Cyber-Hindutva: Hindu Nationalism, the diaspora and the web
Ingrid Therwath,
Centre de Sciences Humaines, New Delhi
Introduction
Online Hindu nationalism provides a particularly pertinent case-study to assess the
relationships between migration, technology and transnationalism. It showcases the particular
sociology of a mobile Hindu nationalist elite and provides a starting example of how an
existing offline network is translated online. Moreover, it sheds new light on the articulation
of a global movement's universalist ambitions and a brand of nationalism whose aim is the
advent of a Hindu state in India.
Content analysis of pro-hindutva websites is a useful method to assess variations in
discursive strategies of online hindutva. The use of visualisation tools actually constitutes a
crucial step in understanding new modes of production of the political. It also stresses, beyond
the mere notion of voice, the importance of the gaze and of traces. Have traces been removed,
hidden or concealed? If yes, why? For whose eyes (the audience) and from which point of
view (the source) have they been drawn? On the contrary, whose gaze are they meaning to
evade? In order to answer these different questions, this study will first give a brief
preliminary history of the main pro-hindutva outfits and of their offline network. It will then
focus on the two main points that have emerged from the analysis of a corpus of 228
websites: firstly, Hindu nationalist groups are mostly now based in the USA and hindutva has
become an offshore ideology; secondly, the polemical and sometimes even illegal nature of
pro-hindutva activities have resulted in strategies of online discretion.
The visible network
1- An old offline network
The concept of hindutva also comes with a particular political agenda that aims at the
creation of a Hindu nation-state. Today, the main champion of the hindutva ideology is the
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (Nation Volunteers Association, RSS), which was founded in
1925 in the state now known as Maharashtra. For the RSS, Indian identity is the same as
Hindu identity and all members of religious minorities – mostly Muslims and Christians –
should pay allegiance to the dominant religious community, at least in the public space. This
organization functions through a dense network of about 50 000 local shakhas or branches,
where cadres provide physical and ideological training to over 2,5 million activists.
Throughout the years, the RSS became the head of a very centralised structure with numerous
specialised offshoots and sections. The entire structure is called the Sangh Parivar (literally
the family of the Sangh, short for Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh).
The transnationalization of this network initially initially happened in an unplanned
and contingent manner, according to individual initiatives and pre-existing family networks,
before becoming part of a planned effort from India. Then, from the 1970s to the 2010s, the
Sangh Parivar opened a number of antennas abroad and translated its dense structure in every
other country where it established its presence (Therwath 2004, Jaffrelot & Therwath 2006,
Therwath 2010).
2- With an online presence
1
Very rapidly, the World Wide Web rose to prominence as an outreach medium
towards Hindus settled in the West and particularly in North America. This mobile elite, both
receptive to hindutva and familiar with ITCs, was already quite familiar with the web, as
Christopher Helland pointed out. According to him, pro-hindutva activists were present on
USENET forums as early as 1985 (Helland 2007). Since then, the Sangh Parivar
contemplated new methods to utilize the web. In 1996, through the Hindu Students Council
(HSC, the RSS's student branch in the USA), the RSS launched the Global Hindu Electronic
Network (GHEN), which was connected with the platform called Hindu Universe. In 1999,
cybershakhas were launched online, through dedicated websites. The first one was
inaugurated in September 1999 from New Delhi. Hundreds of activists from around the world
participated. Later on, Skype shakhas and e-shakhas were also launched.
The RSS was quick to learn and tap the potential of the web in order to bind together a
heterogeneous and geographically spread-out community and transform it into an “imagined
community”. In the 1970s, the RSS realized the potential of the Hindu diaspora for its defense
and expansion, at a time of crisis in India. Twenty years later, it realized that the web also
provided a crucial tool to this end, particularly in the context of the decreasing number of
physical shakhas in India (from 51 000 in 2005-2006 to 39 908 in 2011)1 and of accusations
being levied against the RSS for its possible implication in terrorist attacks (in Malegaon in
2006 and in Ajmer in 2007, Jaffrelot and Maheshwari 2011).
Was this expansion abroad accompanied by a simultaneous development online? Is the
offline network similar or different from its electronic avatar? How can the structural
differences between online and offline nationalist networks be explained? In order to answer
these questions, a corpus of 147 websites has been put together in July 2011, starting from a
few core RSS websites that were crawled 4 times till a satisfactory if not absolutely
exhaustive list of pro-hindutva groups was obtained2. About 80 additional websites stand out
at the periphery of the corpus. They are “frontier sites”: they do not belong to the prohindutva universe but share a close proximity with the pro-hindutva. They can share common
concerns, have a dialogue, and are therefore in the same “virtual neighborhoods” to use the
Arjun Appadurai's expression (Appadurai 1996).
The different graphs generated in the context of this study actually confirm three
central points. First, the Sangh Parivar, online as well as offline, is at the core of the prohindutva movement. Second, the epicentre of Hindu nationalist forces is in diaspora, and
more precisely in the United States. One can therefore witness the process of
transnationalisation of a nationalist movement whose political project is otherwise very rooted
in a particular territory. It is on the World Wide Web that the articulation of a territorial
project and of a univeralist ambition is being elaborated. Third, it is in the United States
different nationalist diasporas come together around Islamaphobia.
A- The Sangh Parivar at the heart of the network
One can observe that the Sangh Parivar is the epicentre of the hindutva ideology, in
India as well as abroad, offline as well as online. It can rely on many groups that will further
disseminate its views. These groups either emanates from the Sangh Parivar itself or are in the
1
Vikas Pathak, “RSS claims rise in Shakha numbers, though marginally”, Hindustan Times, 16 March
2011. Available on http://www.hindustantimes.com/RSS-claims-rise-in-Shakha-numbers-thoughmarginally/Article1-673908.aspx
2
According to Koenraad Eelst himself, the Belgian pro-hindutva ideologist, these movements claiming the
Hindutva ideology without necessarily being affiliated to the RSS are more and more important outside India.
Koenraad Eelst, “Hindu Activism outside the Sangh Parivar”, The Chakra, 18 August 2011,
http://www.chakranews.com/hindu-activism-outside-the-sangh/1465
2
form of blogs maintained by sympathisers. 61 of the 147 websites of the corpus belong to the
“Sangh Parivar” category and three to affiliated organisations, i. e. more than 43% of all the
pro-hindutva websites listed in this study are related to the Sangh Parivar.
B- An online network outsourced to the USA
One can distinguish, within a general, very homogenous and coherent graph, two large
overlapping blocks: India (on the right) / USA-the rest of the world (on the left). The Sangh
Parivar, founded in Nagpur in 1925, thus largely operates online from abroad, namely from
the United States, a territory which in turn connects India to the United Kingdom (located
even more on the left of the graph). The offline North American bias of the Sangh Parivar in
the XXIst century is confirmed online by the position of the Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh –
USA at the head of “authority” websites and "hubs" of the Sangh Parivar category, ahead of
the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, Organiser and the RSS. This ranking (based on the number of
outgoing and incoming links and citations) indicates that the prominence of the American
branches within the Sangh Parivar. Moreover, only 23% of the Sangh's websites are located in
India as opposed to 51% abroad (of which 30% are in the United States, the remaining being
in the United Kingdom, in the Netherlands, in Australia, in Belgium, in Canada, in France, in
Germany, in Mauritius and in New Zealand).3 In January 2011, Anil Vartak, a cadre of the
RSS in charge of its international operations at the New Delhi headquarters, listed 10
significant websites for his organization. All of them can be found in the corpus of this study.
The first four (HSS USA, HSS UK, Balagokulam, HSS Canada) that he mentioned are
located in North America or in the United Kingdom (Vartak 2011). The RSS website only
appears in the fifth position. Hindu nationalism, thus, has largely delocalized its online
operations outside the frontiers of the potential Hindu state that it earnestly hopes for.
C- Islamophobia
This localization induces specificities at the level of discourse and “neighborhoods”
with most “frontier” sites also operating from the United States. Actually three types of
"frontier" websites stand out: American associations located in the institutional
neighbourhood of the Sangh Parivar in the United States; generalist conservative American
websites like Fox News or neo-liberal think tanks, located in the neighbourhood of blogs and
non-institutional hindutva websites in India; and between the two locations, a cluster of
particularly virulent Jewish diaspora groups opposed to Muslims, like Media Maccabee,
Jewish Task Force, ISRAEL 101, Kahane Net, Newkach. Indeed islamophobia constitutes a
common trait between the pro-hindutva groups, often via generalist platforms like
HinduUnity.org (which has an “Israel Forever” category) or via Kashmiri Hindu groups, and
hard line Zionist groups.
Beyond the common islamophobic discourse, this juxtaposition of pro-hindutva
groups and extremist Jewish groups is particularly interesting in that it puts into contact
diasporic groups from different regions operating from the United States. The idea of a
majority besieged by Muslim enemies, which is particularly vivid amongst Hindu and Jewish
extremists, finds a specific resonance amongst migrants populations who are minorities
(Therwath 2007), particularly post-11 September 2001 when Islamophobia has joined, for
many communities in the USA, the list of other useful “global primordialisms” to be tapped
as signposts of national integration to the American fold (Chopra 2006).
The morphological study of the different graphs and charts helps prove many already
identified offline tendencies and also hint at the overwhelming majority of male and upper3
The remaining sixteen percent cannot be identified thanks to an address in the Contact section or to any other
indicator.
3
caste actors. It actually confirms what Michael Margolis and David Resnick remarked in 2000
in Politics as Usual: The “Cyberspace Revolution”: “There is an extensive political life on
the Net, but it is mostly an extension of political life off the Net” (Margolis and Resnick 2000:
14). Actually, the most telling conclusions to be drawn do not necessarily lie in what can be
seen but in what evades the gaze, in the blanks of the graphs, in the absences they reveal.
Strategies of discretion
1- Understanding the absence of links
While the nation used to be, if not imaginary, at least a product of collective will and
imagination, hence the success of Anderson's expression "imagined community", it has now
materialized itself in websites, in lines of code, on servers. It is traceable and its defenders are
identifiable. This is what we tried to do in the first part of analysis. But the absences and the
gaps reveal as pregnant with meaning as visible links, “authorities” and "hubs". As Bruno
Latour recalls elsewhere, a network is indeed “an openwork lace where the gaps are more
numerous than the filled-in spaces” (Latour 2010: 257). Let us therefore now turn to the
blanks of the hindutva network.
The Sangh Parivar carefully segregates of its different branches, a partitioning that in
reality masks a strong degree of cohesion within a centralized network in India. This can be
interpreted as the consequence of the legal prohibition made by many host countries to their
citizens to participate in political activities and political financing in other countries.
Moreover, the BJP is not linked online to any other party or political group promoting the
hindutva ideology, neither in India (with the Shiv Sena for example) nor abroad. As for the
online presence of charity groups, they are split in three with, on one side, a sub-cluster of
groups based in the United Kingdom and without any visible links with other countries, on the
other hand, an American sub-cluster linked to India and in the middle a website based in
India.
In the same way, the 6 lobbies identified in the corpus (4 lobbies per se and 2 wider
organizations , Sewa UK and Vishwa Hindu Parishad, which also present themselves as
lobbies) have no links leading to each other, although they champion the same ideology and
are, for Sewa UK and Vishwa Hindu Parishad, are offshoots of the Sangh Parivar. The
websites of the four think tanks and the three self-designed research groups, whose interest it
would be to work with each other, also have no link pointing to each other. Even the RSS IT
Milan blog, whose name means “RSS IT meeting”, does not contain any links leading to the
hindutva corpus, which in turn does not quote it either. Moreover many key Sangh Parivar
websites also have "duplicates" and bear the same name (4 call themselves Rashtriya
Swayamsevak Sangh, 2 Vishwa Hindu Parishad and 2 Hindu Swayamseva Sangh The
multiplication of homonym websites and of blogs, whose form enable more flexibility in
terms of architecture and administration than an actual website, shows that the few examples
cited above are not merley contingent but actually illustrate a larger and more systematic
strategy of discretion as much in India as abroad.
2- Three explanations
A- The consequence of two reports
In November 2002, the Sabrang collective released a report exposing the India Development
and Relief Fund (IDRF, based in the United States) and, two years later, in 2004, the
AWAAZ collective published In Bad Faith? British Charity and Hindu Extremism, a report
exposing the activities of Sewa in the United Kingdom. These two reports unveiled the whole
4
structure of foreign funding of the Sangh Parivar, which caused a scandal in India, in the
United States and in the United Kingdom. They revealed the structural, hierarchical and
human relationships between the USA and UK-based diaspora and the Sangh Parivar in spite
of the Sangh's self-proclaimed independence from non-Indian political parties and of its
claims outside India of being non communal. Both reports deeply upset the communication
strategy of the Sangh Parivar, which was thereafter eager to shun all negative publicity. 4 Since
their release, numerous branches of the RSS, notably on American and English university
campuses, have changed their names. Sangh Parivar websites in the USA and the UK have
also adopted a strategy of discretion, suppressing hyperlinks so as to simulate the absence of
offline links too.
B- Legal constraints
This strategy also stems from the legal constraints that weigh on the RSS in India and on
its branches abroad. Section 4 of the Indian Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act of 1976
(FCRA) bars any political group from receiving contributions from abroad, in cash or in any
other form (unless a prior agreement is obtained from the Central Government). And in the
USA, the law prohibits nationals from receiving funds and from financing foreign groups,
involved in sectarian acts and serving other interests than American interests. Diasporic
ressources must therefore be tapped as discretely as possible.
C- Multiple audiences
In reality, the Sangh has not erased all links and traces showing the existence of an
online network replicating the offline structure. It simply minimized the possibility, for a nonspecialist and for non-Indians and non-Hindus notably, to reconstitute links that unify the
Sangh Parivar. For Rohit Chopra, this type of website is aimed at times at “enlightened global
citizens” as well as at a intra-community audience (Chopra 2006: 197, see also Davis 2010:
14). The fact that the British branch of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) has a matrimonial
service illustrates this intra-community dimension5, while the presence of large American
companies like Pepsi amongst the donors of IDRF attest to the appeal to an extra-community
audience. One must, however, bear in mind a third audience: public authorities, who, since the
2001 terrorist attacks in the United States, have sought to supervise and control human and
financial transnational flows online6. This audience explains, for a large part, strategies of
online discretion. Quite logically, intelligence agencies focus on visible data and traces and
only look to increase their panoptic view of the web. Getting a grasp of what precisely evades
the gaze is more problematic. The World Wide Web becomes thus a potent space for the
spread of sectarian, nationalist, even illegal ideologies.
Conclusion
This study could be pursued in three different directions. Firstly, a cartography of online
Islamaphobia would reveal diasporic electronic "neighbourhoods" and the adaptation of
online discourse according to the country of residence/of operation. Secondly, a sociology of
4
The Foreign Exchange of Hate: IDRF and the American Founding of Hindutva, Bombay: Sabrang
Communications Private Limited, Paris: The South Asia Citizens Web, 20 November 2002,
www.stopfundinghate.com
5
“VHP Matrimonial Service”, http://vhp.org.uk/vhpcms/index.php?
6
In India, the Indian Emergency Computer Response Team (Team of emergency computer response, CERT-IN,
set up in 2004 and dependent on the Ministry of Information Technology) had, for example, forced service
providers to block many pro-hindutva websites after the Bombay attacks in 2006, such as the personal blog of
Rahul Yadav, a member of the VHP-A and student at the University of Indiana in the United States.
5
online hindutva activists could be achieved thanks to the in-depth study of website
administrators and of members of social. The data collected would bring new light to these
diasporic long-distance activists, their motivations, their needs and their influence. Of course,
the pro-hindutva groups do not voice the opinion of the majority of members of the Hindu
diaspora but they have often managed to establish themselves as a key actor in intercommunity and even sometimes bilateral relationships. Thirdly, the resonance of this ideology
spread online could be evaluated through content analysis techniques based on key wordsbased crawls and developed by the “Digital Methods Initiative" team at the University of
Amsterdam and also used by Bruno Latour's MACOSPOM (Mapping Controversies on
Science for Politics) team. These visualization techniques used so far to assess the impact of
scientific controversies could very well be used to assess the influence of ethno-religious
political movements and ideologies7.
In 1996, Georges Prevelakis remarked that "networks are an inherent and fundamental
characteristic of diasporas, they explains their actual resurgence and their growing importance
on the international scene” (Prevelakis 1996: 30). Fifteen years later, with ITC tools
increasingly available to activists and governments and the new relationship to space and
territory that mass migrations have induced, cartography and network studies turn out to be
more important than ever before in order to understand diasporic and nationalist phenomena.
Nationalism, and particularly in its long-distance form, expresses itself transnationally in
innovative ways. More than ever, diaspora studies must therefore look to sociology,
geography and even engineering for equally innovative tools.
7
http://www.mappingcontroversies.net/Home/PlatformLippmannianDevice
6
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