
When they heard it the Caciques and papas and captains said that what she
stated was true but it was not their fault, since Montezuma’s ambassadors
had commanded them to do it, by order of their master.
Then Cortes told them that the King’s laws decreed such treachery should
not go unpunished, and that they must die for their crime. Then he ordered a
musket to be fired, which was the signal we had agreed on; and they
received a blow they will remember for ever, for we killed many of them,
and the promises of their false idols were of no avail.
In less than two hours our Tlascalan allies, who as I have said had remained
in the fields, arrived after fighting a tough battle in the streets, where the
Cholulans had posted other companies to defend the town and prevent their
entrance, which had been quickly defeated however. The Tlascalans went
about the place plundering and taking prisoners, and we could not stop
them. Next day more bands arrived from the Tlascalan towns, and did great
damage too, for they hated the Cholulans. The sight of this destruction
aroused compassion in Cortes and his soldiers, and we stopped the
Tlascalans from doing any more harm. Cortes ordered Cristobal de Olid to
summon all their captains so that he could talk to them, and they very
promptly came. He told them to collect their people together and camp in
the fields, which they did and only the Cempoalans remained with us.
Just then certain Caciques and papas of Cholula who belonged to other
districts and claimed to have taken no part in the plot – for it is a large city
and they were a separate party or faction – came and asked Cortes to pardon
the treachery that had been plotted against us now that the traitors had paid
for it with their lives. Then the two friendly papas who had revealed the plot
and the old captain’s wife, who had wanted Doña Marina for her daughterin-law, also came; and they all begged Cortes to pardon the people.
When they spoke to him Cortes made a great display of anger, and ordered
Montezuma’s ambassadors, who had been kept with us, to be summoned.
He said that the whole city deserved destruction, but that out of respect for
the lord Montezuma, whose vassals they were, he would pardon them.
Thenceforth, however, they must be of good behaviour, for if there were any
repetition of the recent happenings they would pay for it with their lives.
Then he summoned the Tlascalans from the fields and told them to return
the men and women they had taken prisoner, since the damage they had
done was enough. The Tlascalans, however, protested, saying that the
8
Cholulans deserved far worse punishment for the many treacherous attacks
they had made on them. Nevertheless, on Cortes’ instructions they
surrendered many persons, but they kept a rich store of gold and robes,
cotton, salt, and slaves. Cortes went further, however. He persuaded the two
peoples to make friends; and from what I have heard I believe their
friendship remains unbroken.
Furthermore, Cortes ordered the papas and Caciques of Cholula to bring the
people back to the city, to hold their markets and fairs, and have no fear, for
no harm would be done them. They answered that the city would be entirely
peopled again within five days, since most of the inhabitants were at present
hiding in the hills. They said that Cortes would have to choose a Cacique for
them since their former Cacique was among those who had been killed in
the courtyard. He asked them who should succeed to the office, and they
said the brother of the old Cacique. So Cortes at once appointed him
governor till further orders.
Afterwards, when he saw that the inhabitants had returned confidently and
were holding their markets, he summoned the papas and captains and other
dignitaries of the town and gave them a clear exposition of the principles of
our holy faith. He told them to give up worshipping their idols, to stop
sacrificing and eating human flesh, to give up robbery and their customary
bestialities. He pointed out that their idols were wicked and had deceived
them, and reminded them of the lying promises of victory they had made
five days before, when seven persons had been sacrificed. All that they told
the papas and the people being evil, he begged the Cholulans to throw them
down and smash them to pieces. But if they were unwilling, he said we
would do it for them. He also ordered them to whitewash a place rather like
a shrine, so that we could put up a cross there.
In the matter of the cross, they immediately did what we asked, and they
promised to pull down the idols. But although we told them to do so many
times they put it off. Then the Mercedarian friar said that it was too much to
expect the chiefs to destroy their idols until they had a better understanding
of our faith, and until they saw the outcome of our visit to Mexico. He
added that time would show what we ought to do, and that our exhortations
and the setting up of the cross were enough.
Cholula is situated on a plain with many other towns around it; Tepeaca,
Tlascala, Chalco, Tecamachalco, Huexotzinco, and a great many more. It is
a land rich in maize and other vegetables, and in peppers, and in the maguey
from which they brew their wine. They make very good pottery in this
district, of red and black and white clay painted in various designs, and they
supply Mexico and all the neighbouring provinces with it, as Talavera or
Placencia do in Castile. At that time the city had many lofty towers, which
were the temples and shrines in which they kept their idols, in particular the
great cue which was higher than that of Mexico, although the cue at Mexico
was very grand and tall. They had courts also for the service of the cues. We
heard that they had a very great idol, the name of which I forget, but they
were very devoted to it and came from many places to sacrifice to it and
hold services like novenas. They gave it offerings of part of their property.
9
Let us now turn to those companies sent by the great Montezuma which
were posted in the ravines beside Cholula and in pursuance of the plot had
constructed barricades and narrow lanes to prevent our horses from
charging. When they heard what had happened they returned to Mexico at a
quick pace and gave Montezuma an account of the way things had gone.
But though they went fast the news had already reached him through the
Caciques who had been with us and who ran to him post-haste. We learnt on
trustworthy authority that when the prince heard the news he was deeply
grieved and angry, and that he immediately sacrificed some Indians to his
idol Huichilobos, the god of war, in order that the god might tell them what
would be the outcome of our journey to Mexico and whether he should
admit us into the city. We even heard that for two days he remained shut in
at his devotions and sacrifices with his ten principal priests, and that the idol
advised him to send messengers to us disclaiming all responsibility for the
Cholula affair, and to admit us to Mexico with demonstrations of friendship.
For once we were inside he could either cut off our food and water or raise
one of the bridges and then kill us. If he were to attack us, he would put an
end to us all in a single day, and he could then offer his sacrifices to
Huichilobos, who had made this reply, and to Tezcatlipoca, the god of hell;
and they could feast on our thighs, legs, and arms, and the snakes, serpents,
and tigers that they kept in wooden cages, as I shall relate in due course,
could gorge on our entrails and bodies and all that was left.
The news of the plot and of the Cholulans’ punishment spread through all
the provinces of New Spain. If we had a reputation for bravery before – for
they had heard of the battles of Champoton and Tabasco, and of
Cingapacinga and the affair of Tlascala, and called us Teules after their gods
or evil things – from now on they took us for magicians and said that no plot
against us could be so secret as to escape discovery. On this account they
showed good will towards us.
I think that my readers must have heard enough of this tale of Cholula, and I
wish that I were finished with it. But I cannot omit to mention the cages of
stout wooden bars that we found in the city, full of men and boys who were
being fattened for the sacrifice at which their flesh would be eaten. We
destroyed these cages, and Cortes ordered the prisoners who were confined
in them to return to their native districts. Then, with threats, he ordered the
Caciques and captains and papas of the city to imprison no more Indians in
that way and to eat no more human flesh. They promised to obey him. But
since they were not kept, of what use were their promises?
Let us anticipate a little and say that these were the great cruelties about
which the bishop of Chiapas, Fray Bartolome de las Casas, wrote, and was
never tired of talking. He insisted that we punished the Cholulans for no
reason at all, or just to amuse ourselves and because we had a fancy to. He
writes so persuasively that he would convince anyone who had not
witnessed the event, or had no knowledge of it, that these and the other
cruelties of which he writes took place as he says, whereas the reverse is
true. Let the Dominicans beware of this book of his, because they will find
it contradicts the facts. I should like to say also that some good Franciscans,
who were the first friars His Majesty sent to New Spain after the capture of
Mexico, went to Cholula to inquire into the details of this punishment and
10
the reason for it, and examined the actual papas and elders of the city. After
questioning them thoroughly they found the facts to conform exactly with
the account I have written, and not with the bishop’s. If we had not inflicted
that punishment, our lives would have been in great danger from the
companies of Mexican warriors and Cholulans, and their barricades and
breastworks. And if we had been so unfortunate as to be killed, this New
Spain of ours would not have been conquered so rapidly, nor would another
armada have dared to set out, or if it had done so it would have met with
greater difficulties, because the Mexicans would have defended the ports.
And they would still have remained in a state of idolatry.
11
Primary Source 4.5
Hernán Cortés (1986 [1523]), Letters from Mexico, translated and edited by
Anthony Pagden, with an introduction by J.H. Elliott, New Haven, Yale
University Press, pp. 83–7.
Notes
This extract is a translation of one of Cortés’s letters to Charles V of Spain
describing the conquest of Mexico (1519–22). This letter covers Cortés’s
meeting with Montezuma.
Meeting Montezuma
On the following day I left this city and after travelling for half a league
came to a causeway which runs through the middle of the lake for two
leagues until it reaches the great city of Temixtitan,1 which is built in the
middle of the lake. This causeway is as wide as two lances, and well built,
so that eight horsemen can ride abreast. In the two leagues from one end to
the other there are three towns, and one of them, which is called
Misicalcango, is in the main built on the water, and the other two, which are
called Niciaca and Huchilohuchico, are built on the shore, but many of their
houses are on the water. The first of these cities has three thousand
inhabitants, the second more than six thousand, and the third another four or
five thousand, and in all of them there are very good houses and towers,
especially the houses of the chiefs and persons of high rank, and the temples
or oratories where they keep their idols.
In these cities there is much trading in salt, which they extract from the
water of the lake and from the shallow area which is covered by the waters
of the lake. They bake it in some way to make cakes, which are sold to the
inhabitants and also beyond.
Thus I continued along this causeway, and half a league before the main
body of the city of Temixtitan, at the entrance to another causeway which
meets this one from the shore, there is a very strong fortification with two
towers ringed by a wall four yards wide with merloned battlements all
around commanding both causeways. There are only two gates, one for
entering and one for leaving. Here as many as a thousand men came out to
see and speak with me, important persons from the city, all dressed very
richly after their own fashion. When they reached me, each one performed a
ceremony which they practice among themselves, each placed his hand on
the ground and kissed it. And so I stood there waiting for nearly an hour
until everyone had performed his ceremony. Close to the city there is a
wooden bridge ten paces wide across a breach in the causeway to allow the
water to flow, as it rises and falls. The bridge is also for the defence of the
city, because whenever they so wish they can remove some very long broad
beams of which this bridge is made. There are many such bridges
throughout the city as later Your Majesty will see in the account I give of it.
1
Temixtitan = Tenochtitlan, the Mexican capital.
1
After we had crossed this bridge, Mutezuma came to greet us and with him
some two hundred lords, all barefoot and dressed in a different costume, but
also very rich in their way and more so than the others. They came in two
columns, pressed very close to the walls of the street, which is very wide
and beautiful and so straight that you can see from one end to the other. It is
two-thirds of a league long and has on both sides very good and big houses,
both dwellings and temples.
Mutezuma came down the middle of this street with two chiefs, one on his
right hand and the other on his left. One of these was that great chief who
had come on a litter to speak with me, and the other was Mutezuma’s
brother, chief of the city of Yztapalapa, which I had left that day. And they
were all dressed alike except that Mutezuma wore sandals whereas the
others went barefoot; and they held his arm on either side. When we met I
dismounted and stepped forward to embrace him, but the two lords who
were with him stopped me with their hands so that I should not touch him,
and they likewise all performed the ceremony of kissing the earth.
When this was over Mutezuma requested his brother to remain with me and
to take me by the arm while he went a little way ahead with the other; and
after he had spoken to me all the others in the two columns came and spoke
with me, one after another, and then each returned to his column.
When at last I came to speak to Mutezuma himself I took off a necklace of
pearls and cut glass that I was wearing and placed it round his neck; after we
had walked a little way up the street a servant of his came with two
necklaces, wrapped in a cloth, made from red snails’ shells, which they hold
in great esteem; and from each necklace hung eight shrimps of refined gold
almost a span in length. When they had been brought he turned to me and
placed them about my neck, and then continued up the street in the manner
already described until we reached a very large and beautiful house which
had been very well prepared to accommodate us. There he took me by the
hand and led me to a great room facing the courtyard through which we
entered. And he bade me sit on a very rich throne, which he had had built
for him and then left saying that I should wait for him. After a short while,
when all those of my company had been quartered, he returned with many
and various treasures of gold and silver and featherwork, and as many as
five or six thousand cotton garments, all very rich and woven and
embroidered in various ways. And after he had given me these things he sat
on another throne which they placed there next to the one on which I was
sitting, and addressed me in the following way:
“For a long time we have known from the writings of our ancestors that
neither I, nor any of those who dwell in this land, are natives of it, but
foreigners who came from very distant parts; and likewise we know that a
chieftain, of whom they were all vassals, brought our people to this region.
And he returned to his native land and after many years came again, by
which time all those who had remained were married to native women and
had built villages and raised children. And when he wished to lead them
away again they would not go nor even admit him as their chief; and so he
departed. And we have always held that those who descended from him
would come and conquer this land and take us as their vassals. So because
2
of the place from which you claim to come, namely, from where the sun
rises, and the things you tell us of the great lord or king who sent you here,
we believe and are certain that he is our natural lord, especially as you say
that he has known of us for some time. So be assured that we shall obey you
and hold you as our lord in place of that great sovereign of whom you
speak; and in this there shall be no offence or betrayal whatsoever. And in
all the land that lies in my domain, you may command as you will, for you
shall be obeyed; and all that we own is for you to dispose of as you choose.
Thus, as you are in your own country and your own house, rest now from
the hardships of your journey and the battles which you have fought, for I
know full well of all that has happened to you from Puntunchan to here, and
I also know how those of Cempoal and Tascalteca have told you much evil
of me; believe only what you see with your eyes, for those are my enemies,
and some were my vassals, and have rebelled against me at your coming
and said those things to gain favour with you. I also know that they have
told you the walls of my houses are made of gold, and that the floor mats in
my rooms and other things in my household are likewise of gold, and that I
was, and claimed to be, a god; and many other things besides. The houses as
you see are of stone and lime and clay.”
Then he raised his clothes and showed me his body, saying as he grasped his
arms and trunk with his hands, “See that I am of flesh and blood like you
and all other men, and I am mortal and substantial. See how they have lied
to you? It is true that I have some pieces of gold left to me by my ancestors;
anything I might have shall be given to you whenever you ask. Now I shall
go to other houses where I live, but here you shall be provided with all that
you and your people require, and you shall receive no hurt, for you are in
your own land and your own house.”
I replied to all he said as I thought most fitting, especially in making him
believe that Your Majesty was he whom they were expecting; and with this
he took his leave. When he had gone we were very well provided with
chickens, bread, fruit and other requisites, especially for the servicing of our
quarters. In this manner I spent six days, very well provisioned with all that
was needed and visited by many of those chiefs.
3
Primary Source 4.6
Bernal Díaz (1963 [c.1570]), The Conquest of New Spain, translated with
an Introduction by J.M. Cohen, Harmondsworth, Penguin, pp. 220–4.
Notes
This is an extract from an original account of the Spanish conquest of
Mexico, written by the conquistador Bernal Díaz (1496–1584). It pertains to
Montezuma’s meeting with Cortés.
The stay in Mexico
When the great Montezuma had dined and was told that our Captain and all
of us had finished our meal some time ago, he came to our quarters in the
grandest state with a great number of princes, all of them his kinsman. On
being told of his approach, Cortes came into the middle of the hall to receive
him. Montezuma then took him by the hand, and they brought chairs made
in their fashion and very richly decorated in various ways with gold.
Montezuma requested our Captain to sit down, and both of them sat, each
on his own chair.
Then Montezuma began a very good speech, saying that he was delighted to
have such valiant gentlemen as Cortes and the rest of us in his house and his
kingdom. That two years ago he had received news of a Captain who had
come to Champoton, and that last year also he had received a report of
another Captain who had come with four ships. Each time he had wished to
see them, and now that he had us with him he was not only at our service
but would share all that he possessed with us. He ended by saying that we
must truly be the men about whom his ancestors had long ago prophesied,
saying that they would come from the direction of the sunrise to rule over
these lands, and that he was confirmed in his belief by the valour with which
we had fought at Champoton and Tabasco and against the Tlascalans, for
lifelike pictures of these battles had been brought to him.
Cortes replied through our interpreters that we did not know how to repay
the daily favours we received from him, and that indeed we did come from
the direction of the sunrise, and were vassals and servants of a great king
called the Emperor Charles, who was ruler over many great princes. Having
heard news of Montezuma and what a great prince he was, the Emperor, he
said, had sent us to this country to visit him, and to beg them to become
Christians, like our Emperor and all of us, so that his soul and those of all
his vassals might be saved. Cortes promised to explain to him later how this
could be, and how we worship the one true God and who He is, also many
other good things which he had already communicated to his ambassadors
Tendile, Pitalpitoque, and Quintalbor.
The great Montezuma had some fine gold jewels of various shapes in
readiness which he gave to Cortes after this conversation. And to each of
our captains he presented small gold objects and three loads of cloaks of
rich feather work; and to us soldiers he gave two loads of cloaks each, all
with a princely air. For in every way he was like a great prince. After the
1
distribution of presents, he asked Cortes if we were all brothers and vassals
of our great Emperor; and Cortes answered that we were brothers in love
and friendship, persons of great distinction, and servants of our great king
and lord. Further polite speeches passed between Montezuma and Cortes,
but as this was the first time he had visited us and we did not want to tire
him, the conversation ended.
Montezuma had ordered his stewards to provide us with everything we
needed for our way of living : maize, grindstones, women to make our
bread, fowls, fruit, and plenty of fodder for the horses. He then took leave of
us all with the greatest courtesy, and we accompanied him to the street.
However, Cortes ordered us not to go far from our quarters for the present
until we knew better what conduct to observe.
Next day Cortes decided to go to Montezuma’s palace. But first he sent to
know whether the prince was busy and to inform him of our coming. He
took four captains with him: Pedro de Alvarado, Juan Velazquez de Leon,
Diego de Ordaz, and Gonzalo de Sandoval, and five of us soldiers.
When Montezuma was informed of our coming, he advanced into the
middle of the hall to receive us, closely surrounded by his nephews, for no
other chiefs were allowed to enter his palace or communicate with him
except upon important business. Cortes and Montezuma exchanged bows,
and clasped hands. Then Montezuma led Cortes to his own dais, and setting
him down on his right, called for more seats, on which he ordered us all to
sit also.
Cortes began to make a speech through our interpreters, saying that we were
all now rested, and that in coming to see and speak with such a great prince
we had fulfilled the purpose of our voyage and the orders of our lord the
King. The principal things he had come to say on behalf of our Lord God
had already been communicated to Montezuma through his three
ambassadors, on that occasion in the sandhills when he did us the favour of
sending us the golden moon and sun. We had then told him that we were
Christians and worshipped one God alone, named Jesus Christ, who had
suffered His passion and death to save us; and that what they worshipped as
gods were not gods but devils, which were evil things, and if they were ugly
to look at, their deeds were uglier. But he had proved to them how evil and
ineffectual their gods were, as both the prince and his people would observe
in the course of time, since, where we had put up crosses such as their
ambassadors had seen, they had been too frightened to appear before them.
The favour he now begged of the great Montezuma was that he should listen
to the words he now wished to speak. Then he very carefully expounded the
creation of the world, how we are all brothers, the children of one mother
and father called Adam and Eve; and how such a brother as our great
Emperor, grieving for the perdition of so many souls as their idols were
leading to hell, where they burnt in living flame, had sent us to tell him this,
so that he might put a stop to it, and so that they might give up the worship
of idols and make no more human sacrifices – for all men are brothers – and
commit no more robbery or sodomy. He also promised that in the course of
time the King would send some men who lead holy lives among us, much
2
better than our own, to explain this more fully, for we had only come to give
them warning. Therefore he begged Montezuma to do as he was asked.
As Montezuma seemed about to reply, Cortes broke off his speech, saying
to those of us who were with him: ‘Since this is only the first attempt, we
have now done our duty.’
‘My Lord Malinche1,’ Montezuma replied, ‘these arguments of yours have
been familiar to me for some time. I understand what you said to my
ambassadors on the sandhills about the three gods and the cross, also what
you preached in the various towns through which you passed. We have
given you no answer, since we have worshipped our own gods here from the
beginning and know them to be good. No doubt yours are good also, but do
not trouble to tell us any more about them at present. Regarding the creation
of the world we have held the same belief for ages, and for this reason are
certain that you are those who our ancestors predicted would come from the
direction of the sunrise. As for your great King, I am in his debt and will
give him of what I possess. For, as I have already said, two years ago I had
news of the Captains who came in ships, by the road that you came, and said
they were servants of this great king of yours. I should like to know if you
are all the same people.’
Cortes answered that we were all brothers and servants of the Emperor, and
that they had come to discover a route and explore the seas and ports, so that
when they knew them well we could follow, as we had done. Montezuma
was referring to the expeditions of Francisco Herandez de Cordoba and of
Grijalva, the first voyages of discovery. He said that ever since that time he
had wanted to invite some of these men to visit the cities of his kingdom,
where he would receive them and do them honour, and that now his gods
had fulfilled his desire, for we were in his house, which we might call our
own. Here we might rest and enjoy ourselves, for we should receive good
treatment. If on other occasions he had sent to forbid our entrance into his
city, it was not of his own free will, but because his vassals were afraid. For
they told him we shot out flashes of lightning, and killed many Indians with
our horses, and that we were angry Teules, and other such childish stories.
But now that he had seen us, he knew that we were of flesh and blood and
very intelligent, also very brave. Therefore he had a far greater esteem for us
than these reports had given him, and would share with us what he had.
We all thanked him heartily for his signal good will, and Montezuma replied
with a laugh, because in his princely manner he spoke very gaily:
‘Malinche, I know that these people of Tlascala with whom you are so
friendly have told you that I am a sort of god or Teule, and keep nothing in
any of my houses that is not made of silver and gold and precious stones.
But I know very well that you are too intelligent to believe this and will take
it as a joke. See now, Malinche, my body is made of flesh and blood like
yours, and my houses and palaces are of stone, wood, and plaster.
1
Malinche: the Mexicans’ name for Cortes.
3
Primary Source 4.7
Titu Cusi Yupanqui (2005) An Inca Account of the Conquest of Peru, translated,
introduced and annotated by Ralph Bauer, Boulder, Colorado, University Press of
Colorado, pp. 58–70 (notes omitted).
Notes
This is an extract from an account of the Spanish conquest of Peru written by the last
survivor of the Inca royal dynasty. As such it provides a useful counterpoint to the
Spanish view of events provided elsewhere in the primary source database.
Titu Cusi Yupanqui’s account of the conquest of Peru
Your Excellency, upon your safe arrival in Spain, may do me the favour of
enlightening His Majesty the King, our lord Don Philip under whose protection I have
placed myself, about my identity and the hardships I suffer in these jungles as a result
of His Majesty’s and His vassals’ having taken possession of this land, which
belonged to my ancestors. Perhaps His Excellency could begin by giving a testimony
about who and whose son I am, so that His Majesty is entirely clear on the reasons
why I am entitled to compensation.
I suppose that it is common knowledge by now, given the accounts of many people,
who the ancient and legitimate lords of this country were, from where and under what
circumstances they came; therefore, there is no need to be detained by explanations.
But I would greatly appreciate it if Your Excellency could do me the honour of
informing His Majesty that I am the one legitimate son, meaning the eldest and
firstborn, among the many sons whom my father Manco Inca Yupanqui left behind.
He entrusted me to take care of them and to look after them as I would of myself. This
is what I have been doing from the day he died up to this very day; and this is what I
am doing now and what I will continue to do as long as God keeps me alive, because
it is right that sons do what their fathers have ordered them to do, especially during
their last days. His Majesty should also be informed that my father, Manco Inca
Yupanqui, as the son of Huayna Capac and grandson of Topa Inca Yupanqui, and thus
the descendant of their ancestors in a direct line, was the highest ruler of all these
kingdoms of Peru. As such, he was designated by his father Huayna Capac and, after
the latter’s death, recognised and respected by everyone throughout the land, as I, too,
was then, am now, and have been ever since my father’s death. Furthermore, I would
be much obliged if Your Excellency could explain to His Majesty the reasons why I
am now in such dire straits in these jungles where my father left me after the
Spaniards ruined and then murdered him.
Moreover, His Majesty should be made aware of the things that are explained in more
detail below with regard to the manner and times in which Spaniards intruded into
these lands of Peru and of the way they treated my father while he was still alive
before they killed him in this land, which is now mine. The account is as follows.
The Account of how the Spaniards intruded into Peru and of the Things that
Manco Inca did when he lived among them
At the time when the Spaniards first landed in this country of Peru and when they
arrived at the city of Cajamarca, which is about 190 leagues from here, my father
1
Manco Inca was residing in the city of Cuzco. There he governed with all the powers
that had been bestowed upon him by his father Huayna Capac. He first learned of the
Spaniards’ arrival from certain messengers who had been sent from there by one of
his brothers by the name of Atahuallpa, who was older but a bastard, and by some
Indians from the lowlands called Tallanas, who live on the coast of the South Sea,
fifteen or twenty leagues from Cajamarca. They reported having observed that certain
people had arrived in their land, people who were very different from us in custom
and dress, and that they appeared to be Viracochas (this is the name that we used to
apply to the creator of all things, calling him Teqsi Viracocha, which means “origin”
and “originator of all things”). They named the people as such because they differed
much from us in clothing and appearance and because they rode very large animals
with silver feet (by which they meant the glittering horseshoes). Another reason for
calling them so was that the Indians saw them alone talking to white cloths [paños
blancos] as a person would speak to another, which is how the Indians perceived the
reading of books and letters. Moreover, they called them Viracochas because of the
stately appearance of their persons and because each was so different from the other,
some having black beards and others red ones and, finally, because they saw them eat
out of silver dishes and using yllapas, which is the word we use for “thunder” and by
which they meant their “guns”; for they thought that the thunder they made came
from the sky.
Two of these Viracochas were brought to my uncle Atahuallpa by some men from the
Yunca people. At the time, Atahuallpa was staying at Cajamarca, where he received
them very well. However, when he offered our customary drink in a golden cup to
one of them, the Spaniard poured it out with his own hands, which offended my uncle
very much. After that, those two Spaniards showed my uncle a letter or a book (I am
not sure exactly which), explaining to him that this was the quillca [word] of God and
of the king. My uncle, still offended by the wasting of the chichi (which is how we
call our drink), took the letter (or whatever it was) and threw it down saying, “What is
this supposed to be that you gave to me here? Be gone!” Thereupon the Spaniards
returned to their companions and related to them what they had seen and what had
happened during their dealings with my uncle Atahuallpa.
Many days later, my uncle Atahuallpa was engaged in war and altercations with one
of his brothers, Huascar Inca, over the question of who was the rightful king of this
land. In truth, neither one of them was the legitimate heir, for they had only usurped
the power from my father, who was still a boy then. However, each of them made
claims based on various uncles and relatives and argued that, although their father
may have named my father king in his last days, a boy could not be king and that,
therefore, it would be better if one of the elder ones, not the child, be king. Of course,
these justifications were hardly motivated by sound reason but rather by passions of
greed and ambition; for, although both were sons of Huayna Capac, their mothers
were commoners, whereas my father had pure royal blood, as had Pachacuti Inca, the
grandfather of Huayna Capac. In any case, while these two brothers—sons of
different mothers—were caught up in these said altercations, it was reported that forty
or fifty Spaniards had arrived at Cajamarca, the town mentioned above, on their wellequipped horses. My uncle Atahuallpa learned of this while he was celebrating a
certain festival in a town called Guamachuco, which is not far from there, and
immediately set out with his entourage. However, he brought no weapons for battle or
harnesses for defense, only tomës (which is how we call our knives) and lassos for the
purpose of hunting this new kind of llamas, which is how we called our livestock and
2
also their horses, since we had never seen any before). Not concerned about the few
people who had come or interested in who they were, they brought only the tomës and
knives for skinning and quartering the animals.
When my uncle was approaching Cajamarca with all of his people, the Spaniards met
them at the springs of Conoc, one and a half leagues from Cajamarca. Having arrived
there, he asked them why they had come, and they answered that they had come on
orders of Viracocha in order to tell them how to get to know him. After having heard
what they had to say, my uncle attended to them and calmly offered one of them a
drink in the manner I have already described above in order to see if these people, too,
would waste the drink as the other two had done before. And, indeed, it happened just
like before, they neither drank it nor concerned themselves with it. Having seen how
little they minded his things, my uncle said, “If you disrespect me, I will also
disrespect you”. He got up angrily and raised a cry as though he wanted to kill the
Spaniards. However, the Spaniards were on the lookout and took possession of the
four gates of the plaza where they were, which was enclosed on all its sides.
The Indians where thus penned up like sheep in this enclosed plaza, unable to move
because there were so many of them. Also, they had no weapons as they had not
brought any, being so little concerned about the Spaniards, except for the lassos and
tumës, as I have said above. The Spaniards stormed with great fury to the center of the
plaza, where the Inca’s seat was placed on an elevated platform, like a sort of fortress,
which we call usnu. They took possession of it and wouldn’t let my uncle ascend but
instead forced him out of his seat, turned it over and took away everything that he
carried, as well as his tassel, which among us serves as a crown. After they had taken
everything from him, they apprehended him, and because the Indians uttered loud
cries, they started killing them with the horses, the swords or guns, like one kills
sheep, without anyone being able to resist them. Of more than ten thousand not even
two hundred escaped. When all were dead, they took my uncle to a jail, where they
kept him all night, stark naked and his neck in shackles. Next day, in the morning,
they gave him his clothes and his tassel and asked, “Are you the king of this
country?” He answered that he was, and they said, “There is none other beside you?
For we know that there is another one called Manco Inca. Where is he?” My uncle
answered, “In Cuzco.” They asked, “And where is that Cuzco?” My uncle replied,
“Cuzco is two hundred leagues from here.” The Spaniards in turn said, “We have
learned that Cuzco is the capital of this country. Therefore he who resides in Cuzco
must be the king.” And my uncle said “He is indeed, for my father willed that he
would be, but because he is very young, I govern the country in his place.” The
Spaniards answered, “Even though he may be young, he should be notified of our
arrival and that we have come on orders of Viracocha.” My uncle said, “Whom do
you want me to send after you have killed all my men and have left me in such a
predicament?” He said this because he was not on good terms with my father and
because he feared that once he [my father] was informed of the arrival of the
Viracochas [Spaniards], the Spaniards might possibly get ahold of him, for they
appeared to be powerful people, even Viracochas, as I have said above.
When the Spaniards saw that my uncle Atahuallpa procrastinated in informing my
father of their arrival, they agreed among themselves to send their own messengers.
Meanwhile, while the Spaniards were still deliberating whether or not to send the
messenger, the Tallana people on the coast found out about the whole thing and,
because they respected my father a great deal and acknowledged him as their king,
decided to bring the news themselves to my father, without informing the Spaniards
3
or my uncle. Thus they left for Cuzco and, upon their arrival, addressed my father
with these words: “Sapai Inca” (which means “you, our sole lord”), “we have come to
tell you that a new sort of people [género de gente] has arrived in your land, a race
that has never been heard of or seen before by our nations and that without doubt
appears to be that of the Viracochas” (which means “gods”). “They have arrived at
Cajamarca, where your brother is. He has told them in no uncertain terms that he is
the lord and king of this country. This has caused us, as your vassals, great grief. As
we are unable to stand such an affront any longer without informing you of it, we
have come to warn you about what has been happening, for we would not want to
give the impression that we are rebellious or negligent in our service to you.”
When my father heard this, he was beside himself and said, “How dare those people
intrude into my country without my authorization and permission? Who are those
people and what are their ways?” The messengers answered, “Lord, these people
cannot but be Viracochas, for they claim to have come by the wind. They are bearded
people, very beautiful and white. They eat out of silver plates. Even their sheep, who
carry them, are large and wear silver shoes. They throw yllapas like the sky. From this
you may yourself conclude that people like this, who live and behave in such a
manner, must be Viracochas. Moreover, we have witnessed with our own eyes that
they talk to white cloths by themselves and that they call some of us by our names
without having been informed by anyone and only by looking into the sheets, which
they hold in front of them. Finally, they are people whose only visible parts are their
hands and their face. The clothes that they wear are even better than yours, for they
contain gold and silver. Who could people of this manner and fortune be but
Viracochas?”
My father, who was the type of man who wanted to know things for certain, turned to
threatening the messengers, saying, “You better be sure that you haven’t lied to me in
any of the things you report, for you know very well how my ancestors and myself
deal with liars.” The messengers, somewhat intimidated and terrified, spoke, “Sapai
Inca, had we not seen it with our own eyes and hadn’t we been concerned for you, we
would never have dared to come to you with such stories. However, if you don’t want
to believe us, send someone to Cajamarca. Whoever you might send there will see the
people we have described and who are waiting for an answer to our message”.
When my father saw that they insisted so strongly on the veracity of what they had
reported, he believed them and said, “If you are so eager to testify to the arrival of
these people, why don’t you go and bring one of them to me, so I can see them and
thereby be persuaded.” Thus, the messengers carried out what my father had ordered,
returning to Cajamarca accompanied by a great number of Indians whom my father
had sent so that they may verify what had been reported and in order to invite one of
the Spaniards to come to visit my father, because he was very eager to see for himself
such people as they had been described to him so earnestly by the Tallana people
from the lowlands. At last all the messengers embarked from Cuzco for Cajamarca on
command of my father in order to see what sort of people these Viracochas were.
Upon their arrival, they were received very well by the Marquis Don Francisco
Pizarro, who was most pleased about the news from my father and about some little
trinkets – I am not sure exactly what – that he had sent. The messengers conveyed to
the Spaniards my father’s request that some of them might come to see him. The
Spaniards accepted the invitation and decided to send two of them in order to kiss his
hands. One was named so-and-so Villegas and the other Antano. (The Indians did not
know what to call them otherwise.) Thus, they left Cajamarca upon command of the
4
marquis and with the consent of the others and arrived in Cuzco without any delays or
obstacles. My father, who had meanwhile been informed of their coming, sent them a
great amount of supplies and even commanded the messengers who had come from
Cuzco to meet them in order to carry them in hammocks, which they did. Once they
had arrived in Cuzco, they were introduced to my father, who received them very
respectfully and supplied them with shelter and everything they needed.
The next day, he invited them to his residence and hosted a great celebration with
many people and much display of gold and silver dishes, among them innumerable
pitchers, cups, bowls, and pots from the same material. When the Spaniards caught a
glimpse of so much gold and silver, they told him to let them have some of it, so that
they could show it to the marquis and his companions in order to demonstrate to them
the greatness of his power. My father agreed and gave them many pitchers, golden
cups, and other regalia and precious pieces for themselves and some for their
companions. He sent them off with many people to accompany them and said that
since they had come to see him on orders of Viracocha, they were welcome to enter
his land and, if they so pleased, to visit him at his residence.
While these two Spaniards had been on their way to kiss my father’s hands and meet
with him in Cuzco, my uncle Atahuallpa gave the Spaniards a huge amount of gold
and silver, all of which belonged to my father. He did this in part because he was
afraid of the Viracochas and in part on his own design, because he was competing for
their favour against Manco Inca, my father, and his brother, Huascar Inca. Because of
his suspicion toward my uncle Huascar Inca, he sent out several messengers with the
mission to instigate a conspiracy among Huascar’s people in order to kill him, so that
his back would be covered in that regard. With regard to the Spaniards, he was
confident that he was safe because he had given them the treasure, which, as I have
already said, belonged to my father. These messengers executed the plan very well,
murdering Huascar during an altercation in the vicinity of a town called Huánuco
Pampa. When Atahuallpa found out about the death of Huascar Inca, he was
exceedingly pleased, for he thought that he no longer had anyone to fear. On the one
hand, he had destroyed and killed his main antagonist and, on the other, he had bribed
the Spaniards. Thus, he thought he was safe. However, he was mistaken. When the
two Spaniards arrived at the place where the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro was
staying with the messengers and the news that my father had sent, the marquis, whom
we used to call macho capitu, was assured that my father, Manco Inca Yupanqui, was
the true king of the entire land – the one who was respected, feared, and recognised as
such by all – while Atahuallpa, his older brother, ruled the land as a tyrant. The
marquis was extremely delighted, either because he had the good news from my
father of how high a person he was or because of the exquisitely beautiful and
generous gift that my father had sent. But he was also upset by the news that my
father’s brother vexed and molested him so much without any reason and that he had
usurped his kingdom in defiance of all laws. However, as it turned out later,
Atahuallpa did not escape the punishment that he deserved.
When the Spanish messengers who had been at my father’s court and the Indians
whom my father had sent returned with the aforesaid treasure of gold and silver worth
more than two million, they presented it to the governor – first the Spaniards and then
the Indians, just as my father had commanded. They said that Manco Inca Yupanqui
was very glad about the arrival of so many good people in his land and requested that
they come to his residence in Cuzco, if they pleased. He would receive them with all
honors and promised to satisfy all their wishes, because they had come on order of
5
Viracocha. He further wanted to inform them that at the place where they had landed
there was one of his brothers by the name of Atahuallpa, who pretended to be lord of
the entire land. They should not recognise him as such, because he [Manco Inca
Yupanqui] alone was the legitimate ruler of the land, having been appointed as such
by his father Huayna Capac in his last days. But despite his father’s last will,
Atahuallpa had risen up against him.
When the governor and all his people had heard all of this and more, he received the
messengers of my father, as well as the presents, with great pleasure and ordered that
they be shown the hospitality and honor appropriate for messengers of such a great
lord. A few days later, the Indian messengers of my father embarked on their journey
back with the response of the marquis, who remained in Cajamarca. Because of his
suspicion, he continued to hold Atahuallpa prisoner, as he had done since he and his
comrades had arrived in the land. For, it seemed to him that he [Atahuallpa] would
rise up against him as soon as he released him. Also, he had always been suspicious of
him, believing that he was not the legitimate king of the land but wished to gain
certainty through the answer of my father. Thus, he kept him in captivity in order to
await further instructions from my father.
When my uncle Atahuallpa saw that my father had sent messengers and so much gold
and silver to the Spaniards, he was very upset. Not only was it not lost on him how
quickly he [my father] had aligned himself with them and that they recognized him as
the legitimate king and lord, but also he thought that this alliance would be his doom.
As he was harboring this suspicion and fear of being thus cornered, he decided to
summon all of his people and captains who were with him in order to apprise them of
the sad condition in which he found himself. As soon as he had all of them gathered
before him, he spoke to them the following words.
“Apoes” (which means “lords”), “these people who have entered our lands hold
notions contrary to our own and have aligned themselves with my brother Manco Inca
and seem to live in great harmony with him. If you are in agreement, we will dash
their heads in and kill them. For I believe that, although we have but a few brave men,
we can again rule this land the way we used to because my brother Huascar Inca is
already dead. If we don’t kill them, however, and they align themselves with my
brother [Manco Inca], we will fare very badly because they are brave people –
Viracochas apparently – and my brother is very angry at me. If he had a mind to
summon troops from throughout the country, he would probably make these here
[Spaniards] his captains, which means that he and they would invariably destroy us.
So let us preempt them, if you agree.”
The men and captains who had heard the reasoning of my uncle Atahuallpa agreed
and cried in unison, “Hu Sapai Inca” (which means “you have spoken truly, lord”). “It
is time to kill these people [the Spaniards], for what can they do against us? All of
them together wouldn’t even make a lunch for us.” However, soon after they had
determined the day and hour on which they wanted to carry out their plot, the marquis
– I don’t know how – found out about it. Thus, the marquis had them for lunch before
they could have him, because he now knew about the conspiracy against the
Spaniards. He positioned his spies everywhere and ordered highest alert. Without
delay, he had my uncle Atahuallpa brought out of prison into the open and, without
any resistance, garroted him on a pole in the middle of the square. And as soon as this
was done, he set out to depart in order to see my father. But no matter how quickly he
acted, the Indians still came down upon him like a rainstorm, for an Indian by the
6
name of Challcochima, Atahuallpa’s general, and another by the name of Quisquis,
his companion (both of whom were very brave and powerful), had gathered a great
multitude of people to avenge the death of their lord. Thus, the marquis and his people
were forced to proceed with great caution, because their pursuers were so numerous
that they could advance only by suffering great troubles and damages. They
constantly had to defend themselves against the overwhelming attacks.
When my father had news about the distress in which they found themselves, he
decided to raise men who would rush to their aid. Thus, he departed from Cuzco with
more than 100,000 people and came as far as Vilcacunga, where he met the marquis,
who had already captured Challcochima. The marquis was very happy to see him [my
father], who had traveled with his golden and crystal litters [andas] and his royal
crown. He dismounted and embraced the marquis, who had already dismounted from
his horse. My father and the marquis made an alliance with each other and ordered
that nobody was to make a move unless it was to deal with Quisquis, who was
roaming the vicinity with many people and who must not be allowed to succeed in
freeing Challcochima.
After their meeting, my father and the marquis departed together from Vilcacunga and
spend the night in Jaquijaguana, where the marquis turned over Challcochima to my
father with the following words: “Look, lord Manco Inca, here I bring you your
archenemy in chains. Decide for yourself what you want to do with him.” When my
father saw him, he ordered that he be burnt immediately before everyone’s eyes, so
that this news would reach his ally Quisquis and, thus, be a punishment for the former
and an example for the latter. After the punishment against so bad an Indian as he was
had been executed, they [the marquis and Manco Inca] went together to Cuzco.
Meanwhile, my father was still upset by the insolence of that Indian Quisquis. As
soon as they arrived at Cuzco, my father commanded his people to show respect and
esteem for the marquis and his people and to supply them with everything they
needed until their return. He himself wanted to go and kill that villain Quisquis and
his entire family, because he was so insolent toward him and the Spaniards. Then, my
father respected the Spaniards a great deal, because he was very impressed by the
Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro.
[…]
The Death of Pascac, the Inca’s brother
[…]
All these things happened and many more, but since an extended account of all of
them would lead us too far astray and in order to avoid prolixity, I will stay on track
by moving on to relate the things that happened to my father and the things that the
Spaniards went about after all of this. When Gonzalo Pizarro (who was acting as the
corregidor of Cuzco in the absence of the governor Francisco Pizarro), as well as
Hernando Pizarro, Juan Pizarro, and many others were staying in the city, it happened
that Juan Pizarro, the brother of Hernando Pizarro, found out about how much silver
my father had given to his brothers and called out in a fit of envy, “So, only my
brothers get silver, but not I? By the devil, that is about to change! They’ll have to
give me gold and silver as well, the same as they gave to my brothers. If they don’t,
I’ll teach them a lesson that they won’t forget.” With these threats, he gathered all the
people and said, “Let’s arrest him, let’s arrest Manco Inca.” When my father learned
that in the city there was a conspiracy being planned against him, he ordered that all
7
the chiefs of the land come together. Actually, many of them were already in Cuzco
for the protection of his person. When he had them all gathered before him, he, after
having consulted with the above-mentioned chief Vila Oma, gave them the following
speech.
The Inca’s Speech to his Chiefs about the Siege of Cuzco
“Much beloved sons and brothers, I never thought that I would find myself
compelled to require of you what I am about to; for I thought and always took for
granted that these bearded people whom you call Viracochas would never deceive or
harm me, for I used to think and say that they had indeed come on orders of
Viracocha. Now, however, I look back on my experiences with them and discover –
as you have seen – how badly they have treated me and how poorly they have thanked
me for all that I have done for them. They have disrespected me a thousand times;
they have taken me prisoner and chained my hands and feet like you would a dog;
and, not enough, after they have promised me that they would from now on respect
our compact of mutual love and friendship, they are now engaged in a plot to capture
and kill me. So now I will ask you, like one asks one’s sons, to remember what you
have so often urged me to do, which is precisely what I want to do now: you said that
I should rise up against them and you asked why I tolerated them in my country. So
far, I have been reluctant to do so because I deemed it impossible that the things
would happen that I now see happening. But because this is the way it is and because
they insist on vexing me, I find myself compelled to do them likewise. I will not
tolerate any more of their chicaneries. On your lives, you have always shown me
much love; and you did your best in fulfilling my wishes. Now, fulfil only this one
and gather all that are here. Get ready to send your messengers all over the land, so
that in twenty days’ time all are united here in this city but without the knowledge of
those bearded ones. Meanwhile, I will send messengers to Lima, to Quiso Yupanqui,
my captain who governs that region, in order to inform him that on the day that we
attack the Spaniards who are here, he is also to attack the Spaniards who are there.
Thus, if he acts there at the same time as we act here, we will finish them off without
any of them staying alive; and we will rid ourselves of this nightmare and will be
happy thereafter.” After he had finished explaining his plan to his captains about how
to get their men ready for the impending battle with the Spaniards, they all replied in
unison and with one voice that they were very glad, willing, and ready to carry out
what my father had ordered them to do. Thus, without further delay, they went to
work as each sent envoys to the region that he controlled. From the Chinchaysuyo,
Vila Oma sent Coyllas, Osca, Coriatao, and Taipi, so that they would mobilize the
men from that region. From Collasuyo, Llicllic went with many others in order to
mobilize the men from that region. Surandaman, Quicana, Suri Uallpa, and many
other captains went to Cuntisuyu and Ronpa Yupanqui and many other captains into
the Antisuyu. They all went to their respective regions in order to recruit the men
necessary for the task at hand. (Remember that these four suyos that I have mentioned
are, as I have explained in more detail above, the four parts into which this whole land
is ordered and divided.) After these men had been sent out to the aforementioned
regions and while the said Juan Pizarro roamed the land in a dangerous manner and
with bad intentions, an Indian by the name of Antonico, who spoke the Spaniards’
language, came to see my father and informed him that Juan Pizarro and the others
wanted to arrest him the next day and even to kill him, unless he gave them much
gold and silver. When my father heard what the said Indian [Antonico] told him, he
believed him and made a pretext of going out to Callca to hunt. The Spaniards, who
8
were clueless as to what my father was planning to do, had no objections and thought
that they could carry out their evil design after his return, which they thought would
be soon.
After my father had stayed in Callca for a few days and while the men whom he had
sent were gathering, he sent a dispatch from there via a courier to Quiso Yupanqui in
Lima in order to inform him of the day and hour in which he was planning to attack
the Spaniards, so that he, too, would attack them and that, thus, both attacks – Quiso
Yupanqui’s in Lima and my father’s in Cuzco – would be carried out at the same
time. As my father was busy with these things, the Spaniards sent him many letters in
which they asked him to return home soon for, they said, they missed him very much.
My father replied by saying that he was not finished hunting but that he would return
as soon as he could. As the Spaniards realized that whenever they sent for him he did
not want to return and that day after day he procrastinated more and sent ever less
credible replies, they decided to go after him in order to bring him back by force or to
kill him. They appointed some captains in Cuzco and while some of them went out to
effect the said objective, the others stayed back in Cuzco ready to reinforce the first
group if necessary. They arrived at the bridge over the Callca River, where they were
engaged by some guards who were blocking their passage. The Spaniards began to
fight my father’s men but then returned to Cuzco, followed by many of my father’s
men, who were uttering many shrieks and loud shouts. On their retreat to Cuzco, the
Spaniards were a bit shaken by the battle that had passed and the people who were
pursuing them. When the Spaniards reached Carmenga, which oversees all of Cuzco,
they called upon the help of their comrades, whose vigilance had not relented and
who rushed to the support of those in distress. At the said town of Carmenga, they
engaged in battle with the pursuers and many others who had come there in answer to
my father’s call. The outcome of the battle was that the Indians cornered the
Spaniards in Cuzco without killing many of them. During the night, they kept them
locked in and on edge with loud cries. However, they did not attack them because
they were awaiting the many men who were supposed to arrive the next day and also
because my father had ordered them not to attack. He had given that order not only
because he wanted to take them more easily once the reinforcements had arrived but
also because he wanted to negotiate with them.
The Siege of Cuzco
The following day, after they had withdrawn to Cuzco in this manner, they put up
many well-equipped guards overnight at all the entrances. In the evening, a
tumultuous crowd arrived near Cuzco. However, they did not attack the city because
they thought that the night had advanced too far and that the great darkness would not
permit them to overwhelm their enemies. Thus, they erected camps on all the elevated
points and mountains that allowed them to overlook the city and placed a great
number of guards and sentries all around the camps. In the morning of the following
day, at nine o’clock, all the Spaniards were gathered in formation on Cuzco’s central
plaza (their precise number is unknown but it is said that they were numerous and that
they had many blacks with them). Suddenly, a huge number of men appeared
everywhere around Cuzco and closed in on the city with much noise and music from
their whistles, horns, and trumpets, as well as loud war cries. Their number was so
great that the whole world appeared to darken; there must have been more than four
hundred thousand advancing in the following order.
9
The Indians’ Advance in the Siege
From Carmenga, which lies in the direction of the Chinchaysuyu, came Coriatao,
Cuillas, and Taipi, with many others in order to close the city’s exit in that direction
with their hordes. From the Cuntisuyu, which is the direction of Cachicachi, came
Huaman Quilcana, Curi Huallpa, both superbly equipped and in battle formation,
closing a huge gap of more than half a league wide. From the Collasuyu came Llicllic
and many other generals with a huge number of men, which was in fact the largest
contingent that formed the besieging army. From the Antisuyu came Antallca and
Ronpa Yupanqui and many others in order to close the ring around the Spaniards. The
impermeability of the completed ring was remarkable. They wanted to attack the
Spaniards on that very day but did not dare to proceed as long as my father had not
given the orders. For, as I have already explained, he had forbidden anyone, under
penalty of death, to make a move. When Vila Oma, the commanding general of the
forces, saw all of them completely ready, he sent word to my father, who was staying
at Callca at that time, to let him know that the Spaniards were surrounded and in great
distress and to inquire whether they should kill them or do something else with them.
My father replied that they should be left in their predicament; after all they, too, had
caused him much grief, so they should suffer like he suffered. He would get there the
next day and finish them off. When Vila Oma heard the message that my father sent
him, he was very unhappy about it, for he would have preferred to destroy the
Spaniards right away, as he could very easily have done. But he did not dare to
disobey the will of my father and announced all around the place that, under the
penalty of death, nobody was to make a move until he had given the appropriate
orders. Moreover, he had all the canals of the city opened in order to flood the fields
and roads inside and outside the populated area in case that the Spaniards were to
attempt a getaway. This way, they would find the entire land flooded and, once their
horses got stuck in the mud, they would easily be overcome by their enemies on foot,
for people dressed like the Spaniards have a difficult time in dealing with swamps. All
of Vila Oma’s orders were carried out exactly as he had commanded. When the
Spaniards saw themselves thus surrounded and in such distress, they became
convinced that their doom was now imminent and, as they could not find a way out,
they did not know what to do. While they found themselves so dangerously
surrounded, they had to endure the Indians showering them with scorn and mockery,
throwing stones on the roofs of their tents and mocking them by lifting a leg at them.
Moreover, the Indians began setting the Spaniards’ shelters on fire and almost
succeeded in setting ablaze the church during one of the raids, if it hadn’t been for
some blacks who were hiding on the roof. Although they had to endure a hail of
arrows shot by the Sati and Anti Indians, they remained unharmed, being protected by
God and their shields. As the Spaniards thought themselves lost in such a miserable
situation, they entrusted their fate to God. They spent the entire night in the church
calling upon God for help, kneeling on the floor and raising their hands folded before
their mouths. This is the posture in which they were observed by many Indians. Even
those who were waking in the middle of the plaza, as well as many Indians who had
been allied with the Spaniards since the events of Cajamarca, did the same thing.
The Spaniards’ Attack on the Indians in the Fortress of Cuzco
In the early morning of the next day, all the Spaniards left the church and mounted
their horses, poised for battle. They looked around and suddenly put their spurs to
their horses and, despite their enemies, broke at full speed through the gate, which
10
was sealed like a wall, and made for the hill in the life-and-death fight. When the
Indians who were surrounding Cuzco saw them running like this, they cried, “They
are fleeing to Castile, they are fleeing to Castile, cut them off.” Thus, the entire ring
around the city dissolved because some of them were going after them and others
tried to cut off the Spaniards’ escape route; yet others went to warn those who were
guarding the bridge, so that none of them would be able to escape in any direction.
When the Spaniards saw themselves pursued by many men, they turned their horses
around and went across a mountain called Queancalla in order to attack them from the
rear where Vila Oma had taken position. Meanwhile, the latter had climbed up to the
fortress of Cuzco, which was called Saczahuaman, in order to take shelter there. The
Spaniards fought desperately and took the four gates of the fortress. The Indians
hurled many rocks from the mighty walls, shot arrows, and threw lances and spears,
which harassed the Spaniards greatly. They killed Juan Pizarro and two blacks as well
as many Indians who were allied with the Spaniards. But when Vila Oma’s men ran
out of ammunition of rocks and other projectiles, the Spaniards, thanks to divine
favor, succeeded in penetrating and taking the fortress. Thereby, they killed and
crushed many Indians who were inside. Others threw themselves from the walls. The
first ones to jump died because the walls were very high; some of those who jumped
later survived because they landed on a pile of dead bodies. The battle was very
bloody on both sides, because many Indians were fighting for the Spaniards. Among
these were two of my father’s brothers, Ynguill and Vaipai, as well as many men
from his band and Chachapoya and Cañari Indians.
After the fall of the fortress, the battle lasted another three days, for the Indians
regrouped on the next day in order to try to retake the fortress. They courageously
attacked the Spaniards, who had taken shelter in the fortress; but because of all the
guards, consisting of Cañari auxiliary troops as well as Spaniards, they could not
harm them. Moreover, these Indians reported the appearance of a white horse, which
had been among the first to penetrate the fortress, doing great damage among the
Indians. The battle lasted the entire day. At nightfall, the Indians returned to their
positions, for they couldn’t fight their enemies any longer because of the great
darkness. As the Spaniards did not want to give up the fortress, they let them go. The
next morning they resumed the battle, which was fought relentlessly on both sides.
Finally, when the Indians were attacking the Spaniards with great courage, the
Spaniards suddenly broke out of the fortress and launched a fierce counterattack. In
the face of this onslaught, the Indians withdrew to Callca, where my father was
staying. The Spaniards followed them to the Yucay River, killing or putting to flight a
large number of them. There, the Indians eluded the Spaniards, who went on to
Callca, where my father was. However, they did not find him there because he was
attending a festivity in a town called Sacsasiray. As they could not catch him there,
they returned to Cuzco by another way but lost a large amount of their baggage,
which the Indians, who had come out of their hiding place, took from their rear guard.
Then the Indians, with their booty, made for the village where my father was
celebrating.
After the celebrations in the village of Sacsasiray were over, my father went on to the
town of Tambo and spent one night in Yucay on the way. When he arrived at Tambo,
he had the entire population of the country gather, for he was planning to build a
mighty fort in order to defend himself against the Spaniards, who might attack him.
After a very short time all were gathered before my father, and he made the following
speech:
11
The Speech that the Inca made to all his Captains in Tambo, whereto he had
withdrawn after the failed siege of Cuzco
“My beloved sons and brothers, you know how in my previous speeches I have
always kept you from doing harm to those evil people who entered my land under the
pretense of being sons of Viracocha and whom I permitted to do so. Because of all the
very good things I have done for them and because of giving them everything I had –
silver and gold, materials and maize, herds, subjects, women, servants, and countless
other things – they took me prisoner. They insulted and maltreated me without reason.
Then they tried to kill me, which I found out through Antonico, their translator. He is
present here; he ran away from the Spaniards because he couldn’t bear it any longer.
And as you learned during the mobilization of the troops for the siege of Cuzco, I had
withdrawn to Callca so that we could deal them a heavy blow without first making
them suspicious. As far as I know, everything has been carried out according to my
orders. However, I was not able to be present as I had wanted to. This was detrimental
to your effort to conquer the fortress of Saczahuaman, which they took from you
because of your negligence. Moreover, they then put you to flight, following you to
Yucay, without you being able to stop them. It was painful for me to see that you let
them get away, despite the fact that you were so numerous and they were but few.
Perhaps Viracocha aided them because, as you told me, they worshipped Him all
night on their knees. After all, if he didn’t help them, what else could explain that they
were about to elude you, who were countless in number. But what’s done is done.
From now on, you must take heed on your life how you deal with them, for you must
know that they are our main enemy and that we will always be theirs, because that’s
the way they have chosen it. I want to take cover in this place and build a fortress that
nobody can penetrate. On your life do me this favour, and it may well turn out to be
very useful for us one day.”
The Chief’s Response to the Inca
“Sapai Inca, we, who are your humble servants, kiss your hands. We are devastated
and embarrassed to come in your sight because of our failure at this most important
campaign against these insidious people, who maltreated you so often and repaid your
benevolence with such ingratitude. We are thrown into such consternation that we
hardly dare to look you in the face but take some consolation in being able to put
some of the blame on you. For when we had thoroughly surrounded the enemy and
deprived them of all hope for help, we asked you what to do with them and you sent
us word that we should let them suffer like they had made you suffer, that you would
come and destroy them yourself. In order not to disobey you, we let them be for one
day and one night while we were waiting for you. When we were sure of ourselves
and deemed them entirely in our hands, they eluded us, and then we were incapable of
doing anything to them. We don’t know why this happened or what to say about it,
expect that our misfortune consisted in not striking soon enough and yours in not
granting us permission to do so. We are prepared to take upon us the punishment that
you want to put on us for our guilt. With regard to your wish to fortify this town so
that you may protect yourself from those people and any other possible attackers, we
answer that we will gladly comply, for we owe you more than just this.” Thus, they
turned the town into one of the strongest fortifications in Peru during the year and a
half that my father stayed in Tambo.
During this time, after my father had already talked to the Indians and expanded on
the misfortune that had come upon them, there arrived in this said town of Tambo
12
some messengers who reported on what had been happening in Lima and
Cullcomayo. In Sausa there had been a battle between the Spaniards and the Indians
in which the Indians were victorious. They brought my father many heads of
Spaniards, as well as two Spaniards, who were alive, and one black and four horses.
They arrived very happy about their victory, and my father received them with all
honors and encouraged the others to fight like them. Just about then, a certain Captain
Rodrigo Orgóñez arrived with a group of soldiers in the said town of Tambo in order
to fight my father. As soon as my father found out about this, he sent many Indians
against the Spaniards so that they would cut off their access to the fortress of Tambo,
which is located on the other side of the river. They met each other in a fierce battle
on the plain called Pascapampa and Pachar, but neither party could finally claim
victory because the Spaniards were much harassed by the cactus plants that grow
around there and one of them, as well as three blacks, died in the battle. Another one
was captured in the fortress by the Indians because he had gone too far ahead of the
others. After the night had parted the battling parties, each retreated into their
fortifications. Upon nightfall the Spaniards erected their tents. At dawn they started
their fires as though they wanted to continue the battle. However, still before
daybreak, they returned to Cuzco. The Indians, who had expected to find them in the
morning, found nobody there, which amused them extremely and made them surmise
that the Spaniards had fled out of fear. When all this had passed and the Spaniards had
returned home, my father, who was still in Tambo, continued with the construction of
the fortress. During his stay in Tambo, ten captured and defeated Spaniards who were
kept there and were being treated very well, even eating at my father’s own table, ran
away after receiving a message from Cuzco. However, as they were not very skilled,
they were recaptured in a town called Maras, two leagues from Cuzco, and brought
back. When my father asked them for the reason why they had ran away, they didn’t
know what to say. One of them was the aforementioned Antonico, who, although he
had warned my father against the intrigues of the Spaniards, did not know how to
appreciate his good treatment by my father, who had him taken around in his chair
and cared for him as though he were his own son. For this reason, he fared the same
as the rest of them. They all were ordered to be turned over to some Moyomoyo
Indians from the Anti lowlands in order to be hacked to pieces and eaten.
When all of this was over and the construction of the fortress completed, my father
announced that he wished to withdraw into the Antian lowlands and to give up the
other land, for Spaniards were harassing him too much and the Anti people were
begging him much to settle in their land so that they could protect him and serve him
as their king. Being determined to take this step, he had his people summoned in order
to explain to them how they were to conduct themselves in living together with the
Spaniards.
Manco Inca’s Instructions to the Indians about how to conduct themselves
toward the Spaniards when he decided to withdraw to the Anti
“My beloved sons and brothers, all of you who are present here and who have
accompanied me in my trials and tribulations will hardly guess, I suppose, why I have
summoned you now. But I will explain it to you presently. On your life, don’t let the
things I have to say disturb you, for you know that necessity often compels people to
do things that they don’t want to do. For this reason, I can’t help but acquiesce to
those Anti Indians, who have been begging me for some time to visit them. I will do
them this favour and stay with them for a few days. I ask you that you please not be
13
upset, because I do not want to cause you any pain, for I love you like my own
children. I would be very happy if you carried out this wish.
“You are well aware, and I have often told you before, how these bearded men
intruded into my land under the pretense of being Viracochas. Considering their
clothes and other characteristics that are entirely different from our own, this did not
seem implausible to you and even to me. Because of this and also because of the
reports of the Tallana Yunca people, who observed them doing certain things in their
country, I permitted them, as you know, to come into my country and into my cities. I
treated them in the way that is well-known throughout the entire land. As you know, I
gave them many things, after which – and because of which – they treated me in the
manner that you have witnessed. Not only they but also my brothers Pascac, Ynguill,
and Huaipar deprived me of my land and even made an attempt on my life. However,
I eluded this attempt thanks to Antonico’s warning, as I have told you the other day in
this place. He was eaten by the Anti people because he did not know how to behave.
In the face of all of these and many other things, which I will omit here in order to
avoid prolixity, I have summoned you to Cuzco in order to pay them back for a small
part of all of that which they have done for us. But your design did not succeed
because, I think, they were aided by their god or because I wasn’t present. This gave
me great pains, but we shouldn’t wonder or agonize about it too much, for not all of
men’s designs always work out the way we would like it. Therefore, I appeal to you
not to despair; after all, things could have been worse, considering that we also caused
them some damage. Thus, as you know, we captured a few of them in Lima, in
Cullcomayo, and in Jauja, which might bring us some consolation, even though it
doesn’t measure up to the pains they have given us.
“It seems to me that the time has come for me to depart for the land of the Antis, as I
told you earlier. I will have to remain there for several days. Keep in mind my
command not to forget what I have told you and what I am still about to tell you now,
which is the following: keep in mind how long my grandfathers and greatgrandfathers, and I as well, have sustained and protected you, and how we have
furthered and governed your households, providing for them according to your needs.
Therefore, you and your descendants are obliged never to forget me, my grandfathers,
and great-grandfathers for your entire lives, but to respect and obey my son and
brother Titu Cusi Yupanqui and my other sons and their descendants. By doing so,
you will give me great joy; and they will thank you according to the instructions with
which I leave them. May these words be enough for you now.”
The Indians’ Answer to the Inca
“Sapai Inca, how can you leave your sons behind with such a heavy heart? They have
desired nothing but to serve you and would even risk their lives for you a thousand
times if necessary! To the care of which king, which master, are you leaving them?
What disservice, what betrayal, what evil deed have we done to you that you want to
abandon us like this, helpless and without a master or king to respect? Never have we
known another master or father but you, your father Huayna Capac, and his ancestors.
Don’t leave us like this, master, without protection and consolation but grant us, if
you will, the joy of accompanying you to wherever it is that you want to go. All of us,
children and adults, men and women, are ready to follow you and don’t want to
abandon you, even though you may leave us.” When my father saw how anxious all
of his people were to serve him, he gave them the following answer:
14
“I thank you, my sons, for the willingness and desire that you have shown for
following me to wherever I need to go. You will not have to regret your investment in
me, for you will receive my gratitude and compensation sooner than you might think.
But now, on your life, be composed and don’t anguish so much, for I will see you
again very soon. From now until I return or until I send word through a messenger,
you shall do the following, which shall be your way of life. First, you are not to
believe anything that these bearded ones, who have mocked me because of my good
faith, may say for they lie a lot, as they have lied to me in all their dealings with me,
and they will continue to lie in their dealings with you as well. One thing you could
do is to pretend on the outside that you agree to their demands and to give them a
small trinket now and then, depending on what your land yields. These people are so
crude and so different from us that they may take from you by force what you don’t
give them; and they may abuse you because of it. The best way to prevent this from
happening is to act exactly as I tell you. Second, you are to keep yourself ready for the
time when I send for you or when I send word about what is to be done with these
people. In the case that they attack you or try to take your land from you, always
defend yourself, even though you might lose your life in the attempt. If you are in
extreme difficulty and need my personal presence, send word through messengers,
regardless of where I might be. And watch yourself, for they deceive with their pretty
words and later keep nothing that they have said. For this is the way they conducted
themselves toward me, as you have seen, when they told me that they were sons of the
god Viracocha and initially showed me great friendship and love but later treated me
in the way you have seen. If they had been the sons of Viracocha as they claimed to
be, they wouldn’t have done what they have done. For Viracocha can change the
mountains into a plain, make the rivers run dry, and raise mountains where there have
been none before, but he never hurts anyone. We have seen nothing of this in their
behavior. On the contrary, instead of doing good things they have done bad things to
us by violently and deceitfully depriving us of our possessions, wives, sons,
daughters, fields, food, and many other things that we had in our country – all against
our will. We can hardly consider people who act like this to be sons if Viracocha; but
rather, as I have said on other occasions, sons of supai, or worse, for they have
imitated him in their actions and did things too depraved for me to mention.
Further, they may order you to worship what they themselves worship, namely some
sort of painted rags that they claim to be Viracocha. Even though they are just mere
rags, they will demand that you pray to these rags as you would pray to our huacas.
Don’t do it but keep with what we have, for, as you can see, the villcas speak to us;
we can see the sun and the moon with our own eyes, but we can’t see whatever it is
that they are talking about. Now and then, I suppose, they will get you to worship
what they worship through force and deceit. By all means, go through with it while
they are present if you can’t help it. But never forget our own ceremonies. If they
were to order you to bring forth your huacas in order to have them destroyed, show
them only what you have to but hide the rest. This way you will make me very
happy.”
After all of these and many other things, my father said farewell to the Indians and on
this occasion put me in front of them, saying that I was his son and that they would
have to regard me as their master after his death. Then, when he rose to his feet, all
broke into such loud cries that one had the impression that they would pierce the
mountains. In their anxiety the people wanted to follow him, but my father would not
allow it except in those cases where absolutely nothing could hold them back. He
15
asked those who wanted to follow him with such persistence how they could leave
their fields, their houses, their wives, and children, as well as their uyawas, or
animals, in order to follow him. He told them to control themselves and that he would
come to visit them very soon and send word about what they were to do. Thus, he
departed from all of them for the town of Vitcos.
16
Primary Source 4.8
Bernal Díaz (1963 [c.1570]), The Conquest of New Spain, translated with
an Introduction by J.M. Cohen, Harmondsworth, Penguin, pp. 245–9,
263–5.
Notes
This is an extract from an original account of the Spanish conquest of
Mexico, written by the conquistador Bernal Díaz (1496–1584). It pertains to
Cortés’s capture of Montezuma.
Montezuma’s captivity
HAVING decided on the previous day that we would seize Montezuma, we
prayed to God all night that His service would profit by the turn of events,
and next morning we decided on our course of action.
Cortes took with him five captains, Pedro de Alvarado, Gonzalo de
Sandoval, Juan Velazquez de Leon, Francisco de Lugo, Alonso de Avila,
and myself, together with Doña Marina and Aguilar. He warned us all to
keep very alert, and the horsemen to have their mounts saddled and bridled.
I need not say that we were armed, since we went about armed by day and
night, with our sandals always on our feet – for at that time we always wore
sandals – and Montezuma was used to seeing us like this whenever we went
to speak with him. He was neither surprised nor alarmed, therefore, when
Cortes and the captains who had come to seize him approached him fully
armed.
When we were all prepared, our captains sent to inform the prince that we
were coming to his palace. This had always been our practice, and we did
not wish to frighten him by making a sudden appearance. Montezuma
guessed that the reason for Cortes’ visit was his indignation about the attack
on Escalante. But although apprehensive, he sent him a message of
welcome.
On entering, Cortes made his usual salutations, and said to Montezuma
through our interpreters: ‘Lord Montezuma, I am greatly astonished that
you, a valiant prince who have declared yourself our friend, should have
ordered your captains stationed on the coast near Tuxpan to take up arms
against my Spaniards. I am astonished also at their boldness in robbing
towns which are in the keeping and under the protection of our King and
master, and demanding of them Indian men and women for sacrifice, also
that they should have killed a Spaniard, who was my brother, and a horse.’
Cortes did not wish to mention Escalante and the six soldiers who had died
on reaching Villa Rica, since Montezuma did not know of their deaths, nor
did the Indian captains who had attacked them. Therefore he continued:
‘Being so much your friend, I ordered my captains to help and serve you in
every possible way. But Your Majesty has acted in quite the opposite
fashion towards us. In the affray at Cholula your captains and a host of your
warriors received your express commands to kill us. Because of my great
affection for you I overlooked this at the time. But now your captains and
1
vassals have once more lost all shame and are secretly debating whether you
do not again wish to have us killed. I have no desire to start a war on this
account, or to destroy this city. Everything will be forgiven, provided you
will now come quietly with us to our quarters, and make no protest. You
will be as well served and attended there as in your own palace. But if you
cry out, or raise any commotion, you will immediately be killed by these
captains of mine, whom I have brought for this sole purpose.’
This speech dumbfounded Montezuma. In reply he said that he had never
ordered his people to take up arms against us, and that he would at once
send to summon his captains so that the truth should be known and they be
punished. Thereupon he immediately took the sign and seal of Huichilobos
from his wrist, which he never did except when giving some order of the
first importance that had to be carried out at once. As to being made a
prisoner and leaving his palace against his will, he said that he was not a
person to whom such orders could be given, and that it was not his wish to
go. Cortes answered him with excellent arguments, which Montezuma
countered with even better, to the effect that he refused to leave his palace.
More than half an hour passed in these discussions. But when Juan
Velazquez de Leon and the other captains saw that time was being wasted,
they became impatient to remove Montezuma from his palace and make him
a prisoner. Turning to Cortes, Velazquez observed somewhat angrily: ‘What
is the use of all these words? Either we take him or we knife him. If we do
not look after ourselves now we shall be dead men.’
Juan Velazquez spoke in his usual high and terrifying voice; and
Montezuma, realizing that our captains were angry, asked Doña Marina
what they were saying so loudly, and she, being very quickwitted, replied:
‘Lord Montezuma, I advise you to accompany them immediately to their
quarters and make no protest. I know they will treat you very honourably as
the great prince you are. But if you stay here, you will be a dead man. In
their quarters the truth will be discovered.’
Then Montezuma said to Cortes: ‘Lord Malinche, I see what is in your
mind. But I have a son and two legitimate daughters. Take them as hostages
and spare me this disgrace. What will my chieftains say if they see me
carried off a prisoner?’
Cortes replied that there was no alternative, he must come with us himself;
and after a good deal of argument Montezuma agreed to go. Then Cortes
and our captains addressed him most ingratiatingly, saying that they begged
him humbly not to be angry, and to tell his captains and his guard that he
was going of his own free will, since on consulting his idol Huichilobos and
the papas who served him he had learnt that for the sake of his health and
the safety of his life he must stay with us. Then his fine litter was brought,
in which he used to go out attended by all his captains, and he was taken to
our quarters, where guards and a watch were put over him.
Cortes and the rest of us did our best to provide him with all possible
attentions and amusements, and he was put under no restraint. Soon his
nephews and all the principal Mexican chieftains visited him to inquire the
reasons for his imprisonment, and to ask whether he wished them to make
war on us. Montezuma replied that he was spending some days with us of
2
his own free will and under no constraint, that he was happy and would tell
them when he wanted anything of them. He told them not to disturb either
themselves or the city, and not to be distressed, since his visit was agreeable
to Huichilobos, as he had learnt from certain papas who had consulted that
idol.
This is the way in which the great Montezuma was made prisoner; and there
in his lodging he had his servants, his women, and the baths in which he
bathed; and twenty good lords, captains, and counsellers remained
continuously with him as before. He showed no resentment at being
detained. Ambassadors from distant lands came to him where he was,
bringing their suits or tribute, and important business was conducted there.
I remember that when important Caciques came from far away to discuss
boundaries or the ownership of towns or other such business, however great
they might be, they would take off their rich robes and put on poor ones of
sisal cloth. They had to appear before him barefoot, and on entering his
apartments did not pass straight in but up one side. When a Cacique came
before the great Montezuma he gazed on the ground; and before
approaching him he made three bows, saying as he did so: ‘Lord, my lord,
my great lord !’ Then he presented a drawing or painting upon sisal cloth,
representing the suit or question upon which he had come, and pointed out
the grounds for his claim with a thin polished stick. Beside Montezuma
stood two old men, who where great Caciques; and when they thoroughly
understood the pleadings, these judges told Montezuma the rights of the
case, which he then settled in a few words, by which the ownership of the
land or villages in question was decided. Thereupon the litigants said no
more, but retired without turning their backs, and after making the
customary three bows went out into the hall. On leaving Montezuma’s
presence, they put on other rich robes, and took a walk through the city of
Mexico.
Leaving the subject of Montezuma’s imprisonment, I will now tell how the
messengers whom he sent with his sign and seal to summon the captains
who had killed our soldiers brought them before him as prisoners. What he
said to them I do not know, but he sent them to Cortes for judgement.
Montezuma was not present when their confession was taken, in which they
admitted the facts and agreed they their prince had ordered them to wage
war, to recover tribute and, should any Teules take part in the defence of the
towns, to fight and kill them.
When Cortes was shown this confession, he sent to inform Montezuma that
he was deeply implicated, and the prince made such excuses as he could.
Cortes answered that he himself believed the confession and that, since our
King’s ordinances prescribed that anyone causing others to be killed,
whether they were guilty or innocent, should himself die, Montezuma
deserved punishment. But such, he protested, was his affection and concern
for Montezuma, that, even if he were guilty, he would rather pay with his
own life than allow the prince to forfeit his. Montezuma was alarmed by this
message; and without further discussion Cortes sentenced the captains to be
burned to death before the royal palace. This sentence was immediately
carried out and, to prevent any interference, Cortes had Montezuma put in
3
chains while they were being burned. The prince roared with anger at this
indignity, and became even more alarmed than before. After the burning,
Cortes went to Montezuma’s apartment with five of his captains, and
himself removed the chains; and so affectionately did he speak to the prince
that his anger soon passed away. For Cortes told him that he looked on him
as more than a brother and that though Montezuma was lord and master of
so many towns and provinces, yet he, Cortes, would in time, if it were
possible, give him domination over even more lands, which he had not been
able to conquer and which did not obey him. He said that if Montezuma
now wished to go to his palace he would allow him to do so. This he said
through our interpreters, and while he was speaking the tears were seen to
spring to Montezuma’s eyes. The prince replied most courteously that he
was grateful for this kindness. But he well knew that Cortes’ speech was
mere words, and that for the present it would be better for him to remain a
prisoner. For his chieftains being numerous, and his nephews and relations
coming every day to suggest they should attack us and set him free, there
was a danger that once they found him at liberty they would force him to
fight us. He did not want to see a rebellion in his city, he said, and feared
that if he did not give in to their wishes they might try to set up another
prince in his place. So he had put these thoughts out of their heads, he
concluded, by informing them that his god Huichilobos had told him he
must remain a prisoner. From what we understood, however, there seemed
little doubt that Aguilar had said to Montezuma privately, on Cortes’
instructions, that though Malinche might order his release the rest of us
captains and soldiers would never agree to it.
[…]
When the Caciques and petty kings who were lords of Coyoacan,
Iztapalapa, and Tacuba, heard of Cacamatzin’s imprisonment, and learnt
that the great Montezuma knew of their share in the plot to deprive him of
his kingdom in favour of Cacamatzin, they were frightened and ceased to
make their customary visits to the palace. Meanwhile Cortes was urging and
persuading Montezuma to order their arrest and, at the end of a week, to the
considerable relief of ourselves and our Captain, they were all in prison
secured to a great chain.
When Cortes heard that these three kinglets were in prison and all the cities
peaceful, he reminded Montezuma that before we entered Mexico he had
twice sent word that he wished to pay tribute to His Majesty, and that since
he now knew how powerful our King was and how many lands paid him
tribute as their overlord, and how many kings were his subjects, it would be
well for him and all his vassals to offer him their obedience, for it is
customary first to offer obedience and then to pay tribute. Montezuma
answered that he would call his vassals together and discuss the matter with
them, and within ten days all the many princes of that territory assembled.
But the Cacique who was most closely related to Montezuma did not come.
He had, as I have already said, a reputation for great valour, which his
bearing, body, limbs, and face confirmed. He was also somewhat rash, and
at that time he was at one of his towns called Tula. It was said that he would
succeed to the kingdom of Mexico on Montezuma’s death.
4
On receiving his summons, this prince replied that he would neither come
nor pay tribute, for the income from his provinces was not enough for him
to live on. This answer infuriated Montezuma, who sent some captains to
arrest him. But as he was a great lord and had many relatives, he received
warning in advance and retired to his province, where they could not then
lay hands on him.
Montezuma’s discussion with the Caciques of all the territory was attended
by none of us except the page Orteguilla. The prince is said to have asked
them to reflect how for many years past they had known for certain from
their ancestral tradition, set down in their books of records, that men would
come from the direction of the sunrise to rule these lands, and that the rule
and domination of Mexico would then come to an end. He believed from
what his gods had told him that we were these men. The papas had
consulted Huichilobos about it and offered up sacrifices, but the gods no
longer replied as of old. All that Huichilobos vouchsafed to them was that
he could only reply as he had done before and they were not to ask him
again. They took this to mean that they should offer their obedience to the
King of Spain, whose vassals these Teules proclaimed themselves to be.
‘For the present,’ Montezuma continued, ‘this implies nothing. In the future
we will see if we get another reply from our gods, and then we will act
accordingly. What I command and implore you to do now is to give some
voluntary contribution a sign of vassalage. Soon I will tell you what is the
most suitable course, but now I am being pressed for this tribute by
Malinche. I beg therefore that no one will refuse. Remember that during the
eighteen years that I have been your prince you have always been most loyal
to me, and I have enriched you, extended your lands, and given you power
and wealth. At present our gods permit me to be held a prisoner here, and
this would not have happened, as I have often told you, except at the
command of the great Huichilobos.’
On hearing these arguments, they all replied with many tears and sighs that
they would obey, and Montezuma was more tearful than any of them.
However, he sent a chieftain to us at once to say that next day they would
give their obedience to His Majesty.
After this talk Montezuma discussed the matter once more with his
Caciques, and in the presence of Cortes, our captains, many of our soldiers,
and Cortes’ secretary Pedro Hernandez, they swore fealty to His Majesty,
showing much grief in doing so. Indeed, Montezuma himself could not
restrain his tears.
5
Primary Source 4.9
Hernán Cortés (1986 [1523]), Letters from Mexico, translated and edited by
Anthony Pagden, with an introduction by J.H. Elliott, New Haven, Yale
University Press, pp. 98–101.
Notes
This extract is a translation of one of Cortés’s letters to Charles V of Spain
describing the conquest of Mexico (1519–22). This letter describes
Montezuma swearing allegiance to Charles V, and hence provides a
European perception of Montezuma’s making over of his realm to Charles
V.
Montezuma and his lords swear allegiance to Charles V
A few days after the imprisonment of this Cacamazin, Mutezuma
summoned to an assembly all the chiefs of the cities and lands thereabouts.
When they were gathered he sent for me to join him, and as soon as I
arrived addressed them in the following manner.
“My brothers and friends, you know that for a long time you and your
forefathers have been subjects and vassals of my ancestors and of me, and
that you have been always well treated and honored by us, and likewise you
have done all that loyal and true vassals are obliged to do for their rightful
lords. I also believe that you have heard from your ancestors how we are not
natives of this land, but came from another far away, and how they were
brought by a lord who left them there, whose vassals they all were. After
many years this lord returned but found that our ancestors had already
settled in this land and married the native women and had had many
children; consequently, they did not wish to return with him and refused to
welcome him as their sovereign. He departed, saying that he would return or
would send such forces as would compel them to serve him. You well know
that we have always expected him, and according to the things this captain
has said of the Lord and King who sent him here, and according to the
direction whence he says he comes, I am certain, and so must you be also
that this is the same lord for whom we have been waiting, especially as he
says that there they know of us. And because our predecessors did not
receive their lord as they were bound, let us now receive him and give
thanks also to our gods that what we have so long awaited has come to pass
in our time. And I beg you—since all this is well known to you—that just as
until now you have obeyed me and held me as your rightful lord, from now
on you should obey this great King, for he is your rightful lord, and as his
representative acknowledge this his captain. And all the tributes and
services which, until now, you have rendered to me, render now to him, for
I also must contribute and serve in all that he may command; and in addition
to doing your duty and all that you are obliged to do, you will give me great
satisfaction thereby.”
All this he said weeping with all the tears and sighs that a man is able; and
likewise all the other lords who were listening wept so much that for a long
time they were unable to reply. And I can assure Your Holy Majesty that
1
among the Spaniards who heard this discourse there was not one who did
not have great pity for him.
After they had restrained their tears somewhat, those chiefs replied that they
held him as their lord and had sworn to do all he commanded, and that for
this reason and on account of what he had said they were very pleased to
obey, and from then on they submitted themselves as Your Highness’s
vassals. Then all together and each one by himself they promised to obey
and comply with all that was demanded of them in the name of Your
Majesty, as true and loyal vassals must do, and to provide all the tributes
and services which formerly they paid to Mutezuma and whatever else
might be required of them in Your Highness’s name. All of this was said
before a notary public, who set it down in a formal document, which I asked
for, attested by the presence of many Spaniards who served as witnesses.
When the submission of those chiefs to Your Majesty’s service was
complete, I spoke one day with Mutezuma and told him that Your Highness
had need of gold for certain works you had ordered to be done. I asked him
therefore to send some of his people together with some Spaniards to the
countries and dwellings of those chiefs who had submitted themselves, to
ask them to render to Your Majesty some part of what they owned, for, as
well as the need which Your Highness had, they were now beginning to
serve Your Highness, who would have thereby higher regard for their good
intentions. I also asked him to give me something of what he possessed, for
I wished to send it to Your Majesty, as I had sent the gold and other things
with the messengers. Later he asked for the Spaniards he wished to send,
and by twos and fives dispatched them to many provinces and cities, whose
names I do not remember, because I have lost my writings, and they were so
many and so varied, and, moreover, because some of them were eighty and
a hundred leagues from the great city of Temixtitan. With them he sent
some of his own people, and ordered them to go to the chiefs of those
provinces and cities and tell them I demanded that each of them should give
me a certain quantity of gold. And so it was done, and all the chiefs to
whom he sent gave very fully of all that was asked of them, both in jewelry
and in ingots and gold and silver sheets, and other things which they had.
When all was melted down that could be, Your Majesty’s fifth came to
more than 32,400 pesos de oro, exclusive of the gold and silver jewelry, and
the featherwork and precious stones and many other valuable things which I
designated for Your Holy Majesty and set aside; all of which might be
worth a hundred thousand ducats or more. All these, in addition to their
intrinsic worth, are so marvellous that considering their novelty and
strangeness they are priceless; nor can it be believed that any of the princes
of this world, of whom we know, possess any things of such high quality.
And lest Your Highness should think all this is an invention, let me say that
all things of which Mutezuma has ever heard, both on land and in the sea,
they have modeled, very realistically, either in gold and silver or in jewels
or feathers, and with such perfection that they seem almost real. He gave
many of these for Your Highness, without counting other things which I
drew for him and which he had made in gold, such as holy images,
crucifixes, medallions, ornaments, necklaces and many other of our things.
2
Of the silver Your Highness received a hundred or so marks, which I had
the natives make into plates, both large and small, bowls and cups and
spoons which they fashioned as skillfully as we could make them
understand. In addition to this, Mutezuma gave me many garments of his
own, which even considering that they were all of cotton and not silk were
such that in all the world there could be none like them, nor any of such
varied and natural colors or such workmanship. Amongst them were very
marvellous clothes for men and women, and there were bedspreads which
could not have been compared even with silk ones. There were also other
materials, like tapestries which would serve for hallways and churches, and
counterpanes for beds, of feathers and cotton, in various colors and also
very wonderful, and many other things which as there are so many and so
varied I do not know how to describe them to Your Majesty.
3
Primary Source 4.10
Hernán Cortés (1986 [1523]), Letters from Mexico, translated and edited by
Anthony Pagden, with an introduction by J.H. Elliott, New Haven, Yale
University Press, pp. 102–7 (notes omitted).
Notes
This extract is a translation of one of Cortés’s letters to Charles V of Spain
describing the conquest of Mexico (1519–22). In this extract Cortés
describes Tenochtitlan to Charles V.
Cortés describes Tenochtitlan to Charles V
Before I begin to describe this great city and the others which I mentioned
earlier, it seems to me, so that they may be better understood, that I should
say something of Mesyco, which is Mutezuma’s principal domain and the
place where this city and the others which I have mentioned are to be found.
This province is circular and encompassed by very high and very steep
mountains, and the plain is some seventy leagues in circumference: in this
plain there are two lakes which cover almost all of it, for a canoe may travel
fifty leagues around the edges. One of these lakes is of fresh water and the
other, which is the larger, is of salt water. A small chain of very high hills
which cuts across the middle of the plain separates these two lakes. At the
end of this chain a narrow channel which is no wider than a bowshot
between these hills and the mountains joins the lakes. They travel between
one lake and the other and between the different settlements which are on
the lakes in their canoes without needing to go by land. As the salt lake rises
and falls with its tides as does the sea, whenever it rises, the salt water flows
into the fresh as swiftly as a powerful river, and on the ebb the fresh water
passes to the salt.
This great city of Temixtitan is built on the lake, and no matter by what road
you travel there are two leagues from the main body of the city to the
mainland. There are four artificial causeways leading to it, and each is as
wide as two cavalry lances. The city itself is as big as Seville or Córdoba.
The main streets are very wide and very straight; some of these are on the
land, but the rest and all the smaller ones are half on land, half canals where
they paddle their canoes. All the streets have openings in places so that the
water may pass from one canal to another. Over all these openings, and
some of them are very wide, there are bridges made of long and wide beams
joined together very firmly and so well made that on some of them ten
horsemen may ride abreast.
Seeing that if the inhabitants of this city wished to betray us they were very
well equipped for it by the design of the city, for once the bridges had been
removed they could starve us to death without our being able to reach the
mainland, as soon as I entered the city I made great haste to build four
brigantines, and completed them in a very short time. They were such as
could carry three hundred men to the land and transport the horses whenever
we might need them.
1
This city has many squares where trading is done and markets are held
continuously. There is also one square twice as big as that of Salamanca,
with arcades all around, where more than sixty thousand people come each
day to buy and sell, and where every kind of merchandise produced in these
lands is found; provisions as well as ornaments of gold and silver, lead,
brass, copper, tin, stones, shells, bones, and feathers. They also sell lime,
hewn and unhewn stone, adobe bricks, tiles, and cut and uncut woods of
various kinds. There is a street where they sell game and birds of every
species found in this land: chickens, partridges and quails, wild ducks, flycatchers, widgeons, turtledoves, pigeons, cane birds, parrots, eagles and
eagle owls, falcons, sparrow hawks and kestrels, and they sell the skins of
some of these birds of prey with their feathers, heads and claws. They sell
rabbits and hares, and stags and small gelded dogs which they breed for
eating.
There are streets of herbalists where all the medicinal herbs and roots found
in the land are sold. There are shops like apothecaries’, where they sell
ready-made medicines as well as liquid ointments and plasters. There are
shops like barbers’ where they have their hair washed and shaved, and shops
where they sell food and drink. There are also men like porters to carry
loads. There is much firewood and charcoal, earthenware braziers and mats
of various kinds like mattresses for beds, and other, finer ones, for seats and
for covering rooms and hallways. There is every sort of vegetable,
especially onions, leeks, garlic, common cress and watercress, borage,
sorrel, teasels and artichokes; and there are many sorts of fruit, among
which are cherries and plums like those in Spain.
They sell honey, wax, and a syrup made from maize canes, which is as
sweet and syrupy as that made from the sugar cane. They also make syrup
from a plant which in the islands is called maguey, which is much better
than most syrups, and from this plant they also make sugar and wine, which
they likewise sell. There are many sorts of spun cotton, in hanks of every
color, and it seems like the silk market at Granada, except here there is a
much greater quantity. They sell as many colors for painters as may be
found in Spain and all of excellent hues. They sell deerskins, with and
without the hair, and some are dyed white or in various colors. They sell
much earthenware, which for the most part is very good; there are both large
and small pitchers, jugs, pots, tiles, and many other sorts of vessel, all of
good clay and most of them glazed and painted. They sell maize both as
grain and as bread and it is better both in appearance and in taste than any
found in the islands or on the mainland. They sell chicken and fish pies, and
much fresh and salted fish, as well as raw and cooked fish. They sell hen
and goose eggs, and eggs of all the other birds I have mentioned, in great
number, and they sell tortillas made from eggs.
Finally, besides those things which I have already mentioned, they sell in
the market everything else to be found in this land, but they are so many and
so varied that because of their great number and because I cannot remember
many of them nor do I know what they are called I shall not mention them.
Each kind of merchandise is sold in its own street without any mixture
whatever; they are very particular in this. Everything is sold by number and
size, and until now I have seen nothing sold by weight. There is in this great
2
square a very large building like a courthouse, where ten or twelve persons
sit as judges. They preside over all that happens in the markets, and sentence
criminals. There are in this square other persons who walk among the
people to see what they are selling and the measures they are using; and
they have been seen to break some that were false.
There are, in all districts of this great city, many temples or houses for their
idols. They are all very beautiful buildings, and in the important ones there
are priests of their sect who live there permanently; and, in addition to the
houses for the idols, they also have very good lodgings. All these priests
dress in black and never comb their hair from the time they enter the
priesthood until they leave; and all the sons of the persons of high rank, both
the lords and honored citizens also, enter the priesthood and wear the habit
from the age of seven or eight years until they are taken away to be married;
this occurs more among the first-born sons, who are to inherit, than among
the others. They abstain from eating things, and more at some times of the
year than at others; and no woman is granted entry nor permitted inside
these places of worship.
Amongst these temples there is one, the principal one, whose great size and
magnificence no human tongue could describe, for it is so large that within
the precincts, which are surrounded by a very high wall, a town of some five
hundred inhabitants could easily be built. All round inside this wall there are
very elegant quarters with very large rooms and corridors where their priests
live. There are as many as forty towers, all of which are so high that in case
of the largest there are fifty steps leading up to the main part of it; and the
most important of these towers is higher than that of the cathedral of Seville.
They are so well constructed in both their stone and woodwork that there
can be none better in any place, for all the stonework inside the chapels
where they keep their idols is in high relief, with figures and little houses,
and the woodwork is likewise of relief and painted with monsters and other
figures and designs. All these towers are burial places of chiefs, and the
chapels therein are each dedicated to the idol which he venerated.
There are three rooms within this great temple for the principal idols, which
are of remarkable size and stature and decorated with many designs and
sculptures, both in stone and in wood. Within these rooms are other chapels,
and the doors to them are very small. Inside there is no light whatsoever;
there only some of the priests may enter, for inside are the sculptured
figures of the idols, although, as I have said, there are also many outside.
The most important of these idols, and the ones in whom they have most
faith, I had taken from their places and thrown down the steps; and I had
those chapels where they were cleaned, for they were full of the blood of
sacrifices; and I had images of Our Lady and of other saints put there, which
cause Mutezuma and the other natives some sorrow. First they asked me not
to do it, for when the communities learnt of it they would rise against me for
they believed that those idols gave them all their worldly goods, and that if
they were allowed to be ill treated, they would become angry and give them
nothing and take the fruit from the earth leaving the people to die of hunger.
I made them understand through the interpreters how deceived they were in
placing their trust in those idols which they had made with their hands from
3
unclean things. They must know that there was only one God, Lord of all
things, who had created heaven and earth and all else and who made all of
us; and He was without beginning or end, and they must adore and worship
only Him, not any other creature or thing. And I told them all I knew about
this to dissuade them from their idolatry and bring them to the knowledge of
God our Saviour. All of them, especially Mutezuma, replied that they had
already told me how they were not natives of this land, and that as it was
many years since their forefathers had come here, they well knew that they
might have erred somewhat in what they believed, for they had left their
native land so long ago; and as I had only recently arrived from there, I
would better know the things they should believe, and should explain to
them and make them understand, for they would do as I said was best.
Mutezuma and many of the chieftains of the city were with me until the
idols were removed, the chapel cleaned and the images set up, and I urged
them not to sacrifice living creatures to the idols, as they were accustomed,
for, as well as being most abhorrent to God, Your Sacred Majesty’s laws
forbade it and ordered that he who kills shall be killed. And from then on
they ceased to do it, and in all the time I stayed in that city I did not see a
living creature killed or sacrificed.
The figures of the idols in which these people believe are very much larger
than the body of a big man. They are made of dough from all the seeds and
vegetables which they eat, ground and mixed together, and bound with the
blood of human hearts which those priests tear out while still beating. And
also after they are made they offer them more hearts and anoint their faces
with the blood. Everything has an idol dedicated to it, in the same manner as
the pagans who in antiquity honored their gods. So they have an idol whose
favour they ask in war and another for agriculture; and likewise for each
thing they wish to be done well they have an idol which they honor and
serve.
There are in the city many large and beautiful houses, and the reason for this
is that all the chiefs of the land, who are Mutezuma’s vassals, have houses
in the city and live there for part of the year, and in addition there are many
rich citizens who likewise have very good houses. All these houses have
very large and very good rooms and also very pleasant gardens of various
sorts of flowers both on the upper and lower floors.
4
Primary Source 4.11
Bernal Díaz (1963 [c.1570]), The Conquest of New Spain, translated with
an Introduction by J.M. Cohen, Harmondsworth, Penguin, pp. 216–19.
Notes
This is an extract from an original account of the Spanish conquest of
Mexico, written by the conquistador Bernal Díaz (1496–1584). It pertains to
the Spaniards’ first entry into Tenochtitlan and the meeting of Cortés and
Montezuma.
The entrance into Mexico
EARLY next day we left Iztapalapa with a large escort of these great
Caciques, and followed the causeway, which is eight yards wide and goes
so straight to the city of Mexico that I do not think it curves at all. Wide
though it was, it was so crowded with people that there was hardly room for
them all. Some were going to Mexico and others coming away, besides
those who had come out to see us, and we could hardly get through the
crowds that were there. For the towers and the cues were full, and they came
in canoes from all parts of the lake. No wonder, since they had never seen
horses or men like us before!
With such wonderful sights to gaze on we did not know what to say, or if
this was real that we saw before our eyes. On the land side there were great
cities, and on the lake many more. The lake was crowded with canoes. At
intervals along the causeway there were many bridges, and before us was
the great city of Mexico. As for us, we were scarcely four hundred strong,
and we well remembered the words and warnings of the people of
Huexotzinco and Tlascala and Tlamanalco, and the many other warnings we
had received to beware of entering the city of Mexico, since they would kill
us as soon as they had us inside. Let the interested reader consider whether
there is not much to ponder in this narrative of mine. What men in all the
world have shown such daring? But let us go on.
We marched along our causeway to a point where another small causeway
branches off to another city called Coyoacan, and there, beside some
towerlike buildings, which were their shrines, we were met by many more
Caciques and dignitaries in very rich cloaks. The different chieftains wore
different brilliant liveries, and the causeways were full of them. Montezuma
had sent these great Caciques in advance to receive us, and as soon as they
came before Cortes they told him in their language that we were welcome,
and as a sign of peace they touched the ground with their hands and kissed
it.
There we halted for some time while Cacamatzin, the lord of Texcoco, and
the lords of Iztapalapa, Tacuba, and Coyoacan went ahead to meet the great
Montezuma, who approached in a rich litter, accompanied by other great
lords and feudal Caciques who owned vassals. When we came near to
Mexico, at a place where there were some other small towers, the great
Montezuma descended from his litter, and these other great Caciques
1
supported him beneath a marvellously rich canopy of green feathers,
decorated with gold work, silver, pearls, and chalchihuites, which hung
from a sort of border. It was a marvellous sight. The great Montezuma was
magnificently clad, in their fashion, and wore sandals of a kind for which
their name is cotaras,1 the soles of which are of gold and upper parts
ornamented with precious stones. And the four lords who supported him
were richly clad also in garments that seem to have been kept ready for
them on the road so that they could accompany their master. For they had
not worn clothes like this when they came out to receive us. There were four
other great Caciques who carried the canopy above their heads, and many
more lords who walked before the great Montezuma, sweeping the ground
on which he was to tread, and laying down cloaks so that his feet should not
touch the earth. Not one of the chieftains dared to look him in the face. All
kept their eyes lowered most reverently except those four lords, his
nephews, who were supporting him.
When Cortes saw, heard, and was told that the great Montezuma was
approaching, he dismounted from his horse, and when he came near to
Montezuma each bowed deeply to the other. Montezuma welcomed our
Captain, and Cortes, speaking through Doña Marina, answered by wishing
him very good health. Cortes, I think, offered Montezuma his right hand,
but Montezuma refused it and extended his own. Then Cortes brought out a
necklace which he had been holding. It was made of those elaborately
worked and coloured glass beads called margaritas, of which I have spoken,
and was strung on a gold cord and dipped in musk to give it a good odour.
This he hung round the great Montezuma’s neck, and as he did so attempted
to embrace him. But the great princes who stood round Montezuma grasped
Cortes’ arm to prevent him, for they considered this an indignity.
The Cortes told Montezuma that it rejoiced his heart to have seen such a
great prince, and that he took his coming in person to receive him and the
repeated favours he had done him as a high honour. After this Montezuma
made him another complimentary speech, and ordered two of his nephews
who were supporting him, the lords of Texcoco and Coyoacan, to go with us
and show us our quarters. Montezuma returned to the city with the other two
kinsmen of his escort, the lords of Cuitlahuac and Tacuba; and all those
grand companies of Caciques and dignitaries who had come with him
returned also in his train. And as they accompanied their lord we observed
them marching with their eyes downcast so that they should not see him,
and keeping close to the wall as they followed him with great reverence.
Thus space was made for us to enter the streets of Mexico without being
pressed by the crowd.
Who could now count the multitude of men, women, and boys in the streets,
on the roof-tops and in canoes on the waterways, who had come out to see
us? It was a wonderful sight and, as I write, it all comes before my eyes as if
it had happened only yesterday.
They led us to our quarters, which were in some large houses capable of
accommodating us all and had formerly belonged to the great Montezuma’s
1
Actually a Cuban word; the Mexican word was cactli.
2
father, who was called Axayacatl. Here Montezuma now kept the great
shrines of his gods, and a secret chamber containing gold bars and jewels.
This was the treasure he had inherited from his father, which he never
touched. Perhaps their reason for lodging us here was that, since they called
us Teules and considered us as such, they wished to have us near their idols.
In any case they took us to this place, where there were many great halls,
and a dais hung with the cloth of their country for our Captain, and matting
beds with canopies over them for each of us.
On our arrival we entered the large court, where the great Montezuma was
awaiting our Captain. Taking him by the hand, the prince led him to his
apartment in the hall where he was to lodge, which was very richly
furnished in their manner. Montezuma had ready for him a very rich
necklace, made of golden crabs, a marvellous piece of work, which he hung
round Cortes’ neck. His captains were greatly astonished at this sign of
honour.
After this ceremony, for which Cortes thanked him through our interpreters,
Montezuma said: ‘Malinche, you and your brothers are in your own house.
Rest awhile.’ He then returned to his place, which was not far off.
We divided our lodgings by companies, and placed our artillery in a
convenient spot. Then the order we were to keep was clearly explained to
us, and we were warned to be very much on the alert, both the horsemen and
the rest of us soldiers. We then ate a sumptuous dinner which they had
prepared for us in their native style.
So, with luck on our side, we boldly entered the city of Tenochtitlan or
Mexico on 8 November in the year of our Lord 1519.
3
Primary Source 5.1
Richard Hakluyt (1927) The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and
Discoveries of the English Nation: made by sea or overland to the remote
and farthest distant quarters of the earth at any time within the compass of
these 1600 years, 10 vols, with an introduction by John Masefield, London,
J.M. Dent and Sons Ltd, vol. 5, pp. 281–2.
Notes
This extract provides details of an early (1585) voyage of exploration,
undertaken by M. John Davis. It was originally printed in Richard Hakluyt's
pioneering volume The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and
Discoveries of the English Nation, compiled between 1598 and 1600.
The first voyage of M. John Davis, undertaken in June 1585.
for the discoverie of the Northwest passage, Written by
M. John Janes Marchant, sometimes servant to the
worshipfull Master William Sanderson.
CERTAINE Honourable personages and worthy Gentlemen of the Court &
Countrey, with divers worshipful Marchants of London and of the West
Countrey, mooved with desire to advance Gods glory and to seeke the good
of their native Countrey, consulting together of the likelyhood of the
Discoverie of the Northwest passage, which heretofore had bene attempted,
but unhappily given over by accidents unlooked for, which turned the
enterprisers from their principall purpose, resolved after good deliberation,
to put downe their adventures to provide for necessarie shipping, and a fit
man to be chiefe Conductour of this so hard an enterprise. The setting forth
of this Action was committed by the adventurers, especially to the care of
M. William Sanderson Marchant of London, who was so forward therein,
that besides his travaile which was not small, hee became the greatest
adventurer with his purse, and commended unto the rest of the companie
one M. John Davis, a man very well grounded in the principles of the Arte
of Navigation, for Captaine and chiefe Pilot of this exployt.
Thus therefore all things being put in a readines, wee departed from
Dartmouth the seventh of June, towards the discoverie of the aforesayd
Northwest passage, with two Barkes, the one being of 50. tunnes, named the
Sunneshine of London, and the other being 35. tunnes, named the
Mooneshine of Dartmouth.
1
Primary Source 5.2
Theodor de Bry and Thomas Harriot (1590) ‘A briefe and true report of the new found
land of Virginia of the commodities and of the nature and manners of the naturall
inhabitants’ in America, Francoforti ad Moenum: Typis Ioannis Wecheli, sumtibus
vero Theodori de Bry anno M D XC. Venales reperiuntur in officina Sigismundi
Feirabendii. Selected images from Early English Books Online.
Notes
This is an extract from the first volume of Theodor De Bry’s America, the text of
which was written by Thomas Harriot. The engravings in the book were based on the
work of John White, who had accompanied Harriot to America in 1585. The extract
presented here forms an appendix to the work, and consists of pictures purported to
be of the Picts and Celts who inhabited Britain at the time of the Roman conquest,
approximately 1,500 years previous to their being published. At the end of the extract
(p. 13) is a link to the whole volume, in the Early English Books Online database.
This document contains 11 images.
EEBO
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Some pictures of the Pictes
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Full text of America, vol. 1, from EEBO:
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Primary Source 5.3
William Bradford (1912 [1647]) History of Plymouth Plantation, 1620–1647,
Vol. 1, Boston, Houghton Mifflin for the Massachusetts Historical Society,
pp. 198–204.
Notes
This is a section from William Bradford’s History of Plymouth Plantation
which details the first thirty years of the colony set up by the Pilgrim
fathers, and was subsequently published as Of Plymouth Plantation. An
eyewitness account, the journal is the most complete record in existence of
the early years of the colony.
Indian relations
All this while the Indians came skulking about them, and would sometimes
show them selves aloof of, but when any approached near them, they would
runne away. And once they stoale away their tools wher they had been at
worke, and were gone to dinner. But about the 16th of March, a certaine
Indian came bouldly amongst them and spoke to them in broken English,
which they could well understand but marvelled at it. At length they
understood by discourse with him, that he was not of these parts, but
belonged to the easterne parts wher some English-ships came to fhish, with
whom he was acquainted and could name sundrie of them by their names,
amongst whom he had gott his language. He became prof[i]table to them in
acquainting them with many things concerning the state of the cuntry in the
east-parts wher he lived, which was afterwards profitable unto them; as also
of the people hear, of their names, number, and strength; of their situation
and distance from this place, and who was cheefe amongst them. His name
was Samasett. He tould them also of another Indian whose name was
Squanto, a native of this place, who had been in England and could speak
better English then him self. Being, after some time of entertainmentte and
gifts, dismist, a while after he came again, and five more with him, and they
brought againe all the tooles that were stolen away before, and made way
for the coming of their great Sachem, called Massasoyt; who, about 4 or 5
days after, came with the cheefe of his freinds and other attendance, with the
aforesaid Squanto. With whom, after friendly entertainment, and some gifts
given him, they made a peace with him (which hath now continued this 24
years) in these terms:
1
That neither he nor any of his, should injurie or doe hurte to any
of their peopl[e].
2
That if any of his did hurte to any of theirs, he should send the
offender, that they might punish him.
3
That if any thing were taken away from any of theirs, he should
cause it to be restored; and they should doe the like to his.
4
If any did unjustly warr against him, they would aid him; if any
did warr against them, he should aid them.
1
5
He should send to his neighbours confederates, to certify them
of this, that they might not wrong them, but might be likewise
comprised in the conditions of peace.
6
That when ther men came to them, they should leave their bows
and arrows behind them.
After these things he returned to his place called Sowams, some 40 mile
from this place, but Squanto continued with them, and was their interpreter
and was a spetiall instrument sent of God for their good beyond their
expectation. He directed them how to set their corne, wher to take fish, and
to procure other comodities, and was also their pilott to bring them to
unknowne places for their profitt, and never left them till he dyed. He was a
native of this place, and scarce any left alive besides him selfe. He was
carried away with diverce others by one Hunt, a m[aster] of a ship, who
thought to sell them for slaves in Spaine; but he got away for England and
was entertained by a marchante in London, and employed to New-foundland and other parts, and lastly brought hither into these parts by one Mr.
Dermer, a gentle-man imployed by Sir Ferdinando Gorges and others, for
discovery, and other designs in these parts.
2
Primary Source 5.4
Richard Ligon (1673 [1657]) A True and Exact History of the Island of
Barbadoes: illustrated with a map of the island, as also the principal trees
and plants there, set forth in their due proportions and shapes, drawn out
by their several and respective scales: together with the ingenio that makes
the sugar, with the plots of the several houses, rooms, and other places,
that are used in the whole process of sugar-making, London [online] Early
English Books Online, http://eebo.chadwyck.com/home.
Notes
This early printed work describes the early cultivation of sugar and other
crops on the island of Barbados, and sheds light on the way in which the
condition of the territory to be colonised shaped the activities of the
colonisers.
A True and Exact History of the Island of Barbadoes
This discovery being made, and advice given to their friends in England,
other Ships were sent, with men, provisions, and working tools, to cut down
the Woods, and clear the ground, so as they might plant provisions to keep
them alive, which, till then, they found but straglingly amongst the Woods.
But having clear’d some part of it, they planted Potatoes, Plantines, and
Mayes, with some other fruits; which, with the Hogs-flesh they found,
serv’d only to keep life and soul together. And their supplies from England
coming so slow, and so uncertainly, they were often driven to great
extremities: And the Tobacco that grew there, so earthy and worthless, as it
could give them little or no return from England, or elsewhere; so that for a
while they lingred on in a lamentable condition. For, the Woods were so
thick, and most of the Trees so large and massie, as they were not to be faln
with so few hands; and when they were lay’d along, the branches were so
thick and boysterous, as required more help, and those strong and active
men, to lop and remove them off the ground. At the time we came first
there, we found both Potatoes, Maies, and Bonavists, planted between the
boughs, the Trees lying along upon the ground; so far short was the ground
then of being clear’d. Yet, we found Indico planted, and so well ordered, as
it sold in London at very good rates, and their Cotton wool, and Fustick
wood, prov’d very good and staple commodities. So that having these four
sorts of goods to traffick with, some ships were invited (in hope of gain by
that trade) to come and visit them, bringing for exchange, such commodities
as they wanted, working Tools, Iron, Steel, Cloaths, Shirts, and Drawers,
Hose and Shooes, Hats, and more Hands. So that beginning to taste the
sweet of this Trade, they set themselves hard to work, and lived in much
better condition.
But when the Canes had been planted three or four years, they found that to
be the main Plant, to improve the value of the whole Island: And so, bent all
their endeavours to advance their knowledge in the planting, and making
Sugar: Which knowledge, though they studied hard, was long a learning.
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Primary Source 5.5
George Best (1578) ‘Epistle Dedicatorie [dedication]’ (1578) from A trve
discovrse of the late voyages of discouerie, for the finding of a passage to
Cathaya, by the Northvveast, vnder the conduct of Martin Frobisher,
Generall.
Notes
From the dedication of a history of the voyages of Martin Frobisher to
explore the North Atlantic in the late 1570s in an unsuccessful attempt to
find gold and discover a Northwest Passage.
Extract from Epistle Dedicatorie
By this Discourse, it may please your Honour to behold the greate industrie
of oure present age, and the inuincible mindes of oure Englishe nation, who
haue neuer lefte anye worthy thing vnattempted, nor anye parte almoste of
the whole worlde vnsearched, whome lately, neither stormes of Seas by long
and tedious voyages, daunger of darke fogs and hidden rockes in vnknowne
coastes, congealed and frosen Seas, with mountaines of fleeting Ise, nor yet
presente death dayly before their face, coulde anye whit dismaye, or cause
to desiste from intended enterpises: but rather preferring an honourable
death beefore a shamefull retourne, haue (notwithstanding the former
daungers, (after manye perillous repulses) recouered their desired Porte. So
that, if nowe the passage to CATAYA thereby be made open vnto vs,
(which only matter hitherto hath occupied the finest heades of the worlde,
and promiseth vs a more riches by a nearer way than either Spaine or
Portugale possesseth) whereof the hope (by the good industrie and greate
attemptes of these men is greatelye augmented) or if the Golde Ore in these
new Discoueries founde oute, doe in goodnesse, as in great plentie aunswere
expectation, and the successe do folow as good, as the proofe thereof
hitherto made, is great, wee may truely inferre, that the Englishman in these
our dayes, in his discoueries, to the Spaniarde and Portingale is nothing
inferior: and for his hard aduentures, and valiant resolutions, greatly
superior. For what hath the Spaniarde or Portingale done by the Southeast
and Southweast, that the Englishman by the Northeast and Northweaste hath
not counteruailed the same?
And albeit I confesse that the Englishe haue not hytherto had so ful successe
of profit and commoditie of pleasaunt place (considering that the former
nations haue happily chanced to trauel by more temperate clymates, where
they had not onlye good meates and drinkes, but all other things necessarie,
for the vse of man) all whiche things, the English, trauelling by more
inte[m]perate places, & as it were with mayne force, making waye thorowe
seas of Ise, haue wa[n]ted, which notwithstanding, argueth a more
resolution; for Difficiliora pulchriora, that is, the adue[n]ture the more hard
the more honorable: yet concerning the perfecter knowledge of the world,
and Geographicall description, (wherin the present age and posteritie also,
by a more vniuersal vndersta[n]ding is much furthered, as appeareth by my
vniuersall Mappe with pricked boundes here annexed) herein, the
1
Englishman deserueth chiefe honor aboue any other. For neyther Spaniard
nor Portugale, nor anye other besides the English, haue bin found by so
great daungers of Ise, so neare the Pole, to aduenture any discouerie, wherby
the obscure and vnknowen partes of the world (which otherwise had laine
hid) haue bin made knowen vnto vs.
So that it may appeare, that by oure Englishmens industries, and these late
voyages, the world is grown to a more fulnesse and perfection: many
vnknowen lands and Ilands, (not so much as thought vpon before) made
knowen vnto vs: Christs name spred: the Gospell preached: Infidels like to
be conuerted to Christianitie, in places where before the name of God hath
not once bin hearde of: Shipping and Seafaring me[n], haue ben employed:
nauigation and the Nauie, (which is the chief strength of our Realm)
maintayned: and Gentlemen in the Sea seruice, for the better seruice of their
Country wel experienced. Al whiche things, are (no doubt) of so gret
importa[n]ce, as being wel wayed, may seeme to counteruayle the
aduentures charges: although the passage to CATAYA were not found out,
neither yet the golde ore proue good, wher of both, the hope is good & gret.
But notwithstanding all these, euen in this (if no otherwise) hyr most
excellent Maiestie hath reaped no small profit, that she may now stand
assured, to haue many more tried, able, & sufficient men against time of
need, that are, (which with out vau[n]t may be spoken) of valour gret, for
any great adue[n]ture, & of gouerneme[n]t good for any good place of
seruice. For this may truly be spoken of these men, that there hath not bin
seene in any nation, being so many in nu[m]ber, & so far fro[m] home, more
ciuill order, better gouernement or agreement. For euen from the beginning
of the seruice hitherto, there hath neither passed mutinie, quarrel, or
notorious fact, either to the slaunder of the men, or daunger of the voyage,
although the Gentlemen, Souldiors, and Marriners (whiche seldome can
agree) were by companies matched togither.
But I may perchaunce (right Honourable) seeme to discourse somewhat too
largely, especially in a cause that (as a partie) somewhat concerneth my
selfe: which I doe, not for that I doubt of your Honorable opinion already
conceiued of the men, but for that I knowe, the ignorant multitude is rather
ready to slaunder, than to giue good encouragement by due commendation
to good causes, who, respecting nothing but a present gaine, and being more
than needefully suspitious of the matter, do therwithall condemne the men,
and that without any further respect, either of their honest intents, either of
their wel performing the matter they dyd vndertake (whiche according to
their direction, was specicially to bring home Ore) either else of their
painful trauel (whiche for their Prince, and the publike profite of their
Countries cause they haue sustained.)
But by the way, it is not vnknown to the world, that this our natiue country
of England, in al ages hath bred vp (and specially at this present abou[n]deth
with) many forward and valia[n]t minds, fit to take in ha[n]d any notable
enterprise: wher by appeareth, that if the Englishman had bin in times paste
as fortunate and foreseeing to accept occasion offered, as he hath bin
alwayes forwarde in executing anye cause once taken in hand: he had bin
worthily preferred before all nations of the worlde, and the Weast Indies had
now bin in the possession of the Englishe.
2
For Columbus, the firste Discouerer of the Weaste Indies, made firste offer
thereof, with his seruice, to King Henry the seauenth, then Kyng of
Englande, and was not accepted: Wherevppon, for want of entertainement
here, hee was forced to go into Spaine, and offred there (as before) the same
to Ferdinando Kyng of Castyle, who presently acceptyng the occasion, did
first himselfe, and now his successors, enioy the benefite thereof.
Also Sebastian Cabota, being an Englishman, and borne in Bristowe, after
he had discouered sundrie parts of new found lande, and attempted the
passage to CATAYA by the Northweast, for the King of England, for lacke
of entertainment here, (notwithstanding his good desert) was forced to seeke
to the Kyng of Spaine, to whose vse hee discouered all that tract of Brasile,
& aboute the famous riuer Rio de la Plata, and for the same, and other good
seruices there, was afterwardes renowmed, by title of Piloto Maggiore, that
is, Graund Pylote, and constituted chiefe officer of the Contractation house
of Siuilla: in whiche house, are handled all matters concerning the Weast
Indies, and the reuenues therof: and further, that no Pylot shoulde be
admitted for any discouerie, but by his direction.
But there hath bin two speciall causes in former age, that haue greatly
hindered the English nation in their attempts. The one hath bin, lacke of
liberalitie in the Nobilitie, & the other wa[n]t of skill in Cosmographie, and
the Art of Nauigation. Whiche kinde of knowledge, is verye necessary for
all our noble men, for that wee being Ilanders, oure chiefest strength
consisteth by Sea. But these twoo causes are nowe in this present age (God
be thanked) verye well reformed: for not only hir maiestie now, but all the
nobilitie also, hauing perfect knowledge in Cosmographie, doe not onely
with good wordes, countenaunce the forward mindes of men, but also with
their purses do liberally and bountifully contribute vnto the same, whereby
it commeth to passe, that Nauigation, whiche in the time of King Henrie the
.7. was very rawe, & toke (as it were) but beginning (and euer since hath
had by little and little continuall increase) is now in hir Maiesties raigne,
growen to his highest perfection.
3
Primary Source 5.6
Captain John Smith (1624) The Generall Historie of Virginia, New-England
and the Summer Isles, pp. 5–16.
Notes
This long extract describes the various early attempts to found English
colonies in ‘Virginia’ (the Chesapeake Bay area) in 1585–89. Some of it
was written by Smith himself, while other parts were reprinted accounts
from other authors. This gives accounts of the expeditions of Richard
Grenville (1585, 1586) and John White (1587). White’s paintings were done
on the 1585 expedition.
Sir Richard Grenuills voyage to Virginia, for Sir Walter
Raleigh. 1585.
The 9. of Aprill he departed from Plimouth with 7. sayle: the chiefe men
with him in command, were Master Ralph Layne, Master Thomas Candish,
Master Iohn Arundel, Master Stukley, Master Bremige, Master Vincent,
Master Heryot and Master Iohn Clarke. The 14. day we fell with the
Canaries, and the 7. of May with Dominico in the West Indies: we landed at
Portorico, after with much a doe at Izabella on the north of Hispaniola,
passing by many Iles. Vpon the 20. we fell with the mayne of Florida, and
were put in great danger vpon Cape Fear. The 26. we Anchored at
Wocokon, where the admiral had like to beene cast away, presently we sent
to Wingina to Roanoak, and Master Arundell went to the mayne, with
Manteo a saluage, and that day to Crooton. The 11. The Generall victualed
for 8. dayes, with a selected company went to the maine, and discovered the
Townes of Pomeiok, Aquascogoc, Secotan, and the great Lake called
Paquipe. At Aquascogoc the Indians stole a siluer Cup, wherefore we burnt
the Towne and spoyled their corne, so returned to our fleete at Tocokon.
Whence we wayed for Hatorask, where we rested, and Granganimeo, King
Wingina’s brother with Manteo came abord our Admirall, the Admirall went
for Weapomeiok, & Master Iohn Arundell for England. Our Generall in his
way home tooke a rich loaden ship of 300. tunns, with which he ariued at
Plimouth the 18. of September. 1585.
These were left vnder the command of Master Ralph Layne to inhabite the
Country, but they returned within a yeare.
Philip Amidas Admirall
Master Thomas Heryot
Master Acton
Master Stafford
Master Thomas Luddington
Master Maruyn
Cap. Vaghan
Master Kendall
Master Gardiner
Master Predeox
Master Rogers
Master Haruy
Master Snelling
With diuers others to the number of 108.
1
Master Antony Russe
Master Allen
Master Michaell Pollison
Master Thomas Bockner
Master Iamesmason
Master Dauid Salter
Master Iames Skinner
Touching the most remarkeable things of the Country and our proceeding
from the 17 of August 1585. till the 18. of Iune 1586. we made Roanoack
our habitation. The vtmost of our discouery Southward was Secotan as we
esteemed 80. leagues from Roanoacke. The passage from thence was
thought a broad sound within the maine, being without kenning of land, yet
full of flats and shoulds that our Pinnasse could not passe, & we had but one
boat with 4. ores, that would carry but 15. men with their prouisions for 7.
dayes: so that because the winter approached we left those discoueries till a
stronger supply. To the Northward; our farthest was to a Towne of the
Chesapeacks, from Roanoack 130. myles. The passage is very shallow and
dangerous by reason of the breadth of the sound and the little succour for a
storme, but this teritory being 15. myle from the shoare, for pleasantnest of
seate, for temporature of climate, fertility of soyle and comoditie of the Sea,
besides beares, good woods, Saxefras, Walnuts &c. is not to be, excelled by
any other whatsoeuer.
There be sundry other Kings they call Weroances as the Mangoacks,
Trypaniks and opposians, which came to visit vs.
To the northwest our farthest was Chawonock from Roanoack 130. myles
our passage lyeth through a broad sound, but all fresh water, and the
channell Nauigable for a Ship, but out of it full of shoules.
The townes by the way by the water, are Passaquenock the womens towne,
Chepanoe, Weapomciok; from Muscamunge wee enter the riuer and
iurisdiction of Chawonock, there it beginneth to straiten, and at Chawonock
it is as Thames at Lambeth: betwixt them as we passed is goodly high land
on the left hand, and there is a towne called Ohanock, where is a great corne
field, it is subiect to Chawonock, which is the greatest Prouince vpon the
riuer, and the Towne it selfe can put seuen hundred men into the field,
besides the forces of the rest. The King is lame, but hath more
vnderstanding then all the rest.
The river of Moratoc is more famous then all the rest, and openeth into the
sound of Weapometok, and where there is but a very small currant in
Chawonock, it hath so strong a currant from the Southwest, as we doubted
how to row against it. Strange things they report of the head of this riuer,
and of Moratoc it selfe, a principall towne on it, & is thirtie or fortie dayes
Iourney to the head. This lame King is called Menatonon. When I had him
prisoner two dayes, he told mee that 3. dyes Iourney in a Canow vp the riuer
Chawonock, then landing & going foure dayes Iourney Northeast, there is a
King whose Country lyeth on the Sea, but his best place of strength is an
Iland in a Bay inuironed with deepe water, where he taketh that abundance
of Pearle, that not onely his skins, and his nobles, but also his beds and
houses are garnished therewith. This king was at Chawonock two yeares
agoe to trade with blacke pearle, his worst sort whereof I had a rope, but
they were naught; but that King he sayth hath store of white, and had
trafficke with white men, for whom he reserued them; he promised me
guides to him, but aduised me to goe strong, for he was vnwilling strangers
should come in his Country, for his Country is populous and valiant men. If
a supply had come in Aprill, I resolued to haue sent a small Barke to the
Northward to haue found it, whilest I with small Boates and 200. men would
2
haue gone to the head of the riuer Chawonock, with sufficient guides by
land, inskonsing my selfe euery two dayes, where I would leaue Garrisons
for my retreat till I came to this Bay.
Very neare vnto it is the riuer of Moratoc, directly from the West, the head
of it springeth out of a mayne Rocke, which standeth so neare the Sea, that
in stormes the Sea beats ouer it into this fresh spring, that of it selfe at the
surse is a violent streame. I intended with two Wherries and fortie persons
to haue Menatonons sonne for guide, to try this presently, till I could meete
with some of the Moratocks, or Mangoaks, but hoping of getting more
victuall from the Saluages, we as narrowly escaped staruing in that
Discouery as euer men did.
For Pemissapan who had changed his name of Wingina vpon the death of
his brother Granganameo, had giuen both the Chawonests, and Mangoaks
word of my purpose: also he told me the Chawonocks had assembled two or
three thousand to assault me at Roanok, vrging me daily to goe against
them, and them against vs; a great assembly I found at my comming thether,
which suddaine approach did so dismay them, that we had the better of
them: & this confederacy against vs was procured by Pemissapan himselfe
our chiefe friend we trusted; he sent word also to the Moratoks and the
Mangoaks, I came to inuade them, that they all fled vp into the high
Country, so that where I assured my selfe both of succour and prouision, I
found all abandoned. But being thus farre on my iourney 160. myles from
home, and but victuals for two dayes, besides the casualties of crosse winds,
stormes, and the Saluages trechery, though we intended no hurt to any: I
gaue my Company to vnderstand we were onely drawne forth vpon these
vaine hopes by the Saluages to bring vs to confusion: a Councell we held, to
goe forward or returne, but they all were absolutely resolued but three, that
whilst there was but one pynt of Corne for a man, they would not leaue the
search of that riuer; for they had two Mastiue Dogs, which boyled with
Saxefras leaues (if the worst fell out) vpon them and the pottage they would
liue two dayes, which would bring them to the sound, where they should
finde fish for two dayes more to passe it to Roanock, which two dayes they
had rather fast then goe backe a foote, till they had seene the Mangoaks
either as friends or foes.
Though I did forsee the danger and misery, yet the desire I had to see the
Mangoaks was, for that there is a prouince called Chaunis Temoatan,
frequented by them and well knowne to all those Countries, where is a mine
of Copper they call Wassador; they say they take it out of a riuer that falleth
swiftly from high rocks in shallow water, in great Bowles, couered with
leather, leauing a part open to receiue the mettall, which by the change of
the colour of the water where the spout falleth, they suddainly chop downe,
and haue the Bowlefull, which they cast into the fire, it presently melteth,
and doth yeeld in fiue parts at the first melting two parts mettall for three of
Ore. The Mangoaks haue such plenty of it, they beautifie their houses with
great plates thereof: this the Salvages report; and young Skiko the King of
Chawonocks sonne my prisoner, that had beene prisoner among the
Mangoak, but neuer at Chaunis Temoatan, for he sayd that was twentie
dayes iourney overland from the Mangoaks.
3
Menatonon also confirmed all this, and promised me guids to this mettall
Country; by Land to the Mangoaks is but one dayes iourney, but seauen by
water, which made me so willing to haue met them for some assay of this
mettall: but when we came there we found no creature, onely we might see
where had beene their fires. After our two dayes iourney, and our victuals
spent, in the euening we heard some call as we thought Manteo, who was
with me in the boat; this made vs glad, he made them a friendly answer,
which they answered with a song we thought for welcome, but he told vs
they came to fight. Presently they did let flie their Arrowes about the boat,
but did no hurt, the other boat scouring the shore we landed: but they all
were fled, and how to finde them wee knew not. So the next morning we
returned to the mouth of the riuer, that cost vs foure dayes rowing vp, and
here our dogs pottage stood vs in good stead, for we had nothing els: the
next day we fasted being windbound, and could not passe the sound, but the
day following we came to Chippanum, where the people were fled, but their
wires afforded vs fish: thus being neare spent, the next day God brought vs
to Roanocke. I conclude a good Mine, or the South sea will make this
Country quickly inhabited, and so for pleasure and profit comparable with
any in the world: otherwise there will be nothing worth the fetching.
Provided there be found a better harbour then yet there is, which must be
Northward if there be any. Master Vaughan, no lesse hoped of the
goodnesse of the Mine, then Master Heriot that the riuer Moratocks head,
either riseth by the Bay of Mexico, or very neare the South Sea, or some part
that openeth neare the same, which cannot with that facilitie be done as
from the Bay of Pearles, by insconsing foure dayes iourney to the
Chawonoks, Mangoaks, and Moratocks, &c.
The conspiracy of Pemissapan; the Discouery of it; and our
returne for England with Sir Francis Drake
Ensenore a Saluage, father to Pemissapan, the best friend we had after the
death of Granganimeo, when I was in those Discoueries, could not prevaile
any thing with the King from destroying vs, that all this time God had
preserued, by his good counsell to the King to be friendly vnto vs.
Pemissapan thinking as the brute was in this last iourney we were slaine and
starued, began to blaspheme our God that would suffer it, and not defend vs,
so that old Ensenore had no more credit for vs: for he began by all the
deuises he could to inuade vs. But in the beginning of this brute, when they
saw vs all returne, the report false, and had Manteo, and three Saluages
more with vs, how little we esteemed all the people we met, and feared
neither hunger, killing, or any thing, and had brought their greatest Kings
sonne prisoner with vs to Roanock: it a little asswaged all his deuises, and
brought Ensenore in respect againe, that our God was good, and wee their
friends, and our foes should perish, for we could doe them more hurt being
dead, then liuing, and that being an hundred myles from them, shot, and
strucke them sicke to death, and that when we die it is but for a time, then
we returne againe. But that which wrought the most feare among them was
the handy-worke of Almightie God. For certaine dayes after my returne,
Menatonon sent messengers to me with Pearle, and Okisco King of
Weopomcoke, to yeeld himselfe seruant to the Queene of England. Okisco
4
with twenty-foure of his principall men came to Pemissapan to
acknowledge this dutie and subiection, and would performe it. All which so
changed the heart of Pemissapan, that vpon the aduise of Ensenore, when
we were ready to famish they came and made vs wires, and planted their
fields they intended to abandon (we not hauing one corne till the next
haruest to sustaine vs). This being done our old friend Ensenore dyed the
twenty of Aprill, then all our enemies wrought with Pemissapan to put in
practise his deuises, which he easily imbraced, though they had planted
corne by vs, and at Dasamonpeack two leagues from vs. Yet they got
Okisco our tributary to get seuen or eight hundred (and the Mandoages with
the Chisapeans should doe the like) to meete (as their custome is) to
solemnize the Funerall of Ensenore. Halfe of whom should lye hid, to cut
off the straglers, seeking crabs and prouision: the rest come out of the
mayne vpon the Signall by fire. Twenty of the principall of Pemissapans
men had charge in the night to beset my house, put fire in the Reeds that
couered it, which might cause me run out so naked and amazed, they might
without danger knocke out my braines. The same order for Mr Heriots, and
the rest: for all should haue beene fired at an instant. In the meane time they
should sell vs nothing, and in the night spoyle our wires, to make nenessitie
disperse vs. For if we were but ten together, a hundred of them would not
meddle with vs. So our famine increased, I was forced to send Captaine
Stafford to Croatan, with twentie to feed himselfe, and see if he could espie
any sayle passe the coast; Mr Predeox with ten to Hatarask vpon the same
occasion: and other small parties to the Mayne to liue vpon rootes and
Oysters.
Pemissapan sequestring himselfe, I should not importune him for victuall,
and to draw his troupes, found not the Chawonests so forward as he
expected, being a people more faithfull and powerfull, and desired our
friendships, and was offended with him for raising such tales, and all his
proiects were revealed to me by Skico my prisoner; who finding himselfe as
well vsed by me, as Pemissapan tould me all. These troubles caused me
send to Pemissapan, to put suspition in his head, I was to goe presently to
Croatan to meete a Fleete came to me, though I knew no such matter: and
that he would lend me men to fish and hunt. He sent me word he would
come himselfe to Roanock; but delaying time eight dayes that all his men
were there to be assembled, not liking so much company, I resolued the next
day to goe visit him, but first to giue them in the Ile a Canvisado, and at an
instant to seaze on all their Canows about the Ile. But the towne tooke the
Alarum before I ment it. For when I sent to take the Canows, he met one
going from the shore, ouerthrew her and cut off two Salvages heads;
wherevpon the cry arose, being by their spyes perceiued: for they kept as
good watch over vs, as we of them. Vpon this they to their Bowes, and we
to our Armes: three or foure of them at the first were slaine, the rest fled into
the woods. The next morning I went to Dassamonpeack and sent
Pemissapan word I was going to Croatan, and tooke him in my way to
complaine Osocon would haue stole my prisoner Skico. Herevpon he did
abide my comming, & being among eight of the principall est. I gaue the
watchword to my men, and immediately they had that they purposed for vs.
Himselfe being shot through with a Pistoll fell downe as dead, but presently
5
start vp and ran away from them all, till an Irish Boy shot him over the
buttocks, where they tooke him and cut off his head.
Seauen dayes after Captaine Stafforton sent to me he descryed twentie-three
Sayle. The next day came to me himselfe (of whom I must say this, from the
first to the last, he neither spared labour, or perill by land or sea, fayre
weather, or foule, to performe any serious seruice committed to him.) He
brought me a letter from Sir Francis Drake, whose generous mind offered to
supply all my defects, of shipping, boats, munition, victuall, clothes, and
men to further this action: and vpon good consultation and deliberation, he
appointed me a ship of 70. tuns, with an hundred men, and foure moneths
victuals, two Pinnaces, foure small Boats, with two sufficient Masters, with
sufficient Gangs. All this being made ready for me, suddenly arose such a
storme for foure dayes, that had like to haue driuen the whole Fleete on
shore: many of them were forced to the Sea, whereof my ship so lately
giuen me was one, with all my prouision and Company appoynted.
Notwithstanding, the storme ceasing, the Generall appointed me a ship of
170. tuns, with all prouisions as before, to carry me into England the next
August, or when I had performed such Discoueries as I thought fit. Yet they
durst not vndertake to bring her into the harbour, but she must ride in the
road, leauing the care of the rest to my selfe, advising me to consider with
my Company what was fittest, and with my best speed returne him answer.
Herevpon calling my Company together, who were all as priuy of the
Generals offer as my selfe; their whole request was, (in regard of all those
former miseries, and no hope of the returne of Sir Richard Grenvill,) and
with a generall consent, they desired me to vrge him, we might all goe with
him for England in his Fleete; for whose reliefe in that storme he had
sustained more perill of wrack, then in all his honorable actions against his
enemies. So with prayses to God we set sayle in Iune 1586. and arriued in
Portsmouth the 27. of Iuly the same yeare: Leaving this remembrance to
posteritie,
To reason lend me thine attentiue eares, Exempt thy selfe from
mind-distracting cares:
Least that’s here thus proiected for thy good; By thee reiected be, ere
vnderstood.
Written by Mr Ralph Layne, Governour.
The Observations of Mr. Thomas Heriot in this Voyage
For Marchandize and Victualls
What before is writ, is also confirmed by that learned Mathematician Mr
Thomas Heriot, with them in the Country, whose particular Relation of all
the Beasts, Birds, Fishes, Foules, Fruites, and Rootes, and how they may be
vsefull; because I haue writ it before for the most part in the Discourse of
Captaine Amidas, and Captaine Layne, except Silk grasse, Wormesilke, Flax
like Hempe, Allum, Wapeith, or Terra sigillata, Tar, Rosen, & Turpentine,
Civet-cats, Iron ore, Copper that hold Silver, Coprose and Pearle: Let those
briefes suffice, because I would not trouble you with one thing twice.
6
Dyes
For Dyes, Showmack, the herbe Wasebur, little rootes called Chapacor, and
the barke of a tree called by the Inhabitants Tangomockonominge, which are
for divers sorts of Reds.
What more then is related is an herbe in Dutch called Melden, described like
an Orange, growing foure foote high; the seede will make good broth, and
the stalke burnt to ashes makes a kinde of Salt: other Salt they know not,
and we vsed of it for Pot-herbs. Of their Tobacco we found plenty, which
they esteeme their chiefe Physicke.
Ground nuts, Tiswaw we call China roots; they grow in clusters, and bring
forth a bryer stalke, but the leafe is far vnlike, which will climbe vp to the
top of the highest tree: the vse knowne is to cut it in small peeces, then
stampe & straine it with water, and boyled makes a gelly good to eate.
Cassavia growes in Marishes, which the Indians oft vse for bread and broth.
Habascon is like a Parsnip, naught of it selfe, except compounded: and their
Leekes like those in England.
Sequenummener, a kinde of Berry like Capers, and three kinde of Berries
like Acornes, called Sagatamenor, Osamenor, and Pummuckoner.
Saquenuckot and Maquowoc, two kinde of beasts, greater then Conies, and
very good meate; in some places such plenty of gray Conies, like hayres,
that all the people make them mantels of their skins. I haue the names of 28.
severall sorts that are dispersed in the Country: of which 12. kindes we haue
discouered and good to eate; but the Salvages sometimes kill a Lyon and
eate him.
There is plentie of Sturgeon in February, March, Aprill, and May; all
Herings in abundance; some such as ours, but the most part of 18.20. or 24.
ynche long, and more. Trouts Porpisses, Rayes, Mullers, Old-wiues, Place,
Tortoises both by Sea and Land: Crabs, Oysters, Mussels, Scalops,
Periwinckles, Crevises, Secanank: we haue the Pictures of 12. sorts more,
but their names we know not.
Turkeys, Stockdoues, Partridges, Cranes, Hernes, Swans, Geese, Parrots,
Faulcons, Merlins I haue the names in their language of 86. severall sorts.
Their woods are such as ours in England for the most part, except Rakeock a
grea sweet tree, whereof they make their Canowes: and Ascopo, a kinde of
tree like Lowrell, and Saxefras.
Their Natures and Manners
Their Clothing, Townes, Houses, Warres, Arts, Tooles, handy crafts, and
educations, are much like them in that part of Virginia we now inhabite:
which at large you may reade in the Description thereof. But the relation of
their Religion is strange, as this Author reporteth.
Some Religion they haue, which although it be farre from the truth, yet
being as it is there is hope it may be the easier reformed. They beleeue there
are many gods which they call Mantoac, but of different sorts and degrees.
Also that there is one chiefe God that hath beene from all eternitie, who as
they say when he purposed first to make the world, made first other gods of
7
a principall order, to be as instruments to be vsed in the Creation and
government to follow: And after the Sunne, Moone, and Starres, as pettie
gods; and the instruments of the other order more principall. First (they say)
were made waters, out of which by the gods were made all diversitie of
creatures that are visible or invisible.
For mankinde they say a Woman was made first, which by the working of
one of the gods conceiued and brought forth children; and so they had their
beginning, but how many yeares or ages since they know not; having no
Records but onely Tradition from Father to sonne.
They thinke that all the gods are of humane shape, and therefore represent
them by Images in the formes of men; which they call Kewasowok: one
alone is called Kewasa; them they place in their Temples, where they
worship, pray, sing, and make many offerings. The common sort thinke
them also gods.
They beleeue the immortalitie of the Soule, when life departing from the
body, according to the good or bad workes it hath done, it is carried vp to
the Tabernacles of the gods, to perpetuall happpinesse, or to Popogusso, a
great pit: which they thinke to be at the furthest parts of the world, where
the Sunne sets, and there burne continually.
To confirme this they told me of two men that had beene lately dead, and
revived againe; the one hapned but few yeares before our comming into the
country; of a bad man, which being dead and buried, the next day the earth
over him being seene to moue, was taken vp, who told them his soule was
very neare entering into Popogusso, had not one of the gods saued him and
gaue him leaue to returne againe, to teach his friends what they should doe
to avoyd such torment. The other hapned the same yeare we were there, but
sixtie myles from vs, which they told me for news, that one being dead,
buried, & taken vp as the first, shewed, that although his body had layne
dead in the graue, yet his soule liued, and had travailed far in a long broad
way, on both sides whereof grew more sweet, fayre, and delicate trees and
fruits, then ever he had seene before; at length he came to most braue and
fayre houses, neare which he met his Father, that was dead long agoe, who
gaue him charge to goe backe, to shew his friends what good there was to
doe, to inioy the pleasures of that place; which when hee had done hee
should come againe.
What subtiltie so ever be in the Weroances, and Priests; this opinion
worketh so much in the common sort, that they haue great respect to their
Governours: and as great care to avoyde torment after death, and to enioy
blisse. Yet they haue divers sorts of punishments according to the offence,
according to the greatnesse of the fact. And this is the sum of their Religion,
which I learned by having speciall familiaritie with their Priests, wherein
they were not so sure grounded, nor gaue such credit, but through
conversing with vs, they were brought into great doubts of their owne, and
no small admiration of ours: of which many desired to learne more then we
had meanes for want of vtterance in their Language to expresse.
Most things they saw with vs as Mathematicall Instruments, Sea
Compasses; the vertue of the Loadstone, Perspectiue Glasses, burning
8
Glasses: Clocks to goe of themselues; Bookes, writing, Guns, and such like;
so far exceeded their capacities, that they thought they were rather the
workes of gods then men; or at least the gods had taught vs how to make
them, which loued vs so much better then them; & caused many of them
giue credit to what we spake concerning our God. In all places where I
came, I did my best to make his immortall glory knowne. And I told them,
although the Bible I shewed them, contained all; yet of it selfe, it was not of
any such vertue as I thought they did conceiue. Notwithstanding many
would be glad to touch it, to kisse, and imbrace it, to hold it to their breasts,
and heads, and stroke all their body over with it.
The King Wingina where we dwelt, would oft be with vs at Prayer. Twice
he was exceeding sicke and like to dye. And doubting of any helpe from his
Priests, thinking he was in such danger for offending vs and our God, sent
for some of vs to pray, and be a meanes to our God, he might liue with him
after death. And so did many other in the like case. One other strange
Accident (leauing others) will I mention before I end, which mooued the
whole Country that either knew or heard of vs, to haue vs in wonderfull
admiration.
There was no Towne where they had practised any villany against vs (we
leaving it vnpunished, because we sought by all possible meanes to winne
them by gentlenes) but within a few dayes after our departure, they began to
dye; in some Townes twenty, in some forty, in some sixty, and in one an
hundred and twenty, which was very many in respect of their numbers. And
this hapned in no place (we could learn) where we had bin, but where they
had vsed some practise to betray vs. And this disease was so strange, they
neither knew what it was, nor how to cure it; nor had they knowne the like
time out of minde; a thing specially observed by vs, as also by themselues,
in so much that some of them who were our friends, especially Wingina, had
observed such effects in foure or fiue Townes, that they were perswaded it
was the worke of God through our meanes: and that we by him might kill
and slay whom we would, without weapons, and not come neare them. And
therevpon, when they had any vnderstanding, that any of their enemies
abused vs in our Iourneyes, they would intreat vs, we would be a meanes to
our God, that they, as the others that had dealt ill with vs, might dye in like
sort: although we shewed them their requests were vngodly; and that our
GOD would not subiect himselfe to any such requests of men, but all things
as he pleased came to passe: and that we to shew our selues his true
servants, ought rather to pray for the contrary: yet because the effect fell out
so suddenly after, according to their desires, they thought it came to passe
by our meanes, and would come giue vs thankes in their manner, that
though we satisfied them not in words, yet in deeds we had fulfilled their
desires.
This marueilous Accident in all the Country wrought so strange opinions of
vs, that they could not tell whether to thinke vs gods or men. And the rather
that all the space of their sicknesse, there was no man of ours knowne to die,
or much sicke. They noted also we had no women, nor cared for any of
theirs: some therefore thought we were not borne of women, and therefore
not mortall, but that we were men of an old generation many yeares past, &
risen againe from immortalitie. Some would Prophesie there were more of
9
our generation yet to come, to kill theirs and take their places. Those that
were to come after vs they imagined to be in the ayre, yet invisible and
without bodies: and that they by our intreaties, for loue of vs, did make the
people die as they did, by shooting invisible bullets into them.
To confirme this, their Physicians to excuse their Ignorance in curing the
disease, would make the simple people beleeue, that the strings of bloud
they sucked out of the sicke bodies, were the strings wherein the invisible
bullets were tyed, and cast. Some thought we shot them our selues from the
place where we dwelt, and killed the people that had offended vs, as we
listed, how farre distant soever. And others said it was the speciall worke of
God for our sakes, as we had cause in some sort to thinke no lesse,
whatsoever some doe, or may imagine to the contrary; especially some
Astrologers by the eclipse of the Sunne we saw that yeare before our
Voyage, and by a Comet which began to appeare but a few dayes before the
sicknesse began: but to exclude them from being the speciall causes of so
speciall an Accident, there are farther reasons then I thinke fit to present or
alledge.
These their opinions I haue set downe, that you may see there is hope to
imbrace the truth, and honor, obey, feare and loue vs, by good dealing and
government: though some of our company towards the latter end, before we
came away with Sir Francis Drake shewed themselues too furious, in
slaying some of the people in some Townes, vpon causes that on our part
might haue bin borne with more mildnesse; notwithstanding they iustly had
deserued it. The best neverthelesse in this, as in all actions besides, is to be
indevoured and hoped; and of the worst that may happen, notice to be taken
with consideration; and as much as may be eschewed; the better to allure
them hereafter to Civilitie and Christianitie.
Thus you may see, How
Nature her selfe delights her selfe in sundry Instruments,
That sundry things be done to decke the earth with Ornaments;
Nor suffers she her servants all should runne one race,
But wills the walke of every one frame in a divers pace;
That divers wayes and divers workes, the world might better grace.
Written by Thomas Heriot, one of the Voyage.
How Sir Richard Grenvill went to relieue them
In the yeare of our Lord 1586. Sir Walter Raleigh and his Associates
prepared a ship of a hundred tun, fraughted plentifully of all things
necessary: but before they set sayle from England it was Easter. And
arriving at Hatorask, they after some time spent in seeking the Collony vp in
the Country, and not finding them, returned with all the provision againe to
England.
About 14. or 15. dayes after, Sir Richard Grenvill accompanied with three
ships well appoynted, arrived there. Who not finding the aforesaid ship
according to his expectation, nor hearing any newes of the Collony there
seated, and left by him as is said 1585. travailing vp and downe to seeke
them, but when he could heare no newes of them, and found their habitation
10
abandoned, vnwilling to lose the possession of the Country, after good
deliberation he landed fiftie men in the Ile of Roanoak, plentifully furnished
with all manner of provision for two yeares: and so returned for England.
Where many began strangely to discant of those crosse beginnings, and him;
which caused me remember an old saying of Euripides.
Who broacheth ought thats new, to fooles vntaught,
Himselfe shall iudged be vnwise, and good for naught.
Three Ships more sent to relieue them by Mr. White
We went the old course by the west Indies, and Simon Ferdinando our
continuall Pilot mistaking Virginia for Cape Fear, we sayled not much to
haue beene cast away, vpon the conceit of our all-knowing Ferdinando, had
it not beene prevented by the vigilancy of Captaine Stafford. We came to
Hatorask the 22. of Iuly, and with fortie of our best men, intending at
Roanoack to find the 50 men left by Sir Richard Grenvill. But we found
nothing but the bones of a man, and where the Plantation had beene, the
houses vnhurt, but overgrowne with weeds, and the Fort defaced, which
much perplexed vs.
By the History it seemes Simon Ferdinando did what he could to bring this
voyage to confusion; but yet they all arrived at Hatorask. They repayred the
old houses at Roanock, and Master George How, one of the Councell,
stragling abroad, was slaine by the Salvages. Not long after Master Stafford
with 20. men went to Croatan with Manteo, whose friends dwelled there: of
whom we thought to haue some newes of our 50 men. They at first made
shew to fight, but when they heard Manteo, they threw away their Armes,
and were friends, and desired there might be a token giuen to be knowne by,
least we might hurt them by misprision, as the yeare before one had bin by
Master Layne, that was ever their friend, and there present yet lame.
The next day we had conference with them concerning the people of
Secotan, Aquascogoc, and Pomeiok, willing them of Croatan to see if they
would accept our friendship, and renew our old acquaintance: which they
willingly imbraced, and promised to bring their King and Governours to
Roanoak, to confirme it. We also vnderstood that Master Howe was slaine
by the men of Wingina, of Dassamonpeack: and by them of Roanoack, that
the fiftie men left by Sir Richard Grenvill, were suddainly set vpon by three
hundred of Secotan, Aquascogoc, and Dassamonpeack. First they intruded
themselues among 11 of them by friendship, one they slew, the rest retyring
to their houses, they set them on fire, that our men with what came next to
hand were forced to make their passage among them; where one of them
was shot in the mouth, and presently dyed, and a Salvage slaine by him. On
both sides more were hurt; but our men retyring to the water side, got their
boat, & ere they had rowed a quarter of a myle towards Hatorask, they
tooke vp foure of their fellowes, gathering Crabs and Oysters: at last they
landed on a little Ile by Hatorask, where they remained a while, but after
departed they knew not whether. So taking our leaues of the Croatans, we
came to our Fleet at Hatorask.
11
The Governour having long expected the King and Governours of Pomeiok,
Secotan, Aquascogoc, and Dassamonpeack, and the 7. dayes expired, and no
newes of them, being also informed by those of Croatan, that they of
Dassamonpeack slew Master How, and were at the driving our men from
Raonoack he thought no longer to deferre the revenge. Wherefore about
midnight, with Captaine Stafford, and twentie-foure men, whereof Manteo
was one, for our guide, (that behaved himselfe towards vs as a most faithfull
English man) he set forward.
The next day by breake of day we landed, and got beyond their houses,
where seeing them sit by the fire we assaulted them. The miserable soules
amazed fled into the Reeds, where one was shot through, and we thought to
haue beene fully revenged, but we were deceiued, for they were our friends
come from Croatan to gather their corne, because they vnderstood our
enemies were fled after the death of Master How, and left all behinde them
for the birds. But they had like to haue payd too deare for it, had we not
chanced vpon a Weroances wife, with a childe at her backe, and a Salvage
that knew Captaine Stafford, that ran to him calling him by his name. Being
thus disappointed of our purpose, we gathered the fruit we found ripe, left
the rest vnspoyled, and tooke Menatonon his wife with her childe, and the
rest with vs to Roanoak. Though this mistake grieued Manteo, yet he
imputed it to their own folly, because they had not kept promise to come to
the governor at the day appointed. The 13. of August our Salvage Manteo
was Christened, and called Lord of Dassamonpeack, in reward of his
faithfulnesse. And the 18th, Ellinor the Governours daughter, and wife to
Ananias Dare, was delivered of a daughter in Roanoak; which being the
first Christian there borne, was called Virginia.
Our ships being ready to depart, such a storme arose, as the Admirall was
forced to cut her Cables: and it was six dayes ere she could recover the
shore, that made vs doubt she had beene lost, because the most of her best
men were on shore. At this time Controversies did grow betwixt our
Governour and the Assistants, about choosing one of them 12. to goe as
Factor for them all to England; for all refused saue one, whom all men
thought most insufficient: the Conclusion was by a generall consent, they
would haue the Governour goe himselfe, for that they thought none would
so truly procure there supplyes as he. Which though he did what he could to
excuse it, yet their importunitie would not cease till he vndertooke it, and
had it vnder all their hands how vnwilling he was, but that necessity and
reason did doubly constraine him. At their setting sayle for England,
waighing Anchor, twelue of the men in the flyboat were throwne from the
Capstern, by the breaking of a barre, and most of them so hurt, that some
never recovered it. The second time they had the like fortune, being but 15.
they cut the Cable and kept company with their Admirall to Flowres and
Coruos; the Admirall stayed there looking for purchase: but the flyboats
men grew so weake they were driuen to Smerwick in the West of Ireland.
The Governour went for England; and Simon Ferdinando with much adoe at
last arrived at Portsmouth. 1587.
12
The Names of those were landed in this Plantation were,
Iohn White Governour.
Roger Bayley.
Ananias Dare.
Simon Ferdinando.
Christopher Cooper.
Thomas Stevens.
Iohn Samson.
Thomas Smith.
Dionis Haruie.
Roger Prat.
George How.
Antony Cage.
With divers others to the number of about 115.
The fift Voyage to Virginia; vndertaken by Mr. Iohn White.
1589.
The 20. of March three ships went from Plimouth, and passed betwixt
Barbary and Mogadoro to Dominico in the West Indies. After we had done
some exployts in those parts, the third of August wee fell with the low sandy
Iles westward of Wokokon. But by reason of ill weather it was the 11, ere we
could Anchor there; and on the 12. we came to Croatan, where is a great
breach in 35 degrees and a halfe, in the Northeast poynt of the Ile. The 15.
we came to Hatorask in 36. degrees & a terse, at 4. fadom, 3 leagues from
shore: where we might perceiue a smoake at the place where I left the
Colony, 1587. The next morning Captaine Cooke, Captaine Spicer, & their
companies, with two boats left our ships, and discharged some Ordnance to
giue them notice of our comming, but when we came there, we found no
man, nor signe of any that had beene there lately: and so returned to our
Boats. The next morning we prepared againe for Roanoack. Captaine Spicer
had then sent his Boat ashore for water, so it was ten of the Clocke ere we
put from the ships, which rode two myles from the shore. The Admirals
boat, being a myle before the other, as she passed the bar, a sea broke into
the boat and filled her halfe full of water: but by Gods good will, and the
carefull stearage of Captaine Cook, though our provisions were much wet
we safe escaped, the wind blew hard at Northeast, which caused so great a
current and a breach vpon the barre; Captaine Spicer passed halfe over, but
by the indiscreet steering of Ralph Skinner, their boat was overset, the men
that could catch hold hung about her, the next sea cast her on ground, where
some let goe their hold to wade to shore, but the sea beat them downe. The
boat thus tossed vp and downe Captaine Spicer and Skinner hung there till
they were drowne; but 4. that could swim a little, kept themselues in deeper
water, were saued by the meanes of Captaine Cook, that presently vpon the
oversetting of their boat, shipped himselfe to saue what he could. Thus of
eleuen, seuen of the chiefest were drowned. This so discomfited all the
Saylers, we had much to do to get them any more to seeke further for the
Planters, but by their Captaines forwardnes at last they fitted themselues
againe for Hatorask in 2 boats, with 19 persons. It was late ere we arrived,
but seeing a fire through the woods, we sounded a Trumpet, but no answer
could we heare. The next morning we went to it, but could see nothing but
the grasse, and some rotten trees burning. We went vp and downe the Ile,
and at last found three faire Romane Letters carved. C.R.O. which presently
we knew to signifie the place where I should find them, according to a
secret note betweene them & me: which was to write the name of the place
they would be in, vpon some tree, dore, or post: and if they had beene in any
13
distresse, to signifie it by making a crosse over it. For at my departure they
intended to goe fiftie myles into the mayne. But we found no signe of
distresse; then we went to a place where they were left in sundry houses, but
we found them all taken downe, and the place strongly inclosed with a high
Palizado, very Fortlike; and in one of the chiefe Posts carued in fayre
capitall Letters CROATAN, without any signe of distresse, and many barres
of Iron, two pigs of Lead, foure Fowlers, Iron shot, and such like heauie
things throwne here and there, overgrowne with grasse and weeds. We went
by the shore to seeke for their boats but could find none, nor any of the
Ordnance I left them. At last some of the Sailers found divers Chists had
beene hidden and digged vp againe, and much of the goods spoyled, and
scattered vp and downe, which when I saw, I knew three of them to be my
owne; but bookes, pictures, and all things els were spoyled. Though it much
grieued me, yet it did much comfort me that I did know they were at
Croatan; so we returned to our Ships, but had like to haue bin cast away by
a great storme that continued all that night.
The next morning we weighed Anchor for Croatan: having the Anchor apike, the Cable broke, by the meanes whereof we lost another: letting fall
the third, the ship yet went so fast a drift, we sayled not much there to haue
split. But God bringing vs into deeper water; considering we had but one
Anchor, and our provision neare spent, we resolued to goe forthwith to S.
Iohns Ile, Hispaniola, or Trinidado, to refresh our selues and seeke for
purchase that Winter, and the next Spring come againe to seeke our
Country-men. But our Vice Admirall would not, but went directly for
England, and we our course for Trinidado. But within two dayes after, the
wind changing, we were constrained for the Westerne Iles to refresh our
selues, where we met with many of the Queenes ships our owne consort,
and divers others, the 23. of Seeptember 1590. And thus we left seeking our
Colony, that was neuer any of them found, nor seene to this day 1622. And
this was the conclusion of this Plantation, after so much time, labour, and
charge consumed. Whereby we see;
Not all at once, nor all alike, nor ever hath it beene,
That God doth offer and confer his blessings vpon men.
Written by Master Iohn White.
14
Primary Source 6.1
Charles McKew Parr (1964) ‘The Voyage of Jan Huyghen van Linschoten
to the East Indies’, Ch. 32, in Jan van Linschoten: The Dutch Marco Polo,
New York, Thomas Y. Crowell, pp. 217–22 (notes edited).
Notes
Jan van Linschoten was a Dutch Protestant merchant, traveller and
historian. He wrote a number of accounts of his voyages and travels. This
extract pertains to his observations of the Portuguese in Goa, India, during
the late sixteenth century.
Of the Viceroy of Portingall, and of his government in India.
Everie 3. yeares there is a new Viceroy sent into India, and some time they
stay longer, as it pleaseth the King, but verie few of them, hee continueth in
Goa (which is the chiefe Cittie [of India]) where he hath his house and
continuall residence, and from thence all other townes in India: have their
direction and government. [From Goa] everie yeare the Portingall armie is
prepared and sent out, as [I] said before, he hath his counsell, Nobles,
Chancerie, and Justices, as they use in Portingall, and all lawes and Justice,
are by him executed and fulfilled in the Kings name, yet if there be [any]
matter of importance, which concerneth the Civill lawes, they may appeale
to Portingall, but in criminall [causes] no man [may appeale], but such as
have the degree of a Gentleman, such the Viceroy may not iudge, but being
prisoners, send them into Portingall, unlesse it be by the Kings
commaundement.
[…]
The Viceroyes in the last yeare of their government, do use to visite the
Forts lying round about [the countrie], fiftie, sixtie, or eightie miles long, on
the North and South side of Goa, to see how they are governed, they looke
well unto them, but commonly an other supplyeth their place, and if they
doe it themselves, it is more to fill their purses, and to get presents, then to
further the commonwealth, these Viceroyes have great revenewes,1 they
may spend, give, and kéepe the Kings treasure, which is verie much, and
[doe with it] what pleaseth them, for it is in their choyse, having full and
absolute power from the King, in such sort, that they gather [and horde up] a
mightie quantitie of treasure, for that besides their great alowance from the
King, they have great presents and giftes, bestowed upon them. For it is the
custome [in those countries], when any Viceroy commeth newly over, that
all the Kings bordering about Goa, and that have peace and friendship with
the Portingales, do then send their Ambassadours unto him, to confirme
1
In 1580, the Governor-General received £4587: 4: 4 pay a year (Menezes, in
Purchas, ii, p. 1523). Now he has about £1250 salary. In earlier times, they had
many irregular sources of revenue, as Van Linschoten states further on. Apart from
the difference of the value of money now and in the sixteenth century, the Viceroys
must have made the large fortunes they are said to have taken home with them out
of something else than their pay.
1
their leagues with great and rich presents, therewith likewise to bid the
Viceroy welcome, which amounteth to a great masse of treasure:2 these
presents in this sort given, the Jesuites by their practises had obtained of the
King, and for a time enjoyed them at their pleasure (looking verie narrowly
unto them, that they might not bee deceived) untill long time since, a
Viceroy names Don lois de Taide Earle of Atougia [came thether, and]
refused to let them have them, saying that the King being in Portingall knew
not what was given him [in India], and that those presents were given unto
the Viceroy and not to the King, and said [the King] had no power to give
them to [the] Iesuites: so that hee kept them for himselfe, which the Jesuites
tooke in evill part, and said, the Viceroy was an hereticke. Yet from his time
[ever since], the Viceroyes have used to kéepe them for them selves.
[…]
In the same shippe wherein the new Viceroy commeth thether, the old
returneth home, and because their time of government is so short, and that
the place is given [them] in recompence of their service, and thereafter not
to serve any more, there is not one of them, that estéemeth the profit of the
commonwealth, or the furtherance of the Kings service, but rather their own
particular commodities, as you may verie well thinke, so that the common
speach in India is, that they never looke for any profite or furtherance of the
common wealth by any Viceroy, as long as the government of thrée yeares
is not altered. For they say, and it is found to be most true, that the first
yeare of the Viceroyes time, hée hath enough to doe to repaire and furnish
his house, and to know the manners and customes of the countries, without
any further troubling [of himselfe]. The seconde yeare to gather treasure,
and to looke unto his particular profits, for the which cause he came into
India. The third and last yeare to prepare himselfe and set al things in order,
that he be not overtaken or surprised by the new Viceroy when he commeth,
but that he may returne into Portingall with the goods which he had scraped
together. The same is to bee understoode of all the Captaines in the Fortes,
and of all [other] officers in India. Wherefore it is to bee considered, how
they use themselves in their places and the Kings service, whereof the
inhabitants and married Portingales doe continually speake, but they are
farre from the Kings hearing, who knoweth not, but that his Officers doe
him good service, whereby there is small remedie or amendement to be
hoped for.
2 I.e., the tenth Viceroy, Dom Luiz de Ataide, who governed from the 10th of
September 1568 to the 6th of September 1571. He did not succeed in getting the
approval of the Jesuits, e.g. De Sousa (Or. Conq., ii, p. 39) gives the orders this
Viceroy received from King Sebastian. He was directed to promote Christianity,
but also to take care of the royal estate. Sousa says that he put the last first, and, by
a false economy, nearly caused the loss of the Portuguese possessions in India.
There were some nine Viceroys after Dom Luiz up to the time mentioned, i.e.
1596.
2
Primary Source 6.2
Charles McKew Parr (1964) ‘The Voyage of Jan Huyghen van Linschoten
to the East Indies’, Ch. 93, in Jan van Linschoten: The Dutch Marco Polo,
New York, Thomas Y. Crowell, pp. 228–31 (notes omitted).
Notes
Jan van Linschoten was a Dutch Protestant merchant, traveller and
historian. He wrote a number of accounts of his voyages and travels. This
extract pertains to a return voyage from India to Portugal.
Of my voyage and departure from India to Portingale.
[A]nd the 20. of the same Moneth, [1589] wee set sayle, in our ship called
the Santa Crus, being the last, wherein was about 200. men [of all sorts] as
saylers, soldiers, and slaves: for from India there goe but few soldiers
without the Viceroyes passeport, [by vertue whereof they goe] to present
their services, and to fetch [their payes and duties for the same]. And this
they doe after they have served in India some yeares, & also when they have
abilitie to passe over: for when they are poore, and have no helpe, they must
stay in India, [even] for necessities sake, because they have no means to
procure their passage, so that manie of them are constrayned to tarrie there,
and to marrie with Mores and Indian women, the better to maintain
themselves, although it be with miserie enough. For the charges of a mans
voiage out of India into Portingal, is at least 200 or 300 Pardawes, and that
onlie for meate and drinke, which a poore soldier can hardly compasse,
unlesse [he can procure] some gentleman, Captaine, or some wealthy man in
office, [to be favorable unto him,] in helping him to performe his journey.
For in the voyages homewards the king giveth nothing to the soldiers and
passingers, but free passage, for him self and a chest of 4. spannes high and
broad, and 7. in length: and that after they have bene 3. yeares in India, &
for that Chest they pay neither fraught nor custome: they likewise have a
Chest in the roomage, free of fraight, for which they pay custome: and this
they may sell in India to any Marchant, as they commonlie doe, and is worth
[unto them at the least] 40 or 50 Pardawes. These places they call liberties,
and hee that buyeth them, registreth them in the name of him that he buyeth
them of, to the end that in Portingale they may enjoy the same libertie and
priviledge: all the saylers and Officers also of the shippes that [sayl in them
from Portingal,] have likewise besides their places in the ships, the forage of
such a chest allowed them, full of custome and fraight. All these thinges are
very sharply looked unto: for although the ships and goods are farmed, yet
when they arrive at Lisbon, all the chests are brought into the Indian house,
and there visited, to see if any goods be in them, that is forbidden to be
brought out of India, as pepper, Anill, or Indigo, and other such wares as are
farmed of the king: & if any be found, it is presently forfaited, and all the
wares that are in such chests, are likewise valued, so that if they amount
unto more then the value of 1000 Milreyes, they must pay custome for the
overplus, which in the tyme of the kings of Portingale was not used: for then
they were accustomed to carrie their chestes home, and to shew them only
to the waiters: and although the [poore] saylers [and Officers] doe much
1
complayne for the losse & breaking of their liberties, yet can they not be
heard: and thus there come but few Soldiers out of India, for the causes
aforesayd: for I certainlie beleeve that of 1500 Soldiers and more yt.
yearelie are sent thether out of Portingal, there returneth not a hundreth
again, some dying there in the countrie, others beeing cast away [and slayne
by divers occasions,] and the rest by povertie not able to returne againe: and
so against their willes are forced to stay in the Countrie. If anie of them doe
chance to come, it is with some Viceroy, Captaine, or other Gentleman, or
person, that hath borne office or authoritie: and when such men come over,
they alwaies take some Soldiers with them, to whome they give meate and
drinke, and yet are such as are of their acquaintance, and that long before
had bene at their commandements: which they doe for the most part upon a
certaine pryde and vaine glorie: and in this sort there may yearelie come 20
or 30 Soldiers over in each Shippe, which have their Slaves and Blacke
[Mores] with them: so that they come cleane and sweet home, both for
Linnen and other thinges, because Linnen in India is verie good cheap: and
the Shippes when they returne home, are cleaner then when they set out of
Portingale, because they have fewer men in them, and such as come out of
India, bring all their necessaries with them, besides that the shippe is [verie]
sweete, by reason of the spice that is laden in it.
2
Primary Source 6.3
Francesco Carletti (1964) ‘Third Chronicle of the East Indies. Which treats
of the voyage made from the island of Macao in China to Malacca and
thence to Goa, and of what occurred during that voyage’ in My Voyage
Around the World (trans. Herbert Weinstock), New York, Pantheon Books,
pp. 190–5.
Notes
Francesco Carletti was a Florentine merchant who set out from Seville in
1594 on a short slave-trading trip, and ended up on an eight-year aroundthe-world tour. He visited not only Mexico and Peru, but also other
destinations in the East such as Japan, Macao and Goa. This extract from
his published account of his travels details a trip from China to Goa.
Macau to Goa
But that land is, above all, noblest for the traffic in spices and all other sorts
of dry groceries, which grow there all through the Molucca Islands, five of
which supply cloves—that is, Ferrenate, Fidor, Mottin, Machian, and
Bacchin,1 located between the two degrees north of the equinoctial line,
within a space of about eight miles. One of them can be seen from the other,
and none of them measures more than eighteen or twenty miles around.
From other nearby places comes pepper, brought thither by people from
Pacén, Pedir, Acén, and Andreghi,2 places on the island of Sumatra, which
is enormous, a trip around it measuring two thousand miles.
[…]
Pepper also comes from the region of Giambi,3 on the coast opposite
Malacca, and also from Sunda and other islands and places in which the
plant that produces it is cultivated abundantly. It grows near a tree, to which
the plant clings as peas do, though these grow much larger and have leaves
very like those of our beans, but more round.
[…]
Cloves also reach there, brought from the Moluccas, where they grow, and
from Gilolo,4 and though the trees of the clove are found in many other
places, nonetheless they say that they bear fruits only in the abovementioned
islands.
[…]
1
Translator’s note. Seemingly Ternate, Tidore, Morotai, Makian, and Batjan.
2
Translator’s note. The first, third, and fourth of these places may be Padang,
Atjeh, and Inderagiri; it appears impossible even to guess at the identity of the
second.
3
Translator’s note. Djambi, on the Sumatran coast.
4
Translator’s note. The present-day Halmahera.
1
Thus also, from the island of Banda, which gives its name to the other four
islands near it, all located within five degrees from the equinoctial line in
the direction of the Antarctic pole, come nutmeg and mace, which grow
there on a single tree.
[…]
And all this is brought thither by those Indians from Java, dealers in all the
other varieties of spices and dry groceries and in many other kinds of
merchandise in such great abundance that all the streets and houses of
Malacca are full of these things, having a fragrance and an odor of aromatic
things which offends the brain of anyone not inured to it, to whom it is very
bothersome.
From those spices, dry groceries, and many other sorts of merchandise, the
captain-governor of Malacca, a Portuguese gentlemen sent out for three
years by the King of Spain, makes an incredible profit, given the fact that no
one but this captain can buy these spices from the Indians who bring them
there. Most of them, as I have said, are from the island of Java. They come
from the port of Baton5 with an infinite number of their vessels, loaded and
with so large a number of men that they raise the suspicions of the
Portuguese living in Malacca. And for that reason the Portuguese do not
allow them to enter the circuit of their little walled city, with its good
fortress, lest they rise up against them, as they well may be burning to do,
they being not only very numerous but also for the most part of the
Mohammedan religion, as courageous and bellicose as whatsoever other
Indian nation, and by nature treacherous and scornful of death, to which
they pay small heed. For that reason, with great care and order, the
Portuguese citizens of Malacca stand at the gates of the city, with vigilance
making very sure that the aforesaid young men do not enter in, but only
some of their chiefs to carry on the dealings for all the others, and they
accompanied by a few others among them, but with no arms other than a
small dagger that they call cris.6
[…]
And these Javanese remain on the outskirts of the city all day, there where
many houses have been delightfully located in the fresh air among the trees.
These are built of wood, as also are the houses inside the city. And then at
night they return to their vessels, on board which the abovementioned
Portuguese captain sends his men to buy the spices, which for the most part
are cloves, nutmeg and mace. They pay for them at the going prices, giving
certain kinds of cotton cloths painted in various colors, these being of the
sort that those Indians use for their clothing. No sooner has the captain
concluded this transaction than he returns to sell to the Portuguese
merchants at a higher price all the spices that he has bought, taking in
exchange those cotton cloths which those merchants bring thither from
5
Translator’s note. Bandung.
Translator’s note. The creese (from the Malay word kris), a short dagger with a
serpentine blade.
6
2
India—that is, from the coast of São Tomé7 and Coromandel—and which he
uses, as told above, to trade with the Javanese.
And thus he makes a gain of from seventy to eighty per cent over the first
purchase made from the Javanese through his authority or, to say it better,
through his power and absolute command, and up to the sale that he then
makes to the aforementioned Portuguese merchants. So that without any
capital and without any risk whatever, but with the merchandise of others,
by buying at sea and selling on land, he makes the abovementioned profit all
at once, putting into this dealing nothing but words. And very often while
his term lasts (which, as I have said, is for three years, granted to him by the
grace and mercy of the King as repayment for the services which such
gentlemen have given during the wars in India, either themselves or in the
persons of their ancestors), one of them becomes rich, taking away more
than 250,000 or 300,000 scudos and returning with them to India and thence
to rest in Lisbon, if only fortune allows him to be able to enjoy his riches in
his own country. But very often when they wish to go home they are
swallowed up by the sea or robbed by corsairs, as befell me, as I shall
recount to Your Serene Highness at the proper place.
7
Translator’s note. São Tomé was a Portuguese fortified place on the Coromandel
Coast of India. It now is within the city limits of Madras.
3
Primary Source 6.4
Francesco Carletti (1964) ‘Fourth Chronicle of the East Indies. Dealing with
the debarking and stay made in the city of Goa, up to embarking for Lisbon,
with all other particulars of the matters of India’ in My Voyage Around the
World (trans. Herbert Weinstock), New York, Pantheon Books, pp. 202,
206–11, 213, 219–20.
Notes
Francesco Carletti was a Florentine merchant who set out from Seville in
1594 on a short slave-trading trip, and ended up on an eight-year aroundthe-world tour. He visited not only Mexico and Peru, but also other
destinations in the East such as Japan, Macao and Goa. This extract from
his account of his travels details a stay in Goa before embarking for Lisbon.
A stay in Goa and embarking for Lisbon
In the city of Goa, which is located on an islet not more than fifteen miles in
circumference and at sixteen degrees of latitude toward the north, I took a
house. The houses there are very comfortable and good to look at, as also
are the churches, particularly those of the Jesuits, of which there are three.
These are that of the Novitiate, which they also call Our Lady of the Rosary,
a monastery called The Jesus, and a college called Saint Paul’s. In my time,
at least, they kept the blessed corpse of their Father Francis Xavier, one of
the first religious of the Society of Jesus to go to preach the Holy Evangel in
that Orient of China and Japan.
[…]
But let us go back to the Portuguese, who live very lavishly and comfortably
in Goa, going about constantly on horseback (the horses being brought from
Persia with the ships from Ormuz,1 and from Arabia, and they give them as
feed a certain variety of small beans, but cooked). And when they ride out
they have before and behind them goodly troupes of slaves, including one
slave carrying a club in his hand in the manner of a mace, opening up the
way; one with an umbrella, without which they never leave the house, one
who drives off the flies with a red-and-white horse’s tail; and one who acts
as a footman and one as a page. And in that style they go all over the city as
if in triumph. And the city is made up of good houses and is well decorated.
From China comes everything good and beautiful which could be desired in
the way of very rich adornments of gold and silk, beds, chests, tables,
cabinets, and chairs, all gilded and with a black varnish that is made from a
substance taken from the bark of a tree that grows in China and which at
first flows like pitch, but then becomes so hard that it repels water and so
shiny that one can use it as a mirror. And all this is very beautifully
decorated. With these things, and with others from various parts of this
India, they adorn their houses, in which they spend most of their time, the
1
Translator’s note. Hormuz or Ormuz, the ancient Harmozia, is on the Iranian
coast near Bandar Abbas.
1
great heat allowing them to go out only during a few hours of each day—in
the morning and in the late afternoon.
They eat everything from Chinese porcelain and, what is better, their foods
are entirely made of exquisitely flavored birds. The country abounds in
fowl, of which one sort has flesh—that is, skin and sinews—all black, and
this is much more savory than the others. Of all the sorts they make an
endless number of varied and excellent dishes, even to preserving them in
sugar and to cooking them whole, boiled and roasted, without the bones, a
thing no less marvelous than flavorful. My servant knew how to prepare
them in this way and other ways never used in Europe, but native to that
region. It also abounds in all kinds of domesticated and wild birds, all of
them very cheap. From Ormuz come certain rock partridges that resemble
hens, being very large, but having the same plumage and shape as ours.
And they eat everything with rice cooked simply in water, though they do
not lack wheat for making bread, which can always be found for sale by
anyone who wants to buy it. But in hot countries rice pleases more and is
more easily eaten than bread. They also have an abundance of various sugar
conserves of local fruit, very delicate and good—and what is best about
them is that they cost practically nothing, as for one giulio one can get
sixteen ounces of whatever fruit confection he may desire. These are the
fruits already mentioned in these descriptions of the Orient, and they are
sold in the streets by the slaves, who are no less beautiful than they are
fervent and loving with themselves as merchandise, so that they rarely sell
one without selling the other.
Furthermore, they are very devoted to their wives. And when they get
married, they have the most sumptuous weddings, with large cavalcades and
corteges of women to accompany the couple to the church when the ring is
given and matrimony is contracted by the priest’s words. And they make
similar festivities of cavalcades and corteges at the baptisms of their
children, who in this are more like princes than like private men. But these
ostentations cost very little, as each one helps out the other as a mark of
courtesy.
Today the wives are mostly those born there of Portuguese fathers and
Chinese, Japanese, Javanese, Moluccan, and Bengali mothers, and even
mothers from Pegú and various other nations of that region. These matches
produce a somewhat brunette strain, but most of the women turn out to be
very beautiful, and in particular well-formed as to person, and especially
those who are born of the Bengali nation. These women are the best shaped
and largest in body of all Indian women, and their members are so rounded
as to seem to have been formed on a lathe. The face is rather round than
long, and is fully fleshed, and the complexion tends rather to the brunette
than to the white. But when it is mixed with the Portuguese, it acquires
some whiteness and perfection of style, so that those born of these Bengali
women turn out to be beautiful women, and they commonly are called
mestiças, which means mixed-breeds.
[…]
2
But to speak further of the desirousness of the mestiças of Goa, they say that
all of them want to have a lover because, it seems, that sky thus inclines
each of the women, the lubricity of whom is owing not a little to the
continuous heat, rather excessive than moderate, of the region that gave
birth to their Indian mothers, who by nature are the most lascivious
throughout that Orient or, to say it better, all that part of eastern Asia. And
the Portuguese nation is not much behind nor much less desirous of Venus
than she is of Love, both of whom seem to have their home particularly in
Goa. And there, truly, are the elements essential to maintaining and
increasing that kingdom: the lubricity and idleness of those soldiers, most of
whom are unmarried gentlemen with no belongings but clock and sword,
and those along with youth, which they use up in that pastime, especially as
during four months of the year they cannot sally forth in their ships because
of the rains that, as I have said elsewhere, come during the months of May,
June, July, and August.
During that period it is not possible to leave or enter any port of that entire
coast of India with any vessel, no matter how small. This is because of the
outside wind, which blows furiously in the south and southwest, and which
lifts and moves so much sand with the heavy sea that it closes the mouths of
those harbors. Later, in the month of September, the ships emerge from
there, one going toward Cape Comorin, the other toward Cambay. And by
patrolling those two coasts in oared ships in the style of galiots that they call
galleys, they keep that sea free of the corsairs of the Indies. These, called
Malabari, cruise about everywhere, seeking to harm anyone whatever, and
especially the Portuguese merchants. And these latter also exist in that same
idleness, almost never have anything to do except when loading the ships
for Lisbon. During the rest of the year, they devote themselves to their
pastimes and to enjoying the love, the kindness, the cleanliness, and the
prettiness of their wives or mistresses, of whom it never would be possible
to say enough to explain how amorous, kind, attractive, and clean they
really are except by saying that in every way they lead all the women who
have been or are endowed with similar graces, if not everywhere in the
world, at least among those women whom I have seen and experienced in
circumnavigating the world completely.
[…]
But when they are outside, they go about dressed in the Portuguese style,
always carried in certain litters called palanquins, each borne by two or four
male slaves. They sit in these with the thighs and legs extended, as if on a
bed, and with cushions at the back and rugs beneath them. And they are
covered with a mat that protects them from sun and rain, and also so that
they may not be seen. And it also is customary for the men to go about in
these litters, but they may not go covered up. The women never are to be
seen going about in the streets on foot except for that short space which,
having alighted from the palanquin, they must cross to enter the church.
And it provides a good means of going wherever they wish without being
either seen or recognized.
[…]
3
But, to return to the matter of Portuguese, I say in a single word that one can
describe as very happy the island, called Fizzuarin, on which the city of Goa
is, and which is not longer than nine miles or wider than three. And though
there is nothing more on that island than many of those palms which
produce the nuts called cocos (cultivated by the natives living there, who are
called Kanarese, lowly folk who go about almost naked and are rather black
in color than merely brunette), nonetheless it overflows with every delight
and every kind of goods, which are brought there from all sections of those
Indies and Oriental regions of which (that is, of whose harbors and traffic)
the Portuguese are in control, though many years ago the Dutch and the
English and the French took away from them, one could say, the traffic of
the Moluccas, whence come cloves, nutmeg, mace, pepper, and other sorts
of merchandise of those regions.
Also ruined is the traffic with China, to which they go constantly, meaning
to enter with their ships, and have commerce there, as they have had in the
Moluccas, from which nonetheless almost exactly the same things continue
to reach Goa each year by way of Malacca, but not at such favorable prices
as formerly, this because of the abovementioned Hollanders and others.
These, having gone there with their multitudes of ships, have reduced
everything to lower prices, buying with money of account those things
which the Portuguese bought at a profit in exchange for cotton cloths from
Negopatan,2 Manipore, and Coromandel. From those places they brought
each year huge quantities by their ships to Malacca and the Moluccas. Also,
they have suffered in their trade with Portugal because the aforesaid
Hollanders and others interfere with it by preying upon the carracks that ply
to and from Lisbon in that trade, which is the splendor of all that Orient and
which caused and still causes the whole world to marvel and is the greatest
thing of usefulness accomplished by the Portuguese.
2
Translator’s note. The modern Negapatam.
4
Primary Source 6.5
Francesco Carletti (1964) ‘First Chronicle of the East Indies. In which is told
the voyage from the Philippine Islands to those of Japan, and other notable
things of that region’ in My Voyage Around The World (trans. Herbert
Weinstock), New York, Pantheon Books, pp. 116–21.
Notes
Francesco Carletti was a Florentine merchant who set out from Seville in
1594 on a short slave-trading trip, and ended up on an eight-year aroundthe-world tour. He visited not only Mexico and Peru, but also other
destinations in the East such as Japan, Macao and Goa. This extracts from
his account of his travels details a voyage from the Philippines to Japan.
Travel from the Philippine Islands to Japan
Returning again to the matter of the Christians crucified at Nagasaki, I say
that while the abovementioned king reigned, at the very time of the war in
Korea, there came from the Philippine Islands to that kingdom, in the year
1593, four monks of the order of Saint Francis, those who in Spain are
called “discalced.” They arrived as ambassadors that the city of Manila was
sending to the King of Japan with letters from the governor of the Philippine
Islands. The embassy having been brought to him and the aforementioned
monks having presented to him what they had brought, they asked for
permission to go elsewhere in the country, and especially to see the city of
Miako,1 the capital of all that kingdom. And that permission was granted to
them. And, what was more, they were assigned a little house at court until
they should depart, and provisions for living.
There they began to preach the Evangel and to baptize, giving no thought to
returning to Manila, whence they had come for this purpose. Also, others of
the same order came from the same place, having the same desire and zeal,
and the will to establish their holy religion there and throughout the whole
kingdom and to perpetuate there the name of the blessed Saint Francis. And
when they had begun to preach, perhaps with more fervor than was fitting in
that land, the people flocked to these new ministers of those Most Holy
Mysteries and Sacraments, which they all celebrated with much charity and
devotion. And they were prohibited from administering them under pain of
excommunication, which the bishop of the Jesuit Fathers pronounced
against them by virtue of a brief conceded to him by Pope Gregory XIII,
which says that no one but the Jesuits can enter that kingdom to preach the
Evangel, under the aforementioned pain of excommunication.
To that thing the good Fathers replied that they were not subject, saying that
they had another brief, from Sixtus V, which conceded to their religious the
right to go anywhere throughout the world to preach Christ Crucified, and
that it made no exception of one land or another. Therefore, and not feeling
that their coming and going were subject to the aforesaid prohibition by
1
Translator’s note. The ancient name of the imperial capital, later known as Kyoto.
1
Pope Gregory XIII, they went on with the prayers already begun and
continued to teach that which Our Lord Jesus Christ taught and said with
His mouth to His Apostles, who took it and taught it throughout the world.
And though the King of Japan knew about all these travels by the monks, he
nonetheless pretended not to. But the incident that occurred, involving the
loss of a ship, made him do what, in the opinion of those whose passions are
not involved in this, he would never have done otherwise.
The lost ship was coming from the Philippine Islands and going as was
usual, to New Spain loaded with rich merchandise from China and
commanded and lorded over by Spaniards. Because of a contrary wind, and
because, further, of having broken their rudder, they found themselves at the
islands of Japan. And the ship was forced to save itself by approaching the
land, having developed a list. And it came to shore on the island of
Sicocco,2 there where the famous city of Tossa3 is. As soon as King Taico
Sama learned of this, he at once decided upon the way to take possession of
it, which he did with the authority of his laws, which condemn as lost
everything on any ship that, by fortune of the sea, wanting to save those
aboard or out of some other necessity, comes to grief or arrives crippled on
the shores or in the harbors of his kingdom. But that law seemed very
strange and rigorous to the Spaniards who were traveling on that ship, so
that they could not rest under its application or accommodate themselves to
losing such riches.
They therefore began taking their case to the Franciscan monks who were at
the King’s court in the city of Miaco, thinking of them as a possible means
for moderating such an impiety. The monks, who believed themselves to
have some friendship with the King—as, in fact, they did appear to have—
gladly intervened, moved by charity and by love of their country and nation,
then found in that misery. And they began to pray for them, not failing to
perform any good office whatsoever so that their things should not be
confiscated. This was the beginning of their being persecuted to death. The
King much disdained their saying that the merchandise belonged mostly to
their brethren who were in the city of Manila, which they had said so as the
better to support the cause. And the King became angry because of that, the
reason being that they were asking for what he already counted upon as his
own. And he became enraged, saying:
“How does it come about, then, that these monks, who say that they are
so poor, now say that the stuff from this ship is theirs? Certainly I say that
they must be men of evil affairs, false and deceitful. Further, I having
commanded and prohibited their impertinent religion, I know perfectly well
that, despite that, they have taught it and have converted many to
Christianity. And they have stayed at this court and in everything acted
contrarily. For that reason, they having acted contrary to my will, I now will
and command that they be taken prisoners and crucified, together with all
who have accepted their religion, in the city of Nagasaki.”
2
Translator’s note. The modern Shikoku.
3
Translator’s note. The modern Kochi.
2
To that sentence, which the King gave out of his own mouth, no one
answered. And what he had commanded was carried out. Thus were put up
on crosses the aforementioned six monks, with twenty Japanese who were
familiars of their House, among whom were three Brothers of the Society of
Jesus (two of whom put on their habits at the hour when they were taken out
to be crucified). And they all gave their lives together for the love of Jesus
Christ, in the first year of keiko on the twentieth of the eleventh moon,
counting in the Japanese way. They divide the year into thirteen moons,
beginning with the moon of March, so that this proved to be the fifth day of
the month of February of the year 1597, when they were crucified. And
though this event was accompanied by the occurrence of many other events
and misfortunes that it would take too long to recount, nevertheless it was
the most powerful cause of that persecution which almost extended to all
that new Christianity of the Jesuits and to their own persons. But God later
freed them from it in His Divine Wisdom, so that the fruits that they had
created and were creating in that region might not be lost—the conversion
of so many souls to Christ.
But in my time they all were fugitives and the churches all were closed. And
with their habits exchanged for Japanese clothing, they were creeping
around all the islands in an attempt to maintain and increase the number of
Christians, who at that time numbered more than 300,000, with 25,000 or
30,000 more being baptized every year. Now that region has been bathed in
the blood of those religious and of other crucified Christians, that they will
increase each day is not to be doubted. While I was in that city of Nagasaki,
which was populated wholly by Japanese Christians and had a very few
houses of Portuguese merchants, who were remaining there under the rule
of that King, the sufferers were taken down from the crosses. And each of
them was given a proper burial, even though from many of them—and
especially from the religious—many of their members, and chiefly their
heads, had been taken, this despite the fact that there had been guards and
despite the fact that prohibitions by the King and by the Jesuit bishop of
those Christians had forbidden their being touched under grave penalty. But
devotion was able to accomplish much more than the excommunications
and punishments of the royal justice that had condemned them to death, and
which could have been carried out if it had been desired. But all pretended
not to see—it being the case in Japan that very few things can be done that
remain unknown to the exquisite vigilance that rules throughout those cities.
3
Primary Source 6.6
Francesco Carletti (1964) ‘Fourth Chronicle of the East Indies, Dealing with
the debarking and stay made in the city of Goa, up to embarking for Lisbon,
and with all other particulars of the matters of India’ in My Voyage Around
the World (trans. Herbert Weinstock), New York, Pantheon Books,
pp. 221–2.
Notes
Francesco Carletti was a Florentine merchant who set out from Seville in
1594 on a short slave-trading trip, and ended up on an eight-year aroundthe-world tour. He visited not only Mexico and Peru, but also other
destinations in the East such as Japan, Macao and Goa. This extract from
his account of his travels details clashes between the Portuguese and the
Dutch.
Dutch threat to Portuguese trade
[The Hollanders] infest those seas and keep them in continuous fear. And
they are the reason why it now is with such small safety that they carry on,
as they formally carried on, the trade with Zoffala1 and Mozambique, of
great value for the captain who goes there to govern that region. For in three
years he takes out more than 100,000 scudos, having from His Catholic
Majesty the sole privilege of selling to the Negroes of that region the stuffs
that are taken there, which are cotton fabrics—which are exchanged for
gold, in which those areas abound, and also for amber and ivory and other
strange goods and things, such as the tooth of the sea horse and that of the
marvelous woman-fish, thus called because these animals resemble women
so closely that it is said that the Negroes of the region, fishing in those seas,
use them carnally as if they were in truth women. It is said that there is only
one tooth that has the marvelous power to stanch the flow of blood, though
they make crowns and rosaries and rings of them all, indifferently, as they
do of the tooth of the hippopotamus, or sea horse, to which they attribute the
same property, though it is not held in as great esteem.
Similarly, they have frightened those who trade through Ormuz, an island
located at the entrance of the Persian Gulf, to which each year several ships
from Goa go to bring back Persian and Arabian horses, merchandise in
which much is earned because they are bought by the King of Mogor and
the King of Narsinga, and by others throughout all of India, and at high
prices, often reaching and surpassing a thousand scudos each. They also
transport sugar and pearls, which are the largest and most beautiful fished
anywhere in India, though the better and larger part of them are brought
there by Persian, Turkish, and Hebrew merchants, who take them, together
with other merchandise, in caravans leaving from Basra by the Euphrates
River and going to Baghdad and then with the aforesaid caravans of camels
overland to Aleppo and thence to Constantinople.
1
Translator’s note. The modern Sofala, a seaport in southeastern Mozambique.
1
The Portuguese likewise go, with no less risk and fear, to China, whence
they return with the abovementioned goods at a great profit. They leave Goa
in the month of April, China in the month of December. And at the same
time there goes thither the ship that passes from China to Japan with the
same goods, this to the profit of the Portuguese inhabitants of Macao and of
the captain to whom this voyage is conceded, along with the government of
Macao for a year, by His Majesty, who thus remunerates him for services
connected with war matériels in India. From this voyage, only from the
freight, he takes out forty or fifty thousand scudos, he himself being paid by
the merchants at the rate of ten per cent of the total amount of the leading
and transporting of the merchandise that the ship carries to Japan.
2
Primary Source 6.7
Francesco Carletti (1964) ‘Fifth Chronicle of the Second Oriental Account.
Which deals with the departure from Goa en route for Lisbon and with what
happened on that voyage up to arrival in Zeeland’ in My Voyage Around the
World (trans. Herbert Weinstock), New York, Pantheon Books, pp. 231–6.
Notes
Francesco Carletti was a Florentine merchant who set out from Seville in
1594 on a short slave-trading trip, and ended up on an eight-year aroundthe-world tour. He visited not only Mexico and Peru, but also other
destinations in the East such as Japan, Macao and Goa. This extract from
his account of his travels details clashes between the Portuguese and the
Dutch.
A battle between the Portuguese and the Dutch
In this babble of talk by everyone, with no direction or sense of what with
some reasonableness could be done (notwithstanding the fact that the ships
came more in a display of war than one of peace), the captain of our ship
rose up, took a taper in his hand, and by means of it set flame to a piece or
artillery that was directed toward the two ships, which were bearing down
upon us under sail. With that piece, it later was said, a sailor was killed, but
this was neither verified nor believed. When the ships heard that salute, they
decided to wait no longer, for it seemed to them only too certainly an
invitation in response to the desire that they had, which was to fight. And
perhaps beyond doubt they had set about stirring things up that way so as to
have an occasion to seize upon. As it turned out, they were not slow in
returning the salute, at the ration of one hundred to one, as throughout that
day first one ship and then the other did nothing but discharge its artillery all
toward our ship. […]
And things proceeded in that manner until night closed down, they having
ruined our entire superstructure and a large part of the rigging suspended on
the spars, into which a few balls also had entered. Then, having anchored
close by our ship, they fell silent. […]
Once our anchor cables had been cut to allow us to do things more quickly
and so that they should not hear the noise that is made when the anchor is
weighed, the yards were set out very quietly and the sails unfurled to the
wind. And we set our course toward Lisbon.
But the enemy ships, which had thoughts different from ours—but which
we had doubted would follow us—weighed their anchors with great ease
and followed after us, together with that other Dutch ship which had stayed
in the harbor motionless, the very fact that had inspired those who had urged
our departure by saying: “Perhaps they have not taken on the water for their
voyage. Perhaps they are waiting for other ships of their fleet, as we wanted
to do.” What gave backing to that talk was our seeing that that Dutch ship
had not moved and perhaps was in some need of repair. And they had the
firm hope that that was the way things would turn out.
1
But it was in vain—as the Spaniards say, it was “for our sins”—as that ship
had nothing to do with the other two, which, when the new day came (and
oh, how much better for us it would have been could it always have
remained night!), began to belabor us with their accursed artillery, one from
one side and the other from the other. And that Dutch ship did nothing but
stay where it was, to watch. In a few shots they killed one of our
bombardiers, a man of Italian nationality from Genoa, a person well
experienced in that calling who was exercising the office of constable of
artillery on this galleon, though he was said to be a cobbler at home. And no
other remained who was at all experienced in managing those instruments
which the enemy was using so well that there was no letup and we were
receiving and not giving back.
Thus they were able to do in safety exactly as they wished, thanks to the
good order of officers that they have in Portugal when they staff these ships
or carracks which go to India! It is from them that these positions as
constable and bombardier are bought. And whoever will pay the most
obtains them whether or not he is of that profession, and such men obtain
their papers after a superficial examination, as if they never would have to
fight. But very often they are duly punished, though not so much as was
merited by all those who had had a part in that disorder which was the
reason why we were unable to bombard the ships that were doing so much
damage to us and to our vessel, which that day was stripped of its sails, its
masts, its cables, and its superstructure. And we lost more than fifty men
and had many miserably wounded by the artillery by the time when, night
having fallen, it fell silent.
[…]
But, to turn back to our subject here, on that Saturday they began again to
bombard us with their artillery. But whereas earlier they always had shot
with the aim of ruining the masts, the shrouds, and the sails with chained
balls, and amidships, so as both to frighten and to kill the men, on that day,
having changed their minds upon seeing that they could not have us
otherwise, they began to aim below the water line, seeking the time when
the ship was lifted up, shaking, out of the water. And it, being without its
helm, moved in its own way, and so they struck at it in accord with the plan
that they had formed of forcing us to surrender it if we did not want to go to
the bottom with it and all perish miserably. In a few hours they achieved
what they had designed, the poor ship by then having been so reduced that it
might go to the bottom at any moment. And if we had waited for another
broadside, I should not have been able to recite these chronicles to Your
Serene Highness, as we should have been sunk irretrievably.
Instead, being unable to withstand the water that was entering through those
holes, we made a signal to the enemy ships with a white rag, that they
should top firing and understand that we were suing for mercy. […]
For such was the evil fortune of all those who, by bad fortune, had been
forced to go to Saint Helena. And worse still had been the departure from
there, because they could have landed with the most valuable things (which
of jewels alone were calculated at more than 300,000 scudos on that
carrack). Or, remaining motionless in the ship, they could have made it into
2
a fortress, as there where the sea did not move the ship, neither lowering nor
raising it, the enemy artillery could not have damaged it sufficiently to be
able to sink it. And further, if our ship had remained at anchor, the enemy
would have been able to bring his artillery to bear from only one side,
whereas out in the sea under sail, he had been able to be first on one side
and then on the other, so that he could hit practically everywhere at one
time. Further, the Zeelanders, who were ragged sailors drained by a long
voyage, could not have competed with the valor of the Portuguese, and
especially with these, who, besides being in the goodly number of nearly
five hundred, also were for the most part old soldiers and noble personages
who had served in the militia in India for a long time and now were
returning to Portugal to be rewarded by their king according to the custom
of that crown.
3
Primary Source 6.8
Jean-Baptiste Tavernier, Baron of Aubonne (1925) Travels in India,
translated from the original French edition of 1676 with a biographical
sketch of the author, notes, appendices, &c., by V. Ball, 2 vols, London,
Oxford University Press; Humphrey Milford, vol. 2, Ch. 22, pp. 254–8,
265–7.
Notes
Jean-Baptiste Tavernier was a French traveller and pioneer of trade with
India. He travelled extensively through the Middle and Far East, trading
successfully as he went. In later life he published accounts of his travels.
This extract pertains to trade and negotiation in Batavia (now Jakarta).
Concerning an affair which was raised unseasonably for the
Author in the Council at Batavia.
There are two Councils in Batavia, the Council of the Fort, at which the
General1 presides, where the affairs of the Company are discussed; and the
Council that sits in the Town Hall, and deals with the police and the minor
disputes which arise among the citizens. M. Faure, a member of the Town
Council, was one of those who came to visit me on my arrival, and during
nine or ten days he, with one of his friends, was with me four times. Both of
them spoke frequently of M. Constant, who had been Commander at
Gombroon, and was for many years the second officer of the factory at
Surat, where he had amassed much wealth. He had often trusted me with a
part of it, and we had always been good friends. One day, as I was about to
leave Surat on my way to the diamond mine, he asked me to purchase
diamonds on his account to the extent of 16,0002 rupees’ worth, giving me a
letter of credit for the sum on Golkonda, where it was paid me, and I
invested it as he desired. I expected on my return to find him at Surat; but
during my journey he had received orders to start at once for Batavia, and as
soon as he got there he married the widow of General Vandime and went
with her to Holland. I was much surprised on my return to Surat to find that
he had left without giving orders to any of his friends, Dutch or English, to
receive what I had for him, and send it to him by one of the vessels which
go to England. I remained at Surat about two months, and as I wished to
travel, in order not to risk what M. Constant had entrusted to me I placed the
1
[Governor-General].
2
£1,800. (See Index for further references to this traffic carried on by Tavernier on
behalf of the Dutch officials.) At a latter period we find English officials engaging
in the same trade. (See Colonel Yule’s account of the Pitt diamond in Hedges’
Diary, Hakluyt Society, iii. 91, 161 f.) Thomas Pitt, was Governor of Madras from
1698 to 1709. Another Pitt, Governor from 1730–35, George Morton or Moreton
Pitt, appears to have been notable, also, for his private trade in diamonds. (Kistna
Manual, 106 n.; Wheeler, Madras in the Olden Time, 505.)
1
whole in the hands of Sr. Francis Breton,3 the second officer in the English
factory at Surat, who, at M. Constant’s request, afterwards forwarded it to
him in Holland. I had previously asked the Dutch Commander, named
Arnebar, to be good enough to take charge of this parcel, as he was a friend
of M. Constant; but he excused himself, telling me that if the General or
Council at Batavia came to know that he had such goods in his hands they
would treat him as a receiver who had not declared them, in other words, he
would be deposed from his office and all his property confiscated.
One day, then, while I was at Batavia, M. Faure, whom I have just
mentioned, came to see me with three others, bringing a large bottle of
Rheims wine and another of English beer. For my part I had contributed a
collation, and as we began to drink they asked me if I had not heard the
news of M. Constant which had come by land while I was at Surat; to which
I replied that I had not received any intelligence, either by sea or land, since
he had left Batavia. They expressed surprise at this reply, and told me that
they were much astonished, that having been such great friends, and having
done such considerable trade together which still lasted, he had not made me
acquainted with his movements. I saw from the first that they were come
with no other design than to inquire whether I had with me the parcel of
diamonds which I had bought at the mine for M. Constant, or whether I had
left it with some Dutchman to send to him. I thought it advisable to remove
this doubt from their minds, for unless I did so they would be unable to
drink the wine they had brought, with comfort. Without keeping them
longer in suspense, therefore, I told them that I was astonished that they had
not spoken to me of this matter on the first occasion when they had done me
the honour to visit me, and I perceived clearly that they wished to know if
the last time I had been at the diamond mine M. Constant had not given me
a commission to buy for him; that they need not have brought wine for that
purpose to make me drink, because I differed from most men, who speak
much and say more than they know when they have drunk, but, as for
myself, it is then I talk least; nevertheless, since I desired to satisfy them, so
that they might not have any regret for their good wine, I would tell them
the truth frankly. It is true, then, I told them, that M. Constant not only gave
me a commission to buy him a parcel of diamonds, but he also gave me
money to pay for them, and I purchased them for 16,000 rupees. I had no
sooner finished speaking than M. Faure, turning to the three others,
‘Gentlemen,’ said he, ‘you will bear me witness that M. Tavernier has
16,000 rupees’ worth of diamonds for M. Constant, which he left me an
order to receive when he departed for Holland.’ I replied without disturbing
myself, that if he wished for them he would have to run after them, but that I
did not believe he would overtake them; that it was more than six months
since I had dispatched them by land, and that I was much surprised at his
having taken this commission, and wondered how M. Constant and he could
have known that I would go to Batavia. I saw that it annoyed him to find
that he had not got what he expected, and as they did not wish to drink any
more they all four departed.
3
Francis Breton, President of Surat 1644–9. See the epitaph on his tomb
(Rawlinson, British Beginnings in Western India, 136). […].
2
On the following day, early in the morning, an officer of the Company
handed me a summons to appear at 11 o’clock before that Town Council,
where the Avocat Fiscal was present to take up the case on behalf of the
Company. I did not fail to be present at the Town Hall at the hour named,
when, immediately, these gentlemen called me in, and with great
compliments asked me if it was true that M. Constant had asked me to make
an investment in diamonds to the amount of 16,000 rupees, and also where
they were. I said that as regards the purchase of the diamonds it was true
that I made it, but that I knew not where they were, because more than six
months had elapsed since I forwarded them to him from Surat by land.
Upon that the gentlemen of the law delivered sentence that it was not for M.
Faure to interfere in the matter, but it was the duty of the Avocat Fiscal to
follow it up; that at that time M. Constant was in the Company’s service,
and that, without having defrauded it, he could not out of his wages have
amassed so large a sum. At this mention of his having defrauded the
Company I was unable to prevent myself from laughing; this astonished
them, and the President of the Council asked me why I laughed. I told him
that it was seeing his astonishment at the fact that M. Constant had
defrauded the Company of 16,000 rupees, and that if he had only carried off
so much, it would have been a small matter, adding that there was scarcely a
servant of the Company who had held M. Constant’s offices, and had
enjoyed the opportunity of trading, as he had, without fear of the Fiscal,
who had not made at least 100,000 écus.4 Two or three members of the
Council, then present, were uneasy at hearing me talk in this way, as these
remarks particularly affected them. For to say the truth, the Commanders
and their subordinates in the factories know well how to appropriate large
sums for their own benefit, to the great detriment of the Company; and as
they cannot do so without having an understanding with the broker, he does
the same on his own account, those below him also taking what they can. I
made an estimate once of all the money of which the Company is defrauded
on the trade in each factory, and I ascertained that as they annually defraud
it in all the factories taken together to the extent of 1,500,000 or 1,600,000
livres,5 they have abundant opportunity for consoling themselves. For to
speak but of Persia alone, I have known Commanders who, both by the sale
of spices and on the purchase of silks, have laid apart for themselves in one
year more than 100,000 piastres.6 They practice marvellous artifices which
it is difficult for the Company, especially the directors and shareholders of
the Company, who are in Holland, to discover. For, as regards the
Commanders in India, the scandal must become notorious before the
General of Batavia and his council have recourse to law, and most
frequently the commanders shut the mouth of the Avocat Fiscal, by a
present amounting to more than the third part which would be his share if all
were confiscated, another third belongs to the Company, and the other to the
Hospital. Thus all passes in silence, for every one of these Commanders has
his patron at Batavia, to whom he sends valuable presents yearly, besides
4
£22,500.
5
£112,500 to £120,000.
6
£22,500.
3
which there is not one of these gentlemen of the Council who has not done
the same himself. Moreover, if anyone who is cognizant of a wrong done by
a Commander to the Company reports it to the General, he is certain never
to be appointed to any factory, and sooner or later an opportunity is found
for removing him from the office he holds, and he is sent as a soldier to
some island to end his life miserably.
[…]
As soon as the Fiscal had given me his questions in French, I communicated
them to M. Potre, the ablest counsel in Batavia, who told me that, not being
employed by the Company, I was not obliged to reply to any of these
articles; nevertheless, being desirous of putting an end to the affair, I went to
the President’s house shortly after sunrise, and he came to receive me in his
sleeping garment, ‘preferring’, he said, ‘to come to me in that condition
rather than make me wait while he dressed.’ The reply which I made to this
compliment was ‘that since he wished me absolutely to tell him all that I
knew of M. Constant, I would conceal nothing that had come to my
knowledge, even were it to the disadvantage of the General himself and
many members of the Council, and of you yourself who urge me to speak,’ I
added, after he had made his guard withdraw, and he and I remained alone. I
told him, then, that ‘when leaving Surat to go to the diamond mine, M.
Constant entrusted me with 44,0007 rupees, asking me to expend it on
diamonds, and especially on large stones, that my services would be well
rewarded, and that as this sum belonged to the General he would be glad to
have an opportunity of obliging him. Moreover, that the General himself
had purchased from M. Constant, when he visited Batavia, all the parcels I
had sold him while he was the second officer at the factory of Surat. They
were all stones which I had cut, their value being more than 40,000 écus.8
As for the pearls which M. Constant had bought for the General during the
time he was at Hormuz, I did not exactly know the value, but I so far knew
that they included two pear-shaped pearls which cost 170 tomāns.9 That I
had also received somewhat considerable sums to invest for M. Carles
Renel, M. Cam, and some others, and that he himself could not have
forgotten that when M. Constant left Batavia to become Commander in
Persia, he entrusted to him 36,000 rupees,10 asking him to give it to some of
his friends to invest it in a parcel of diamonds. That the said M. Constant
expected to find me at Surat to place this sum in my hands, but as I had left
for Hormuz some days before on an English vessel, he thought to find me
there, and place the sum in my hands, supposing that during the same season
I should return to India, and to the diamond mine. And [‘]in order to make
you see,’ I further said to the President, ‘how M. Constant was devoted to
your interest, he purchased with the greater part of your money goods of
Sironj and Burhānpur, and as soon as he arrived at Gombroon he was
7
£4,950.
8
£9,000.
9
£586: 10s., the tomān being equal to £3: 9s.
10
£4,050.
4
offered 30 per cent. profit on them. It is true’, I added, ‘that to calculate it at
the rate which the other merchants have to pay it would only amount to 5
per cent., but he made all pass as if on the account of the Company, which
neither pays the freight of the vessel nor the customs at Gombroon, these
two items amounting, in the case of the merchants, to 25 per cent.; that
when the vessel which had carried him returned to Batavia, although the
goods were not sold, he did not forget to write to you that he had refused 30
per cent. profit in the hope of receiving more; that, however, three vessels
arrived at Gombroon laden with the same kinds of goods, so that he had
difficulty in getting for them what they had cost in India; this compelled him
to give those which he had bought for you at the current price; that,
nevertheless, M. Constant had been so generous that he never asked
anything from you, but that he had told me in private that he had lost more
than 15 per cent. by the transaction.’
Having given all this detail to the President, he appeared to be very much
alarmed, and besought me to make no noise about it, in which he did wisely,
for I could have named others, all the devices11 of the chiefs of the Company
having come to my knowledge, and the principal part of the large sums
which they had invested in diamonds having passed through my hands.
Observing then that the President did not wish to hear more, I took leave of
him and went to tell my counsel all that had passed. His dwelling being near
that of the President, I observed that the latter went to the fort, apparently to
see the General. Between 11 o’clock and noon I was about to go to the
Town Hall to know what the Avocat Fiscal would say to me, because I
knew that the President had gone there when leaving the fort, and that they
had conversed together. But I met him half-way, and approaching me with a
laughing face he asked me where I was going. I replied that I was going to
the Town Hall to reply to some of his questions. ‘I beg you,’ he replied
quickly, ‘let us leave that affair to go and have dinner together. I was
presented yesterday with two cases, one of French wine and the other of
Rhine wine, we shall see which is the best. All I ask from you is a word
written with your own hand, that you have nothing belonging to M.
Constant.’ This I gave very willingly, and in this way the whole case came
to an end.
11
‘Adresses’, ‘dexterities’, or worse. Not ‘addresses’, as Ball rendered the term.
5
Primary Source 6.9
Charles McKew Parr (1964) ‘The Voyage of Jan Huyghen van Linschoten to the East
Indies’ in Jan van Linschoten: The Dutch Marco Polo, New York, Thomas Y. Crowell,
Ch. 18, pp. 104–6.
Notes
Jan van Linschoten was a Dutch Protestant merchant, traveller and historian. He
wrote a number of accounts of his voyages and travels. This extract pertains to his
observations in Malacca (now part of Malaysia).
Of the towne and fort of Malacca
Mallacca is inhabited by the Portingales, together with the naturall borne
countriemen, which are called Malayos: there the Portingales holde a fort, as they doe
at Mossambique and is (next to Mossambique and Ormus) the best and most
profitable [fort] for the Captaine throughout all India. There is likewise a Bishop, as
[there is] at Cochin, but they are Suffraganes unto the Archbishop of Goa,1 this is the
staple for all India, China, the Ilands of Maluco, and other Ilands thereabouts; it hath
great trafficke and dealing with all shippes which sayle to and from China, the
Molucos, Banda, the Ilands of Iava, Sumatra, and all the Ilands bordering thereabouts:
as also from Sian, Pegu, Bengala, Choramandel, and the Indies: whereby a great
number of shippes goe and come thether, and doe there lade and unlade, sell, buye,
and barter, and make great traficke out of all the Orientall countries: Therein also
dwell some Portingalles, with their wyves and families, although but fewe, about a
hundredth [households], but of travellers that come thether to trafficke [with them],
and such as with their ships will sayle to China, Molucas, or other places, or that
come from thence, and there take in [water and other] fresh victuals, and must stay
there for the Monsoins (which are windes that blow at certaine times) to bring [and
carry their wares] from one place to the other, [there are great numbers]. The cause
why so few Portingales dwell [therein], is because it is a verie unholesome countrie,
and an evill ayre as well for the naturall Countrie men, as for straungers [and
travellers], and commonlie there is not one that cometh thether, and stayeth any time,
but is sure to be sicke, so that it costeth him either hyde or hayre, before he departeth
from thence, and if any escapeth with life from thence, it is holden for a wonder,
whereby the countrie is much shunned, notwithstanding covetousnes and desire of
gayne, together with the apt situation of the place, maketh many venture, and lightly
estéeme al dangers: by which means there is so great resort to Malacca from al places,
as in all [the places of] India:2 the country hath nothing of it self, but all things are
brought thether in great aboundance, and there is everie yeare a ship that cometh
thether from Portingal, which setteth out a month before any of the ships [begin for
sayle] to India, not once touching in India (unless for want [of fresh water, or other
victuals it putteth] into Mossambique) which is laden in Malacca, and is alwaies twice
as richly laden with costly marchandises and Spices, as any [one] ship that ladeth in
India, and from thence it taketh her course againe to Portingale.
1
2
This bishopric was founded in 1559. Malacca was conquered in 1511.
I.e., as already explained—Malabar and Goa.
1
The Malayos of Malacca say, that the first origninall [or beginning] of Malacca hath
bene but of late yeares, for before that tyme there was no towne of Malacca, but only
a small village of 7. or 8. fishermens houses, which fished in that place, for that
because of the unholesomenes of the countrie, everie man did shunne it: in the end
certaine Fishermen gathering together being of Pegu, Sian and Bengala, and other
nations bordring upon the same, daylie made their repaire thether to fish, and did at
length begin to build and erect a newe Towne and government in that place, and made
a spéech among themselves, to differ from the places lying about them, [séeking] in
all things to differ [and varye] from their neighbours, so that [in the end] they made a
speech by themselves, and named the towne Malacca, which in short time hath gotten
so great resort, by meanes of the aptnes and propernes of the place, specially for
marchants, that it is become one of the best and principallest kingdomes of all the
countries thereabouts, and this spéech called Melayo is reported to be the most
courteous and séemelie spéech of all the Orient, and [all] the Malaiens, as well men as
women are very amorous, perswading themselves that their like is not to be found
throughout the [whole] world. They use many Ballats, poetries, amorous songs, after
their manner3 whereby they are wondred at, which maketh them proude, and hee that
dwelleth in India, and can not speake the Malayans speech, wil hardly with us learne
the French tongue, their [forme and] figures are heere set downe, together with those
of the Ilands of Java, whereof hereafter we will speake more.
3
Many specimens of Malay poems and stories, etc., have been published by Dutch scholars.
There are also some in the late Mr Logan’s Journal of the Indian Archipelago.
2
Primary Source 6.10
Charles McKew Parr (1964) ‘The Voyage of Jan Huyghen van Linschoten to the East
Indies’, Ch. 21, in Jan van Linschoten: The Dutch Marco Polo, New York, Thomas Y.
Crowell, pp. 116–17 (notes edited).
Notes
Jan van Linschoten was a Dutch Protestant merchant, traveller and historian. He
wrote a number of accounts of his voyages and travels. This extract pertains to his
observations of the Philippines.
Of the Iland of Maluco
The Ilandes of Maluco are five, viz. Maluco, Tarnate, Tydor, Geloulo, and an other(;)
where the Portingales have 2 forts, that is in Tarnate and Tydor, which long since
were discovered1 and wonne, where they trafficke from Malacca and out of India.
The Spaniards have sought divers meanes to have traffique there, and came from
thence out of Nova Spaigne, into the Iland called Tarnate,2 where in a storme they lost
their shippe, and so could not get from thence againe, [whereby] they were by the
Portingales most of them slayne, and the rest taken and sent [prisoners] into
Portingale, whereupon the King of Spaine and Portingale had a long quarrell and
contention, touching the division of their Conquests, and discovery of the seas, which
by the Popes meanes at the last was ended, in such sort,3 that at this present onely the
Portingale trafickes to those Ilands. These Ilands have no other spice then cloves, but
in so great abundance, that as it appeareth, by them the whole world is filled
therewith. In this Iland are found firie hilles, they are very dry and burnt land, they
have nothing els but victuals of flesh and fish, but for Rice, Corne, Onyons, Garlicke,
and such like, [and all other necessaries, some are brought from Portingale, and some
from other places thereabout, which they take and barter for cloves …].
1
By Abreu and Serrano (1511), vide Barros, Dec. iii, 5. ch. 6. Empresas (ut s.), p. 255.
This might, at first sight, be taken for an erroneous allusion to the unfortunate Magalhães,
and to the murder of his successor in the command—Duarte Barbosa. But there were several
subsequent expeditions of a like kind, which all ended in the same way; and the account given
here is of the expedition of Villa Lobos in 1545, and is taken from Gonçalez de Mendoça
(Historia, Itinerario part, ch. vii, p. 317). “This Villa Lobos arrived at the Ilands of Malucas,
and at those of Terrenate…… In these ilands they had great war by meanes of the Portugals,
and ….. went to the most part of them with the aforesaide Portugals unto the India of
Portugall, from whence afterwards they sent them as prisoners unto the said King of
Portugall”… . (Hak. Soc. ed, ii., 259).
3 The demarcation was first settled by Pope Alexander VI (1493). […] The feuds between the
Spaniards and Portuguese in the East continued even after the two kingdoms were united.
See De Morga’s Sucesos (Philippine Islands, Hakl. Soc., xxxix).
2
1
Primary Source 6.11
Francesco Carletti (1964) ‘First Chronicle of the East Indies. In which is told the
voyage from the Philippine Islands to those of Japan, and other notable things of that
region’ in My Voyage around the World (trans. Herbert Weinstock), New York,
Pantheon Books, pp. 99–102.
Notes
Francesco Carletti was a Florentine merchant who set out from Seville in 1594 on a
short slave-trading trip, and ended up on an eight-year, round-the-world tour. He
visited not only Mexico and Peru, but also other destinations in the East such as
Japan, Macao and Goa. This extract from his published account of his travels details
his experiences of tea-drinking in Japan.
Tea-drinking in Japan
Having navigated with great trouble because of the continuous calms that we met with
for thirty days through that eastern gulf which stretches about one thousand miles
from the Philippine Islands to those of Japan, we attained salvation and made port in
the month of June of that same year 1597, in the place at which lies the city of
Nagasaki, situated at a latitude of from thirty to thirty-two degrees toward the north.
When we still were some distance off shore, it being toward evening and with no
breath of wind stirring, from that port came out a large number of boats, of the sort
that they call funee, to carry us ashore. Those boats are entirely different from ours.
And where we, when rowing, move the oar toward the prow, hold it there, and then
dip it back into the water, and face the poop when sitting down, they do not, while
rowing, otherwise move the oar or even dip it into the water or sit down. But with
their faces toward to sea, standing up on the edge of the boat, their backs toward one
another, the oars always in the water and looking like so many feet attached to the two
sides of the board as it comes over the sea boundingly, they come, pushing along
swiftly. And while they row, they sing happy sailors’ songs, to the sound of which we
entered into the aforementioned port of Nagasaki.
In the morning, before we set foot on the land, ministers of justice came by command
of the governor of that region, so as to search among all the sailors, passengers, and
merchants for certain earthenware vases that often are brought there from the
Philippine Islands and other places in that sea. By order of Japan, these must, under
pain of death, be showed by anyone who has them, as the King wishes to buy them
all. Who ever would believe it? And it is the truth nonetheless, and had I not seen it on
my arrival there, I should not dare to recount it to Your Serene Highness. Those vases
often are worth five, six, or ten thousand scudos each, though ordinarily one would
not say that they were worth a giulio, and the reason is that they have the property of
preserving unspoiled – and for nine, ten, and twenty years – a certain leaf that they
call cha.*
This leaf is produced by a plant that grows almost like that of the box tree except that
its leaves are three times as large and it remains green throughout the year. And it has
a fragrant flower in the shape of a damask rose. From its leaves they make a powder
*
Translator’s note. Tea.
1
that they then mix with hot water—which they continually have on the fire for this
purpose, in an iron cauldron—and then drink it daily, more as a medicine than for its
taste. It has a somewhat bitter flavor, so that one then washes out the mouth. Upon
those who take it good and flavorsome, it produces a very good effect and relieves the
stomach weakness because of its warmth. It marvelously assists digestion and is
especially excellent for lightening and impeding the fumes that rise to the head. And
for that reason it customarily is drunk immediately after the midday meal, when one
feels full of too much wine; and drinking it after supper brings on sleep. In sum, the
uses of drinking this cha are so many that one never enters a house without being
offered it in a friendly way, out of good manners, as a matter of custom to honor the
guest, as they do with wine in the regions of Flanders and Germany.
These people also have abundant wine made of rice, and they drink it and offer it to
be drunk after first heating it at a fire until it is more than tepid. And with it they
honor their friends, giving them each a cup, then one after the other making toasts, the
head of the household beginning with the most honored stranger who has come to
visit him. And in this matter they are most particular. The wine is made of rice, which
is cooked in the steam from water being boiled in a cauldron. After it is cooked, they
mix into it flowers of ashes and let it stand that way until it becomes musty. This, the
minor part, so to speak, they add to other rice cooked in the same way, but without the
addition of ashes and not musty, and then place the entire mixture in a vat with water,
where it ferments for some days. And then they filter it through certain cloth bags. In
that way they make a strong and tasteful wine. And so as to give it more flavor, they
add another sort of herb of great value. But that is not common to all, and is done only
for the wine of the rich, who keep its secret for themselves. It is so volatile that it
intoxicates very easily, and the wine can be kept for a long time. They also distill this
same concoction in an alembic and produce a wine like aqua vitae, very good to taste.
But, to return to the abovementioned cha, besides the many special properties that
they attribute to it, they say that the older the leaf is, the better it is. But they have
great difficulty in preserving it for a long period and keeping it in its prime condition,
as they do not find containers, not even of gold or silver or other metals, which are
good for this purpose. It seems a superstition, and yet it is true, that it is preserved
well only in the aforesaid vases made simply of a clay that has this virtue. But they
are few and very well known to those people, who recognize them by certain signs
and characters in antique lettering, which show them to be of ancient manufacture.
They are not to be found today except as they were made many hundreds of years ago
and are brought from the kingdoms of Cambodia and of Siam and Cochin China and
from the islands, Philippine and other, of that sea. These vases generally are found
among those which they have made at a value of three of four soldi each, and many
merchants have become rich on them, especially those who have profited from
carrying some of the ones that have the virtue, or it may be a superstition, of
preserving the cha. And it is the truth that the king of this Japan and all the other
princes of the region have infinite number of these vases, which they regard as their
principal treasure, esteeming them more than anything else of value. And out of
vainglory and for grandeur they make a contest of who possesses the larger quantity
of them, displaying them to one another with the greatest satisfaction.
2
Primary Source 6.12
Jean-Baptiste Tavernier, Baron of Aubonne (1925) Travels in India,
translated from the original French edition of 1676 with a biographical
sketch of the author, notes, appendices, &c., by V. Ball, 2 vols, London,
Oxford University Press; Humphrey Milford, vol. 1, Ch. 20, pp. 247–53.
Notes
Jean-Baptiste Tavernier was a French traveller and pioneer of trade with
India. He travelled extensively through the Middle and Far East, trading
successfully as he went. In later life he published accounts of his travels.
This extract pertains to a naval battle he was involved in while returning
from Surat.
Return from Surat to Hormuz, and how the author found
himself engaged in a very severe and dangerous naval
combat, from which he escaped without accident.
WHILE on my return to Surat from my visit to the diamond mine, I learned
that war had been declared between the English and Dutch,1 and that the
latter would not send any more vessels to Persia. The English also said the
same, as they had already sent four which they expected to return every
hour, and consequently I found the sea closed for my passage to Hormuz. I
might have taken the land journey by Agra and Kandahār; but the road was
very long, and it was impossible, or at least very difficult, to travel by it on
account of the Kandahār war, and because the armies of Persia and India
were in the field.2 While afraid that I should be obliged to spend a long time
in a place where I had no occupation, there arrived at Surat on the 2nd of
January five large Dutch vessels from Batavia; this rejoiced me exceedingly,
as I was certain to obtain all I wanted from the Dutch Commander, who was
a friend of mine. I may say, in passing, that in all my journeys there have
never been one of these commanders—it is thus they call the chiefs of these
settlements—who has not showed consideration for me, and has not been
pleased at having the opportunity of doing me kindness. I have also sought
on all occasions to serve them, especially when I went to the mine, by
purchasing diamonds for them with private money of which they did not
wish the Company to know anything, because they are forbidden to embark
in private trade, and moreover they understood little about the purchase of
precious stones. But although these small services which they asked me to
render them had been without profit, that did not save me from being
subjected later on, on account of one of them, to some unpleasantness at
Batavia, from which I did not escape without trouble, as I shall describe
hereafter in the sequel of my history. I have also been very careful in all the
1
This was in the year 1654. War was proclaimed between England and Holland on
8th June 1652, and, on Dutch defeats at sea, ended in the peace of 1654.
2 Kandahār surrendered to the Persians in 1649, and was three times besieged
ineffectually by the Mughals in 1649, 1652, 1653 (Smith, Oxford Hist. of India,
402 f.).
1
places where the Dutch have settlements, and where I made any sojourn, to
contribute as far as possible to the amusement of their ladies. As I never
came from Persia to India without bringing good wine and fine fruits, and
always had some one with me who understood cooking better than the
Dutch in India, and knew how to make good soup and bake, I entertained
them often with collations, where pigeons in pyramids, flavoured with
pistachios, were not lacking. The amusements of the country, which I
sufficiently described, followed these small collations; and the ladies gave
me to understand that they were much pleased with these parties, to which I
invited them with their husbands.
The Commander of Surat being, as I have said, a friend of mine, offered me
a passage upon one of the five vessels, whichever I pleased, which had
arrived from Batavia; but, on the other hand, he pointed out the risk I would
run of meeting the English, and of being engaged, in that event, in a combat,
which would be unavoidable. My friends also begged me to consider the
great danger to which I exposed myself. But all that they could say to me
was of no avail, and rather than lose the time uselessly at Surat, where I had
nothing to do, I was firmly resolved to embark. As the Dutch vessels were
men-of-war rather than merchant craft, the Commander ordered three to be
unloaded as quickly as possible, and sent them in advance with instructions
to seek the four English vessels which he knew ought to be on their return
from Persia, laden with goods, and consequently less in a condition to fight
than vessels which were empty. The two others followed three or four days
afterwards, this interval being required by them in order to ship supplies for
all five.
I embarked in one of the two vessels which left last, and having set sail on
the 8th of January,3 we arrived on the 12th before Diu, where we found the
three vessels which had preceded us. Immediately a council of war was held
to consider what direction we should take to meet the English, who we
believed had already reached Persia; but they had gone but a short distance,
having left Diu only two days before the arrival of the three first Dutch
vessels. It was settled that we should go to Sindi,4 and that, with anchors up,
each vessel, approaching Diu as near as it could, should fire off all its
cannon at the town. As soon as the inhabitants perceived that we were
sailing towards the town they took flight, only daring to fire two shots at us.
After the discharge of all the guns, we set our course for Sindi, where we
arrived on the 20th of the same month, and a boat was at once sent on shore,
the English and Dutch each having a house there. Our Admiral was
informed that the four English vessels, which were to embark about 200
bales of goods then ready on the seashore were expected daily; and upon
these tidings it was resolved to remain at anchor there till the 10th of
February; but that, if by that time they did not appear, we should put to sea
again and seek for them in Persia.
On the 2nd of February, at break of day, we perceived some sails, but owing
to their great distance were unable to make them out, and still less to go to
3
4
This was in 1654.
Scimdi in the original for Sindi.
2
meet them, the wind being contrary.5 Some believed at first that they were
fishing-boats, but little by little, as they approached, having the wind astern,
we recognised that they were the English vessels, which advanced to attack
us, upon the information they had received, as we subsequently learned,
from some fishermen, that the Dutch vessels were simple frigates, of which
they expected to make an easy capture. It is true they had not before seen
such small Dutch vessels, and as they had been built expressly for fighting,
they had not high bulwarks, and so appeared small externally, but were
otherwise of great strength. Our ‘Admiral’ had forty-eight pieces of cannon,
and in case of necessity was able to accommodate up to sixty, and had more
than 120 men on board. Towards nine o’clock—the English, who advanced
with all sails set, not being far off—in order not to lose time in raising the
anchors, we cut cables and each one set himself to do his duty. But the
wind, as I have said, being directly contrary, we could not approach the
enemy. As they had thereby all the advantage of the wind, they came on in
good order, and always stem on; and their Admiral and Vice-Admiral6 at
length came so close to the side of the Dutch Admiral that the English
Admiral7 was fouled by an anchor on the side of our Admiral. To tell the
truth, our Admiral showed but little courage in this encounter, for instead of
boarding then and there, the occasion being so favourable, he cut the cable
in order to free his vessel. All the ports were so well closed that from
outside no one could say how many cannon she carried. But after the
English had made their first discharge, and our Admiral had returned it,
which was much more effective, the English, seeing the number of his guns
and the crowd which appeared on deck, began to lose heart, and the wind
proving favourable, drew off. However, the English Vice-Admiral having
reloaded his guns, came skilfully against the vessel on which I was a
passenger. Our Captain reserved his fire until we were nearly alongside one
another, notwithstanding the loss of ten men which we had sustained. When
we were not more than a pistol-shot off we let him have a discharge from all
our guns, which broke his foremast. The two vessels coming in contact, our
Captain was the first to board, being accompanied by many brave men with
hatchets, who cut all the ropes. While the two vessels were close to one
another the sub-pilot and I fired a cannon-shot so effectively into the cabin
of the English Captain that the bullet set fire to some powder cartridges
which had been placed there. This unforeseen fire caused the English to fear
that the increasing conflagration would envelop all their vessel; and our
Captain, who feared the same, commanded his crew to return into our
vessel, where he ordered the English to follow ten by ten, and then
immediately drew off. The courage of the crew being restored, they
managed to extinguish the fire on the English vessel, in which ten or twelve
5 See the account of this engagement in Rawlinson, British Beginnings in Western
India, 115 ff.; W. Foster, English Factories in India, 1651–1654, Introd., xvii ff.,
249 ff. The English squadron consisted of the Endeavour, Welcome, Falcon, and
Dove. The Falcon was set on fire, as Tavernier says, by his lucky shot. The
Endeavour holed, captured, and sunk, the Dove and Welcome sheered off in a
disgraceful matter, and the Dutch towed the half-burnt Falcon in triumph to Surat.
6 These terms are used both for the ships themselves and their commanders.
7 The Falcon.
3
of our sailors were left; but our Captain, who had acquired much glory in
this action, died of his wounds after two or three days.
In the meantime another of our vessels had vigorously attacked a large
English ship of about 30 guns8 which held aloof, and had already damaged it
badly, when the vessel on which I was went to assist in sending it to the
bottom, by giving it a whole broadside, which completely disabled it from
further defence. The English Captain, seeing himself lost, immediately ran
up the white flag and asked for quarter, which was granted. The carpenters
did their best to close up the holes made by the cannon, the vessel having
been pierced in many places; but seeing themselves deserted by the sailors
who rather than aid them preferred to drink the Shīrāz wine, of which there
was a quantity in the bottom of the hold, before being taken by the Dutch,
they left their work and went to drink with them. The Dutch, to the number
of thirty or forty, manned their boats in order to take possession of the
English vessel, and not seeing any one on deck, went below, where they
found the sailors, who, not expecting death, which was closer than they
supposed, drank each other’s health. The Dutch being no wiser, and not
knowing the condition of the vessel, which was on the point of foundering,
began to drink with them, and some moments afterwards the vessel went to
the bottom. All perished miserably together, both the victors and the
vanquished, without any one being saved except the English Captain and
two French Capuchins, who, seizing the opportunity while these brutes
made themselves drunk, descended into a boat, and cutting the rope by
which it was attached to the vessel, came to the one in which I was, where
they were well received. Our master pilot then took charge, the Captain, as I
have said, having been badly wounded, and he at once sent these prisoners
to the Admiral, to dispose of them as might seem good to him. The
following day the Admiral sent to invite me to his vessel, where all the
Captains had to assemble to render thanks to God for the victory they had
achieved over their enemies. We afterwards dined with him, and the
Capuchin Fathers being of the company, he told me that, as they were of my
country, they might, if they preferred it, go to the vessel in which I was, and
he would issue orders that they should be well treated; this was done, and I
took them with me the same evening, giving them, as far as I was able,
whatever was necessary for their comfort.
The vessels which go from Persia to India are generally laden with wine and
money, and that which went to the bottom carried more than the others; this
was the reason why it held aloof, and did not join in the fray. This was a
great loss, which might have been avoided if the Dutch had had more
courage and more prevision; and the English Admiral, seeing the misfortune
which had happened to one of his vessels, took flight with a second ship.
For indeed, to say the truth, the want of enterprise on the part of the Dutch
Admiral and the other Captains caused them to miss the certain capture of
these fugitives, as it would have been an easy victory if they had known
how to profit by their opportunities.
8
The Endeavour.
4
This combat was not finished without my life having been in jeopardy, more
particularly from a cannon-shot which struck two Dutchmen who were close
to me, and a splinter of the vessel cut open the head of another and carried
away a part of my coat, so that I was covered with the blood of the
Dutchmen who were slain at my side. The combat being over, we returned
to the anchorage at Sindi; but a strong wind arose, and the sea being very
high, we were obliged to go to moorings six leagues higher on the eastern
coast, where we remained till the 20th of the same month;9 we occupied this
time in the care of the sick, and many of the English died of their wounds
there. At length we reached the anchorage at Sindi, both to obtain water and
some stores, and also for the purpose of raising the anchors which we had
left behind, and we remained there till the 28th, landing at Gombroon, after
a pleasant cruise, on the 7th of March.
My first care when I was out of the vessel was to return thanks to God for
having delivered me from this danger, and from many others which I had
undergone in my previous travels, and I still offer Him my daily
thanksgivings for the same.
9
February 1654.
5
Primary Source 6.13
Jean-Baptiste Tavernier, Baron of Aubonne (1925) Travels in India, translated from
the original French edition of 1676 with a biographical sketch of the author, notes,
appendices, &c., by V. Ball, 2 vols, London, Oxford University Press; Humphrey
Milford, vol. 2, Ch. 23, pp. 268–75.
Notes
Jean-Baptiste Tavernier was a French traveller and pioneer of trade with India. He
travelled extensively through the Middle and Far East, trading successfully as he
went. In later life he published accounts of his travels. This extract pertains to travels
to the kingdom of Bantam (Malaysia).
The Author goes to see the King of Bantam,1 and describes several
adventures in connexion therewith.
HAVING freed myself of an affair which had been raised so inconveniently for me, I
forthwith formed a resolution to visit the King of Bantam, having often heard that he
was very fond of men of our nation; this I can confirm on account of the good
treatment which I received from him. As soon as one passes beyond the Kingdoms
which yield obedience to the Great Mogul, the language which is called Malay is,
among Orientals, what the Latin language is in Europe.2 On the voyage I made to
India in the year 1638 I took with me one of my brothers3 who was my junior, and
had a special talent for foreign languages. He required but five or six months in order
to learn one, and he spoke eight of them perfectly well. Moreover he was well made
in person and was considered brave, of which he gave many proofs. One day he
fought a duel at Batavia with an infantry captain, over whom he obtained considerable
advantage, and General Vandime, who liked men of spirit, and the principals of the
Council, who had much esteem for him, permitted the matter to pass in silence, and as
a mark of the affection with which they regarded him they gave him permission to
equip a vessel on his own private account and to trade in such goods as he pleased,
with the exception of spices. Accordingly my brother brought a vessel of fourteen
guns, with which he made many voyages. The first was to Siam, where he made a
sufficiently large profit, but he lost 5,000 or 6,000 écus of it to the King, who invited
him to gamble with him and five of the principal nobles of his court, as he was much
pleased at meeting a European who spoke the Malay language so well. It cannot be
doubted that the profits are great in this kind of trade, since those who advance the
money to traders, on loan, obtain for it cent. per cent. But it is also true that they risk
much, because if the vessel is lost the money is lost to them also, and this is called
1
In the native language, Bantan. It forms the western end of Java and has an area of 2,568
geographical square miles. It is a mountainous country of volcanic formation. An English
station was established there as early as 1603, but the Dutch ultimately proved the superior in
this region. It is now a Dutch Province, having been taken possession of in 1643. (Crawfurd,
Dictionary, 38.) Ency. Brit., iii. 355 f. […]. The King of Bantam appears in English literature
(Jonson, The Alchemist, ii. 1; Congreve, Love for Love; Aphra Behn, The Court of the King of
Bantam).
2 This is still the case, Malay being the lingua franca in these regions.
3 This was his brother Daniel […].
1
‘the great speculation’. He also made some voyages to the King of Macassar, but they
did not yield so much profit as those to the Kingdoms of Siam, Tonquin, and
Cochinchina.
Having, then, resolved to go to Bantam, and not knowing the Malayan language, I
took with me my brother who was then at Batavia. It was necessary for me to have the
permission of the General, according to custom, and he refused because he was not on
good terms with the King of Bantam. But two hours afterwards M. Caron, who was at
that time Director-General, sent to me to say that I might leave on my voyage for
Bantam in all safety, as soon as I wished. Accordingly I set out with my brother in a
small barque which we hired to carry us to Bantam, where, on arrival, our first visit
was to the English President, who gave us a grand reception, and desired that we
should not take other quarters but stay with him. He had still about fifty pots of
Mantua wine with which he desired to regale us. This wine is not exported in glass
bottles, in which it goes bad, but in earthen pots, in which it always keeps good.
On the following morning my brother went to the King’s palace, where he was well
known and welcome, in order to ascertain when His Majesty would be able to receive
us. But as soon as the King knew that he was there, he would not allow him to return
to fetch me, but ordered a messenger to be sent to seek me, and tell me that if I had
any rare jewels I should please him by bringing them.
When the King’s people came to conduct me to the palace, and I did not see my
brother with them, I was on the point of refusing to follow them, and I recalled the
manner in which the King of Achīn had treated M. Renaud, who had left Nantes with
his brother on the vessels which M. de Montmorency sent to India. I shall record the
history of it in a few words, and this short digression will possibly not be displeasing
to the reader. A French Company of Commerce established for India sent there four
vessels, three large and one small one of eight guns, on board which among others
were the two brothers Renaud, who entered the service of the Company. Their
journey was the shortest and the most fortunate of any ever heard of, as they arrived
off Bantam in less than four months. The King received them with great joy, and in
eight or ten days’ time he gave them as much pepper as they asked for, and at a very
fair price, more than 20 per cent. cheaper than the Dutch do. But as our Frenchmen
had not come for pepper only, but wished also to obtain information about the trade in
cloves, nutmegs, and mace, they sent the smaller vessel with the greater part of their
money to Macassar, where the King’s stores are generally full, as I have elsewhere
said, because the Dutch, with all their skill, are unable to prevent the people of this
island trading with the other islands where the spices grow;4 this annoys them much,
since they desire to compel the trade of all other nations to pass through their hands.
Our Frenchmen having obtained their cargo of pepper so quickly at Bantam had not
patience to await the return of the small vessel which they had sent to Macassar, and,
to amuse themselves, decided to go to Batavia, which is not more than 14 leagues
distant from Bantam. When the wind is favourable one can go there in a single tide,
and they reached the roads at 8 o’clock in the morning. As soon as they had cast
anchor the General of the French fleet sent to pay his compliments to the General of
4
Vol. ii. 13.
2
Batavia, who did not fail to reply to this civility by asking the General to come on
shore that he might entertain him. He sent at the same time to those who remained in
the vessel a quantity of refreshments, and especially Spanish and Rhine wine, with
instructions to those who carried it to make them drink well and to intoxicate them.
This order was so well obeyed that it was easy for the Dutch afterwards to set fire to
the vessels according to the orders which they had received, and as, from the saloon
of the fort where the General of Batavia receives strangers, all the roads are visible,
one of the Indian Councillors who was at the table, seeing the flames, cried out that he
believed the French vessels were on fire. The General of Batavia appeared to be much
astonished, and the French General, who rightly concluded how it had come about,
looked unmoved at the company: ‘But that’, said he, ‘need not prevent us from
continuing to drink—those who have lighted the fire shall pay for it.’ But he did not
remember then that time was worth money, and the Dutch did not pay for a quarter of
the damage. The French vessels were all burnt and the crews were saved on the
frigates which were dispatched for them in haste. The General of Batavia made the
men liberal offers, which they refused, and they returned to Bantam to await their
small vessel. When it arrived they could think of no better plan than to sell their goods
and the vessel itself to the English, and the money was divided among all according to
the rank of each. The English offered them a passage to Europe, but the General and
some of the principal officers alone accepted it. The greater part of the French
remained in India and took service with the Portuguese, with whom there was some
advantage to be gained at that time.
The Dutch did not ill-treat the French alone, after this fashion, as they did a still more
serious injury to the English. The English were the first to realize that the voyage to
Japan from Surat, Masulipatam, and other places, was too dangerous to attempt in one
stretch, without having some place to rest at when the winds were contrary. They
found it desirable to build a fort in the island of Formosa;5 and this has prevented the
loss of many vessels, in addition to the great profit which it brought them. The Dutch,
jealous that the English had seized so good a position as that, the only place in all the
island where vessels could lie in safety, as they were unable to take it by force,
decided to accomplish their design by treachery. They sent two of their vessels, on
board which they put their best soldiers, who feigned to have been badly injured by a
storm, making their vessels appear dismasted and broken in many directions, and all
the soldiers pretending sickness. The English, touched by this misery, which was only
a sham, invited the chief officers to come on shore to refresh themselves; this
invitation they immediately accepted, ordering as many of their people as possible to
leave the vessel, under pretext that they were ill, and could be treated better on shore
than on board. While the principal officers were at table with the English, who had
civilly invited them to dinner, to accomplish their object, they took with them more
attendants than politeness permitted, and, to make more come on shore they ordered
them to bring from the vessels, from time to time, many kinds of wine, and those who
brought it had the word to remain there, of which the English, who were not on their
defence, took no notice. The Dutch, seeing that they had drunk well, and that it was
time to execute their design, started a quarrel with the English chief; and drawing
5
According to W. Milburn (Oriental Commerce, 1813, ii. 547) the Dutch had formerly a
considerable fort at Tai-wan on the east coast of Formosa, from which they were expelled by
the Chinese. ‘The English also made some unsuccessful attempts to form an establishment
here.’
3
their arms which they had concealed, threw themselves upon the English garrison,
whom they murdered without meeting with much resistance. It was thus they made
themselves masters of the fort, which they possessed till they were driven from it by
the Chinese. I could tell of many other treacheries by the Dutch,6 but it is time to
return to that which followed the burning of the French vessels in the Batavia roads.
The two brothers Renaud, of whom I have above spoken, received at Bantam a small
amount of money from the distribution which was made of the proceeds of the sale of
the small vessel, and of the goods which it had brought from Macassar, found means
to go to Goa, and knew so well how to gain the good opinion of the Portuguese, that
they were permitted to trade in all places where the Portuguese were in authority. In
five or six years they had each earned to the value of 10,000 écus.7 The elder dealt in
cottons and other coarse goods, and the younger in precious stones. The Portuguese
had been accustomed to send three or four vessels to Achīn every year to obtain
pepper, elephants,8 and gold, and they took there all kinds of white and coloured
calicoes, especially blue and black. They also sent jewels to the King, because he
loved and highly valued them. The two brothers Renaud decided to go there, each for
his own particular trade, the elder one carrying cottons, and the younger jewels,
amongst which he had four rings of the value of about 18,000 écus. On their arrival at
Achīn, they went with the other Portuguese to the King’s palace, which is 2 leagues
from the sea, and showed the King and the nobles who were with him whatever they
had brought. As for the jewels, as soon as the King had cast his eyes on the four rings
he desired to have them, but refused to pay more than 15,000 écus for them, but the
younger Renaud asked 18,000 écus. Not having been able to agree, he took them
away, which much displeased the King, who sent for him on the following day.
Renaud, who had returned to the vessel, was a long time in doubt whether he should
go to the King again or not; but the officers of the vessel advising him to go, he at
length resolved to do so, and the King took the four rings for the 18,000 écus, which
he paid him forthwith. But after Renaud left the presence of the King no one ever
knew what became of him; apparently he was secretly murdered in the palace.
This adventure came to my memory when I saw that the King of Bantam sent to ask
for me, and that my brother was not with those who came to summon me.
Nevertheless, I resolved to go, and took with me 12,000 or 13,000 rupees’ worth of
jewels, the largest part consisting of rings with diamonds arranged in roses, some of
seven stones, others of nine, and others of eleven, with some bracelets of diamonds
and rubies. I found the King with three of his captains and my brother seated in the
Oriental fashion, and they had before them five large plates of rice of different
colours. For their drink they had Spanish wine and brandy, with many kinds of
sherbets. After I saluted the King, and presented to him a diamond ring, another of
blue sapphires, and a small bracelet of diamonds, rubies, and blue sapphires, he
invited me to be seated, and told the attendants to give me a cup of brandy to excite
6
Tavernier subsequently resolved to do so, and in his third volume we have his accumulated
charges against the Dutch, under the title, Conduite des Hollandois en Asie.
7 £2,250.
8 This statement as to the importation of Sumatran elephants is of interest, but requires
confirmation. See vol. ii. 248 for suggested origin of the elephants in Sumatra.
4
my appetite. The cup held about half a septier of Paris,9 but I refused to take it from
the officer who presented it to me; this astonished the King. My brother then asked
him to excuse me, saying that I never drank brandy; but that I could drink a little
Spanish wine, upon which the King ordered some to be given me.
Whether the repast had already lasted a long time, or that the King was impatient to
see what I had brought, he did not delay about finishing, and seated himself in a kind
of arm-chair, the woodwork of which was gilt with gold and moulded like the frames
of our pictures. His feet and legs were uncovered, and beneath him there was a small
Persian carpet of gold and silk. His garment was a piece of calico, a part of which
covered the body from the waist to the knees, the remainder bound on his back and
about his neck like a scarf. He wore as a head-band, a kind of three-cornered
handkerchief; and his hair, which was very long, was twisted and tied together on the
top of his head. In place of slippers he had placed by the side of his chair sandals with
leather straps to go over his feet, like those attached to a spur, which were
embroidered with gold and small pearls. Two of his officers stood behind him with
large fans, the handles of which were 5 or 6 feet long, and at the ends there were
bundles of peacocks’ plumes, as large as the bottom of one of our barrels. On his right
side there was an old black woman, who held in her hands a small mortar and a pestle
of gold, in which she crushed the betel leaves, with which she mixed areca10 nuts and
dissolved seed pearls. When she saw that the whole was well pounded she placed her
hand on the King’s back, who at once opened his mouth, and she put the betel in with
her fingers as women do who give pap to their infants,11 because the King had no
teeth; for he had eaten so much betel, and smoked so much tobacco, that his teeth had
fallen out.
9
Equal to one-fourth of an English pint. It is apparently the one-seventh of a litre, whence the
name.
10 Araque in the original: the nuts of Areca catechu (Watt, Commercial Products, 83 ff).
11 Ball saw the famous hairy woman of Mandalay being supplied with betel by her Burmese
attendant in much the same way; being blind, the packet had to be prepared for her and placed
in her mouth.
5
Primary Source 7.1
George Vernadsky (ed.) (1972) A Source Book for Russian History from
Early Times to 1917. Vol. 1: Early Times to the Late Seventeenth Century,
New Haven and London, Yale University Press, pp. 266–9.
Notes
Instructions from the Russian government to Siberian governors stating
official policy of tolerance towards subject peoples, with much information
about the imperial system: personnel, provisions, fortification, tribute etc.
ataman: Siberian Cossack leader.
harquebus or arquebus: light firearm used by European infantrymen
during sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
knout: heavy whip with multiple leather thongs, sometimes twisted with
wire, used to flog prisoners.
pismennye golovy: voevoda’s assistant capable of preparing written
reports.
pood: unit of weight approximating 16.38 kg.
promyshlennik (pl. promyshlenniki): private trader-hunters.
stol’niki: courtiers.
vedro: liquid measure approximating 12.25 litres.
volost (pl. volosti): administrative subdivision of uezd.
VIII: 71. Instructions to the Voevody of the Lena, February
10, 1644
By order of the sovereign tsar and grand prince of all Russia Mikhail
Fedorovich, in the previous year, 146 [1638], there were sent to the great
river Lena the stol’niki and voevody Petr Golovin and Matvei Glebov and
the secretary Evfimii Filatov; and with them were sent from Moscow 2
pismennye golovy, Vasilii Poiarkov and Enalei Bakhteiarov, and service
men from Kazan’, 5 deti boiarskie, and foot Cossacks and strel’tsy from the
Siberian towns, 245 men from Tobol’sk, 50 men from Berezov, [and] 100
men from the Eniseisk fort, altogether 395 men with firearms, to build forts
and to find and subject new lands of nontributary people, and to collect
tribute, and to attend to all the sovereign’s affairs; and 2 men, good smiths,
versed in the armorer’s trade and every kind of smith’s work, [were sent] to
repair weapons and do every kind of smith’s work for the sovereign. … And
the following food supplies were sent with them from Tobol’sk to the Lena
to feed the tributary people, for the discovery and subjection of new lands:
fifty chetverti [one chetvert’ was about one hundred eighty pounds] of rye
flour, twenty chetverti of oat flour, twenty chetverti of rye malt, ten
chetverti of groats and oatmeal, fifty poods of salt, one hundred vedros of
spirits, twenty poods of honey, and, in the event that enemy soldiers should
threaten and approach the forts, two small, one-pound cannons, ten onepound field harquebuses [pishchali polkovye], and, as ammunition for all
1
these cannon and harquebuses, twenty-six poods of gunpowder and one
hundred rounds of balls and of leaden bullets for each harquebus and for the
395 service men, thirty poods of powder and a similar amount of lead, as
advance supply for the Lena fort. … And Petr and his companions have
been ordered to proceed, in the service of the sovereign tsar and grand
prince of all Russia Mikhail Fedorovich, from the Eniseisk fort to the great
river Lena, to the small forts erected by the Eniseisk service men, and [they
are] to verify carefully whether these small forts are built in the proper
locations, what fortifications these forts possess, whether these forts can
hold out against enemy soldiers, whether there is arable land in the area or
in other places nearby, whether there is much plowland and of what
quantity, and how many people can be settled on that land, and where. And
if the small forts have been built in the proper locations and can hold out
against enemy soldiers, then [Petr and his companions] are to strengthen
these small forts, and dig moats around these small forts, and erect
palisades, and fortify them thoroughly with all manner of fortifications, and
place the guns in each small fort to the best advantage, and place and
arrange the sovereign’s money and grain stores and all other supplies in
storehouses, and protect them securely from damage and loss, and build and
consecrate a church and provide it with books and various church articles
which will be sent to them from Moscow and Tobol’sk; and if, on
inspection and on questioning various people, they find that the old small
forts on the Lena River are not situated in the best locations and that better
locations for forts are available, Petr and his companions are ordered to
replace the old small forts with one new fort, where it seems most advisable,
so that the new fort will be in a suitable location, and, having erected the
fort, to fortify it with all kinds of fortifications, so that men can live in that
fort without fear of enemy soldiers; and when the new fort has been erected
and fortified with all kinds of fortifications, they are to move from the old
small forts to the new fort and place all the sovereign’s stores and guns in
that fort, and they are to send [their men] from the new fort to the Lena and
other rivers, to the tributary people [iasachnye liudi] in the new lands who
have submitted to the exalted arm of the sovereign tsar, and to instruct the
best men from among the tributary people in the new lands to come to them
to the fort. …
And upon arriving at the Iakutsk fort [the voevody] are to summon to the
voevoda’s office [s”ezzhaia izba] the deti boiarskie, Cossacks, strel’tsy,
cannoneers, stockade tenders and all the inhabitants of the Lena and
proclaim to them the bounty of the sovereign tsar and grand prince Mikhail
Fedorovich, autocrat of all Russia: that the sovereign tsar and grand prince
of all Russia Mikhail Fedorovich had granted them his bounty; he has
ordered that the sovereign’s emolument to them be given in full, in
accordance with their wage scales [oklady], and he has ordered that the
service men and inhabitants be treated with consideration, that no one
should subject them to privation, oppression, injury, and impositions. …
And after the Russian people [come], they are to convoke the tributary
people from the volosti, the princelings and the best men of the ulusy [native
settlements], as many men as seems advisable, and they, [the voevody]
Vasilii and Kirill and the secretary Petr, are to be present at that time in the
voevoda’s office in full dress, and the Russian service men are, for the
2
occasion, to be in full dress and armed; and they are to proclaim to the
tributary princelings and the tributary people of the Lena the bounty of the
sovereign tsar and grand prince Mikhail Fedorovich, autocrat of all Russia,
that heretofore the voevody, [pismennye] golovy, government officials, deti
boiarskie, atamans, strel’tsy, Cossacks and their brethren, and other people
of various callings have treated them without consideration and subjected
them to impositions and great extortions when they paid their tribute, and
have taken excessive tribute from them, against the sovereign’s orders and
for personal gain; and the voevody did not look after this and did not
administer justice to them impartially; and the voevody sent deti boiarskie,
interpreters, and Cossacks into their volosti to collect the tribute, and these
deti boiarskie, interpreters, and Cossacks came to them and inflicted
extortions upon them, taking bribes and presents from them; and the
sovereign tsar and grand prince of all Russia Mikhail Fedorovich has
granted them his favour in all matters; he has ordered that those men who
have wronged them in any manner or taken bribes and presents from them
be brought to court, and that an impartial investigation be conducted and
justice rendered; he has ordered that they be protected from the Russians
and from all people; and he has ordered that they always be treated with
consideration, and suffer no violence, losses, extortions, or impositions, and
that they, the tributary people of the new lands, should live in the tsar’s
bounty in peace and quiet without any fear, and pursue their occupations,
and faithfully serve the sovereign tsar and grand prince Mikhail Fedorovich,
autocrat of all Russia, and wish him well in all things, in accordance with
the oath they took to the great sovereign. …. And after dismissing the
tributary people [the voevody] should send to their lands and ulusy for the
collection of tribute the best service men from Tobol’sk, Eniseisk, and
Berezov, and with each man, one or two sworn assistants [tseloval’niki],
worthy men from among the trading men and promyshlenniki who may be
found on the Lena now or in the future, and who shall take an oath to the
sovereign; and service men should be sent to other new lands along the great
river Lena, and along the Aldan, the Chaia, and the Viliui, and along other
rivers to reconnoitre, explore, and subject [these lands].
… And the service men are to be ordered to summon the nontributary men
of the new lands, to bring them under the exalted arm of the sovereign tsar,
and to collect tribute from them with great diligence, in various ways, [but
always] with kindness and not with violence, in order to bring the people of
these new lands under the exalted arm of the sovereign tsar. … And to
ensure the [payment of] tribute, as many hostages [amanaty] as necessary
should be taken from among the best men of these lands and kept in the fort.
… And without fail the voevody and the secretary are to look diligently for
arable land along the Lena River and along other rivers near the Lena, so as
to organize the cultivation of land on the Lena River, near that fort where
the voevody and the secretary are going to live with the service men, and to
settle peasants to plow these lands, and to provide grain on the Lena for the
service men and ecclesiastics and men under contract to the government,
and for various local needs, thus making it unnecessary henceforth to supply
the Lena with grain from Tobol’sk and Eniseisk; and a call is to be issued
for free peasants, for various itinerant men [guliashchie liudi], to plow the
3
land, offering them subsidies and temporary tax exemption; loans and
subsidies are to be given in accordance with the previous decree of the
sovereign and as local circumstances may warrant.
… [Tribute collectors] should not engage in thievery, as was formerly done
by the Eniseisk service men ataman Ivan Galkin and his companions, who,
when going from the Eniseisk fort to the Lena River to collect tribute for the
sovereign, used to take with them many wares of their own, and for these
wares, as well as for money, would buy and barter from the tributary men in
the tributary volosti, ulusy, and lands, a great many furs, the best sables,
foxes, and beavers, and would bring [these furs] with them from the Lena to
the Eniseisk fort, and would bring only a little tribute for the sovereign; and
the voevody in the Eniseisk fort, befriending them, and for the sake of
personal fraudulent gain, would not confiscate their illegal sable furs on
behalf of the sovereign but would merely levy the sovereign’s 10 percent
duty [desiataia poshlina] on these furs; and through the thievery of these
Eniseisk service men and the connivance and illicit greed of the voevody,
the sovereign’s treasury incurred great losses, and the tributary people
[suffered] oppression and injury.
***
And the service men whom they will send to subject new lands and to
collect tribute along the Lena, Aldan, and other rivers are to be under strict
orders while collecting tribute not to inflict unnecessary injury or
impositions upon any of the tributary people in any manner whatsoever
[but] to collect the sovereign’s tribute from them with gentleness and
kindness, and not with harshness and violence, so that the sovereign’s
tribute may be collected with profit, without harsh treatment of the natives,
according to their ability [to pay], and only once a year, not two or three
times a year. … Should any people of the new lands become unruly, and it
be altogether impossible to bring them under the exalted arm of the
sovereign tsar by gentle means, … against such people Russian service men
are to be sent from the small fort in whatever number appears advisable,
with orders first to try every possible gentle means to persuade [the natives]
with gentleness and kindness to take the oath that they will be under the
exalted arm of the sovereign tsar and will pay tribute; and if it is absolutely
impossible to persuade these insubordinates, and if they are likely to cause
trouble in the future, such insubordinates are to be pacified by war, by
devastating some of their lands … and once they are brought under the
exalted arm of the sovereign tsar, as many of the princelings and best men
among the tributary people as seems advisable are to be taken from them
and are to take their turn as hostages held at the Lena fort, and through the
holding of these hostages as surety the sovereign’s tribute is to be collected
from the people of these new lands as well, depending on the individual, and
in the same manner as from the other tributary men; and the sovereign’s
stores are to be used to feed the hostages held in the fort, and the hostages
are to be under strong guard. … And Vasilii and Kirill and the secretary Petr
and the clerks and the service men are not to have in their households any
native men or wives or children, and are not to buy any natives from
anybody through a third party, and are not to baptize them, and are not to
carry them off to Moscow themselves or send them off with anybody else,
4
and are to forbid service men or any other people to baptize the natives, so
that the Lena land of Siberia may prosper and not become depopulated. If
any of the tributary people should freely choose to be baptized, such people
are to be baptized, after carefully investigating whether it is actually of their
own free will that they wish to be baptized; and after baptism they are to be
taken into the sovereign’s service to fill the vacancies left by Russian
service men, and they are to be assigned the sovereign’s compensation in
money and grain, depending on the individual and the position for which he
is suited; if any of the female sex, married women or maidens, should wish
to be baptized, such married women and maidens are to be baptized and
married to newly baptized [natives] or to Russian service men. And Vasilii
and Kirill and the secretary Petr are on no account to have any natives in
their households, and they shall not permit service men or any other people
to keep any natives with them or to force any Russians or natives, baptized
or unbaptized, to perform any compulsory labor for them in their
households. … And while on the sovereign’s service on the Lena River,
whether on expeditions or in the fort, the voevody and the secretary are not
to inflict any injury, violence, or oppression upon the sovereign’s service
men and tributary people, and are not to find fault with anybody without
good reason, and are to treat the service men and all the ecclesiastics with
kindness, gentleness, and consideration; they are not to defraud the
sovereign’s treasury of money, sables, or anything else, and they are not to
bring goods with them from Russia to Siberia, or from the Siberian towns to
the Lena River, except for the sovereign’s and their own stipulated supplies;
they are not to carry on any trade with the tributary men, trading men, and
promyshlenniki; and they are not to send any of their money, goods, clothes,
spirits, or tobacco with the tribute collectors to be traded or bartered for furs
in the tributary volosti and the new lands; they are to watch carefully that
the service men sent with them from Tobol’sk to the Lena River do not
bring and transport any spirits, tobacco, or any kind of goods, or exchange
them for furs, or carry on any trade with the tributary men, whether in the
small forts on the Lena River or while collecting tribute; and should tobacco
or any goods be found in the possession of any service men on the Lena
River, such tobacco and goods are to be confiscated on behalf of the
sovereign, and those from whom the tobacco and goods have been taken are
to be punished, beaten with the knout, and made to provide surety, in
accordance with the sovereign’s decree, so that none of the service men
should bring with him from the Siberian towns to the Lena River any spirits,
tobacco, or goods, or do any trading with the tributary natives on the Lena
River or anywhere else, lest they diminish the tribute collected for the
sovereign thereby.
5
Primary Source 7.2
George Vernadsky (ed.) (1972) A Source Book for Russian History from Early Times
to 1917. Vol. 1: Early Times to the Late Seventeenth Century, New Haven and
London, Yale University Press, pp. 272–3.
Notes
Instructions of the Russian government to the voevoda of Tobolsk, Prince Aleksei
Golitsyn, urging an increase in agricultural settlement in his region, in order to boost
the state’s grain revenues.
obrok: peasants’ labour obligation, either to a landowner or to the state.
posad men (posadskie liudi): urban craftsmen and merchants, originally (from the
tenth to the fifteenth centuries) inhabiting a posad, or dedicated settlement
outside a town or by a monastery.
uezd (pl. uezdy): an administrative division under the jurisdiction of a voevoda.
VIII:77. Administrative instructions for Western Siberia, 1664–1680
[From instructions sent to Prince Aleksei Golitsyn, voevoda of Tobol’sk, February 19,
1664:]
And the voevody … are to inquire of the Siberian serving men, trading men, posad
men, and plowland peasants of Tobol’sk, and are themselves to make careful
investigations, regarding the possibilities of increasing the amount of the great
sovereign’s measured plowland and his dues in grain and hay [posopnyi khleb i seno]
in Tobol’sk and in the slobody of the Tobol’sk uezd. If this is found possible, the
voevody are to order an increase in the former measured plowland and in dues in
grain and hay, depending upon the individual and his family and means, so as to
increase the sovereign’s grain revenue without causing any hardship to the plowland
peasant; and once again [the voevody] are to call for additional plowland peasants to
settle on the sovereign’s plowland, offering financial aid, temporary tax exemption,
and loans to free volunteers from among the itinerant men, and to grant them such
financial aid, temporary tax exemption, and loans, depending on local conditions and
the individual and his family, against security and following the example of previous
years in the way temporary tax exemption, loans, and financial aid have previously
been given to other plowland peasants. … And the boyar and voevoda Aleksei
Andreevich [Golitsyn] is to send orders to the Siberian towns to which plowland and
peasants are assigned [pashennye goroda] and to the forts of the Tobol’sk razriad …
that plowlands be enlarged in those Siberian towns and forts, and that, wherever
possible, the measured plowland of the old-time plowland peasants be increased, and
that once again a call be issued for volunteer plowland peasants to settle on the
sovereign’s plowland, offering them financial aid and temporary tax exemption. …
[Representatives from the various groups, selected by the voevoda] are to be ordered
to collect from the Tobol’sk priests, deacons, clerks, trading men, all manner of
nonservice men, and plowland peasants, who plow land for themselves and do not pay
the great sovereign’s obrok to the sovereign’s treasury from their plowland, every
fourth sheaf of good grain, every fifth sheaf of medium grain, and every sixth sheaf of
poor grain; and they are to be ordered to record in a book, accurately and by
1
individual, how many sheaves or hundred sheaves of grain have been collected from
each person and are to have that grain threshed by those from whom it is collected.
2
Primary Source 7.3
George Vernadsky (ed.) (1972) A Source Book for Russian History from Early Times
to 1917. Vol. 1: Early Times to the Late Seventeenth Century, New Haven and
London, Yale University Press, p. 273.
Notes
Dispatch from the Russian Tsar to the voevoda of Verhotur’e, on the border between
Russia and Siberia, concerning the problem of fugitive peasants in Siberia.
Tsar’s dispatch to voevoda of Verkotur’e, November 13, 1670
When this dispatch from us, the great sovereign, reaches you, you are to order that in
Verkhotur’e and in the uezd of Verkhotur’e, strong frontier posts be erected where
necessary, so that henceforth in no case should fugitive peasants from the Russian
towns and uezdy be admitted into the Siberian towns, lest our, the great sovereign’s,
taxes in grain and money and all other taxes be reduced in the town of the [northern]
Littoral [Pomorskie goroda]; and we, the great sovereign, have sent a decree to
Tobol’sk, to our boyar and our voevody, to Prince Ivan Borisovich Repnin and his
associates, regarding the deportation of fugitive peasants from Siberia to the towns of
the Littoral.
1
Primary Source 7.4
George Vernadsky (ed.) (1972) A Source Book for Russian History from Early Times
to 1917. Vol. 1: Early Times to the Late Seventeenth Century, New Haven and
London, Yale University Press, pp. 155–6.
Notes
One of the devices employed to glorify the newly independent Muscovite state in the
time of Ivan III and Vasilii III was the portrayal of Moscow as the Third Rome, here
stated in its most celebrated form by the monk Filofei (or Philotheus) in a letter to
Vasilii III.
Apollinarian heresy: the belief that Jesus Christ possessed a divine, not a human
soul.
VII:27. Filofei on Moscow as the Third Rome, ca. 1510
To the Orthodox Christian tsar and ruler over all, who holds the reins over the holy
divine altars of the holy ecumenical catholic [sobornaia] apostolic church … which
shines in place of [the churches of] Rome and Constantinople. For the churches of
ancient Rome fell because of the falsehood of the Apollinarian heresy; [as for] the
churches of Constantinople, the second Rome, their doors have been cleft by the axes
and halberds of the Mohammedans; but now the holy catholic apostolic church of
your mighty realm, the third new Rome, shines to the ends of the earth in its Orthodox
Christian faith brighter than the sun throughout the world. And may your rule, pious
Tsar, know that all the realms of the Orthodox Christian faith have converged into
your single realm. You are the only Christian tsar in all the world; it befits you, the
tsar, to rule in fear of God.
***
Perceive, pious Tsar, how all the Christian realms have converged into yours alone.
Two Romes have fallen, and the third stands, and a fourth there shall not be. Your
Christian realm shall not pass under the rule of another.
1
Primary Source 7.5
George Vernadsky (ed.) (1972) A Source Book for Russian History from Early Times
to 1917. Vol. 1: Early Times to the Late Seventeenth Century, New Haven and
London, Yale University Press, pp. 370–1.
Notes
Extracts from the Statute of the Ecclesiastical College (later the Holy Synod), in
which Prokopovich justifies the replacement of the patriarchate by a conciliar
administration.
The statute of the Holy Synod, January 25, 1721
PART 1.
What is an Ecclesiastical College, and what are the chief advantages of such an
administration?
A government college is nothing but a governing council wherein certain appropriate
matters are administered not by a single person but by several suitable persons
appointed by the supreme power. … We present here important considerations
showing that this conciliar administration is an ancient institution; and, like the synod
or sanhedrin of old, it is more perfect and better than government by a single person,
especially in a monarchy, such as our Russian state.
1. First of all, truth is more likely to be found by a conciliar assembly than by one
person. …
2. … A council’s decision carries greater persuasion and induces more obedience than
a personal decree. The power of the monarchs is autocratic, and God himself
commands scrupulous obedience to them; yet they have their advisers, not only the
better to find the truth, but also to prevent unruly people from vilifying this or that
order of the monarch as despotic or capricious rather than prompted by considerations
of justice and truth. How much more is this true of the church, whose government is
not monarchic, and whose governors are forbidden to dominate over the clergy. …
5. But what is most beneficial is that in a college of this kind there is no room for
favoritism, chicanery, or bribery to influence its judgments …
6. Moreover, a college has more spiritual freedom to render justice than an individual
administrator, who may fear the wrath of the mighty. …
7. Of great importance also is the fact that with a conciliar [church] administration the
country need not fear as many riots and turmoils as are occasioned when there is a
single spiritual director for the whole country. For the common people do not perceive
the distinction between the spiritual power and the [temporal] autocratic one;
overawed by the great honor and glory of the highest spiritual pastor, they imagine
him to be [so exalted] a ruler that he is like a second sovereign, or equal power with
the autocrat, or even greater than he, and they regard the clerical estate as a separate
and a better state; this kind of thinking is ingrained among the common people. What
happens when vain words of ambitious ecclesiastics are added thereto, acting like a
fire lit under dry bushwood? Thus simple hearts are led astray and look to the
supreme religious pastor [for guidance] in all affairs rather than to their sovereign.
1
And when they hear of any rift between these two, they loudly and foolishly obey
their religious pastor rather than their secular ruler, and they have the temerity to take
up the cudgels and mutiny on his behalf; these reprobates delude themselves that they
are laboring for God himself and that they are not defiling but sanctifying their hands
even when they turn them to bloodshed. There are some crafty individuals, who are
not themselves of the common people, who are delighted to see such opinions held
among the populace. … What would happen if the chief pastor, puffed up with such
an opinion of himself, were to be devoured by a craving for power? It is hard to
describe the great calamities that arise out of such situations.
This is not just an imaginary hypothetical situation, for it has in fact occurred a
number of times in many states. It is enough to examine the history of Constantinople
after the time of Justinian to see many examples of it. It was precisely in this way that
the pope has had so much success: not only did he put a full end to the Roman state
and arrogate to himself a large part thereof, but on a number of occasions he shook
even the other states almost to their utter ruin. And let us not mention the similar
turmoils that we have had [in Russia]. …
8. There is another advantage both for the church and for the state from such a
conciliar administration: in cases of serious misdemeanor, not only each member, but
even the president, or chairman, himself will be subject to the judgment of his peers,
that is, of the college itself—which is not the procedure followed when a single
autocratic pastor exercises dominion, for he would not wish to be judged by his
subordinate bishops.
… The result is that to deal with such a wicked monocrat an ecumenical council must
be convened, which entails great difficulties for the country and is quite costly.
Moreover, under the present circumstances, with the Eastern patriarchs living under
the Turkish yoke, and the Turks being more than ever apprehensive of our state, it
would seem virtually impossible [to convene such a council].
2
Primary Source 7.6
Anthony Cross (ed.) (1971) Russia Under Western Eyes 1517–1825,
London, Elek Books, pp. 63–4.
Note
Richard Chancellor (d.1556) was an English explorer and navigator. Here
he gives a foreigner’s account of the size, distribution and equipment of the
army of Tsar Ivan the Terrible.
Richard Chancellor on Ivan the Terrible’s army (1553)
[…]
This Duke is Lord and Emperour of many countreis, & his power is
marveilous great. For he is able to bring into the field two or three hundred
thousand men: he never goeth into the field himselfe with under two
hundred thousand men: And when he goeth himselfe he furnisheth his
borders all with men of warre, which are no small number. He leaveth on
the borders of Livonia fortie thousand men, and upon the borders of
Lithuania 60 thousand men, and towarde the Nogay Tartars sixtie thousand,
which is wonder to heare of: yet doeth hee never take to his warres neither
husbandman nor marchant. All his men are horsemen: he useth no footmen,
but such as goe with the ordinance and labourers, which are thirtie thousand.
The horsemen are all archers, with such bowes as the Turkes have, and they
ride short as doe the Turkes. Their armour is a coate of plate, with a skull on
their heads. Some of their coates are covered with velvet or cloth of gold:
their desire is to be sumptuous in the field, and especially the nobles and
gentlemen: as I have heard their trimming is very costly, and partly I have
seene it, or else I would scarcely have beleeved it: but the Duke himselfe is
richly attired above all measure: his pavilion is covered either with cloth of
gold or silver, and so set with stones that it is wonderfull to see it. I have
seene the Kings Majesties of England and the French Kings pavilions,
which are fayre, yet not like unto his. […]
1
Primary Source 7.7
Anthony Cross (ed.) (1971) Russia Under Western Eyes 1517–1825,
London, Elek Books, pp. 74–7.
Note
Sir Jerome Horsey (d.1626) was an English explorer and diplomat who
represented Queen Elizabeth I at Ivan’s court. This extract is an account of
Ivan IV’s empire and its foundation in the Russian Orthodox religion.
Jerome Horsey on the religious context of Ivan the Terrible’s
empire (1626)
This Emperowr, Ivan Vasilevich, reigned above sixty years. He conquered
Polotsk, Smolensk, and many other great towns and castells, 700 miells
southweast from the cittie of Moscow, into the countries of Lithuania,
belonginge to the crown of Poland. He conquered also as much and as many
towns and castells eastward Livonia, and other dominions of the kinge of
Sweden and Poland: he conquered the kingdom of Kazan and the kingdom
of Astrakhan, and all the regions and great people of the Nogay and
Circassian Tartars, and many other of that kinde, inhabitinge above two
thousand miells of each side that famous river of Volga, sowthward eaven to
the Mare Caspian Sea. He freed himself from the servill tribute and homage
that he and his predicessors did yearly paie and perform to the great
Scythian Emperowr, the Khan or Krym Tartar, not without some yearly
charge for defence of their yearly incurcions. He conquered the kingdom of
Siberia, and all those adjacent countries northwards above 1500 miells: so
that he hath mightely inlarged his country and kingdoms everie waye; so
peopled and inhabited as great trade and trafficque is mainteyned with all
nacions for the severall commodities each countrie yeldes; wherby his
customs and crown revenews ar not only increased, but those towns and
provinces richly mainteyned. So spacious and large is now the dominions of
this empeir as it can hardly be hæld within one regiment, but to be devided
againe into severall kingdoms and principallites, and yet under one compleat
monarcicall soveraintie, and then to over mightie for all his neighbor
princis. This did he ayme at, was in good hope and waye to make it
feacable. But the boundles ambicion and wisdom of man semed but
follishnes to the preventinge pleasur and power of the Almightie, as the
sequæll declareth. This Emperowr reduced the ambiguities and uncertanties
of their lawes and pleadings into a most perspicuous and plain forme of a
written lawe, for everie man universall to understand and plead his own
cause without any advocat, and to challenge upon a great mult to the crown
judgment without delaye. This Emperowr established and published one
universall confession of faith, doctrine and discipline of church, consonant
to the three symbollic, as they terme it, or orthadoxall creedes, most
agreable to the apostollicall order used in the primitive church, alowed in
the opinion of the best and aunctiest fathers, Athanasius and others, in thier
Nicene, best and most aproved counsalls. He and his aunchestors
acknowledginge thier originall and fundamentall lawes of religion of
1
Christian belieff to be grownded upon the Greek church, derivinge their
antiquitie from their apostell [St. Andrew] and patron St. [Nicholas]; which
church, since, by reason of their dissentinge and dissapacion in late ages,
have fallen and erred from the essenciall points, both in substance of doctrin
and ceremonie.
Whereupon, this Emperower hath aquitted this sea of Moscow from the
societie, and consequently of the oblacions and sinodalls heretofore
contrabuted to the necessitie of that church; and by the hælp of the Trinitie
hath inspired the hollow hart of the patriach Ερεµ[ιας] to resigne over the
patriarcship of Constantinople [or Sio] to the µεττραπολετταυ sea of
Moscow, to save that charge. The Emperowr utterly denies and disclaimes
the doctrine of the pope; holds it of all Christian churches to be the most
erronus; goes together with his ambicion, both grownded upon invencion, to
maintain an herachie never allowed him; marvelinge that any prince
Christian will yeld him any supræmacie or seculer authoritie. All which, and
largely more, did he cause his metropolitans, archbishops, and bishops,
archimandrites and hegumens, to declare and deliver to his nunciat [Pater
Antonio] Possevino, the great Jesuit, at the church dore of Prechista,
articulated in the cittie of Moscow. This Emperowr hath built in his tyme
above 40 faire stone churches, richly bedæct and adorned within, and the
turrets all gilt with fine pure gold. He hath built above 60 monnasteries and
nunries; indowed them with bells and ornaments, and maintenance, to praie
for his sowlle.
He built a goodly stepell of hewen stoen in the inner castell of Moscow,
called Bolshaya Kolokolnya, with 30 great swæt soundinge bells in it, which
serves to all those cathedrall and goodly churches standing round about it,
ringinge all together every fæstivall daye, which ar many, and verie
dolsomlye at everie midnights praiers.
One deed of charitie I maie not omytte, one memorable act, to shutt up his
devocion with. In anno 1575 a great famine followed the pestilence of the
better sortt of people. The towns, streets and waies swarmed with the rogs,
idell beggers and counterfeit crippells; no riddance could be made of them
in the time of scarsetie. Proclamacion was made they should resortt to
receav the Emperors great almes upon such a day at Sloboda. Owt of som
thowsands that came, 700 of the most villest and counterfeits wear all
knockt in the heads and cast into the great lake, for the fish to receav their
doll ther: the rest most febliest wear disperst to monnestaries and hospitalls
to be relived. This Emperowr, among many other such like acts, did build in
his tyme 155 castells, in all parts of kyngdoms, planted them with ordinance
and garrisons. He built 300 towns in wast places and wildernesses, called
yamy, of a miell and two in length: geave every inhabitant a proporcion of
land to kepe so many spedie horsses for his use as occasion requiers. He
built a goodly, stronge and spacious stone wall about the Moscow, planted
and placed ordinance and officers to maintaine his garrisons.
Jerome Horsey, A Relacion or Memorial Abstracted owt of Sir Jerom
Horsey His Travels (London 1856)
2
Primary Source 7.8
Basil Dmytryshyn (ed.) (1991) Medieval Russia: A Source Book, 850–1700
(3rd edn), Fort Worth, Texas, Harcourt Brace Jovanovich College
Publishers, pp. 344–5.
Note
This extract is a Russian merchant’s protest against the illegal interference
of local officials in the Siberian fur trade.
A petition on the Siberian fur trade from the merchant
Guselnikov to Tsar Mikhail Fedorovich protesting
excessive regulation of the fur trade in Siberia, 1639
To Tsar Mikhail Fedorovich, Sovereign and Grand Prince of all Russia, a
petition from Vasilii Fedotov [Guselnikov], a humble servant in your
gostinnaia sotnia [merchant guild].
I, your humble servant, send my people Grigorii Ivanov and Afanasii
Andreev and their prikashchiks [agents] to the towns of Siberia, to Eniseisk
ostrog, to the mighty Lena River, and to Mangazeia; they carry all manner
of Russian goods and supplies used to prepare sable pelts.
It is impossible to take any Russian provisions except for fresh honey to the
Lena and Tunguska rivers because of the vast distances involved.
Sovereign, the voevodas and other servitors in the towns in Siberia stop our
rafts and boats and collect taxes on both equipment and vessels from our
contract trappers and hired people. On the winter route from Verkhotur’e
they will not issue permits to go into other Siberian towns to prepare rafts
and boats and the necessary equipment for the sable hunt; rather, they force
us to stay in Verkhotur’e until spring. Neither will they let us travel from
Eniseisk ostrog to the Turukhansk zimov’e with provisions and equipment,
nor from that zimov’e to the sable hunting grounds and the Lena River.
Instead, they keep us here for their own profit.
Because the veovodas and servitors impose these halts, the hunters cannot
travel the entire distance to the sable hunting grounds in one season and the
result is that they freeze to death in barren places. Furthermore, Sovereign,
when I, your humble servant, send my prikashchiks and hired people into
Siberia by way of Kamen and Obdor, the officials there stop them and
collect a transit fee of ten percent, in Russian goods or in cash, just as they
do at Verkhotur’e. This is contrary to your ukaz, Sovereign. Those persons
who come to Obdor from Mangazeia with furs have to pay, in Mangazeia
and other towns, an impost of one denga per ruble, based on the customs
officials’ assessments. These men issue transit papers with your Sovereign
seal. Then in Obdor there are officials who stop the fur traders and collect
another tax of one denga per ruble on the same furs. The officials there
reissue the transit documents, and they stop everyone, causing great losses
thereby.
1
Merciful Sovereign, Tsar Mikhail Fedorovich, Grand Prince of all Russia,
have mercy on me, your humble servant. Sovereign, allow my men and my
prikashchiks in the sable trade to carry 150 pud of fresh honey with them,
free of duty. Allow them to buy provisions in all Siberian towns. Permit
them to leave Verkhotur’e by the winter route, so they can procure boats
and provisions in any Siberian town. Let them leave Eniseisk ostrog and
Turukhansk zimov’e with their rafts, boats, and dugouts without hindrance.
Sovereign, decree that in Obdor your officials are to collect your taxes only
in accordance with your decree which pertains to collection in Verkhotur’e.
Sovereign, do not allow tax collectors to impose a reissue fee on furs, and
do not permit them to reissue transit documents.
Sovereign, please send your Sovereign decree on this matter to all Siberian
towns.
Tsar, Sovereign, have mercy and grant my petition.
2
Primary Source 7.9
Basil Dmytryshyn (ed.) (1991) Medieval Russia: A Source Book, 850–1700
(3rd edn), Fort Worth, Texas, Harcourt Brace Jovanovich College
Publishers, pp. 345–6.
Note
A Bratsk tribal leaders’ oath of allegiance to Tsar Mikhail, promising the
loyalty of his people, the payment of tribute and the security of Russian
subjects.
The oath of allegiance which Russians administered to Bratsk
native leaders, 1642–1645
I, Bului, a man of the Bratsk tribe, hereby give my firm oath of allegiance to
my Sovereign Tsar and Grand Prince Mikhail Fedorovich, Autocrat of all
Russia, and to his Sovereign Lordship, the Tsarevich and Grand Prince
Aleksei Mikhailovich. I, Bului, and my brother Bura and our other brothers
and tribesmen, and all my ulus people, swear on our faith, by the sun, by the
earth, by fire, by the Russian sword, and by guns, that we will come under
His Tsarist Majesty’s mighty authority, in eternal servitude, without treason,
undeviatingly, for all time. I will serve my Sovereign in every way, loyally
and gladly.
I will not commit any treason against his Sovereign servitors or against any
other Russians or against his Sovereign people in the Verkholensk
ostrozhek, or against agricultural settlers, in any places where the
Sovereign’s servitors and Russians may be working, nor will I come in war
or in secret to kill them or harm them or commit treason against them.
Neither I, Bului, personally, nor my brother, nor any of my ulus people will
incite other hostile Bratsk people to commit treason against the Sovereign’s
people, nor incite them or guide them to come to kill.
Likewise, I, Bului, will encourage other Bratsk leaders and their ulus people
to come under His Tsarist Majesty’s mighty hand in eternal servitude and to
pay iasak and pominki to the Sovereign, in large amounts and in full every
year, for themselves and for their brothers, and in every way to be in
complete concord with the Sovereign’s people.
When the Sovereign’s men come to collect iasak in my ulus, I will protect
them, and will not allow them to be killed. If any Bratsk leaders and their
ulus people become disloyal to the Sovereign, then I, Bului, will report
about these disloyal persons to the Sovereign’s prikaschiks in Verkholensk
ostrog, and I will join the Sovereign’s forces in war against these disloyal
people, and will try to pacify them by means of war and bring them back
under your Sovereign Tsarist mighty hand, and will collect iasak from them
for the Sovereign.
If I, Bului, do not carry out all these promises for my Sovereign Tsar, the
Grand Prince Mikhail Fedorovich of all Russia, and for the Lord Tsarevich
and Grand Prince Aleksei Mikhailovich, as written in this document, and if I
do not serve loyally for all time, and gladly, or if I commit any treason
1
against the Sovereign’s servitors and go to war against the Russian people
near Verkholensk ostrog, or against the agricultural settlers, or in other
places where the Sovereign’s people may come, or if I commit murder, or
do not pay iasak in full for myself and for all my ulus people, or if I commit
some foolish act, then, in accordance with my faith, the sun will not shine
on me, Bului, I will not walk on the earth, I will not eat bread, the Russian
sword will cut me down, the gun will kill me, and fire will destroy all our
uluses on our land.
And if I commit treason, the final punishment will be that the Sovereign’s
anger will be loosed on me and I will be put to death without mercy and
without pity.
2
Primary source 7.10
Chester S.L. Dunning (trans. and ed.) (1983) The Russian Empire and
Grand Duchy of Muscovy: A 17th-Century French Account, Pittsburg, PA,
University of Pittsburg Press, pp. 42–51.
Note
Jacques Margeret (1560s–1620s) was a French soldier of fortune
(mercenary) serving in the Russian army under Tsar Boris Godunov. Here
he gives an account of the personnel and equipment of the Russian army of
Tsar Boris Godunov, and its strategy against the Tatar nomads.
Jacques Margeret on Russian warfare against Tatar nomads
(1607)
Concerning the military, we must first speak of the voevody, who are the
generals of the army. They are chosen customarily from the dumnye boiare
and okol’nichie—that is to say, if some enemies appear. Otherwise, they are
chosen annually from the dumnye dvoriane and moskovskie dvoriane, who
are sent to the frontiers of Tatary to stop the incursions of any assembled
forces of Tatars, who come sometimes to steal the grazing horses of some
garrisons. If they were to meet no resistance, they would ravage all the
more. The voevody separate their army into five units: the advance guard,
which is near some town close to the confines of Tatary; the right wing,
which is near some other town; the left wing; then the main force of the
army; and the rear guard—all separated one from another. However, the
generals must be ready at a moment’s notice to join the main force. There
are no other officers in the army but these generals. However, all the menat-arms, both cavalry and infantry, are led by captains, without lieutenants,
ensigns, trumpets, or drums. Each general has his own banner, which is
identifiable by some saint who is painted on it. These banners are blessed by
the patriarch, just as other images of saints.There are two or three men
designated to hold the banner upright. Moreover, each general has his own
nabat, as it is called. These are the brass drums which are carried on
horseback. They each have ten or twelve of them, as many trumpets and
some shawms. These are never sounded except when they are about to give
battle or during a skirmish. One of the drums is used to signal the cavalry to
dismount or to mount up.
The method they use to discover the enemy in these great plains of Tatary is
as follows: There are routes which they call the road of the emperor, the
Crimean road, and the road of the great khan. In addition, there are some
oaks scattered here and there on the plains, eight, ten, up to forty versts from
one another. Under most of these trees there are certain sentinels—that is to
say, two men, each with a fresh horse. One of them keeps watch while
perched in the tree, and the other one feeds the horses, which are kept
saddled. They exchange places every four days. In case the sentinel in the
tree spots some thick dust rising in the air, he has orders to descend,
without saying a word until he is in the saddle, and to ride as fast as he can
until he comes to the next tree, shouting from afar and making signs that he
1
has seen men. The sentinel who guards the horses of this second tree mounts
a horse on the command of the sentinel in the tree, who sees the first rider
while he is still far off. As soon as they are able to hear or discern in what
direction the approaching rider indicates that he has seen the cloud of dust,
this second rider gives his horse free reign and rides as fast as he can to a
third tree. Here they do the same thing, and so on, from one to the next, up
to the first fortress. From there a message is sent to Moscow, without any
other news except that men have been sighted. It turns out often to be only a
herd of wild horses or of some other wild animals. But if the sentinel who
remained in the first tree comes and continues the news, and in this manner
further word is relayed, then they take to arms and the above-mentioned
generals join together.
They send men to try to reconnoiter the forces of the enemy. Also, those
sentinels scattered from the route which they are taking spread out on both
sides, waiting for the enemy to pass. Then they come to their trail and
reconnoiter the approximate size of their forces by the width of the path
which they make across the grass. The prairie grass is taller than a horse, but
in this region the Russians put fire to it every spring, so that the land is
desolate. This is done so that the Tatars cannot find pasture so soon and in
order to make the grass grow even taller. If the Tatars come by any of the
above-named roads, the Russians survey their approximate strength by exact
measurement of the depth of the path which they make. They also know the
approximate size of the Tatar force by the dust which they see rising into the
air, for the Tatars do not go voluntarily across the grass for fear of putting
their horses out of breath.
These sentinels come by some secret paths which they know to bring news
of the enemy’s forces. To resist these forces, the generals withdraw toward
some rivers and woods to block their passage. However, the Tatar is an
enemy so nimble and so skilful that, knowing this, he will divert the Russian
army with twenty or thirty thousand horses, while he sends some force to
ransack the country by some other route. This they will effect with such
swiftness that they will strike their blow before the Russian army receives
any warning of it. Now the Tatars do not burden themselves with any booty
except prisoners. They carry no baggage with them, although each one of
them has a change or two of horse, which are so well trained that they are no
trouble at all. Tatars are so skilful that they can descend from a trotting
horse and leap onto another. They carry no arms except a bow, arrows, and
a scimitar. They shoot much more steadily and more surely in retreat than
otherwise. The provision which they carry is a little sun-dried meat, which
is sliced very small. Moreover, they have plenty of rope attached to their
pommel. In short, a hundred Tatars will always put to flight two hundred
Russians, unless the latter are elite troops.
The Russian infantry or harquebusiers, being on the bank of a river or in
some woods, make the Tatars retreat exceedingly fast, although in truth they
are more adept at frightening them than they are at inflicting any damage to
their forces. If any [Tatar] battalion of fifteen or twenty thousand horses
should move against them a little, no more than three or four thousand come
within cannon range, the rest seeming more like phantoms on asses than
horsemen. So the Tatars retreat without ever sustaining great loss—unless
2
one holds the passage in some woods or on a river, waiting for their return,
which does not often happen.
The Russian forces consist mostly of cavalry. Besides the dvoriane
mentioned above, one must add here the rest of the dvoriane—vybornye
dvoriane, gorodovye dvoriane, and the deti boiarskie, who together
constitute a great number. The companies call themselves by the name of
the towns under which they have their lands. Some cities have three, four,
up to eight or twelve hundred men, such as Smolensk, Novgorod, and
others. There are a great number of towns furnishing a great multitude of
men. Now each of these men must provide, beyond himself, a man on horse
and a foot soldier for each one hundred cheverti of land which he possesses;
but this is only in times of necessity. Normally, there is need for only the
dvoriane themselves. This makes an incredible number of shadows rather
than men.
[…]
The important nobles mentioned above must have a shirt of mail, a helmet, a
lance, bow, and arrows. So must each of their servitors, along with a good
mount. The dvoriane must have fairly good horses, a bow, arrows, and a
scimitar. So must their servitors. This makes a multitude of men badly
mounted, without order, courage, or discipline. Many often do more damage
to the army than good. Beyond this, there are the forces of Kazan, which,
joined together with the Cheremissians, are said to make nearly twenty
thousand horses. Then there are the Tatars who serve the emperor. These,
along with the Mordvinians, will make seven or eight thousand horses.
[…]Then there are the Cherkasy, who are from three to four thousand. The
foreigners, as many Germans and Poles as Greeks, number two thousand
five hundred. […]
Finally, there are the datachnye liudi that the patriarch, bishops, abbots, and
all other ecclesiastics who possess lands must furnish. As mentioned above,
they must provide a man on horse and one on foot for each one hundred
chetverti of land they hold. Depending on the army’s needs, one sometimes
takes from these ecclesiastics a great number of horses in place of men.
These horses transport the artillery and other munitions of war, and they
serve as mounts for the strel’tsy and others to whom horses must be
furnished. That is all that need to be said about the cavalry.
Most of their horses come from the Nogai Tatars, which horses they call
koni. They are of a middling size, very good for work, and they can run for
seven or eight hours without being winded. However, if they become tired
and winded, they need four or five months to recover completely. They are
very wild and are greatly terrified by the noise of a harquebus. They are
never shod; nor, for that matter, are the horses which come from Russia.
They eat little or no oats, and they must be made accustomed little by little
to that feed if one wants to give it to them. They also have jennets from the
Georgians; but these are not common. They are very beautiful and good
horses, but they do not compare to the koni for long wind or speed, unless it
is just for a short run. Then they have some Turkish horses and some from
Poland, which they call argamaks. There are some good ones among them.
These horses are all geldings. Beyond this, there are found a few very good
3
ponies among the Nogai Tatars. These are all white and spotted with black,
like a tiger or leopard, so that one might think them to be painted. The
horses native to the land are called merina. They are usually small and good,
especially those which come from Vologda and that region. They are
quicker to train than the horses of Tatary.
[…]
They do not think a horse of Tatary or of Russia to be fit for work until it is
seven or eight years old, and these horses continue to work until they are
twenty years old. I saw horses twenty-five to thirty years of age still render
good service. They consider horses to be young at ten or twelve years, and
they find very good pacers among these.
The best infantry consists of the above-mentioned strel’tsy and of Cossacks,
of whom we have not yet spoken. Besides the ten thousand harquebusiers of
Moscow, there are strel’tsy in each town within a hundred versts of the
frontiers of Tatary. According to the size of the castles located there, sixty,
eighty, up to a hundred fifty strel’tsy may be in each town. The towns on the
actual frontier are well garrisoned.
There are Cossacks who are sent in winter to the towns in the vicinity of the
Oka River. They receive pay equal to that of the strel’tsy, with grain;
moveover, they are furnished with powder and lead by the emperor. There
are other Cossacks in arms, numbering perhaps from five to six thousand,
who possess lands and do not leave their garrisons. Then there are the true
Cossacks who maintain themselves along the rivers in the plains of Tatary,
like the Volga, the Don, the Dnieper, and others. They often do much more
damage to the Tatars than the whole Russian army. They do not have large
stipends from the emperor, but they do have liberty, it is said, to do the
worst they can against the Tatars. They are permitted to withdraw
sometimes to the frontier towns, there to sell their booty and to buy what
they need. When the emperor wishes to make use of them, he sends them
powder, lead, and some seven, eight, or ten thousand rubles. It is the
Cossacks who usually bring in the first Tatar prisoners, from whom one
learns the designs of the enemies. The custom is to give to whoever captures
and brings in some prisoner enough good cloth and damask to make a
garment from each, forty martens, a silver cup, and twenty or thirty rubles.
On these rivers there are found up to eight to ten thousand Cossacks who
will join the army on the command of the emperor, which happens in time
of need. However, these Cossacks from above the Dnieper support
themselves most often in Podolia.
In time of need a man from each hundred chetverti of land is added to the
army. These recruits are all peasants, more fit to handle a plow than a
harquebus, although one cannot tell them by their dress for they must be
dressed like Cossacks. This means that each one wears a robe which comes
to below the knees, is close to the body like a doublet, and which has a large
turned-back collar descending to the waist. Half of these peasants must have
harquebuses, two pounds of powder, four pounds of lead, and scimitar. The
others, at the discretion of those who send them, carry a bow, arrows, and
scimitar or a kind of spear more proper to pierce a bear coming from its den
than for any military service they might perform with it. Moreover, in times
4
of necessity the merchants must furnish men according to their means, be it
three or four, more or less.
Now, as noted above, at about the beginning of Lent the Cossacks bring in
prisoners from whom one learns if the Tatars are assembling. According to
this information, orders are issued throughout the country, while the snow is
still on the ground, that each member of the military send his provisions into
the towns near which it had been resolved to await the enemy. These
provisions are brought on sleighs to these towns. …
The Russians seldom place themselves in the field against the Tatars until
they begin to see grass underfoot. As for other enemies, if they do not come
unexpectedly, the same plan of defense is used against them. In this way the
emperor spends little more for the army in wartime than during times of
peace, apart from recompense for those who have performed some service,
such as taking a prisoner or killing one of the enemies, receiving a wound,
or other such things. They are given money; and, depending upon the
quality of the person, each one receives a piece of cloth of gold or other silk
cloth to make a garment for himself.
5
Primary Source 7.11
Basil Dmytryshyn (ed.) (1991) Medieval Russia: A Source Book, 850–1700
(3rd edn), Fort Worth, Texas, Harcourt Brace Jovanovich College
Publishers, pp. 350–2.
Note
The Iakut tribespeople plead for relief from the ruinous effects of iasak
(tribute).
Three petitions to Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich from Iakut
natives protesting inequitable and ruinous iasak
impositions, 1659–1664
[A petition from the Iakuts of Bordonsk volost.]
To the Sovereign Tsar and Grand Prince Aleksei Mikhailovich, Autocrat of
all Great, Little, and White Russia, we, your orphans of the Bordonsk volost,
the iasak-paying Iakuts Ketyrei and Ochei, sons of Mygiev, submit this
petition.
Sovereign, ever since 1652 we, your orphans, have had great difficulty in
paying iasak for you, Great Sovereign, and pominki for the voevoda and the
diak. We are assessed both for ourselves and for our dead father. This added
burdensome iasak obligation for our dead father’s past years’ arrears has
been imposed on us, your orphans. But, Sovereign, our father was poor.
There is no livestock left. Our father lived on the lake and ate fish. When he
died he had a cow, but Iakuts stole that cow. Our father was assigned to pay
your Great Sovereign’s iasak of eighteen sable pelts per year, but he could
not pay all of that because he was so poor. Now we, your orphans, have no
way to pay this enormous extra iasak for you, Great Sovereign, because,
Sovereign, we, your orphans, do not have any livestock. All the livestock
we had, Sovereign, we have already sold in order to pay your iasak, Great
Sovereign. And now, Sovereign, we, your orphans are ruined, and poor right
down to the bone. Now, Sovereign, if you order that this extra iasak be
collected from us, your orphans, for you, Sovereign, for our father’s past
years’ arrears, we, your orphans, will certainly perish.
Merciful Sovereign Tsar and Grand Prince Aleksei Mikhailovich, Autocrat
of all Great, Little and White Russia, have mercy on us your orphans;
Sovereign, do not order that your Great Sovereign’s extra iasak for our
father for the past years be collected from us, lest we, your orphans, perish.
Tsar, Sovereign, have mercy, we beg you.
[A petition from the Iakuts of the Baturusk volost.]
To the Sovereign Tsar and Grand Prince Aleksei Mikhailovich, Autocrat of
all Great, Little and White Russia, your orphans, your iasak-paying Iakutus
… [seventeen names follow] submit this petition.
Sovereign, for the past years, since 1642, we your orphans have had great
difficulty in paying iasak and pominki to you, Great Sovereign, and pominki
1
for the voevoda and diaks. We pay both current assessments and past arrears
for ourselves and for our dead fathers and brothers. And your additional
heavy iasak for years past is now also due for those who are dead, Great
Sovereign. Great Sovereign, we your orphans cannot pay this enormous
extra iasak for our dead fathers and brothers, and in the future, Sovereign,
we your orphans will not be able to pay iasak and pominki to you and
pominki to the voevoda and diaks because we do not have any livestock,
Sovereign. Sovereign, we sold all the livestock we had to the Tungus in
exchange for sables in order to pay your Sovereign’s iasak. We sold one
cow for two sables, and a mare for three or four, so that now, Sovereign, we,
your orphans, are ruined, and impoverished right down to the bone.
Now, Sovereign if you order your great additional iasak for our dead fathers
and brothers for the past years to be collected from us your orphans for you,
Great Sovereign, we will perish. Sovereign, how can we pay your Great
Sovereign’s iasak for ourselves and also for our dead fathers and brothers,
especially since they have been dead for twenty years?
Merciful Sovereign Tsar and Grand Prince Aleksei Mikhailovich, Autocrat
of all Great, Little, and White Russia, have mercy on us, your orphans.
Sovereign, do not order that his huge additional iasak for past years for our
fathers and brothers be collected, lest we, your orphans, perish, and not be
able to pay our current assessment of iasak and pominki, as well as pominki
for the voevoda and diaks.
Sovereign Tsar, be merciful.
[A petition from Iakuts of various volosts.]
To the Sovereign Tsar and Grand Prince Aleksei Mikhailovich, Autocrat of
all Great, Little, and White Russia, your orphans, iasak-paying natives from
various volosts, submit this petition …. [Names of thirty-six petitioners
from eleven volosts and other uluses follow.]
For the past years, Great Sovereign, they have been collecting iasak for your
Great Sovereign’s Treasury from us, your orphans and slaves, who do not
hunt foxes. Instead of each fox pelt they have collected money from us,
twenty altyns. But now, in this year of 1664, Great Sovereign, your Great
Sovereign’s stolnik and voevoda Ivan Fedorovich Bolshoi GolenishchevKutuzov wants to collect iasak from us, your slaves, who do not hunt
[foxes], in the amount of one ruble for each fox pelt not presented. Great
Sovereign, we your orphans will surely be ruined from this burdensome
imposition, and then we will not be able to obtain any furs for iasak. We
travel to far-off places now, in every direction, because all the animals have
been killed or driven away, and it is only with great difficulty and great
hardship that we can trap.
Merciful Sovereign Tsar and Grand Prince Aleksei Mikhailovich, Autocrat
of all Great, Little, and White Russia, have mercy on us your orphans, and
decree, Great Sovereign, that your Sovereign’s stolnik and voevoda Ivan
Fedorovich Bolshoi Golenishchev-Kutuzov collect only as much iasak from
us, your orphans and slaves, for your Great Sovereign’s Treasury, as was
collected in previous years, that is, twenty altyns in place of each fox pelt.
Otherwise we your orphans and slaves will suffer ruin and eventual death as
2
a result of the heavy impositions of iasak, and from the additional payments
of money in place of fox pelts.
Sovereign Tsar, be merciful.
3
Primary Source 7.12
Ernst Herrmann (ed.) (1872) Russland unter Peter dem Grossen. Nach den
handschriftlichen Berichten Johann Gotthilf Vockerodt’s und Otto Pleyer’s,
Leipzig, Duncker and Humblot, pp. 122–6. Translated by Annika
Mombauer.
Notes
Otto Anton von Pleyer was a representative of the Austrian government at
the court of Peter the Great between 1692 and 1718, and was minister
resident for the Austrian government there from 1711–18. Here he provides
a diplomatic account of the new modern army of Peter the Great: its
personnel, morale and equipment, and the industries supporting it.
Otto Pleyer on Peter’s army, 1710
Otto Anton von Pleyer, ‘Report on the Present State of the Muscovite
Government’ (1710)
[…] Concerning the Russian military forces one must admit, in all fairness,
that they have reached an amazing degree of proficiency thanks to the
Tsar’s ceaseless hard work and effort and thanks to severe punishments and
marks of favour and distinction, as well as to the experience of foreign
officers of all ranks drawn from many nations. What perfection the soldiers
have attained in military movement, how orderly and obediently they react
to their superiors’ commands, and how bravely they conduct themselves in
battle, without a word from anybody, let alone a shout; they are all so eager,
it is highly surprising. The Tsar is closer to the action, the harder and the
more dangerous it is, and he not only encourages his people with kind words
but makes them eager to give up their bodies and their lives for him. He
never leaves brave officers without ample reward and appreciation, while
the hesitant ones he pursues with heavy disgrace, severe penalties and
prolonged displeasure. By these methods the Tsar has instilled in the
majority of the Russian nobles a feeling of self-respect and emulation. He
has done even better: now, when they sit together, drink, and smoke
tobacco, they no longer talk of ugly or disgusting obscenities, but speak of
this or that engagement, of the good or bad conduct of various persons on
such occasions, or they discuss military science, though this sometimes
sounds ridiculous (for they talk of these matters as if in a dream, or lacking
solid information, relying instead on hearsay). The artillery is well equipped
with all the implements and it is staffed by many experienced Germans and
other foreigners, as well as by Russians, many of whom were sent to
different parts of Germany in order to acquire a thorough knowledge of
pyrotechnics; it is also well provided with good horses, though in the
cavalry there is a great shortage of them, in spite of the fact that the Tsar
could have obtained good horses from the Kalmyks, the Nogai, and the
Bashkirs Tatars. There are many signs that in Russia there is no shortage of
military materiel for a long war; for more than two years not a single
powder mill has been working because everywhere there is a large ready
stock of gunpowder, despite the fact that, as soon as the recruits receive a
few firearms from the government they conduct all their military exercises
1
with much and continuous shooting. Whenever the Tsar, or the Crown
Prince, or Prince Menshikov are in Moscow or in the country, there is an
incessant discharge of firearms during almost every dinner, every drinking
to health, ball, or dance, as well as on these persons’ name or birthdays, or
on the occasion of any minor victorious encounter with the enemy. In
addition, an enormous amount of powder is wasted every year for expensive
fireworks. Powder is valued so little that, in Moscow, even in the Tsar’s
absence, any prominent lord can easily obtain it for his own private
entertainment by asking the military commander – so little is powder valued
in Russia. The iron the Tsar now gets from Siberia is so good and soft that a
better one could not even be found even in Sweden; there is more than
enough oak and other hard timber, for it is forbidden under heavy penalties
to cut it down except for the Tsar’s service; sulphur and saltpetre abound in
the Ukraine. To make bombs and grenades one could not wish for better
iron than that of Tula and of Olonets near Lake Onega; because of its
hardness and brittleness it will burst into many pieces. The metal for casting
mortars and cannons has been brought from Poland, Livonia, Finland, and
Lithuania, and in Moscow there are also considerable stores of old pieces, of
which they have no need, available for recasting, for they already have an
incredible number of pieces. They are no longer allowed to import firearms
from overseas at such great expense, while Siberian iron produces such
good quality musket barrels which withstand a triple charge of powder
without danger at manoeuvres. The Tsar now obtains all military clothing
from his own lands since a large and fine cloth factory has been established
which works well. Many hosiers have come from Prussia, and they satisfy
all the demand; enough hats are also produced, while there is no need to
mention shoes, boots, or broadcloth for shirts, as these wares are exported to
Breslau via Kiev. All shipbuilding materials are plentiful, for these stores
once formed the bulk of the cargo exported from Russia by foreigners; and
experience has shown how quickly ships can be built here. There would
have been no scarcity of men for the army for a long time to come, in my
humble opinion, had conscription, as the recruitment should really have
been called, been conducted less haphazardly and with less damage to the
country. The draft always hits only the poor villages and the tillers of the
soil, which leads to a considerable decline of worked land and of
agriculture. Every year the gentry must supply, in proportion to the size of
their estates, a large number of recruits provided with clothes, horses, and
sustenance, resulting in peasants being taken away from the soil and often
dying of hunger in the field for lack of food. Or the fear of future
recruitment drives some of them to the forests or makes them run away to
the farthest regions, leaving their fields uncultivated. Thus the burden of
taxation weighs ever heavier on the smaller number of people bearing it;
prices for victuals rise every year, and bread is becoming scarce, while draft
horses which one must use to transport supplies and to travel are becoming
scarcer, for they are used to deliver wagons and army carts to military
camps; few of these horses ever come back: many become exhausted on the
road and die from lack of care, and commerce suffers as a result.
Furthermore, the Russian nobles have a custom which springs from
ostentatious conceit, a custom common among barbarous and pagan peoples
of the East, as well as among the Russians of old times: in order to show
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their high estate, the nobles maintain in their villages a host of useless
mouths as countless servants and bondmen, both male and female, whose
numbers may reach five hundred or more souls. At the beginning of the war
the Tsar had tried to abolish it, but he finally had to give up the attempt
because of insistent and pressing requests by the nobles. […]
In spite of all the good qualities of the army, many foreigners who have
observed it admit that little thought is given in Russia to the preservation of
soldiers, while almost the only, but also the main, mistake is bad
organization and inadequate supervision of essential military stores, and
every year this causes more losses in the army than if it had been engaged in
the fiercest battles. Foreign officers and generals have been able to teach the
Russians many other military principles and maxims, but have laboured
almost in vain on this one point. While the Tsar has now come to realize
that commoner and great lord alike are tiring of the war while the otherwise
fertile lands are ruined and empty, I do not know whether he is also aware
of the reasons that I have mentioned for desolation and weariness of minds
[…].
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