Agence Française de Développement
Working
Paper
September 2013
What Middle Class(es) in Africa?
A literature review
Dominique Darbon, Professor, Institute of Political Studies, Bordeaux
Comi Toulabor, Director of Research, LAM, Bordeaux
Contact:
Virginie Diaz, Research Department, AFD ([email protected])
Research Department
Agence Française de Développement 5 rue Roland Barthes
75012 Paris - France
Strategy Directorate
www.afd.fr
Research Department
118
Disclaimer
The analyses and conclusions in this document were formulated under the responsibility of its authors. They do not necessarily
reflect AFD's point of view or that of its partner institutions.
The "Middle Classes in Africa" project, supported by the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs (DGM) and the Communication and
Research departments of AFD, is an original attempt at associating photography, journalism and research to obtain an idea of
middle classes in developing countries.
As part of this project, field surveys and photo reportages were carried out in Côte d’Ivoire, Kenya, Morocco, Mozambique and
Senegal, several exhibitions were organized, and a photographic album was published (Joan Bardeletti, Petite Prosperité,
Editions Images en Manœuvre, 2011). The research was supervised by Dominique Darbon at the "Les Afriques dans le
Monde" – LAM – research centre in Bordeaux.
The members of the research team were Johanna Bornschein, Élodie Escusa, Jamillah Hamidou, Mounir Krata, Baptiste Léonard,
Javier Mateo-Giron, Cindy Morillas, Clélie Nallet, Ambra Simonini, Mako Wakabayashi, all Masters 2 students in "Politics and
Development in Africa and Southern Countries", Sciences-Po Bordeaux, 2010.
Publication Director: Anne PAUGAM
Editorial Director: Alain HENRY
ISSN: 1958-539X
Copyright registration: Third quarter 2013
Translation: Marinus KLUIJVER
Layout: Denise PERRIN
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
2
Contents
Abstract
5
Introduction
7
1.
The middle class in human _ and social _ science literature on sub-Saharan Africa
11
1.2.
A forgotten usage: A neutralized and ignored notion (1980-2000)
13
The economic identification of middle classes
19
Focusing on income and purchasing power: Middle class or middle income group?
20
1.1.
1.3.
2.
A questionable but debated notion: 1950-1980
Discussing these problems
2.1.
A notion of too full and too empty
3.
Usage of the "middle class" concept in political science and sociology:
A multicriteria analysis
2.2.
3.1.
3.2.
The notion of middle class in political science and sociology
Using the criterion of situation or professional occupation: Is sharing the same type
11
16
19
29
29
of professional activities a major criterion?
31
4.
The stakes of mobilizing a group
41
4.2.
Contested and rejected correlations
41
3.3.
4.1.
4.3.
4.4.
4.5.
4.6.
5.
Representation, social prestige and "selling" oneself
Political mobilization and the link with political order
Stimulating positive correlations?
More finely shaded interpretations of these correlations
Conclusions on the correlations
A fuzzy notion with clear underlying analogies
33
41
42
44
45
46
Discovering social formations in Africa: “Mapping the middle”
49
General conclusions
51
Methodological appendix
53
Acronyms and Abbreviations
55
References
57
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
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Abstract
The idea of a "middle class" in sub-Saharan Africa appears vague, difficult to grasp and not very operational. Its contents, its
identification criteria and its usage are all in constant flux, which renders any correlation with development, growth, political
stability or democracy particularly unpredictable. The notion of middle class is all the more fragile as in sub-Saharan Africa
many factors constantly modify and dilute its presence and meaning. These factors include the importance of the informal
sector next to the formal one, the systematic cumulating of activities by many people, the unreliability of professional registers,
the many activities unknown in developed countries, and the weight of poverty.
Nevertheless, this review of the middle class in Africa provides a better understanding of how new social groups are formed.
These include a population that generally is becoming "richer", but also all individuals _ rather than a specific category _ that
emerge from a precarious existence. The latter include those persons that can satisfy current expenses in a structural manner
and dispose over an arbitrary minimum income, but are not protected from rapid social decline.
The Chinese notion of "small prosperity" (xiaokang), coupled to these two criteria, provides a pertinent insight of this group by
conferring it a certain homogeneity. It indicates the processes of social formation and economic evolution that are active in
sub-Saharan Africa, based on the positions they hold on the job and consumption markets, The identification and inter-
pretation of these processes of newly emerging social formations question the classic interpretation categories (formal and
informal sectors; public and private sectors; poverty and activity, etc.). By doing so, such processes become a determining
issue in the analysis of development in Africa and thus call for systematic surveys.
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
5
Introduction
This study is an exploratory document, drawing up a
-
non-exhaustive state of the art concerning the notion of
class" 1
"middle
as found in sub-Saharan Africa. It
prejudges neither the existence of middle classes in
Second, other forms of solidarity and social stratifi-
cation compete, based on identity variables that can
be ethnic, or clan _ or family _ based, or clientelist
and neo-patrimonial power relations.
Africa, nor their lack of existence. It questions the notion
by confronting it with the available literature and by
Nevertheless, since the early 2000s, the notion of middle
using a few exploratory studies carried out in Côte
class has reappeared on the African continent because
d’Ivoire, Kenya and Mozambique. The study thus
of the economic stirrings affecting many African countries
focuses on the development of new social groups in
and of the idea of Africa as a "last frontier". This pheno-
concept of "middle class" to the social situation of "small
prosperity" _ to paraphrase the Chinese expression of
change, as by discourses on this subject in the press by
sub-Saharan Africa. In particular, it compares the
menon is as much explained by an "objective" economic
"standards entrepreneurs", experts and researchers,
"xiaokang" _ or to the escape from vulnerability, an
who put a changing reality into words as well as trying
escape that remains threatened by a risk of social
to keep their place in the knowledge and consultancy
regression. It evaluates the relevance of the correlations
market.
that are systematically attached to this concept, in terms
of both economic development and of political and
Globalization and economic policies since the 1990s
The document aims at testing an idea whose usage in
-
institutional regulations, i.e. of democracy.
have produced three major effects:
social sciences is as controversial as it is delicate
because of its ambiguous character. The exercise is all
First, since the early 2000s, sub-Saharan Africa has
known a new prosperity, with large annual growth
rates (3 to 6.5%) and cash flows that are shown by
the more delicate as it touches a social space, sub-
the growing visibility of prosperous areas concen-
because
social groups. Our "middle class" project is partly
Saharan Africa, where its relevance is not obvious
processes
of
the
and
great
social
diversity
and
of
trated in the great African cities and by well-off
development
economic
procedures that are often regionally specific.
regulation
based on this growing visibility, which seems to testify
to the growing wealth of part of the population (marked
by very strong income differences) and the arrival of
The notion of middle class in Africa has been the subject
new lifestyles and consumption patterns, as well as
of little research, especially in sociology and economics,
new political and economic aspirations.
as if the whole idea of "class" had lost its interest on the
-
African continent. Several factors may explain this lack
of interest:
-
analyses made in countries with the strongest growth.
The middle class question was raised into a global
First, neither bourgeoisie nor national proletariat are
well
developed,2
Another effect of globalization has been the generalization
of questions concerning social reality, i.e. of the
and both capitalistic and industrial
production and a formal residual-work market are
1 "Middle class" and "middle classes" are used as semantic equivalents.
2 Except in South Africa, see Box 1.
weak.
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
7
issue by several concomitant features: the growing
Moreover, the resurging notion of a middle class
importance of a Chinese "middle class" (Rocca,
2008) of 100 to 500 million individuals _ depending
on the criteria
used 3
cannot be isolated from the recent questioning of
the efficiency of international aid, in particular sup-
_ that benefit from "small
posing a better targeting of international financial
prosperity" (xiaokang); of an Indian middle class
support to categories whose behaviour and income
with all the uncertainty related to this notion
levels would lead to increased multiplication effects,
(Deshpande, 2006; Tawa Lama-Rewal, 2007); as
thus facilitating a beneficial trickle-down movement
well as of the developmental State models
(Dollar and Kraay, 2000; Collier, 2007);
(Mukandawire) based on embeddedness (Peter
Evans). The World Bank's Global Economic
-
Prospects 2007 insists on the rapid expansion of a
"global middle class" in developing countries which,
Finally, the "middle class" category, like any other
category construction, is the result of a positioning
of "subjects" of this category, who seek to optimize
though in a more residual manner, also concerns
their resources thanks to power games. Three types
sub-Saharan Africa. Here, however, a double
of cumulative strategy can be identified around this
question is raised: that of defining and categorizing
notion:
this African global middle class that is expected to
grow from 12 million in 2005 to 48 million in 2030
i)
according to the World Bank; but also that of the
possible marginalization of sub-Saharan Africa in this
pressures of poorer groups (who envy them and
global process of "averaging" the world.
try to profit from their resources, challenging the
order and the economic functioning from which
In addition, partly as a reaction to "Afropessimism",
the middle classes benefit) as well as of richer
several authors have discussed the idea of the
emergence of a solvable African
market. 4
Players with diverging interests, who understand
that their association allows them to escape the
groups that try to limit their expansion and main-
This
tain their domination;
would no longer be formed of a micro elite capturing
most resources, but of a large bloc of social categories
ii)
gaining access to prosperity (merchants, now suitably
paid civil servants, entrepreneurs, etc.), 150 to
Dominant players who try to enlarge their
support base by adding new clients (example of
Tunisia) and by seeking new spaces for
300 million persons forming what Mahajan (2008)
legitimization
called "Africa2s", to distinguish them from the 50 to
based
on
enrichment,
compensating political setbacks; and
100 million rich, and the poor. The debate on the
thus
“bottom pyramid” and the existing economic potential
iii) The ruling class, the "wealthy" and "high-ups",
also testifies to this new way of no longer perceiving
much more legitimate on national and interna-
among populations at the bottom of the income ladder
who try to appropriate the name "middle class",
poverty as a blocking factor, but as an opportunity,
tional levels, as it has a positive value in terms
a development potential (Prahalad 2008). Growing
of both economic progress and support for
cash flow, increasing population concentration in
democracy.
well-defined areas of the African continent, urbanization,
The
South-African
“Black
Diamonds” and the urban elite in Ghana are
availability of affordable products and technology,
particularly good examples.
and the aspirations of new consumption patterns, all
help to open new markets, as was clearly shown by
3 Somewhat less than 100 million if one combines growing wealth with better education and
a more comfortable lifestyle; and about 300 to 500 million when considering stabilized access
to a higher income level.
4 See for instance "Le consommateur africain, nouvel Eldorado" (The African consumer,
the expansion of cell phones (McKinsey, 2010).
new Eldorado) in 'Le Figaro Economie' of 10 September 2010.
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
8
The heterogeneity of these three strategies contributes
as only this combination of attributes allows the social
notion of "middle class".
discerned.
to maintaining a sense of ambiguity concerning the
significance of the ongoing
The return to _ or rather the buzz around _ one of the
transformations to be
We try to present a review of the literature, comparing
most contested notions of social sciences took place at
the results of small exploratory studies in Kenya,
the middle class in developed countries, and its social
work of Joan Bardeletti in these countries. We surveyed
the same time that many works discussed the decline of
Mozambique and Côte d’Ivoire with the photographic
and institutional consequences (Lipietz ,1998; Chauvel,
a sample of persons selected on criteria assumed to be
Another work is the Demos “Middle Class Security
observation of their possessions and consumption
2006; Hartmann, 2006; Gaggi and Narduzzi, 2006).
relevant (range of incomes around a median value,
Index” and the very interesting studies on the American
patterns, and their aspirations and family organization).
middle class, in particular those of Weller and Staub
The questions asked aimed at defining their material
(2006) and Huffington (2011).
characteristics
as
well
as
their
expectations,
representations and preferences. The surveys took
As (too) often in sub-Saharan Africa, imported notions
place in their homes or places of work, considered as
or concepts are applied without checking if they are
representative of the diversity of the middle classes.
doubtful. One cannot speak of middle classes "per se",
men and women, with incomes from formal or informal
relevant. 5 The definitions used are, however, very
Their profiles are heterogeneous as we are dealing with
as if the notion of middle class was independent of all
activities, working in the private sector or as civil
links that were established, more or less intuitively, between
servants, bachelors or married with an extended family.
this term and those of economic development, institutional
stability,
regulation
and
democracy.
Like
In parallel, the photographs taken of the persons and
other
their homes or working places materialize their
the chequered history of the concept of class has to be
allowed hypotheses to be formulated that need further
sociologists, Giddens reminds us that "…a large part of
situations as well as their aspirations. These samples
verification.
understood in terms of the changing concerns of those
who have made use of the notion, concerns which
itself" (1977: 99). Behind the adopted criteria of social
Therefore, we did not aim at publishing here an exhaustive result of our surveys, but we draw up a _ non-
the images of social organization that structure the
and discussion framework for further research.6
reflect changing directions of emphasis within sociology
exhaustive _ state of the art that serves as a theoretical
differentiation and the efforts of categorization, appear
established visions of the future of society.
Finally, the notion of middle class appears hardly
operational for interpreting or anticipating the social
evolution in sub-Saharan Africa. However, it has the
advantage of describing a population unit that is
otherwise heterogeneous, invisible and unexpected on
this continent. It shows the urgency of working on such new
social formations based on professional categories, job
5
Among such hasty transfers are those that directly compare purchasing power in China
(Jeune Afrique, n° 2598-2599, 24/10/2010), or in India (McKinsey 2010 study showing that
Africa has 16 million consumers with a European standard of living against only 12 million in
India) and in Africa, which is thus transformed into a single political entity with a single
governance, outside all contextualization.
6 More extensive work is ongoing in South Africa, Ethiopia, Ghana and Mozambique.
markets and consumption. To understand these
realities, we must use income criteria as well as
behaviour, attitude, lifestyle and social representation,
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
9
1.
The middle class in human - and social - science literature
on sub-Saharan Africa
The notions of "class" and "middle class" have known a sin-
This interruption in the interest shown in middle classes has
Used as a backbone for interpreting such societies from the
of the categories associated with middle classes in Africa
gular fate in the social sciences studying the African world.
two explanations. On the one hand, it reflects the collapse
1950s until the late 1970s, they gradually disappeared from
during the great crisis of the 1970s and 1980s. On the
other hand, it also reflects the questioning of Marxist _ or
the analytical repertory, to re-emerge only during the 2000s.
study of Ghana, stated: "There is a near dearth of empirical
Marxist inspired _ analysis and the emergence of new
types of analysis that replaced _ often just as intuitive and
the major studies of individual middle class groups,
civil society, lifeblood, communities, etc.
Luckham, Gyimah, Ahadzie and Boateng (2005) in their
unreasoned _ this notion of middle class with that of elites,
studies to help us in mapping Ghana’s middle classes. All
including Oppong’s (1974) of middle class marriages,
Kennedy’s
(1980)
of
Ghanaian
businessmen
and
Luckham’s (1976 and 1978) of the legal profession were
published at least two decades ago" (2005: 3).
1.1. A questionable but debated notion: 1950-1980
"The British needed a ‘class’ who in a crisis can be relied on
times. The study subject then was "middle classes", "middle
with ours. And the British knew what they meant by ‘class’.
generally were not part of the focus of the research.
class" or "Middle Africans", who were certainly named, but
to stand by us, and whose interests are wholly identified
Winston Churchill, Under-Secretary of State for the
Colonies, devoted a chapter to the question when recounting
Nevertheless, the concept was the subject of almost
lopment without the ambitions of capitalists, employers and
ORSTOM) on the countries of Francophone Africa and in
systematic references in the many reports by the IRD (ex-
his visit in 1907 to East Africa. He could imagine no deve-
the ethnographic studies with a functionalist character from
professional men who, with discipline, education and justice,
the 1940s to the 1960s (Maquet, 1964; Bernard, 1965). The
would stir ‘the African aboriginal’ out of his ‘contented
most systematic analysis of a middle class in Africa was
degradation’ into ‘peaceful industry’. The local prospects for
such a class were not promising" Berman and Lonsdale
made in 1955 by Soret (1955) for the AEF "a country whose
(1992: 33).
development has hardly started" (p. 5) and where the
"middle class" (singular) was analysed according to "defini-
The literature concerning analyses of the "middle classes" in
tional' (pp. 2-3), "urban-rural" (pp. 4-6), "political" (pp. 6-7),
sub-Saharan Africa during the period 1950-1980 is limited. It
"economic" (p. 8) and "social" (p. 9) aspects.
tends to favour the study of the "social stratification"
phenomenon in the so-called "traditional" structures, or in the
Among anthropologists (Rivière, 1978; Meillassoux, 1979)
urban dynamics of pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial
or political analysts (Bayart, 1978, p. 451, spoke about
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
11
"middle classes" between quotation marks for the 1950s),
period attaches much importance to the development of a
not very developed. Balandier (1955) gave it a precise
struggle" in Africa (Zeilig and Seddon, 2002). Notable
the notion was identified as well but, generally, remained
meaning, but apparently was not interested in extending
usage of the notion per se.
Historians, such as Diop (1985) or Cahen (1989), accorded
"modern working class" and thus to the growth of "class
authors are West (2002), Markovitz (1987) and Wallerstein
(1964), or the more radical ones writing in the journal
African Political Economy.
an important place to this notion, indicating in particular that
Describing the case of Nigerian political parties, Sklar
objectives of the French colonial administration (Cahen,
of putting this between quotation marks: "The Nigerian
the "creation of African middle classes" was one of the clear
1984). The only basis for such middle classes was the
(1963) often writes "middle class" by taking the precaution
Union of Young Democrats was organized in 1938 by profes-
colonial-domination mode, which erected some scattered
sional and ‘middle class’ supporters of the Democratic
differentiating them from "hoi polloi". Such middle classes
“Enugu middle class” (p. 211) in terms of professional status:
individuals into intermediaries with the colonized, by clearly
thus were an artefact of colonial domination, as they were
Party" .7 Dropping the quotation marks, he described the
“well-to-do
businessmen,
professionals,
and
civil
But in the section “The Role of Emergent
not rooted in a national production type. Coquery-Vidrovitch
servants” .8
and "modern" professions, related to the policy of training
tical parties by no longer using the term “middle class” but
(1993) produced sociological analyses in terms of "urban"
"managers" during the colonial period and in the first years
after independence. The literature insists in particular on
the place of teachers, medical doctors, higher civil servants,
transporters, railway staff, and salaried people in general
Classes” ,9
he analyses the social structure of Nigerian poli-
that of “emergent class” according to four objective criteria:
“high status occupation (…), high income, superior educa-
tion (…), and the ownership or control of business enterprises” (pp. 480-481). This reveals the nature of this “middle
(e.g. Fride and Le Chau, 1965; Lakroum, 1974; Derrien,
class”, consisting of a group of the “educated”, which is very
the growth of new urban classes and their housing (Poinsot,
reality forms the embryo of a dominant class called to take
1985). Works on colonial and post-colonial urbanism analyse
Sinou and Sternadel, 1989). In general, however, the
notions of "social class" and "middle class" were little used
in Francophone literature.
strongly differentiated from the rest of the population and in
over the governance of the country after independence.
Here we are quite far from the concept of a middle class
that expresses an access to “small prosperity”.
Anglophone literature is quite different, showing to which
Again in the Anglophone literature, and especially around
of such notions. This is largely explained by the greater
potential existence of a “rural middle class” or a “subaltern
point the surrounding social environment affects the usage
acceptance of the idea of "class" in the British world than in
the French-speaking world, the historical influence of
Marxist analysis in social sciences, the specifics of the
Kenyan debate and the South-African issues (especially
around the “race and class” debate). In the Anglophone lite-
rature, many works treat the subjects of the creation of an
"African working class" and the growth labour unions, such
as around the "African miners" (Robert, 1981; Penvenne,
1995; West, 2002) and around the "Kenyan debate" (Gutto,
1979, 1981). The literature on the colonial and post-colonial
the “Kenyan debate”, analyses appeared concerning the
middle class” in Africa, under the clear influence of analyses
on post-colonial peasantry in South Asia in the years 1970-
1980 (van Binsbergen, 1986). By “rural middle class” or
“subaltern middle class” in these colonial and post-colonial
worlds, were meant relatively well-to-do social classes,
linked to rural and agricultural environments and not sub-
ject to urbanization, acculturation and modernization processes (Pandey, 2009).
7 p. 58, note 50; see also p. 78, note 105 or pp. 208 and 441 concerning a “new middle
class“, and p. 257: “Assuredly, ‘rising’ or ‘middle class’ leadership typifies the NCNC”.
8 p. 211, see also p. 335, note 20 and p. 369.
9 pp. 480-494, see also p. 502 for an analysis between “emergent class“ and “dominant
class“.
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
12
In this literature of the years 1950-1980, narrow relation-
lopmentalist ideas of the period 1960-1980. Similarly, the
hand, with its emergence of modern social classes and a
references to middle class in Marxist-inspired literature.
ships were established between colonization on the one
non-dogmatic character of this notion might explain the few
small urban bourgeoisie, and, on the other hand, the deve-
The debate on social classes and the occasional work on
lopment of modern towns, association life and labour
the middle class in Africa in the 1960s and 1970s thus have
unions of the modern sector, as well as the decolonizing
been minimal. Not only did they not survive the early 1980s,
nationalistic movements. In social history, no work clearly
but they also often concerned the colonial and immediate
validates (i.e. beyond theoretical considerations) a progres-
post-colonial period. It was as if the idea gradually lost its
sive historic line between pre-colonial and modern social
interest during the period in which the countries of sub-
classes, which agrees with both Marxist and liberal-deve-
Saharan Africa sank into economic crisis and stagnation.
1.2. A forgotten usage: A neutralized and ignored notion (1980-2000)
From the 1980s to the early 2000s, the analysis in terms of
production arenas of legitimate knowledge on Africa, reacti-
class and middle class was no longer successful in social
vated the middle class category not based on new empirical
sciences work on sub-Saharan Africa. The notion of class
data, but on new analytical frameworks that were proposed
as those of "elite", "poor", "dominating" and "dominated",
"Africa" with the processes of Chinese, Indian and Brazilian
particularly ambiguous notions of "civil society" or "driving
interpreted with terms and categories that were validated
was mostly ignored and replaced by other concepts, such
as legitimate elsewhere. The constant comparison of
"bourgeoisie", "petty bourgeois", or even more by the
emergence shows how an economic stirring can be
force". Young (1986) discussed the notion of "petty
on an international plane, in this case "middle classes",
bourgeoisie" (441, 442, 447, 467-469). We find an
"expanding consumption", "start-up", etc.
expression of this complete occultation of the idea of class
in the literature on the development of the Centre for the
Contemporary Francophone or Anglophone works rarely
middle classes in Africa, even though this notion
analytical arguments to justify their rejection of this term,
Future State (2005). Very few works thus referred to the
use the term "middle class" and propose no theoretical or
remained very popular in the developed world and took
some stating that African societies are not class societies.
on a new importance in the "emerging countries".
Chabal and Daloz, for instance, wrote: "Africanists, many of
them anthropologists, began to point out the degree to
This rejection of the notion of a middle class in poor African
which the development paradigms used rested on Western
countries can be justified by the fact that domination in this
based concepts of markets, productive accumulation or
part of the world is often based on power rather than on
class formation that hardly made sense in the African
economics. Furthermore, the formal capitalist economic
context" (1999: 127) or, in the French version, "the conti-
system is but little developed, and that other ways of social
nent is largely devoid of social classes" (p. 41). Similarly,
structuring (clientelism, ethnical, etc.) are more significant
Bayart wrote "generally speaking, however, African societies
and relevant to explain the power relationships and the
remain short of the configurations that would make them
exceptions such as South Africa, Northern Rhodesia
definition of them" (1979: 225), which is why he often used
social changes. In most African countries, with a few
into true class societies, if one adopts a not too rigorous
(Zimbabwe) and Zambia, the production and property
inverted commas when speaking about class (e.g. pp. 94-
structures were so different from the capitalist model that
97). More recently, Chabal confirmed the failure of an ana-
the notion of class, particularly its declination into middle
lysis in post-colonial Africa in terms of classes (2009: 77-
class, became inoperative. In fact, academic fora,
78). Earlier, he wrote in a chapter entitled "Class Theory"
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
13
(1994: 15-19): "Not a few prefaced their studies with long and
not with a Marxist definition, but with a real social situation
debates which in truth had very little to do with Africa (…).
modernization.
that affects the processes of economic and political
abstract debates on the role of classes in capitalist societies,
Since the process of identification derived more from theory
The usage of "class" and "middle class" in the literature on
than from the examination of African reality, class analysis
tended to be reductive" (p. 18), adding "The relations bet-
"transitology" in Africa is just as disappointing, whereas it
to be consistent with class analysis" (1994: 19).
conferences" or their equivalents in the Anglophone world,
could have stressed these points. The study of "National
ween economic and political power in Africa are too complex
essentially urban events for intellectuals, could also have
These analyses present several debatable points. First, the
shed light on the existence of such middle classes, but there
(justified) criticism of the low theoretical consistence of a
is no mention of these notions. Instead, they discuss the
class notion leads them to use even more fuzzy notions or,
"driving forces" of the nation, especially Eboussi-Boualaga
worse, to proceed with a series of generalities that neglect
(1993), but also Banégas (2003) and Gazibo (2005 and
all empirical work and forbid all verification, even though
2006). The work by Buijtenhuijs and Thiriot (1995) is
rejecting the notion of class reduced to its Marxist concep-
the literature on democratic transition. Describing their
allowed sociologists like Weber or, more recently Giddens,
variables _ churches, youth, political parties, the press,
women, and even intellectuals (pp. 68-69) _ that do not
they call for a concrete analysis of reality. Second, by
particularly revealing of the non-use of the "class" notion in
tion, they cannot use its relevant aspects, which have
research into democratization, they mention a set of
to make them into a strong foundation of their analysis of
how society is constituted.
integrate the notion of middle class nor certain socio-
Other authors, however, speak in terms of class. In "Les
list NGOs, political culture, unions, traditional chiefs,
professional categories. In the part on neglected fields, they
Afriques Politiques", for instance, Coulon and Martin (1991)
decentralization, privatization, basic democracy, the judiciary,
used the term and framework of class ("labourer or
etc., but "class" structure and the potential role of the "middle
employee classes", p. 149; "there are no dominant classes
class" or its components are not mentioned. However, they
without dominated or popular classes", p. 151; "working,
use other terms that can be seen as substitutes for the notion
rural or urban classes", p. 261), but they used "middle
of "middle class", such as "elites" (pp. 66-69) and "civil
More recently, Bratton and van de Walle (1997), in their
civil servants, etc.) or "civil society", rather than using "middle
classes" without defining the term (1991: 48).
society". The question is what lies behind this recourse to
terms such as "elite" (composed of intellectuals, traders, high
chapter “During Transitions from Neo-patrimonial Regimes,
class", thus not consecrating the insistence of a middle class
Middle Class Elements Align with the Opposition” (pp. 88-
but the escheat of this concept in the literature?
Latin America or in Europe, “middle classes generally side
However, there is a direct answer to this question. It is
89), explained that in Africa, contrary to the transitions in
obviously an effect of research that abandoned the notions of
with emergent movements of political opposition rather than
buttressing the old regime” (pp. 21-22 and 269). They also
middle class and class analysis to the profit of those of elites
noted that African middle classes are among the first victims
and civil society during the 1980s and 1990s, to rediscover
of economic trouble. Nevertheless, the definition of “middle
them in the 2000s, firstly as a result of economic and market
classes” at a continental scale can only be based on income.
preoccupations and, secondly, through the issue of enhancing
The authors mentioned “middle-income African countries”
aid effectiveness. In the huge corpus of literature described in
(pp. 130-131), following a World Bank definition that
Buijtenhuijs and Thiriot (1995), only Coussy (1995: 67) refers
to "middle class" (p. 75) _ though without definition _ to show
favoured an income criterion: “for the Bank’s middle income
that structural adjustment programmes increased the poverty
statutes, with GNP per capita of above $650 in 1991 terms”
(p. 238). They clearly associated this notion of middle class
in urban areas, which might lead to "an erosion of the middle
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
14
classes
that
could
threaten
democracy".
(http://www.comite-valmy.org/spip.php?article933)
Conte
(job creation), ensuring them a certain stability in terms
and
Maupeu (1998, 2003) also defend this thesis of economic and
-
and tradition and alone or with other authors, often refers to
-
political erosion. The latter, of rather Anglophone inspiration
"middle classes", though without describing what this category
covers.10 Such uncertainty was clear in the usage of this
of work and remuneration;
Maintaining links with their region of origin, especially
through events or projects concerning their village;
Rejection of all activities considered as "native" by the
men, such as small shops or handicrafts, "that are
occupied almost exclusively by Ivorian women and
notion in the 1990s. For instance, in the work by Sélim,
strangers (women and men)".
Cabanes and Copans, a "middle slice" is mentioned (p. 44) in
terms of income. Following this approach, the authors state
The middle classes thus use a professional ranking (in terms
and an aspiration to a 'middle class' status, can be made
social ranking (in terms of social links maintained with the
they give different meanings to the notion of middle class by
that are common to the composite whole of the middle
that "strategies of individual integration and social success,
of jobs filled and by opposition to the "native" ones) and a
possible through professional success" (p. 317). However,
region of origin). This leads them to fix "forms of sociability
qualifying it successively as "an upwardly mobile middle class
classes, i.e. private or public employees, teachers,
district" (p. 170), "former local middle class" (p. 170), "well-off
technicians and qualified labourers, owners-operators of
middle class" (p. 280), "professional middle class" (p. 362), or
small enterprises" (ibid.). The author also shows that in the
"urban 'middle class'" (p. 239). Notwithstanding the
1960s and early 1970s, members of the urban middle
occasionally used quotation marks, the authors does not
classes considered "having compatible interests with the
provide more precise elements to define these middle classes.
dominant group" (ibid., p. 129). They also thought they
should benefit from the recent enrichment inherent in the
Le Pape (1997) refers at least fifteen times to middle classes
political position of the ruling group: "which is why such city
in Côte d’Ivoire. He states that a "characteristic of the
dwellers became obsessed by enterprises whose model
salaried middle classes facing the State" (p. 74) is their illegal
imitated the ones they saw among the 'great'" (ibid., p. 128),
behaviour, referring to an ORSTOM study by Cazamajor
in terms of sectors (housing, import-export, commerce,
(1981) describing and analysing this illegalism. The
transport, rural properties, agricultural production) and
phenomenon concerns especially land ownership, and the
management (capital spread over several projects, but not
stratagems used to make the authorities recognize the legal
managed by the promoter himself, being salaried).
occupation.11 This notion of illegalism is particularly
The work by van Walraven and Thiriot (2002) can be
ownership of shantytown constructions based on illegal land
interesting as it allows the study of middle classes in sub-
seen as continuing that by Buijtenhuijs and Thiriot
Saharan Africa to be linked not by a violation of the standards
(1995). It draws up an inventory of the literature
as such, but by the competition of several sectors of activity.
published in 1995-1996 on democratization. The middle
In this sense, the illegalism highlights the marked tendency
classes are still not mentioned as such, even though one
of middle classes to occupy both the formal and informal
subject groups NGOs, intellectuals, the press, churches,
sectors. To offset a lack of jobs or low salaries, especially in
the Civil Service, such individuals thus carry out activities that
10 "These 'professionals' belong to the middle class that has strongly suffered from the
are part of the informal economy, and which can be either
economic crisis. More than the other social categories, they are under the yoke of the State
illegitimate or illegal. Among the "middle classes of Abidjan"
as it is difficult for them to fall back on the informal sector. They are among the citizens that
have most bitterly felt the re-election of president Moi and his party in 1992, persuaded that
(Le Pape, 1997: 127), the author mentions three distinctive
their material difficulties were caused by the chaos created by the regime" (with J. Lafargue,
elements of Ivorian classes:
-
June 1998, pp. 65-66).
11 He gives the example of "courtyard dwellings in the Abobo Avocatier suburb that were
illegally built around 1977-1978 by their 'owners' (…). One of the strategies adopted was to
anticipate the public standards (…) though no authorization for subdivision had been given"
(p. 74).
Their promotion by the public sector (which considers
them as agents of modernization) and the private sector
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
15
women, and "neglected players" under the same
"middle classes" (Randall and Scarrit, 1996). We can
heading of "Players and Civil Society" (pp. 60-68).
also cite Fatton (1995), who rather opted for the term of
Contrary to the work by Buijtenhuijs and Thiriot,
"intermediate sectors" (p. 89).
however, we find elements on class structure and the
potential role of middle classes in their second part,
Finally, the work by Gazibo and Thiriot (2009), reviewing
Lights" (ibid., pp. 85-108), mentioning the few authors
ral texts that almost systematically ignore the notion of
called "Neglected Subjects and Comparative New
political science research into African politics, gathers seve-
speaking about democratic changes, who used the
middle class, which is never mentioned in the work by van
notion of "classes" (Abootalebi, 1995) and, especially,
de Walle or that by Gazibo and Thiriot.
1.3. Discussing these problems
This literature review raises the question of a major
minority positions or research options. An analysis of
structuring and the relevance of the identified socio-
major issue, though it was much more important in Latin
methodological bias, i.e. the small place accorded to social
African societies in terms of class was not considered as a
professional categories when interpreting politics. This
America or Asia. This is because, historically, the sociology
would explain the quasi-absence of a "classic" analysis of
of the latter regions favours this type of interpretation, but
political sociology to interpret both social and political
movements in sub-Saharan Africa, and _ in a wider
also for economic reasons, such as much greater urban
development, higher salary levels, more substantial
sense _ social mutations, which is surprising to say the
average incomes, and better structured consumption
least. The reason may be the difficulty of constructing
markets. With rare exceptions, works on civil service and
of "trends". In the 1980s and 2000s, all mentions of "class"
(Autrepart, n° 20, 2001).
reliable statistical tools, to which one should add the effects
servants again did not pose the question or use the term
and even the idea of "middle class" were replaced by
synonyms with hardly better theoretical foundations.
Some anthropologists, however, considered that the notion
international organizations and in academic literature.
major role in understanding the ongoing changes in the
However, they sounded better in discussions, in the
of social classes and the struggle between them plays a
Public-spirited euphemisms, such as "citizen group", "civil-
urban world (Copans' postface to Balandier, 1985) and
society organization", "community", "community-driven
especially in the South-African work (Cooper, 1994; van
development", "governing elite", and other forms of
Onselen, 1997). Certain authors used other expressions to
cleavage (women, youth, urban, rural) or social organization
describe social groups that, intuitively, might be part of the
(NGOs, churches, identity groups, etc.) seemed judicious
middle class. This is the case of Kitching (1980) and
replacements of the notion.12 When we speak about "social
Copans (1990), who preferred using the expression of
inequality", "social fracture" or "Gini coefficient", we do not
"small bourgeoisie", like Lonsdale and Berman, who again
speak about class and even less about middle class (BMZ,
spoke of a "small African bourgeoisie" (1992: 197).
2007). In the literature on fragile States, social class
structuring and the role of middle classes are hardly
Finally, a new — though relative — popularity of the notion of
mentioned as well (Chataigner and Magro, 2007). However,
middle class appeared during the 2000s in the literature of
the "Drivers of Change (DOC)" theme, launched by the
international institutions and aid organizations, who tried to
British Department for International Development (DFID),
find vectors for a greater efficiency of their aid effort and
left the door open to approaches in terms of middle class,
explored other forms of development, as well as in the natio-
as is shown in the work by Luckham, Gyimah-Boadi,
nal statistics of African countries (e.g. Federal Republic of
Ahadzie and Boateng (2005), but this only concerned
12 This is not specific to the African continent: see, for instance, Tawa Lama-Rewa (2007:
140-141) for India.
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
16
Nigeria, 2007). Here, the notion of class used is very far from
and IDE (ibid.: 109). Strengthened by positive discrimination
Marxist ideas. The World Bank (2007) used the term "global
measures (p. 110), the middle class was estimated to be
middle class", an idea that was applied to several developing
"about 10% of the adult black population in 2004, or two mil-
regions even though they were quite heterogeneous, but the
lion persons, growing by about 50% each year" (p. 113). In
term middle class was not used to distinctly characterize
South Africa, this black middle class is seen as an engine for
African conditions. In an OECD report (2007), a chapter on
growth and as the window of ongoing progress. It expresses
South Africa insisted on the role of a "black middle class" (pp.
the social and economic dynamics, though remaining very
99-114) on consumption (ibid.: 102), GNP growth (ibid.: 99)
fragile as was shown by the recent crisis.
Box 1. The South African exception
In contrast to the other countries of sub-Saharan Africa that are discussed here, the notion of "class" has a central position in South African
literature. Many authors have effectively described the formation of South-African social classes: some (e.g. Good, 1976) link it to the
specific history of the settler colonialism; others evoke capitalism (Southall, Webster). The availability of arable land and an exploitable labour
force, associated with mineral resources and British capital, favoured a rapid industrialization with high productivity (Southall, 2006). This led
to a structuring of society in classes like in the European industrial societies, to which was added the dimension of racial segregation.
The notion of "middle class" or "petty bourgeoisie" appeared in the 1970s to describe the emergence of a highly restricted black professio-
nal category of "professionals" (managers and black merchants), essentially in the "homelands" .13 Seekings and Natrass described this
emergence, associating it to the pragmatic and progressive introduction of blacks in the semi-qualified and qualified labour force as soon as
a dearth of white labour became apparent in the late 1960s, and a parallel relaxation of the "redistribution regime" in favour of the blacks.
Southall saw here an attempt by the apartheid regime of rallying a layer of proto-capitalists to its interests. Nevertheless, through the
"classist" starting point, the authors deplored the limits posed by the segregation measures that hindered the blacks in accumulating
sufficient capital to continue their social ascent toward the bourgeoisie.14 This African middle class was thus reduced in number and had no
production means, nor did it employ other people (Southall, 1980).
Since the early 1990s, however, the newly installed Affirmative Action and Black Economic Empowerment procedures and policies have
favoured the emergence of a numerically significant “middle class”. This is evaluated at about 10% of the population, grows rapidly and
has highly publicized and visible success symbols in daily life. This emergence was described in neo-Marxist writings (1980s-1990s) that
tried to distinguish different middle class layers, evaluating their degree of alliance with white capitalist interests or, on the contrary, its
proximity with its working-class "brothers". Neo-Weberians established a precise typology of the different professions and statuses
(Nzimande, 1990; Crankshaw, 1996), and their different upward trajectories. Others discussed the complex links with the State (Chevalier,
2010), ANC (crony capitalism) and the concept of "patriotic bourgeoisie" posed by theorists of the National Democratic Revolution
(Netshitenzhe, 1996; Jordan, 1997).
Nevertheless, regardless of its fragilities (Schlemmer, 2005), this black South-African middle class has become a systematic reference and
example in the Anglophone world.
The usage or not of the term "middle class" thus appears
characterized by the modesty and discretion of their life-
to be disconnected from any reflections on the notion
styles, are so little visible.
itself and on the social formations in African countries.
13 Wolpe (1977): "Enormous increase in the African middle class between 1960 and 1970"
and Simkinset Hindson (1979): “The growing upward mobility of blacks into clerical, technical,
and non-manual jobs, and of Africans into skilled employment”.
14 Good (1976): "No significant African bourgeoisie stands in a position of potential domina-
This is why its processes of social construction, and
especially its social "small prosperity" categories that are
tion over the working classes".
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
17
2.
The economic identification of middle classes
The identification of middle classes requires entering into
to differentiate between them. It also means asking what is
class(es) effectively means asking the question which criteria
groups, that can be convergent and consensual, or diver-
the core of political sociology debates. To speak of middle
the type of society and its structure of open or closed
position individuals relative to each other, allowing them to
gent and conflicting.
associate around a feeling of proximity, or, on the contrary,
2.1. A notion of too full and too empty
In developed countries, discussion on the middle class
sionals who are free in the definition of their professional
essentially concerns the definition of this group, its compo-
activity (service class), are protected from crises
social categories (Thurow, 1987; Bosc, 2008). We then find
dispose over significant levels of financial affluence and
sition, its internal evolution and its place relative to other
because of their high qualification levels, and who
agreement on two points:
-
available capital.15
No objective definition of "middle class" exists, just as
These two statements lead us to speak of middle classes
obviously delimit what does, or does not, constitute a
nature of the notion. We can thus refer to the three sub-
rather than middle class, insisting upon the heterogeneous
no consensus exists on the income thresholds that
categories of the WHO cited by Bentejac, Borschein,
middle class. Certain authors reduce the notion of mid-
Ndiaye Ndeye, Nkume, Nuan and Simonini, i.e. upper-
dle class to the “middle-middle class”, consisting of all
middle class, middle-middle class and lower-middle class
households whose income falls around the national
(2009: 6-7).
median income (80 to 120% for instance). Others mention
much higher income levels and associate them with
-
specific levels of education and a lifestyle;
In the developing world and in Africa in particular, speaking
The notion covers very heterogeneous categories. On
that are asked in the developed, "Northern", world:
of the middle class refers to different questions than those
one side we have the lower groups (lower middle class)
-
formed by the world of what the Japanese call "salary-
men" (lower-level management, semi-professional and
First, it confirms the existence of enriched individuals or
social groups whose consumption, expenditure and
behaviour patterns are similar to those in "Northern"
white-collar employees), who have a contractual rela-
societies. Using this standard when speaking of “middle
tionship with their work, are vulnerable to economic
upheaval and dispose over a limited income level once
15 The following definition of the American middle class is revealing:”The middle
class…consists of an upper middle class, made up of professionals distinguished by exceptionally high educational attainment as well as high economic security; and a lower middle
class, consisting of semi-professionals. While the groups overlap, differences between those
at the center of both groups are considerable”.
all fixed expenses have been paid. On the other side we
have the upper groups (upper middle class), who define
themselves as a quasi elite of managers and profes-
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
19
-
class” in India16 or in the Anglophone African world of
Nigeria, Ghana or South Africa, generally refers to indivi-
Second, it discusses the conditions of economic deve-
lopment and of stabilizing the institutions and demo-
cracy, as, effectively, the creation of a middle class is
duals with access to great (though potentially unstable)
supposed to have a strong correlation with these
prosperity. This ignores those who are attracted by such
subjects. Speaking of "middle classes" means that it is
new behaviour and needs, but only attain a relative or mini-
This aims more at the South-African “Black Diamonds” or
at least as important to be interested in what they
are _ working on their mapping or their birth _ as in
of mid-level civil servants, etc. One thus has to choose bet-
and stimulate. This means that we also have to care
mal prosperity, just expressing that they are no longer poor.
what they do, and what they are supposed to represent
the Nigerian “Oil blokes” than at the small social categories
about the material and symbolic effects that their
ween these two visions of middle class, the higher one that
mention evokes among private and public "developers"
has left insecurity behind and has become enriched, and
and decision-makers.
the lower one that has left insecurity behind as well, but
remains “borderline” and is permanently threatened by
downgrading. We retain these two categories in this study,
In any case, the definition of middle classes (or middle
prosperity, who battle for survival and, on the African conti-
smaller or larger and a more or less homogeneous form
class) rests on arbitrary choices that give this notion a
but we allot a more specific place to the "invisibles" of small
(see Centre d’analyse stratégique, monitoring note 54, 16
nent, are ignored by the literature. Sally, one of the persons
April 2007). In short, as Ravallion wrote (2009), we hardly
interviewed in June 2009 (Simonini, 2009) during a survey
ever ask the question of what exactly "middle class" is and,
in Kenya, has this perception of herself: "I place myself in
finally, “there is little sign of agreement on what the ‘middle-
the middle. But there is a big gap between us, between my
class’ means”. Therefore, defining "middle class" as a sta-
family and the rich people. Anybody could ever cover that
tistical result, a modern bourgeoisie, a new elite, or a small
gap (sic). We can consider ourselves as members of the
bourgeoisie, induces pre-established conclusions, which is
middle class, we are strugglers, because we have to
what all definitions hereafter demonstrate.
manage to get what we want. I am happy with what I have
achieved at the moment".
2.2. Focusing on income and purchasing power: Middle class or middle income group?
The expression of "small prosperity", used in China to
Kenya (Simonini, 2009) said: “With 35,000 Ksh you can live
defines the expression "middle classes". It effectively
struggle to make the ends meet. I have to struggle because
characterize the middle classes, may be the one that best
in Nairobi but you have to struggle…You have always to
leaves behind the ambiguity that is raised by the French
there is a period in which delivering food on the table is
("middle class" is social inequality, conflict situations and
quite difficult, you may have the staple food with you like for
the question of knowing where one belongs) and English
example in Kenya Ugali, but you have to look for what we
("middle class" is a scale of prestige and a form of
call the sauce”. In the same survey, Billal Isa showed how
consensual bloc) expressions. All individuals that have
he combines several types of income (salaries, rents, etc.)
gone through significant, but moderate, enrichment (leaving
to arrive at a sufficient level of income to cover his
poverty behind but still on the cutting line), that do not have
expenses, but which is still insufficient to pay his children's
an inherent political capacity, but develop a passive
school fees without hardship.
conscience of their emergence, thus would form the middle
classes. Ousmane Mohamed, surveyed in June 2009 in
16 In 2006, Deshampe noted that, contrary to what is often said, the middle class is not in the
"middle", as only 5% of the Indian population spends more than 38 Euros per person and per
month (Deshampe, 2006: 218).
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
20
2.2.1. A global middle class: What is its use
What can be the significance, other than statistical, of the
when qualifying middle class in Africa?
"average" or "median" character of an as heterogeneous
unit as the middle class, constructed from as different
The World Bank (2007)17 (WB) mentioned the emergence
variables? The challenge is huge, as the notion of middle
of a global middle class (GMC) that, thanks to globalization,
class is constructed by amalgamating quantitative criteria
and qualitative _ or even ideological and almost
intuitive _ assessments. For instance, in the spring of 2010,
expresses a generalized enrichment as well as a
homogenization of social and political expectations and
attitudes. The GMC is constituted around an international
the Indian notion of middle class was the subject of a large
income bracket (in purchasing power parity, ppp), going
debate in the country's press, some associating it with
from the average per capita income in Brazil to that in Italy.
enriched groups with a large educational capital. This was
This income in international dollars falls between
refuted by others, who saw it as synonymous with a consi-
USD 4,000 and USD 17,000 (or USD 12 to 50 person/day)
derable population mass leaving poverty behind. These two
for a standard family of 4.3 persons in emerging countries,
concepts designate two unrelated population groups.
to an income bracket ranging from USD 16,800 to
Considerable debate exists on what is called the "Great
72,000 ppp. The interest of this tool is that it renders the
Indian Middle Class" (Jaffrelot and van der Veer, 2008;
notion internationally comparable and reasons from a
Bhalla, 2009; Asian Development Bank, 2010; Deutsche
Bank, 2010).
unified world. Based on this calculation, the World Bank
One of the first answers given by certain economists
that the middle class will represent 1.2 billion persons in
(2007), in its report "World Population in 2025", forecasts
2025, concentrated for 96% in developing countries. From
consists in using only the criterion of income or available
this, the World Bank draws several major conclusions:
purchasing power. This option has the merit of simplicity
and a certain objectivity, but it also presents great short-
-
comings. Not only do these objective criteria say nothing
about the political and social mobilization, i.e. what the
While from 1993 to 2000 the part of the population
forming the GMC was relatively stable but saw
concerned individuals do with their belonging to this cate-
significant enrichment (12 to 13.8% of world income), it
exclude from the group those that have other types of
demographic weight of countries with strong economic
will see strong expansion by 2030 because of the
gory, their attitudes, preferences and values. But, they also
and income growth;
capital (cultural, relational, etc.) without disposing over an
equivalent financial or economic capital. In addition, the
-
middle class is formed either by all individuals with an
income around the median one, or by individuals whose
Most of the GMC will be found in emerging countries
(93% in 2030 against 56% in 2007), China and India
counting for over two-thirds of this growth. By 2025, the
income is around the average one. Depending on the case
Indian middle class will grow from 50 to 583 million
and the level of inequality, the middle class configuration
persons, making India the fifth-largest consumer
can thus strongly vary.
market, whereas the Chinese middle class will grow
Two options are possible to leave this complexity behind:
from 43 to 76% of the country's population, the PRC
then becoming the third-largest consumer market.
either we multiply the quantitative and qualitative variables;
Average income of the GMC will, however, tend to
or we diversify our concepts of middle class, which makes
stagnate with the massive arrival of emerging
it possible to speak of new emerging social formations in
populations;
the plural.
17 This study can be compared to that by Milanovic and Yitzhaki, (2002), who propose the
same upper and lower limits and conclude that the global middle class remains singularly
weak at around 11% of world population, most of which (78%) is plunged in poverty.
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
21
-
Africa will remain on the sidelines of this phenomenon,
attitudes and behaviour of elites, who already hold the
participating in this GMC.
outside, though without sharing them within their own
with only slight growth (43 million) of its population
power and develop this type of expectations vis-à-vis the
society. These, at least partially unsatisfied, aspirations are
When working on the African middle class, this type of
found in every interview, and are part of many individual
study is only useful to raise awareness of the fact that sub-
projects. Identification of the middle class thus passes
Saharan Africa (SSA) will not become richer at the same
through contextualized analyses for each society.
pace as other great emerging regions and will see its
marginalization increase. The World Bank study effectively
2.2.2. Contextualizing a middle class defined by
shows that, in 2030, 75% of the SSA population will be part
income
and that only 43 million persons will be classed as GMC in
The notion of middle class must be defined in terms of a
of the third of the World population with the lowest incomes,
specific national context of income and reliable data,
Africa, against 12.8 million in 2000.
though maintaining a means for international comparison.
This allows the notion to be adapted to the economic reality
The WB study leads in particular to excluding almost all
of each State, while establishing comparisons for an
people in poor countries from the middle class category, as
analysis of specific SSA aspects.
the lower limit of the identified income bracket is already
equivalent to a very significant income level in such
societies. The threshold of USD 12 person/day is below the
Birdsall
poverty line in the USA (USD 13), but considerably above
Nancy Birdsall proposes a convincing and methodologically
the average income of most African populations. This leads
robust method to identify the middle class. After having
to integrating the richest population in this category, whose
identified the "middle class" group as that part of the
behaviour and consumption patterns are not those of the
population whose income falls between 75 and 125% of the
local middle classes but of the mid- to upper-level cate-
median income (the limits retained in the OECD study by
gories in the affluent "North". In other words, what is included
Birdsall, Graham and Pettinato, 2000), she refines this
in the GMC for sub-Saharan Africa does not correspond to
the middle class in terms of income, but to what _ in the
analysis in order to take better account of the contexts of
projection of an integrated world _ forms a global middle
the poorest societies, and especially the African ones.
class, whereas this represents a minuscule and very privileged minority with high incomes of the SSA population.
First, she suggests (Birdsall, 2007: 585) that "Middle
The WB study thus uses a poorly controlled notion to
three-middle-income quintiles of the income distribution”.
classes are made of the 60% households that gather in the
She also suggests adopting more precise limits for the
postulate the homogenization of attitudes and preferences,
income range identifying the middle class, considering not
leading to the deduction of false conclusions. Its authors
only the relative situation of households on a local income
stress that this "global middle class" is defined by common
scale, but also their absolute capacity as defined on an
traits: “(It) will participate in the global market place; will
international level. "I define the 'middle class' to include
demand world class products (tourism); will aspire to
people at or above the equivalent of $10 day in 2005, and
international standards of higher education; will place new
at or below the 90th percentile of the income distribution in
and quite different demands on domestic political
structures; more demand of transparency in political and
their own country. This definition implies some absolute and
rights” (Chapter 3 ff. and synthesis). The reality for the sub-
middle class in any society, and some relative and local
global threshold below which people are too poor to be
corporate governance, certainty of contracts and property
Saharan Africa (SSA) is that this group designates the
threshold above which people are at least in their own
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
22
society rich", she writes (2007).18 However, this definition
statement is particularly important for us. She notes a
notes effectively that in most SSA countries, the middle-
writes that "…in Africa’s low-income economies, the
specific aspect of the middle classes in Africa when she
does not avoid major problems being posed in SSA. She
middle strata, i.e. the three middle quintiles of the income
income categories fall within what internationally is
considered as living in poverty or even great poverty. For
distribution, get on average an even smaller share of
d’Ivoire show that almost all of the potential middle class as
lower share than in the high inequality middle-income
instance, our studies in Mozambique, Kenya or Côte
total income than in non-African low-income countries; a
defined in terms of median or average incomes, falls within
countries of Latin America; and a much lower share
the standards of "great poverty". In Côte d’Ivoire, the entire
than in the OECD countries. Moreover these ratios may
middle class lives in poverty according to international
actually exaggerate the relative standing of the ‘middle’
criteria (75% representing USD 0.93/day and 125%,
in Africa, at least relative to standard notions of the
USD 1.55/day (Kouyaté and Toh, 2009:16); these authors
‘middle class’, since the absolute income level of most
mention:
-
people in the middle strata in low-income Africa is at or
below the international poverty line (of $1 a day). The
A decrease of formal jobs, the "informalization" of work
point, however, is that not only in absolute but even in
since the 1980s, and structural adjustment plans have
relative terms, i.e. relative to the top quintile, the ‘middle’
led to the exclusion of two-thirds of the working
in many African countries has relatively limited
population from social protection and a stable salaried
economic power compared to the middle elsewhere”.
general ILO studies and with a specific study in Mexico
in Kenya (Simonini, 2009) who said: “I do not have a
job in the formal sector (p. 7). This agrees with
This analysis was confirmed by the interview of Billal Isa
(Alba and Labazée, 2007), and has led to integrating in
saving I can restart things with. I have no savings. You
the middle class persons whose activity falls not only
know, when I say, I am not getting enough it does not
outside the State sector, which is normal, but is also on
allow me to save”.
the edge of its rules, laws and standards, and may even
-
be opposed to its pretence of regulating society.
This type of observation leads to questioning the relevance
An increase in poverty was found by the ENV 2008
in such specific contexts. The populations that are thus
of using this notion in Africa and especially imposing its use
survey, reaching 48.9% of the population in 2008, i.e. all
persons
spending
less
than
CFA 661/day
designated as middle class have incomes that hover
or
around the vulnerability level, and are reduced to very small
2008, the persons having at most USD 2/day in Côte
the Kenyan interviews: “In my opinion we assist also to the
CFA 241,145/year on consumption (survey, p. 10). In
numbers. Calvin Bowa gave an interesting interpretation in
d’Ivoire and thus lived in poverty, represented 75% of
formation of another class, a class who stands in between
the population and 45.7% of the country's income (survey,
the poor and the middle class: they are not poor but they
p. 13). We see, however, that the poverty rate is much
cannot neither afford the same things of middle class
lower in Abidjan, where the average per capita income
people, they earn less than middle class people and they
ranges from USD 1.83 to USD 3.08 (survey, p.13).
Birdsall notes that its definition leads to highlighting
18 "I set the threshold at the 90th decile of income because across almost all developing countries for which we have information on income distributions, Table 1 shows that the ratio of
income of the 10th to the 9th decile ranges from two to more than four and is far greater than
the ratio of income of the 9th to the 8th decile. (For OECD countries the 10/9 ratio also exceeds
"The missing middle class in low-income countries".
She writes: "Countries with a per capita ppp income
below USD 1500 or so have virtually no middle class by
the 9/8 ratio, but is always below two.)"
19 For the Tunisian case: ECPR Annual Conference – Barcelona, 25-27 August 2008 Panel:
my definition, because daily income per capita at the
“Making the development syntax talk: speeches from the local perspective”. The paper by
Samy Elbaz, Sciences-Po, Paris, France "Stability and development: A shared vision between
government of Tunisia and donors?" openly asks the question whether a middle class exists
and of the manipulation of this semantic category by the authorities.
90th percentile is below 10. That is the case for India
(…) and most countries of sub-Saharan Africa”.19 This
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
23
live in smaller houses”. Ibrahim defined it as follows:
of poor countries (in particular China, but Asia in general),
“I place myself in the middle class. Because, whatever are
rather than by an increase in average income.
my earnings, I spend them”.
Based on his calculations, Ravaillon asserts that in SSA in
1990, 117.5 million persons (22.8% of the population)
Bussolo, de Hoyos and Medvedev
against 197.1 million in 2005 (25.8%, or an increase of
Bussolo, de Hoyos and Medvedev (2008) based their study
6.5%), lived with an income between USD 2 and 13/day
on the same bracket, going from an average per capita
and thus formed a middle class (Ibid., table 3, 27). His study
income in Brazil to average per capita income in Italy (in
also stresses the vulnerability of this middle class, of which
ppp). They stress the impact of inequality of income on the
one member out of six falls in the USD 2 to 3/day range and
constitution of middle classes. SSA, however, has societies
most fall in the lower part of the bracket. Joy, when
with a three times more unequal income distribution than
interviewed in Kenya declared: “After my job occasionally I
Southeast Asia, and upward social mobility is more difficult
have to take students to give them extra lessons, may be
as well. By 2030, it is forecast that SSA will form only 0.3%
get a little money and many times I have to call for help from
of the GMC, but today it represents only 0.1%. The increase
the members of my family. If I am lucky they give me
will thus be minimal and the significance of this category
money. You just have to adjust.” (Simonini, 2009).
should remain limited.
This notion of vulnerability, combined with that of "small
prosperity", is fundamental when interpreting the meaning
Ravallion and the notion of precariousness
of middle class in the context of the African economic and
Ravallion (2009) proposes a definition that allows the income
social under-development. We find it again in the "Demos"
situation of developing countries to be considered and to link
studies in the USA (middle class vulnerability index), in the
this to that of developed countries, in order to create a
recent work on middle class integration in the developed
statistical continuity. This makes it possible to distinguish the
world and in Schlemmer's (2005) work on South Africa,
emergence of a global middle class defined by the median of
where over three million Black Diamonds continue to live in
world income (80 million members of the developing world
a very large economic vulnerability. This notion is essential
entered this group between 1990 and 2002), a middle class
for all work focusing on the social structuring of vulnerable
of developing countries (persons whose income varies from
countries. In the African context of vulnerable States,
USD 2 to 13/day), and a Western-style middle class defined
it makes it possible to distinguish:
as those who are not (no longer?) poor according to
US standards (over USD 13/day). The two limits thus fixed
are USD 2/day (2005 ppp) of consumption for the lower limit,
i.e. above the poverty line of almost all emerging countries,
and USD 13/day for the upper limit, coinciding with the
poverty limit in the United States. This method takes into
account that "global poor" can be "rich" in their national
-
Population majorities that live in a situation of great
-
Population that is no longer vulnerable, which has
vulnerability;
reached a stabilized security threshold in terms of
satisfying its physiological and safety needs (using
context, but creates a continuity of this classification on a
Maslow's terminology of the needs pyramid), has
worldwide level. With this classification, one person out of
enough money for fixed expenses and even a little
three in the developing world was a middle class member in
extra, and has thus reached a comfort threshold, even
1990, whereas in 2005 the middle class covered one person
though remaining vulnerable to all fluctuations. This
out of two. This means that 1.2 billion persons joined the
group can be qualified as middle class, considering that
middle class in this reference period, three-quarters of which
it corresponds to the economic potential identified by
in Asia and half in China. This increase was especially
the "bottom pyramid" theories (Prahalad, 2010; Hart,
caused by the exit from great poverty of part of the population
2010). The McKinsey survey and the PROPARCO
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
24
study (2010) focused directly on the emergence of
weak and insignificant by limiting it to a small number of
will increase from 132 million in 2020 (USD 584 billion) to
vulnerability, or one maintains the idea of an all-encompas-
solvent consumers, who, according to the latter study,
individuals whose income conditions allow them to escape
243 million in 2040 (USD 1,762 billion).
-
sing and majority character of the middle class as defined
by this income criterion. In the latter case, it must be
Population that has become enriched, with a strong
accepted that most of this middle class falls below interna-
income capacity that is close to the global middle class
tional poverty thresholds.
criteria, and which locally is well above what is called
middle classes.
This is all the more detrimental as Easterly, Ritzan and
Woolcock (2006) made the "middle class" into a central
This is also the instinctively adopted perception of surveyed
vector for social cohesion, which is considered as the key
persons, who constantly differentiate the middle classes from
for growth and institutional efficiency. How can this be true
other classes, especially the poor, of which Sally says in her
for a social category that is so heterogeneous in all its
interview in Nairobi in June 2009 (Simonini, 2009): “They live
aspects, such as income, education, status, type of activity,
lifestyle, etc.?
in the slum areas… they don’t have money and sometimes
they didn’t manage to eat neither once per day… the wife is
an housewife and they have six children... they don’t have
Middle class, income and consumption model
the opportunity to go to school”; and then the rich of which
Félix, again in Nairobi, draws the following picture (Simonini,
Mahajan (2008) proposes a definition based on a market
2009): “First of all there is the car. Then there is the neigh-
analysis in Africa as well as on the two variables of
disposable income and consumption patterns. In this
bourhood they live and the places they go on holiday. They
sense, he is part of studies that go well beyond the African
normally drive cars, of the more expensive types…”.
continent, and are very present in India. Such work insists
on the inclusion of imported goods in consumption patterns
Middle class, income, inequality and social cohesion
(Lama-Rewal, 2007). Mahajan's approach also follows that
Easterly (2001:317-335) suggests that the middle class
by Alba and Labazée (2007: 96). They show how the
integrates the entire population falling within the three middle
informalization of Southern economies, especially that of
quintiles, thus excluding the poorest and riches quintiles. This
Mexico, due to the pressure of lower prices thus obtained,
identifies what he calls a "middle class consensus",
allows access to middle class consumption goods by social
combining about 60% of the population in a bloc of closely
categories whose level of poverty earlier did not allow
related incomes. In fact, he associates the notion of middle
access.
class with a limited level of income inequality (low Gini
coefficient) and thus with a strong social cohesion. “We
This hypothesis is validated in all African countries with a
by a larger share for the middle class and more linguistic
appetite for consumption and the success of typical
significant urban population. A direct link exists between an
predict that societies with a lower initial inequality as proxied
homogeneity have more social cohesion and thus better
enrichment objects (cell phones, hi-fi, radio, television, etc.)
higher growth” (Easterly, Ritzan and Woolcock, 2006: 12).
classification into five categories of purchasing power as
and evidence of the emergence of middle classes. In the
institutions, and that these better institutions lead in turn to
commonly used by major companies to target their markets,
The logical consequence of this approach for SSA may be
the middle classes of small prosperity would occupy
twofold. Either, one considers that the middle class is very
category C and, marginally, category D.
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
25
Mahajan proposes to divide African society into three
-
classes: Africa One (categories A and B representing 5 to
15% of the market and between 50 and 150 million persons);
Finally, the author says nothing about how the price of
such new consumption goods adjusts with disposable
income. Obsessed by the question of market
Africa Two (middle classes including category C, or 35 to
enlargement and commercial potential, it omits to
show _ as was done by Combarnous and Labazée
50% of the market, between 350 and 500 million persons
and strongly growing); and Africa Three covering 50 to 60%
of the market or 500 to 600 million inhabitants. His analysis
(2003) and Alba and Labazée (2007) in Latin
America _ how this capacity of acceding to middle class
with generally low incomes, but now having a minimal
market, the weak financial capacity and the informal
insists on an effect of enrichment of the medium categories
consumption goods works in relation to the small job
purchasing power that allows them to buy new and cheap
nature of much commerce in Africa. Our project
goods, which corresponds well with our surveys in
interviews in Côte d’Ivoire and Kenya show how
Mozambique, Côte d’Ivoire and Kenya. In our sample,
individuals enrich themselves or gain access to goods
Erica, high-level employee and daughter of small
via the informalization of all practices (purchase,
shopkeepers, is representative of this upper category of the
standards, consumption, production, etc.), but also how
lower middle class.
they never cease to long for a (less well paid) formal job
to stabilize their position.
This approach no longer sees poverty as an incapacitating
state, but identifies "capabilities", a bit like Yunus and Sen
The increasing complexity of classification
did. It is interested in strategies to avoid poverty and exit
from insecurity in Europe or elsewhere (Fontaine, 2008).
Duflo and Banerjee (2007) propose a type of multicriteria
The theories of "affordability", "bottom pyramid" or "Base of
identification, associating an income bracket directly related
the Pyramid" by Prahalad (2004), or in a more instrumental
to the context of great poverty in SSA and more
manner by Hardt (2005), thus focus on the poor and
sociologically-based criteria, comprising both the status of
consumers and entrepreneurs with low investment
attitude toward children (number, support and education).
especially on the poor of small prosperity, seen as potential
the job held (qualified and stable employment) and the
capacity.
The authors decided that middle class members are
persons
whose
daily
consumption
is
between
However, this work presents three major weaknesses:
USD 2 and 10 (FCFA 1,000 to 5,000).
-
The methodology used to establish categories and
Their work highlights the need to associate other criteria
define an intuition based on the visibility of individual
criteria based on behaviour, attitudes, preferences and
justify ranges is fuzzy and only makes it possible to
trajectories of "small
-
than just income with the notion of middle class, especially
prosperity" ;20
expectations in terms of consumption, lifestyle and social
involvement. Though this type of approach seems much
The description of such small prosperity situations is
more interesting as it tries to link a statistical category with
incomplete and ignores the structure and type of such
behaviour models, one should discuss the relevance of the
situations, as well as their significance in terms of
behaviour
movements;
and
social,
economic
and
other criteria retained for each context and question their
political
availability in SSA countries. These are precisely the points
that we will try to define hereafter.
20 The article in the Washington Post (1 September 2008) "In Africa a new middle-income
consumerism" reflects this unproven idea.
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
26
The need to diversify definition criteria
transgresses the oppositions of formal/informal sectors,
The definition of middle class through income (such as the
legal/illegal activities; private/public sectors, etc.
intermediate quintiles as opposed to the very poor and very
rich, to cite Birdsall's work) shows a glimpse of a certain unity
The major problem faced by such econometric studies on
quality. Such texts show to which extent, when speaking
far is a group significant, if it is statistically constituted
for something that does not seem to have much of this
the middle class is that of the base of classifications. In how
about a middle class in SSA, we are in unknown territory
around an average-income or consumption-capacity level,
because of a lack of reliable categories. The evaluation
i.e. revolving around a median axis or escaping great
criteria are not operational; or rather, each is so in terms of its
poverty without becoming rich? In how far is it more
own a prioris. The definitions of a global middle class raise
significant than — following for instance the criteria
the bar too high for Africa, as most inhabitants fall below the
proposed by Ravallion — using a lower-middle class
thresholds, or in the highest part (with captive or occult
middle class group? Why should we not reduce this notion
class in SSA. Within the World Bank, there is no "SSA Middle
income group)?
bar, while those that do find themselves near the lowest
(USD 2-3), upper-middle class (USD 9-13) or middle-
revenue sources). It is thus very difficult to define a middle
to that of average or median income categories (middle-
Class" unit, and the institution does not propose criteria that
are adapted to the region. Most authors remain on the vague
Most often, such analyses do not explain the presup -
side. When, like Mahajan or Birdsall or Ravallion _ who
po sitions on which the construction of and discourse on the
propose brackets based on logical reasoning, but without
theoretical or empirical justification _ they end up by
middle class are based. This is why it is of great interest to
dispose over a fresh outlook, related to the first, and
considering SSA as a particular case, this is either in terms of
associating a sociological interpretation with criteria of
type of middle class, or in terms of its incapacity of producing
income, and consumption and investment attitudes, but
one. This notion of middle class questions all analytical
also considering social position and relational capacity.
categories that think of social reality in Africa. In this sense, it
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
27
3. Usage of the "middle class" concept in political science and sociology:
A multicriteria analysis
3.1. The notion of middle class in political science and sociology
The notion of middle class(es) cannot be reduced to a
objects: status (social prestige), income (wealth and access
supposed to associate the position in a given production
management).21
statistical position on the income-distribution pyramid. It is
to
goods
and
services)
The
and
middle
power
class
(company
combines
mode and the feeling of belonging to the thus determined
entrepreneurs, executives and petty bourgeois who have
classic Marxist social-class definition. A simple objective
level of competence, education and knowledge that
an urban culture and a domesticity in common, and have a
group, to cite the two objective and subjective criteria of
protects them against, or renders them less vulnerable to,
income or status position does not allow conclusions to be
crises. We can distinguish "professionals" (persons with
drawn on the existence of a social group and even less on
high professional qualifications who do not control
its presumed impact on economic development, regime
production means and have high income levels) and "petty
and institutions. This Marxist conception cannot be
bourgeois", who, like small artisans, have their own company
divorced from that of class struggle, which leads to the
and employ salaried staff, but at a limited level and within
opposition between two great, but antagonistic, social
the framework of activities that are statutorily only slightly
classes and to the attrition of the other classes through
differentiated. These groups are not united by a class
fusion into these two blocs. Among Marxists, the middle
conscience, but by sharing common positions that
class cannot maintain itself and can even less develop.
construct class.
The notion of middle class appears in Marxist analysis as a
residual and especially temporary category, without strong
characteristics.
Bourdieu (1979) rejected the substantialist conception of
This perception was at the basis of the classic definition
is constructed around the real, but limited, possession of
social classes. Like any other social class, the middle class
different types of capital (economic, cultural, social and
proposed by Halbwachs (1939 and 1972): "By middle
symbolic capital), whose different combinations determine
classes we should understand a lasting category of persons
considered with their family, who have an income _ and
social position and lead to different types. The middle class
often also a patrimony _ of medium level, intermediate
is part of the "petty bourgeoisie" that aspires to legitimate
practices, like the dominant class. This "petty bourgeoisie"
between that of the highest social class and that of
is a composite, sensu Weber, of the established petty
labourers and employees. It refers rather to categories of
bourgeoisie (small bosses, put simply) and the new petty
urban population and especially of small towns. It comprises
fine-crafts persons, small and medium shopkeepers and
21 We see these criteria expressed in a different way by Blumin (1989), who insisted on two
industrials, part of the liberal professions, and mid-level civil
aspects: the place in the working activity (situation), and the personal experience of social
identity as manifested by practices of consumption, housing, family life and social mobilization. Cox's study on the “Marginalized, Integrated and Precarious” carried out with other
objectives, is close to these criteria, proposing four criteria to distinguish these three social
groups close to them: regular income, education, occupation and status of economic activity,
which may help, as suggested by Leyssens (2006), in better understanding the social formations active in Africa.
servants". This definition is close to that of Weber, of whom
Halbwachs was an assistant (Ducret, 2005). For this author,
social stratification is constructed around three central
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
29
bourgeoisie (based on a limited economic capital and an
and who can individually play their promotion cards in
average social and cultural capital, such as mid-level
view of their competence level;
executives and cultural professions, etc.). These
categories express conflicting relational realities that
-
give them their characteristics. Based on the type of
capital, the available capital combinations and the social
The theory of the "new working middle class", developed
around Giddens and which integrates the enriched
elements of the old working class.
training, they will develop differentiated behaviour
patterns. According to Bourdieu (1984), there is no
Even though these definitions are marked by the inherent
"well established myths" with relational realities
class (immunity and invulnerability to economic upheaval)
objective existence of a "middle class", as classes are
heterogeneity of the middle class, associating upper middle
constructed around the mobilization of cultural and
and lower middle class (relative prosperity but vulnerabi-
economic capital, whose existence is only virtual. The
lity), their interest lies in that they identify several contra-
notion of a middle class can thus only be understood by
dictions that are found among most authors that use this
its position relative to other classes. This position
notion (Bosc, 2008):
provides it with its characteristics and its moral traits that
associate ascetics, resentment, moral intransigence and
-
constant adjustments (cf. middle class and Bourdieu).
an income level and an average but predictable patri-
The middle class appears like a set of social groups,
mony;
statutes and prestige, gathered around a complex web of
social attributes (income, prestige, diplomas and education,
-
jobs) that are very heterogeneous and divided, as is shown
by the few examples hereafter:
-
Integration of the notion on the family level (supposing
a continuation into future generations with common
values);
The distinction between the group of managers,
“professionals” and administrative persons in charge
forming the service class, and that of contractually
employed white-collar “clerks” (Goldthorpe, 1982).
The theory of a service class focuses on a
managerial, professional and administrative elite
-
A type of activity that, for most authors, presupposes a
-
A status authorizing the belief in the possibility of pro-
technical and cultural competence;
motion;
A lifestyle allowing an interest _ sensu Halbwachs _ in how life
group that, while not being members of the ruling
class, can _ because of their high levels of skill _ not
can be materialized by the relationship between disposable
only obtain significant financial retribution for their
income and types of expenditures and their motives
from strong promotion perspectives (Goldthorpe,
preferences, authorizing the creation of social categories
collaboration with the organization, but also benefit
(Halbwachs, 1938). This distinguishes regularities in such
1982). We will thus exclude the "routine white-collar
through similar behaviour and social expectations, based on
workers" (lower middle class) and concentrate
models of consumption, social relations, values, etc.
essentially on the first group;
-
Stability or a feeling of stability of the professional status,
or even a relative invulnerability as expressed through
In addition to the income criteria, we can retain four variables
The theory of the "new class" in the United States
that help in identifying middle classes in SSA:
combines the administrative and cultural elites and
-
(Gouldner, 1979) identifies this category, which
the intellectuals that belong to the upper middle class
Objective criteria of social stratification: professional
status and type of work;
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
30
-
Subjective social representations that, based on these
-
differently weighted objective criteria, produce signifi-
cant social stratifications for the members of the thus
-
created group: representation and social prestige to outsiders;
Identification of behaviour, attitudes and types of
consumption: lifestyle;
Organization of this community identity within the social
mobilizations
and
organizations:
mobilization as collective agents.
identity
and
3.2. Using the criterion of situation or professional occupation: Is sharing the same type
of professional activities a major criterion?
The middle class in the developed world has seen a rather
definition of business areas. Being part of the middle class
diverse. The corollary of this is that, in French, the term has
formal and informal sectors. One of the challenges when
complex evolution that has rendered the notion increasingly
in Africa can be based on a professional activity in both the
gone from singular to plural (middle class to middle classes)
conceptualizing
and that in the Anglophone world the term has diversified
transgressing
this
other
category
is
that
well-established
it
requires
classification
categories, like that of the "formal" and "informal".22 How
into upper, middle, lower, new, etc. The middle class thus
seems to be a catchall category ("muddle" class) that is
then can we characterize the middle classes in Africa
The comparison between the middle class in Africa and in
First, the middle class in Africa is strongly dependent upon
question of the specific heterogeneity of what is called
mostly consists of government agents, because of the weak
under such conditions?
adjusted in tune with the transformations of society.
the State for its employment and income. The middle class
the rest of world is interesting, as it requires asking the
salaried sphere and, especially, the relative weakness of
"middle class" in Africa, but also, and especially, the
the private sector, entrepreneurs and the formal trading
question of the job market. One of the characteristics of
sector. This also poses the question of integrating teachers
middle classes in developing countries is their great
and category-B employees into the middle class category,
volatility. This is caused by changes in types of jobs, by
who, though disposing over only limited incomes, have a
the "subtlety" (Combarnous and Labazée, 2003) and
cultural and relational capital that is well above average.
"informalization" of the job market, and by the changes in
Other examples are employees of the international services
consumption following the recent availability of low-cost
sector, especially NGOs, as is shown by our country
goods and globalization. The middle class in SSA is small
studies.23 Such middle class employees mostly benefit
in number and it controls a limited part of income. But it also
stands out because of the composition of its constituent
from the redistribution of money managed by the State. The
production types, and parallel and competing solidarity
private enterprise explain the small contribution of SSA to
and Mozambique show the diversity of socio-professional
civil servants are low and as many of them have incomes
weak job market and low level of industrialization and
socio-professional categories and its positioning in several
the global middle class, all the more so as the salaries of
systems. The surveys carried out in Côte d’Ivoire, Kenya
below the lower bracket of global middle class, i.e. below
situations of the interviewees and their place in the various
the threshold of USD 2/day.
job sectors and markets. They show the great fluidity in the
22 See the interviews on the site www.classesmoyennes-afrique.org. This site is one of the
supports of the research programme on the middle classes in Africa, of which this text is one
of the products.
23 Studies carried out as part of this programme and available on www.classesmoyennesafrique.org.
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
31
Table 1. Real salary per civil servant in countries of the CFA zone (Base 100: 1990)24
Benin
Country
Burkina Faso
Guinea-Bissau
Mali
Niger
Senegal
Togo
1986
1988
1993
1994
1996
76
97
85
73
66
n.d.
91(a)
104
68
87
121(b)
81
Non-CFA n.d.
100(c)
80
n.d.
120
81
108
70
120
65
121
140
133
126
96
105
89
87
n.d.
93
97
116
94
97
82
88
59
79
85
Source: Lienert and Modi, cited in African Development Bank Report on the development in Africa, 2005, p. 144, data for Côte d’Ivoire being unavailable.
a) 1987; b) 1988; c) 1989.
Second, belonging to the middle class is not a guarantee of
to complete their income with informal activities. Others,
Balandier in 1955 when he notes that: "The wage earner is
and plunged into the informal sector, are, because of their
prosperity. The actual situation is close to that described by
like shopkeepers or entrepreneurs without salaried status
socio-professional status and their level of income, part of
a feature of modernity for the definition of his work, but he
this middle class. The middle class in Africa should thus be
is left to tradition for all that should remedy his monetary
considered as an assemblage of very different social
deficiency and social insecurity. Money to him is both desire
and obsession" (1985: XV). This analysis may be
categories with regard to their jobs (civil servants and
extrapolated to present-day situations in which many wage
private persons), to their relation to the State (public
earners remain in a situation of poverty and can only
persons, and formal and informal private persons), and to
accede to small prosperity through finding other, more
their level of education and cultural capital (high education
informal, financing sources that undermine their work
among mid- and upper-level civil servants, but lower among
identity and their position in relation to a trade.
shopkeepers). What unites these categories is not so much
a common or similar situation, but rather a position
Finally, the middle class in Africa integrates individuals that,
compared to other types of social grouping. This analysis is
though not having a formal salaried or non-salaried income,
essential, as it underlines both the specific methodological
dispose over relatively stable and substantial revenues
problems when defining this middle class and the urgency
from their activity in the informal sector (shopkeepers,
of mapping the structuring of social groups in Africa. For
processing activities, restaurant owners, owners of rental
properties,
etc.).25
instance, according to the Nigerian National Bureau of
This is the case for almost all
Statistics (2005), the lower part of the middle class consists
interviewed persons in Kenya (Simonini, 2009).
for 18.1% of wage earners and for 23.9% of non-wage
earners, and in its upper part for 20.9% and 19%,
We thus have this "strange" situation that a significant part
respectively, whereas in 2006 the middle class formed 27%
of salaried persons, especially in the public sector
of the total Nigerian population.
(teachers, matrons, etc.), who apparently have a
considerable economic advantage thanks to the durability
24 No data available for Cote d'Ivoire.
25 Norro (1999): According to UNDP: "In sub-Saharan Africa the informal sector developed at
of their employment and who have a privileged cultural
a rate of 6.7% per year between 1980 and 1989, and created 6 million jobs between 1980 and
1985. Its part in urban labour was over 60% in 1990", pp. 15-16.
capital, find themselves relegated among the poor or have
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
32
One should thus accept that this middle class contains
There is no effect of reciprocal reinforcement, but a deve-
the informal sector. Because of this, they have access to
official regulations.
many individuals whose activity essentially takes place in
lopment of new types of productive initiatives within the
the same, and even higher, income categories, than persons
in the formal sector. However, they do not participate in the
In addition, the participation in jobs in the formal sector,
the same lifestyles and consumption patterns. The middle
sidizing and outsourcing procedures, can have the effect of
institutionalization of the State and only imperfectly share
especially public or semi-public or related to them via sub-
class in Africa thus appears quantitatively much more
rendering the middle classes totally dependent upon the
limited than in other developing countries, but also much
ruling class, thus neutralizing their capacities. This was
more complex to interpret in view of the great differences
shown by Soarez de Oliveira's work (2007) on the
between the worlds of membership and the economic
Sonangol Company, which controls the job market in
understanding the social-formation process in SSA; it
or independent activities. The problem is that, in Angola, the
sectors. This socio-professional variable is fundamental for
Angola and forbids any type of development of alternative
underlines the types of transactions that are negotiated
middle class is identified by its capacity of regular access to
between different production modes, as well as between
petroleum money, rather than by its contribution to a spe-
the players working in State-related professional strategies
cific production activity.
and those (the majority) that fall outside.
The individualistic logic inherent in the notion of middle
The relationship between middle classes and type of work
class, not being based on a specific class conscience, is all
is much more open in Africa than in the Western world, and
the more weakened when it has to compete with
associates unrelated social categories that participate in
community principles of another type, reducing, amplifying
Between the high-level civil servant, the big boss of a delo-
is especially true when the latter do not serve to stabilize a
radically different production modes or type of economy.
or modifying the ways of mobilizing the middle classes. This
calized multinational, the small artisan, the services producer
political order, but are the main vector for identity mobili-
of the informal sector, the hawker whose income depends
zation, such as the Ibos in Nigeria.
upon his ability to sell his products, the street seller, etc.,
the common denominator is not only income level, educa-
Finally, this class is affected by permanent attrition. How
solidarity and production modes. The fact that most of the
20,000 managers and professionals leave the continent
tion and competence, but is also similar worlds, types of
can one have a middle class in Africa if every year
middle class derives its incomes entirely or partly from the
(Cheru, 1989), if the educational systems cannot supply
informal sector has major social and political conse-
sufficient teachers or ensure them a place in the middle
quences. The middle classes that should contribute to the
class, nor train the new professions, and if the formal job
economic development and the institutionalization of the
sector concerns only about 20% of the total population?
State are busy in activities parallel to those of the State.
3.3. Representation, social prestige and "selling" oneself
3.3.1. The link between middle class and
detach itself, and the "rich" with whom its members cannot
representation
merge, but of which they hope to adopt the values and
operational principles:
The middle class is often described as a vague but massive
group that is different from the "poor", i.e. the economically
-
excluded part of the population from which it wants to
Different from the poor, as the latter live a life of
permanent survival, do not expect an improvement of
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
33
their condition, are incapable of investing in the future
Certain authors emphasize how, through the notion of
management that constructs the future by sacrificing the
construct themselves by reference to and borrowing from
and of drawing benefits from a political and economic
"petty bourgeois", the middle classes constantly try to
present (and thus the poor and not the middle classes).
the proclaimed manners and standards of the ruling
The attempts at defining poverty are eloquent. Poverty
classes, but which they do in a somewhat clumsy way, thus
would be associated with a high degree of (uncon-
emphasizing their dominated situation.
trolled) fertility, high morbidity, high housing instability,
the weight of traditions, low education, an absence of
Though certain representations are based on a positioning
income sources. The middle class is thus opposed to
unity or a collective conscience is rarely mentioned. It is
strategies to capitalize on education, and a lack of fixed
in terms of other categories, the existence of a feeling of
the "barbaric" classes at the "peril" of a poor and
true that a common representation is almost antithetic with
uncultivated mass. As the study on Côte d’Ivoire states,
the notion of middle class, which not only postulates a
"not having to beg already means being part of the
strong individualism of its members, but is also very
middle class" (p. 17). Being a member of the middle
heterogeneous. The middle class in South Africa, for
class would thus mean to have escaped great structural
instance, is never the subject of this type of interrogation,
vulnerability, and to be able to satisfy one's daily needs
but only on that of its material means (Schlemmer, 2005),
and invest in the long term (if the political stability permits
which makes it impossible to identify its contours. The
this and the educational infrastructure provides this
"Black Diamonds" in some cases appear as the richest
opportunity);
-
black population at the same time as being seen as the
expression of a middle class. The reason is that, in South
Different from the rich, as the latter profit from
Africa, the access of blacks to the middle class income
opportunities of enrichment at the risk of weakening the
category means that they belong to the richest part of the
institutions, and tend to question the legitimate
black
population.
This
says
nothing
about
the
behaviour models with which the middle class members
representations that this category has of itself and those
they constantly aspire. Members of the middle classes
the notion even more confused.
(petty bourgeoisie) identify themselves and to which
that the other social categories have of it, all this rendering
support the regime as they invest in it (buying a house,
education, work promotion); they contribute to its
The population categories identified as "middle class" do
functioning through their activity and their consumption,
and their _ at least passive _ support, and they adhere
not themselves produce a specific identity and do not
confirm their cohesion, thus contributing to their invisibility.
to its proclaimed collective plans and legitimate values
They give highly individual descriptions of each of their
and principles. The interviews in Kenya and Côte
"careers" and cover radically different social types, forms of
d’Ivoire systematically underline the attraction for the
professional occupation, and types of behaviour. If there is
rich, but also the rejection of their moral laxity, their
an identity, it is that of being "neither poor nor rich", having
deviant behaviour, that in the eyes of the interviewees
left poverty behind though not yet being rich, and aspiring
weaken their "adopted" world.
to a common behaviour model, the one presented as the
dominant reference model. A feeling of "promotion" always
The petty bourgeois tend to become closer to the elites,
goes hand-in-hand with a fear of downgrading, and the
identifying themselves both by their regular behaviour, by
association of these two notions distinguishing the members
their similar behaviour, and by their constant efforts of
of middle classes from other social categories.
classification that provide them with an identity framework.
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
34
3.3.2.
Representations of
African novels and films
middle class in
A rich filmography exists, staging persons with a middle
class profile. An example is "La vie est belle" (1987) by
Dieudonné Mweze and Benoît Lamy, in which the very
While social science literature says little about the
popular singer Papa Wemba plays the role of Kourou. A
"decoding" of these "middle classes", it is possible to
shabby young man arrives from his native region in the
(re)read many "classic" (graphic) novels and plays, or listen
capital Kinshasa, where he holds all sorts of small jobs
to music, in the light of the aspirations that are usually
before becoming a successful singer who falls in love with
attributed to a growing middle class. The search for a
the beautiful Kabibi. This social and initiation journey has an
better social status is a constant subject, told through the
apparent "happy ending", as Kourou's boss also has an eye
exodus to towns or to Europe, the struggle for education,
on Kabibi. In the Manichean couple of "Town against
and the confrontation of the individual with the group or the
Country", the first wins as it has more to offer than the
community. The middle class is rarely mentioned as such,
second, thus confirming the numerous analyses of scientific
but one can ask whether the attributes and sociological
literature. The movie "FVVA" by director Mustapha
idea one has of middle class in general and in Africa in
elements "Woman, Villa, Car, Money" that, in Niger, Burkina
criteria of the characters are not close to the preconceived
Alassane, shown in 1972, is constructed around the four
particular.
Faso and elsewhere, are considered as the symbols of
social success. The main character, Ali, is a modest civil
An example is that of parent-children conflicts over the idea
servant who, blinded by the mirage and deceived by a
of a free choice of marriage partner, in the comic plays of
marabout, ends up stealing the cash in order to realize his
Guillaume Oyono Mbia with his "Our daughter will not get
dream.
married" (in French, ORTF, 1973) or his "Three pretenders
… one husband" (in French, Clé, 1969). In the same vein
The song "4v" from the album "69-80" by Malian Salif Kéita
published by Africa Ed., Dakar, and a few collections by
villa, travel and money. We have a very wide choice with
are "Mélissa my love" by Assiatou Diam (in French),
is part of the same vein as Mustapha Alassane's movie: car,
Isaie Biton Koulibaly: "Ah, Men!" (Lomé, Ed. Haho) and
"Agbana" (On credit), a "highlife" pop song that resembles
"The love lessons of my best friend" (Abidjan, Ed. Bognini),
"Á crédit et en stéréo" by French singer Eddy Mitchell,
both in French. In "Arrow of God", published in 1964 by the
composed in the same period of the 1970s. As in Mustapha
Nigerian Chinua Achebe, the hero Ezuele is an intellectual
Alassane's movie, we are dealing with a young employee
priest who was schooled by whites. Torn between the
who, just hired after a long jobless period, has the idea of
native way of life and the Western culture in which he
buying a Mercedes Benz on credit, the car make that
socializes, he ends up by combating the latter. The
represents major social success. After paying his monthly
madness of Ezuele. If "Arrow of God" has an unhappy
song makes fun of the Mercedes bought on credit, the
intercultural combat ends with the liberating and purifying
instalments, he has nothing left for the rent or food. The
ending, the person of Ezuele as an intellectual highlights
his level of Western-style instruction, presumed to be that of
fridge bought on credit, and everything else on credit. With
a moral and educational message, "Agbana" draws _ by
material success are opened. Are the African middle
essential traits. What this rapid overview of popular litera-
suggestion _ a condensed profile of the middle class and its
the middle classes through which the doors of social and
classes in this sense intercultural agents "par excellence"?
ture, etc., shows is the aspiration, the projection, the
An aspiration to "something better" also traverses
movement toward a supposedly better horizon, leaving
Ferdinand Oyono's "Way to Europe", published in 1960, in
behind today's conditions.
which Aki Barnabas is a young man who dreams of France,
the promised land of illusions.
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
35
"Popular" literature, such as sentimental, detective and graphic
3.3.3. Representation in the media
middle classes, even though the special issue "Les Enjeux du
the middle class is very often shown with the traits of
francophone" (n° 72, 2009) does not touch upon the subject.
that of members of the "global middle class". Such per-
best-sellers (cf. www.litaf.cean.org), the sentimental literature
classes, who are, nevertheless, the only ones that are
In Western newspapers or in stories on the middle class,
novels, is an interesting source of information for studying the
local "upper class" members whose lifestyle is similar to
populaire" (The stakes of the popular) of "Présence
sons are absolutely unrepresentative of the local middle
However, the books by Zairois Zamenga Batukezanga, true
equivalent to what is called middle class in the develo-
(collection "Adoras" in the "Nouvelles éditions ivoiriennes" at
ped world. Two articles reproduced here illustrate this
Abidjan) and the graphic novels in the series "Monsieur Zézé"
(Libreville) and "Goorgoolou" (Dakar) concerning daily domestic
vision of a category said to represent 25% of the African
classes. The Ivoirian novelist Isaïe Biton Koulibaly shows in "Le
model, they clearly target the "global middle class" and
population today. Seeking to copy the "globalized"
expenses, provide food for thought on the aspirations of middle
not that of "small prosperity", whose lifestyles are very
sang, l’amour and la puissance" (Blood, love and power)
different, which conceals the reality of a local middle
(L’Harmattan, 2000), the soldier Da Monzon, who revolts against
class that is quite far removed from such clichés.
his superiors and grabs the State's power to create stability and
prosperity in his country. Da Monzon illustrates the increasingly
rarified dimension of collective mobilization, in a middle class
that is often tempted by withdrawal.
Box 2. "Africa's New Middle Class Embraces Consumerism"
by Stephanie McCrummen, from the Washington Post of 7 September 2008:
Meet Denis Ruharo, an entrepreneur with a Master's degree, a man who carries a BlackBerry and two cell phones, buys organic greens at
a grocery store and sometimes does business over a cold Nile beer at a club called Silk.
"I have the mortgage and home improvement," he said, glancing at the budget he and his wife keep on their computer. "The car, car wash
and parking tickets. Entertainment - cable TV, two movies a month. The health club. Then normally we vacation twice a year. Last time it was
Nairobi (Kenya)."
"What else," he said, scrolling down on his Mac laptop. "Newspapers, charity, clothes, books and CDs ..."
In a region more often associated with grinding poverty, Ruharo is part of a modestly growing segment of sub-Saharan Africa - upwardly
mobile, low- to middle-income consumers.
The group includes working Africans who make as little as $200 a month, a paltry sum by Western standards, yet hardly the $1 or so a day
in earnings that describe life for about half the continent's population. Perhaps a third of all Africans, or 300 million people, fall into a middle
category - people struggling to put their kids through school and pay rent, but able to buy a cell phone or DVD once in a while.
Their buying power is evident around Kampala, a green and hilly city where iron-sheet homes are interspersed with high-rise condos, streets
are crowded with bikes and Japanese sedans, and the city's newest mall, Oasis, is under construction. It will be anchored by what amounts
to sub-Saharan Africa's first Target-style superstore chain, Nakumatt, which sells corn flour, aromatherapy bath salts and nearly everything
else. The company is opening two other superstores in Kampala, plus two in Rwanda, three in Tanzania and 11 in Kenya, where it began as
a trading firm in the 1960s.
"It's psychological - people want upward movement," said Thiagarajan Ramamurthy, Nakumatt's operations director. "The appetite is
increasing - the 14-inch TV became a 21-inch. The 21 became a 29, and the 29 became plasma. It's an aspiration”.
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
36
Box 3. "The African Consumer, a New Eldorado"
by Anne Cheyvialle, translated from Le Figaro newspaper of 10 September 2010:
Poverty still touches a large part of the African population, but some countries, like Senegal, already count a fair number of employees, mana-
gers, bankers and company directors. Companies bet on population growth and the emergence of middle classes on the sub-continent (sic).
When Africa wakes up... The continent no longer just attracts investors for its mineral and oil wealth, but also for its immense consumption
potential. Companies bet on strong growth, a population explosion and the emergence of the middle classes. "In 2040, among the billion and
a half inhabitants of sub-Saharan Africa, 240 million city dwellers will have an income equivalent to 20 dollars per day, which implies an annual
market of over 1,700 billion dollars", explains Luc Rigouzzo, Director General of PROPARCO, a subsidiary of Agence Française de
Développement (AFD). He adds: "The urbanization rate has never been equalled: in 1950, there was no town with over 1 million inhabitants;
but today the sub-continent counts 38, five of which have more than 5 million inhabitants, 80% of investment is in building and construction,
and cement factories spring up everywhere". Though Africa, still very dependent upon the global economy, has not been spared by the cri-
sis, the slowdown was much less marked than elsewhere. Growth in 2009 even remained positive at 2.5% and should be over 5% in 2010
and 2011, just behind the great emerging economies like Brazil. It is certain that the continent needs strong growth in order to take off. In
addition, it is not a unified but multiple set, composed of about fifty countries and as many economic diversities.
Price increases
The hunger riots last week in Mozambique against price rises bear witness to the endemic poverty that still touches a large part of the popu-
lation. However, a middle class is emerging as well, consisting of employees, managers, bankers and company directors … "This is already
a reality in several countries, such as South Africa, Kenya and Senegal…" explains Jean-Marc Gravellini, AFD's Director for Africa. In his
book "Africa's Billions", Jean-Michel Severino, former Chief Executive Officer of AFD, describes the so-called "Black Diamonds" in South
Africa, who represent nearly 2.6 million, or 12% of the blacks, who leave their "townships" for more comfortable districts. A bit farther, he
cites the example of a young couple in Kampala, Uganda: Joseph, a manager, hooked on his BlackBerry, and his wife, Sandra, who works
in a bank. They own their house, travel, and put money aside for their retirement. The companies active in Africa make no mistakes about
this. Stéphane Richard, head of France Télécom, has fixed an objective of doubling his turnover in five years in Africa and the Middle East.
"We sell many recharges of 4 to 5 minutes, but also more and more Internet subscriptions at 20 to 30 euros", says Marc Rennard, Executive
Director of Orange in charge of Africa, Middle East and Asia operations. The success of African entrepreneurs further illustrates the vitality
of the continent, such as the Sudanese Mo Ibrahim, founder of Celtel, a telecom operator present in 14 countries, or the Nigerian Aliko
Dangote, first fortune of the continent according to Forbes, with 2.7 billion dollars. Active in agro-business, cement, textiles, etc., his conglo-
merate is spread over several West African countries.
Regional integration, if it becomes effective, might be a real factor for acceleration. With the agreement signed in early July for the creation
of a common market, the five East African countries Burundi, Kenya, Uganda, Rwanda and Tanzania have taken the lead.
3.3.4. Self presentation: Words of emerging
housing, buying a radio, TV or ventilator, and having access
people in Kenya and Côte d’Ivoire26
to social services, mainly education and health. In Nairobi, in
The interviews identified common subjects for all pre-
addition to these elementary needs, being part of the middle
selected persons in the two countries.
class means living in a decent lodging, or even in certain
districts.
● Leaving vulnerability behind without eliminating the risk
of downgrading
26 Eight and nine interviews were carried out in these two countries, respectively. We based
From the interviews, it emerges that the main represent-
ourselves for Côte d'Ivoire on the study carried out between January and March 2009 by Alain
elementary needs: eating three times per day, decent
Master's 2 thesis (Simonini, 2009).
Toh, PhD in Sociology, and Souleymane Kouyaté, a PhD student (Kouyaté and Toh, 2009),
ations of the middle class concern satisfying certain
and for Kenya on the study carried out in July and August 2009 by Ambra Simonini for a
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
37
The interviewees in Côte d'Ivoire consider that it is normal
The Kenyan study shows that a second job or source of
the African cultural environment" (Kouyaté and Toh,
give private lessons and teach in private schools) or, in a
to take care of several persons under one's roof "in view of
income is a constant for almost all civil servants (teachers
2009: 18). Considering that the State cannot propose
wider sense, the middle classes. Primary school teachers,
sufficient work, they reckon that they should create their
whose income hovers between KES 10,000 and
jobs themselves, even though the interviewed non-civil
KES 15,000 (EUR 100 to EUR 150) per month, can thus
them cannot save money and very few define the middle
because of their secondary activities. The study also shows
servants would like to work for the government. Most of
mainly be considered as part of the (lower) middle class,
class in terms of income. The common denominator is that
that the middle classes are still strongly dependent upon
of being able to satisfy one's essential needs in a structural
the State, whether for jobs or for income.
manner, to have medium-term plans without being afraid of
tomorrow, and to have modest projects for the future such
● The importance of constituting a cultural capital
The study also shows the vulnerability of the middle class
most middle class members have a high education level at
Contrary to the Ivorian study, the Kenyan work shows that
as the education of a few children or micro investments.
the scale of the country. A large part of them have completed
that seems hard hit by the economic crisis and inflation.
secondary education and a fair number finished university
studies. Certain have even studied abroad, especially in the
From these interviews in Côte d'Ivoire and Kenya, emerge
United States or Canada. They have a clearly higher level of
two categories of middle classes: the lower and upper
education than their parents who, by means of sacrifices,
middle class, reminding us of the English lower middle
have financed their studies. They, in turn, attach much
class and upper middle class. In both the Ivorian and
importance to the schooling of their children, which they
Kenyan cases, lower middle class individuals define them-
selves by opposition to the poor or poorer, who are asso-
consider as an investment for the future.
already means being part of the middle classes" (Kouyaté
This provides us with some elements for asking the
ciated by the fact that they beg. Thus, "not having to beg
and Toh, 2009: 17); in addition, emigration attracts such
question of the sustainability and transmission of a
themselves by reference to the rich, through "we do not
this stage of the study to say whether this capitalization of
patrimony between generations. Though it is impossible at
people. However, upper middle class individuals define
education ensures a higher income and better social
have extravagant means (villa, overseas studies for the
standing, it seems clear that it anchors the members of the
children" (Kouyaté and Toh, 2009).
group in the lifestyle of the middle classes.
● The pervasiveness of the informal
The civil service ensures stability but only allows access to
● A weak political identity
informal, activities. In the Ivorian case, to have access to
political activity. Most often, they display a true mistrust of the
In Côte d'Ivoire as in Kenya, the surveyed persons have no
the middle class if it is associated with other, formal or
politics and politicians of their country. In Côte d’Ivoire, for
wealth, and thus satisfy one's needs, political activities
instance, the rich are often considered as manipulators
seem to be the main springboard: "politics is the surest way
to have access to wealth" (Kouyaté and Toh, 2009: 25).
and/or persons with illegal activities. The interviewed persons
businesspersons.
criticize the system "from afar" (Simonini, 2009: 24). We also
in Kenya consider politics as a waste of time and prefer to
Among the persons considered as rich, we also find
observed a certain disillusion, especially "as they have the
impression that nothing will ever change" (Simonini, 2009).
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
38
Here, we perceive both the marginal position of these small
cation, housing, transportation, etc.). After that, they will
and the low efficiency attributed to the official forms of poli-
witness to their passage into another dimension and in a
middle classes in the local systems of political regulation,
invest in better quality and more expensive goods, bearing
tical expression, thus confirming their low capacity of poli-
modernity that is supposed to reflect a developed society,
tical mobilization.
that of prosperity and relative protection against downgrading. Housing is an excellent marker for this. The
images of Joan Bardoletti, the description in the
3.3.5. Lifestyles: New needs and types of
Washington Post (cf. Box 2), propose a non-reasoned but
consumption, behaviour and attitudes
explicit inventory of such goods: computer, smart phone,
cell phone, books, clothes, TV, hi-fi system and radio,
The notion of lifestyle or types of consumption is often used
Internet connection, bottled alcoholic beverages, affiliation
to define the middle class. It postulates that the different
to social- and health-insurance systems, consumption of
middle class groups are unified by a shared, or at least
milk products, medical expenses, etc. The very dynamic
generally common, lifestyle, allowing their distinction from
market for cell phones, TVs, Ipods and batteries, and the
other social categories (Halbwachs, 1939). However, the
expansion of cosmetics with specially adapted lines for
notion of lifestyle is difficult to define. It appears in a
Africa, are further material expressions of new consumption
statistical way in certain Afrobarometer studies (see in
patterns, whereas the theories of capability, affordability
particular "The quality of democracy and governance"), in
and the bottom pyramid put such consumption potential at
some specific studies (Gyimah-Boadi and Mensah, 2003)
the core of the development process.
and core welfare indicators, and in questionnaires for
Djibouti, Ghana, Madagascar, Mozambique and Rwanda
Several authors stress the influence of a European lifestyle
questionnaires and iconography of Joan Bardoletti on Côte
middle class African minds. In his "African Middle Class
among
other
countries.
On
another
plane,
the
in creating the ideas of what their lifestyle should be in
d’Ivoire, Kenya and Mozambique are also good indicators
Elite", Nyquist stresses the importance of relations with
of lifestyle characteristics of the middle classes. They make
Europeans by writing on his study subject of Grahamstown
it possible to identify the accession of an ever-larger
in South Africa: “The community’s depth of contact with
category of individuals to a Western lifestyle, such as is
Europeans going back to the 1830s, and the general
expressed by the creation of a significant consumption
importance of Grahamstown as an educational centre,
market (Mahajan, 2008).
imply a more sophisticated population than its size might
otherwise indicate” (1983: 1). In the same vein, Coulon and
What remains, and this is not the easiest part, is to define
Martin (1991) describe the "socialization and acculturation
the outlines of regularities and preferences that identify the
process (…) inherent in all reproduction efforts of a group
lifestyle of African middle classes, i.e. what these groups
consider
the
consumption
required
expectations of their self-imposed status.
to
meet
or class" (p. 150): "First of all, we have the elements of
the
Western imitation: clothes, cars, drinks, schools, etc.,
that mark a distinction and social hierarchy" (p. 151). Sklar
writes: “The new class of Southern Nigeria is a
Such middle classes are characterized by their access to
phenomenon of modern urbanization. Men of initiative in
needs (Engels' "secondary needs" and "categories 2 and 3"
business enterprise, and education normally reside in the
"new", often imported, consumption products, covering new
the spheres of professional endeavour, public service,
of Maslow's pyramid), but also by the influence of a
new cosmopolitan towns (or cosmopolitan sections of
Western lifestyle. Initially, the structure of consumption
traditional urban areas). Their motivating values are derived
satisfaction of primary needs (food, housing, clothing), have
are mainly non-traditional, and they support the nationalistic
changes: the middle classes, having escaped the urgent
primarily from Western education, their social perspectives
a disposable income for new types of needs (health, edu-
goals of rapid modernization and social reconstruction”
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39
(1963: 502). This definition of "middle classes" by evoking
accord to training and education. Their expenditures, especial-
the reproduction of Western lifestyle, shows the difficulty of
ly those for promotion, and for investing in education, health
giving a definition of "African middle classes". Aspiring to a
and housing, correspond to as many individual and family-pro-
foreign lifestyle and education is a strong vector for
motion strategies, demonstrating their changed status that pro-
identifying such middle classes.
gressively replaces group solidarity (see the issues outlined by
They are supposed to be the bearers of new values and
already say that in all surveys the absolute priorities were edu-
Baker, 1988). All these elements require validation, but we can
optimistic representations of life. A greater confidence in a
cational investment, and housing and financial stability.
they or their family have personally experienced. This can
Finally, these middle classes move into new places, spaces
tance, lead to smaller average family sizes in the middle
and shopping centres, rather than open and street markets.
better future is linked to having left behind the poverty that
be clearly seen in their behaviour. Family strategies, for ins-
and consumption patterns, such as cafés, public places,
class and a clear preference for individual or nuclear-
They invest the public spaces and arenas where people
family (parents and children) strategies, compared to the
meet that have money, and who contribute to public dis-
traditional group and lineage solidarities. Such classes
cussions and the management of public affairs. Ongoing
project themselves into and invest in the future, for their
surveys show that overall consumption expenditures in
daily life as well as for the social promotion of their children.
these specific sectors increase, but also that producers
The idea of promotion and progress is expressed by their
make available low-cost unit goods and products, thus
consumption of cultural goods, but also by the priority they
helping to ensure the viability of such new consumers.
Box 4. Diasporas: The best expression of the SSA middle class?
Do African diasporas form a partially delocalized middle class by proxy? African immigrants are numerous in the Northern countries, where
they have highly varied professional occupations and social status. Certain are in liberal professions or are executives, thus forming part of
the “middle class” in their country of origin as well as in their host country, though with strong “upper”, “middle” or “lower” variations. However,
most of such Africans have jobs with earnings in the lower fraction of the income scale and are part of the lower classes of the host country:
cleaners, security staff, and small sales, industrial and restaurant staff (see Association des parlementaires, 2011).
Though downgraded in the host society, these persons still enter in the "lower/middle middle class" categories in the home country, with which they
usually stay in contact or to which they often organize their return. Fion (2007) shows how Mozambican miners, lumpen-proletariat in South Africa,
enjoy a middle class status once back home, thanks to the investments they were able to make in houses, cars, family aid, money transfers, etc.
Locally, they have access to a certain prosperity, benefit from a significant income, influence the home population through the orientation of
their cultural and consumption aspirations, and dispose over goods showing their middle class status. In some cases, they play a significant
political role through their associations or representations, as in Mali, Senegal, Benin, and Togo, and can influence economic and political
choices in their home country. The diasporas have in any case become a true development stake for Africa in terms of co-development or
"brain-gain" policies, even though it is still necessary to differentiate the concerned socio-professional groups.
The scientific literature rarely establishes a direct link between diasporas and middle class. This idea is, however, explicit in an article on the
Ghanaian middle class (Luckham, 2005), which includes a typology of the middle class in Ghana that includes the members of the diasporas.
They highlight the absence of empirical studies on the associations and networks that link the different categories of the Ghanaian middle class
and that might determine their capacity of collective action. Another paper (Obiagele, 1995) mentions that, according to American standards,
most members of the African diasporas in Accra are part of the middle class, or, to a lesser extent, of the upper middle class.
The diasporas can play a role of middle class or upper middle class by proxy, as is shown by the Indian policy of attracting their "natives".
This depends also strongly on the capacity of the members of the diasporas to act as individual players and emancipate themselves from
identity membership, as shown by Neveu's (1993) analysis of the Bangladeshi community in London.
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
40
4.
The stakes of mobilizing a group
4.1. Political mobilization and the link with political order
For Halbwachs (1939), a social class supposes a collective
that it has no specific organization, and that it is constructed
representation. However, one of the characteristics of
through differentiation and aspiration vis-à-vis other groups
of "community", based on shared common dispositions,
opposition.
middle classes lies in the association of a diffuse sentiment
or social classes, but not through frontal and clashing
with a very low capacity of specific collective mobilization.
Though occupying a strong position in the social ensemble,
In Africa, few studies clearly identify middle class
"they (the social classes) do not initiate social evolution"
mobilization. The work by Maupeu (1998) and Maupeu and
established order and support the established positions by
notion of middle class remains vague. In reality, in terms of
(Bosch, 2008: 30). The middle classes do not question the
Lafargue in Kenya (1998) provides rare examples, but their
their mass.
mobilization, the upper category of the middle class seems
For Marx, the middle class is "historical residue" whose only
to be only one that develops active forms of mobilization.27
future is that it will disappear, mostly into the proletariat, and
The most structured part of the middle class can effectively
developed countries tends to validate this aspect. This
classes. This analysis seems to find an echo especially in
negotiate social and political concessions with the ruling
for a small part into the bourgeoisie. Certain work in
India (Jaffrelot and van der Veer, 2008). It is surprising that,
"middle class" cannot be a "class" as it lacks the historical
in Africa, the specialists of "National Conferences" or their
conscience of forming a class, as it draws no organizational
equivalents in the Anglophone world have not allotted a
consequence from the fact of sharing some common
more specific place to this notion, to explain the
interests, and as it does not set itself off against other
liberalization or democratization movements.
classes (Ferréol, 1997: 64-65). One of the most commonly
presented characteristics is that is has no strong cohesion,
4.2. Contested and rejected correlations
For other authors, however, such middle classes, especially
circuit the institutionalization process of such regimes. This
cause destabilization and disorder. Cheru (1989 and 2002)
carried out in three surveyed countries, showing the
when faced with unstable regimes, are the most likely to
theory finds an almost constant echo in the interviews
stress that a substantial part of the population tries to
importance of this informal sector in the construction of the
escape State control, the influence of politicians and the
middle classes.
types of governance advocated by the international
27The same type of opposition exists when studying the poor classes and their attitude
toward the regime in place: Weber's idea of revolutionary classes corresponds to
Hobsbawm's analysis for Great Britain, indicating that such poor classes are little inclined to
mobilization through lack of time, hope, material means and intellectual motivation.
organizations, by developing informal activities that short-
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41
We also see that in this classification, the viewpoint of some
virtually every country the most active supporters of
authors evolves. In "Political Order in Changing Societies",
democratization came from the urban middle class"
Huntington (1968) notes that capitalist development creates
(Huntington, 1991).
the more difficult to manage as they are expressed within
Huntington thus almost reversed his interpretation,
weakened by such changes. Under such conditions, he
development favours urbanization, better education and
major social change, generating social demands that are all
fragile social and political organizations that are further
describing a stabilization mechanism by which economic
writes, "The middle class makes its debut on the political
middle classes that benefit from this, and who therefore
support even more firmly the established order. In either
scene not in the frock of the merchant but in the epaulettes
of the Colonel". The political order is ensured in an
vision, the logical train of thought is supported or
authoritarian manner as an alternative to forms of social
contradicted by empirical cases. Nothing allows a robust
underlines the destabilization potential of the middle
countries with transitional regimes and with weak
organization whose capacities are insufficient. He
correlation to be established, therefore, and certainly not in
classes, who burst upon the political scene and have a
institutions, where the emergence of "middle classes" partly
tendency of asking too much from an insufficiently
occurs in violation of the existing legal order. Huntington's
institutionalized regulation mechanism, thus weakening its
institutionalization theory of 1968, however, seems
management capacity. Twenty years later, he wrote "In
particularly fruitful for interpreting each case.
4.3. Stimulating positive correlations?
For most transitology authors (Linz, Karl, Stepan), positive
development of democracy by changing the social conditions
classes, economic expansion and political institutionali-
middle class by changing the shape of the stratification
correlations exist between the emergence of such middle
of the workers, but it also affects the political role of the
zation. As reminded by Baker (1988), such authors consider
structure so that it shifts from an elongated pyramid, with a
that "…people who have a greater stake in society have a
large lower-class base, to a diamond with a growing middle
greater propensity to protect that stake by responsible poli-
class. A large middle class plays a mitigating role in
tical participation". Such social groups, through their social
moderating conflict since it is able to reward moderate and
and political competence, their level of education, their
democratic parties and penalize extremist groups" (p. 83).
capacity of spending time on public affairs of which they
understand the rules, and their economic capital, are the
In Africa, the middle class being quantitatively very small
ducing it (educational strategies) and strengthening it. Lane
democratic perspective cannot be but very dim, even
most apt in supporting a political order, but also in repro-
and disposing over a very limited overall level of wealth, the
(1970) shows that the situation of prosperity and the feeling
though some examples show the opposite. Lipset (1959)
of relative protection against (or immediate invulnerability
notes: "Given the existence of poverty-stricken masses, low
to) daily worries, which characterizes the middle classes
levels of education, an elongated pyramid class structure,
and differentiates them especially from the "poor", favour
and the 'premature' triumph of the democratic left, the
investment in political participation, information, education,
prognostic for the perpetuation of political democracy in
raising a public voice and voting.
Asia and Africa is bleak". For this author, these elements
are variables that open possibilities but never _ contrary to
what other authors wrote later _ causal links: "The data
Lipset (1959), largely contributed to laying the foundations
for these positive dynamics around the middle classes. He
available are, however, of a sufficiently consistent character
wrote: "Increased wealth is not only related causally to the
to support strongly the conclusion that a more systematic
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
42
and up-to-date version of Aristotle’s hypothesis concerning
Easterly (2001 and 2006) supports this theory, noting that the
Unfortunately, as has been indicated above, this conclusion
the centre of the income scale, the more fragile the balance of
weaker the income mass controlled by the three quintiles of
the relationship of political forms to social structure is valid.
does not justify the optimistic liberal’s hope that an increase
the State will be in terms of accountability, effectiveness and
other related factors will necessarily mean the spread of
possible to identify the presence of a significant middle class,
institutional resilience. For him, this income criterion makes it
in wealth, in the size of the middle class, in education, and
democracy or the stabilizing of democracy" (Lipset: 103).
able to transcend the conflicts and social fracture lines of an
factors which gave rise to Western democracy in the nine-
political system and the social contract linking State and
"These suggestions that the peculiar concatenation of
identity type (ethnic, religious, regional), thus strengthening the
society. Here, again, we find the classic theory on vertical and
teenth century may be unique are not meant to be unduly
sustained by a limited cluster of conditions" (id.).
horizontal solidarity in society that leads to favouring
transverse forms. This in turn allows _ based on a stronger
individualization of social relations _ negotiations to be started
Gay (2003), in his study covering South Africa, Lesotho,
alliances that can always be modified (Lipset, "Federalist
pessimistic. Political democracy exists and has existed in a
variety of circumstances, even if it is most commonly
between local interests, concluding agreements, and forming
Mali, Malawi, Nigeria, Tanzania and Zambia, writes that
papers"). In this way, the middle class would appear to prevent
support for the democratization process and for a new
community-based groups - especially ethnic groups - from
when the surveyed persons belong to the most well-off
rise to a more homogeneous society and, consequently, more
regime established after democratization is even greater
grabbing power. They would, on the contrary, appear to give
categories, or, more precisely, those that have reached a
efficiency from an economic perspective. The middle class
certain level of measured well-being. This follows the
thus helps a country to move from an archaic society to a
definition of liberty given by Amartya Sen, as combining a
modern one — this being easier as it is an essentially urban
information and political participation. We see thus again
economic activities and facilitates the deployment of the
feeling of economic well-being, social status, access to
phenomenon — whereby it launches itself into modern
this idea of prosperity and the feeling of stability that would
secondary and especially tertiary sectors, to the detriment of
be the main characteristics of the rupture between poor and
the primary sector.
economic, social and cultural capital.
In parallel, these middle classes (or groups with average
Gay showed that the relationship between development
votes), can act as an active counterweight to the ruling
average categories, based on several criteria associating
incomes), controlling a non-negligible part of revenue (and
and liberty is not causal, but is part of a virtuous circle. "The
classes. They will all the more support efforts toward good
governance and development of a market economy as they
relation between development and freedom must not be
depend directly, for their security and their promotion, on
interpreted as one of simple causality. There is a virtuous
such main lines that pave the way for future growth and
circle implied by the desire of the better-off respondents for
thus for future enrichment. By doing this, they strengthen
a democratic society. They are well off, which leads them to
and stabilize the institutions that contribute to promoting the
want a democratic society. Why is that? Surely the reason
economic growth of which they are the first beneficiaries. In
they want democracy is because the freedom which they
fact, the middle class provides the State or its institutional
experience in a democratic society gives rise to yet more
arrangements with a considerable inertia. It establishes
development by enhancing the very political participation,
routine aspects, participates in institutionalization and, by
economic assets, social networks, information access and
doing this, reinforces stability, previsibility and efficiency
personal security which make them like democracy in the
(low transaction costs; reduced management costs).
first place".
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43
Warnier (1993) indicates that the installation of a demo-
standards, whereas the rulers that set the standards ignore
classes: civil servants, partly private officials, entrepreneurs
and domination (the middle class is part of the dominated
cracy supposes to be accompanied by a rise of the middle
them. This vision maintains an analysis in terms of struggle
and businesspersons (p. 281).
classes), but it differentiates its effects. It also validates the
idea of a middle class that consolidates the theoretical
The work of the economists discussed above (Ravallion,
social order (the institutions), unlike the rich that benefit
Easterly, Birdsall, etc.) postulates that the middle classes
from it, though breaking with it. This is at the origin of the
can only support a political regime that invests and acts in
often-derogatory perceptions of the petty bourgeois,
a transparent manner, as their own situation and their future
affected by a false conscience. This is all the stronger as
depend upon these policies. They systematically confirm or
Bourdieu, for instance, states that the "bourgeoisie" partially
at least hypothesize a strong correlation between the
consists of a new bourgeoisie (engineers, etc.), often with
smaller the middle classes in a given country, the greater
social promotion and thus to maintaining the established
importance of middle classes and economic growth. The
middle class parents, which consecrates their aspirations to
the risk of economic crisis and instability. In short, they can
order.
only support development (wrongly assimilated with the
Liberal Globalization model, whereas most productive
For all these authors, the middle class lies at the core of all
within the Developmental State model) as their future is
processes. This classic current in political sociology has
emerging countries with new middle classes rather fall
modernization, political stabilization and institutionalization
directly linked to an "accountable and effective State and
certainly occulted the notion of class in the years 1980-
2000 to the benefit of its semantic equivalents (civil society,
institution".
petty bourgeois, etc.). However, the basic principle of a vast
This idea is also found in neo-Marxist analyses, or the
composite social category produced by economic expansion,
sociology of domination, but with a derogatory a priori. The
investing in social success, in modernization and in sup-
petty bourgeois is perceived as one who, through his
appropriation of the ideology _ but not the practice _ of the
porting responsible governance policies, is constantly reaffirmed. Nevertheless, the correlation remains weak and
dominant class, though not holding a position in the
leaves open a not insignificant interpretation: As most of the
production mode that would allow him to be assimilated
population is said to be middle class, it must be
with them, ensures the standards set by the existing order
quantitatively determinant in maintaining a regime and an
are maintained. He validates and over-values such
order that become civilized.
4.4. More finely shaded interpretations of these correlations
Rueschemeyer and Stephen (1992), from a perspective of
"The coalition between middle and upper classes (…) was
linking democracy and "middle class". Walraven and Thiriot
consolidated, and Rueschemeyer et al. cannot envisage a
analysing social changes, re-study this type of correlations
at the base of the formation of the MMD, but it was far from
(2002) write from the same perspective "Contrary to
coalition constituted of classes that are not totally formed
and are deeply fractured" (p. 40). In addition, Fatton (1995),
Lipset's ideas, the middle classes tend to play an ambi-
referring to them as well, says that "democracy is impos-
guous role in democratization, whereas the working
classes have been more coherent in their struggle for
sible without the lower classes, and in particular the working
democracy. However, to win they depended upon interclass
class, taking its destiny in hand (…). Neither the predatory
alliances with the middle classes" (pp. 86-87). Zambia,
rulers, nor the intermediate sectors encourage such taking
Randall and Scarrit (1996) quote them as well by writing
of control; the lower classes must wrest it away. Democracy
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44
in Africa is thus a question of a power equilibrium between
to find any important linkages between individual lived
these three classes" (p. 89).
poverty and citizen behaviours and preferences that are
key to the health of democracy. To the extent that these
Bratton (2006) contributes a discordant note to these
findings from seven Southern African countries could be
analyses, concerning the link between poverty and
replicated elsewhere, this suggests that the key dynamics
democracy, which makes it possible to question such
behind the link between democracy and wealth occur at the
postulated, but unconfirmed, correlations on the middle
macro level: that is, rather than resulting from poor citizens
classes. He notes that the social sciences have created a
who are less democratic in thought and deed, it may simply
set of explanations that help to understand the negative
be that poor countries are less able to afford or maintain the
relationship between poverty and support for democracy.
things vital for sustainable democracy, ranging from formal
These explanations are of two types. The first bases the low
State institutions such as quality electoral machinery and a
compatibility between poverty and democracy on the
well-resourced legislature, to societal institutions such as a
incompetence and incapacity of the poor. The poor fragilize
effective political parties, an independent news media, and
democracy as they have less time to spend on the forms of
a vibrant web of civil society organizations".
participation that vivify democracy. First of all they must
satisfy their "primary", or survival, needs and thus cannot
This LPI (Lived Poverty Index) uses an income criterion, but
They have no access to the new values that are inherent in
expression of well-being reducing the idea of poverty to an
accord much importance to "higher" needs, like liberty.
also variables of accessibility and use of goods, the
the democratic principle, and they have neither the
individually lived experience and no longer to macro-
competence, nor the education or information that would
economics. This approach can be extended to the middle
allow them to become usefully involved.
classes and requires shifting from a macro approach to a
micro, or bottom-up, approach. In this case, the explanatory
The second type bases this low compatibility on the fact
variable would not be the middle classes, but the
that the poorest societies have very few means to facilitate
institutions. In the end, however, only the context can
the spread of democratic principles and foster enrichment
explain the position of the middle classes and their capacity
for the benefit of all. Bratton's empirical analysis based on
for political mobilization. Many other variables play a role as
the "Lived Poverty Index" (LPI), which tests individual
well, such as institutional capacity, social trust, the state of
behaviour vis-à-vis democracy, gives rather contradictory
social inequalities, the structure of cleavages, etc., which
results. "Thus, while social scientists have consistently found
explains that such relations between middle classes and
political stability remain intuitive.
strong aggregate correlations between indicators of
national wealth and democratic endurance, we are not able
4.5. Conclusions on the correlations
In part of the literature influenced by modernization theories,
individuals and groups characterized by their "moderation",
has a reassuring aspect. This notion is said to show the
predictable character that gives priority to maintaining their
of people; it also is said to answer the expectations of much
characteristics is political inertia, which ensures the
the idea of average social categories, or middle classes,
their "common sense", and their humdrum and strongly
natural capacity of the market to benefit the greatest number
lifestyle, prosperity and tranquillity. One of their main
of the population, forming part of the production and
preservation of a political system that guarantees the
political regimes that have an economic policy for organizing
interpretations proposed for the African States are directly
consumption model, and thus being the main support of
protection of their interests (regardless of the regime). Such
prosperity. The expression "middle class" combines
modelled on such apparently common-sense logic, derived
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
45
from an unconfirmed analysis of Western political
"capacity building", the emergence of solid institutions,
newspaper articles and media reports highlighting the role
faced with paradoxes that question the usage itself of the
trajectories. This is what transpires, for instance, from
transparency and the fight against corruption? We are thus
of the middle classes in the Tunisian "Jasmine revolution".
term and notion of "middle class" in such types of State.
However, how can we make such a transposition without
The middle class is a logical grouping of individuals united
middle classes can be quite different from in developed
their refusal to be downgraded and an aspiration to social
taking precautions, knowing that the composition of African
by their common access to prosperity (of varying proportions),
countries? Can this idea of middle class have a "unique"
ascent. This makes it easier to see that we are faced with a
meaning when one knows, for instance, that civil
servants _ or, in a wider sense, the "general public" _ in
very individualistic ensemble, not acting out of active
mobilization, but out of the inertia that is supposed to give
Côte d’Ivoire dispose over incomes that place them in the
them their demographic, economic and political weight. Far
category below that of the middle class? This supposes that
from forming a group that can be mobilized, it would thus be
such civil servants have a parallel access to income from
an inert mass functioning in a gregarious manner (follow-
the informal sector, thus distorting the stabilizing role of the
the-leader
habits
and
low
capacity
of
individual
middle class. On the contrary, this might foster the idea that
mobilization), and essentially motivated by holding on to
activities that not contribute to institutionalizing the State.
characteristic of weak mobilization, associated with the very
the middle class is also involved in "criminal" or "illegal"
individual advantages and the fear of losing them. This
limited weight of these categories in SSA, may explain the
How can we then qualify these social categories of the
little relevance of a polarization of the middle classes in
middle classes (in the classic sense of the term), when part
Africa,
of them are active in the informal sector, circumvent the
for
interpreting
the
social
and
economic
transformations and the lack of mobilization there, even
rules of the State, and contest its standards? Worse, how
though community mobilzation remains very common.
can we think that the classes thus positioned will favour
4.6. A fuzzy notion with clear underlying analogies
and influence of Asian experiences, linked in particular to
"When the elephant loses weight, the gazelles die"
(Cameroonian proverb)
the alliances concluded between bourgeoisie and leaders
of the State apparatus and to the emergence of a "middle
The debate on the middle classes in general, and in Africa
class", favours the revival of the notion after many years of
in particular, is conditioned by other issues concerning
oblivion in social science literature.
institutional stability and efficiency, economic growth, and
the marginalization, or not, of the State and African societies.
As seen in newspaper articles, rendering the middle
rather to pose a set of hypotheses concerning economic,
social reality. For this type of literature, the main aim is to
The aim is not to study a particular category by itself, but
classes visible is more than just a simple description of
social and political transformations through a discussion on
unveil the ongoing processes of change in Africa, showing
the existence of this particular group. In this sense, the
that "modernization and globalization" are quite real on the
"notion" of middle class is a prisoner of the more general
continent, that the latter is not left behind but well engaged
debate on "development". The return of the concept of a
in the same processes as other regions of the world, and
"developmental State" in the literature on the development
that this expansion of the middle classes inexorably leads
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
46
to democratization, liberalization of economic activity, the
Saharan Africa, is obvious, which only confirms the lack
victory of free enterprise, etc.
of substance of the notion. This observation also holds
true for the equivalent or connected sub-categories that
The social sciences have established positive correlations
are as weak (minority of leaders, elites, lifeblood,
linking the development of the middle classes to the stability
emerging status, etc.). This indecision does not mean
of regimes, the consolidation of democracy, good
that one has to stop asking questions about the
governance and economic development. Here we see
emergence of new social categories, but only expresses
associate the poor classes with a revolutionary potential
specific to its historical context. The relative importance
without doubt the influence of Weber's ideas, which
the fact that this emergence follows trajectories that are
and the ruling classes with absolute conservatism, the
of the retained criteria on social representation and
middle classes representing both conservatism and
class
behaviour
thus
varies
radically
between
innovation.
Mozambique, Kenya, Ghana or South Africa. New
In sub-Saharan Africa, these correlates seem fragile like
they all follow their own dynamics;
social groups form on the entire African continent, but
everywhere else, only presenting a non-determining
explanatory factor among a multitude of others (Bratton,
-
2006). Using criteria of professional status, representation,
lifestyle and mobilization does not show a statistical
Second, the dramatic inadequacy of the available data.
The question of how social structure and formation of
the African societies form a job market, as seen through
convergence of individuals within an income range, but
their socio-professional activities and the organization
social-group dynamics that dig deep into the SSA
of their professional practices, seems to be a "poor
societies, without distinction of sector (formal or informal),
relation", a subject forgotten by the literature. The
conclusions stand out from this multicriteria study:
various socio-professional categories does not prevent
along specific trajectories for each of them. Two
-
absence of robust data on the middle classes or on the
from associating them systematically with social and
First, the fuzziness around the notion of middle class
economic dynamics. Since the early 2000s, the notion
and, more generally, around all interrogations on social
of middle class has made its return exactly around such
formations and socio-professional categories in sub-
virtual correlates.
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
47
5.
Discovering social formations in Africa: “Mapping the middle”
The main information deriving from this state of the art on
2009). In fact, the increasing generality of studies on
of the socio-professional categories in Africa, and, in a
society, emerging layers, elites, leaders, etc.) render
the middle classes in Africa is our imperfect understanding
Africa, and the use of vast and polysemous categories (civil
wider sense, of how the creation of social groups is related
unverifiable the contradictory affirmations found in the
to changes in the job and consumption market. The lack of
literature
(accelerated
re-traditionalization
and
recognition of socio-professional categories is a strong
modernization; appropriation and rejection of modernity;
factors. These are: the difficulty of collecting objective data;
politics and institutionalization, etc.). This contributes to
specific of research on Africa, which may be due to different
rapid development and regression; criminalization of
the attribution to other categories (civil society, elites,
reducing the African continent to a field of paradoxes,
leaders, politico-bureaucratic bourgeoisie, clans, ethno-
curses or brighter tomorrows. The notion of class can be
economic identities, etc.) that have a better explanatory
used under the condition that it is no longer interpreted as
potential; the weakness of the formal job sector and its
an automatic criterion of opposition and conflict, but as a
incapacity of influencing the social structure as a whole;
major element for interpreting social stratification, and the
and a tendency of social science research over the past
creation of alliances for power and action. This is what
three decades of oscillating between micro-analyses and
Giddens proposed in "The class structure of the advanced
macro-interpretations to the detriment of the "meso"
societies": "A class society is not one in which there simply
dimension.
exist classes, but one in which class relationships are of
primary significances to the explanatory interpretation of
This lack of attention to the social groups related to socio-
large areas of social conduct". Updating these social
professional categories explains the peculiarity of the
categories, not much discussed in the media, presents three
analytical field methods used in sub-Saharan Africa,
major issues, two scientific and one operational:
social action that is observed in Asia, North Africa (Gobe;
-
compared to the interest in labour as a structuring factor of
Catusse et al.) and Latin America (Alba and Labazée,
2007), as well as in the "developed" world. This difference
First, this makes it possible to identify and evaluate the
number and social significance of such categories, as
well as their trajectories of emancipation and
tends to reinforce the "specific" character of social
development and the role they play in structuring the
features in sub-Saharan Africa.
political society. By monitoring the creation of these new
social formations, it is not only possible to decrypt the
In order to develop our understanding of the ongoing
ongoing processes of enrichment and capitalization, but
transformations in Africa and to render aid there more
also
to
identify
the
forms
of
regulation
and
efficient, it is indispensable to decrypt this socio-
institutionalization of the uncertain relationships between
more precise and especially more systematic facts (Absi,
work on an economy of practices (Labazée, 2009);
professional reality, by carrying out analyses based on
State and non-State sectors. This makes it possible to
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
49
-
Second, this type of questioning requires taking an
-
interest in the regulation processes between social
groups, and in the institutionalization process of a social
Third, from an operational perspective, the identification
of such social formations improves the understanding of
public actions and leads to a better targeting of aid,
type that takes place on the edges of the formal State
orienting it toward the social categories that will most
model, though being connected with it;
profit from it.
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
50
General conclusions
Transposing the notion of "middle class" to sub-Saharan
extensive prosperity strategies and the systematic quest for
in this specific part of the world. In addition, it especially
to the usual social-interpretation categories makes it
Africa makes it possible to test the relevance of the concept
new valuation opportunities. This "transgression" compared
helps in unveiling the social and economic dynamics that
particularly difficult to identify such new groups, which
continent. The recent interest in sub-Saharan Africa of
though they are a fundamental issue for development and
may change the medium-term perception of the African
largely explains their invisibility in the literature, even
many players, such as Walmart, and of several developed
the economy.
or emerging States (China, India, Brazil, the USA) have
highlighted
the
ongoing
social
and
economic
The life paths and the behaviour of these new "small
transformations. These players anticipate the consolidation
prosperity" social groups impose reformatting in part the
sustained by both strong population growth and an
and "prosperity". The last two notions provide a much
of a significant market space on the African continent,
notion of "poverty" by associating it to those of "insecurity"
increased demand for African products. They observe how
greater flexibility to the first. The strategies consisting in
the social spaces and territories in Africa are being
superimposing various production and consumption modes
recomposed, and how structural transformations of the
and the economic sectors found in Africa allow the social
African societies and the emergence of new social groups
groups that follow them to have access to types of goods
and new success figures are ongoing.
that are theoretically inaccessible to such income
categories. For these populations, poverty is still a
Next to the creation of an enriched "global middle
class" _ which in some countries, like South Africa, can
have an important place _ , new "invisible" social groups of
looming presence, but it also becomes compatible with a
processes. The emergence of such new social groups,
rationality that, in principle, exclude each other.
have revived the debate on development in Africa.
The question now remains as to whether these newly
In fact, they transcend the boundaries of the classic
social significance in their societies, and if they can modify
small prosperity that is partly related to the changing goods
and services markets, and to the capacity of "conducting a
"small prosperity" are at the core of most transformation
dialogue" between economic sectors and forms of
which call into question the classic notion of middle class,
emerging social groups are open to acquiring a central
categories of social-reality analysis. They associate formal
their conditions for mobilization and intervention in
and informal sectors, private and public sectors, strategies
governance and development.
consumption modes. The result is a heterogeneous set,
These are the central issues for future experimental studies
of professional occupation, and new local and international
consisting of various professional categories, but united by
aiming at a better understanding of these questions.
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • June 2013
51
Methodological appendix
This note was based on an in-depth review of the available literature as well as on several field surveys carried out as part of
the "Photography" project covering the middle classes. The surveys in Côte d’Ivoire in April 2009 and in Kenya in June 2009
were especially very useful.
Exploratory identification of the middle classes was founded on the following orientations:
1- Methodological orientations:
1) Classification approach and ethnographic approach
Both approaches were used to question not only the definition of middle classes and their impact on collective dynamics, but
also the relevance of the notion itself in Africa in particular. The study retains the following conclusions:
-
The classification approach makes it possible to rank persons in terms of objective status (resources, professions, prestige,
-
The ethnographic approach (after Hoggart, 1957) aims at constructing, through a careful observation of individuals, their
social position, etc.) by grouping and differentiating them on this basis;
actions, behaviour and representations, and general categories that "make sense" to the local players in their specific
environment.
2) Objective and subjective classes
This supposes the construction of two surveying stages, in general and specifically in Africa, based on the question classes of
"in itself" (objective) or "for himself" (subjective):
-
The first asks the question of the objective existence of similarities in status and position among a set of individuals that
-
The second asks the question of the social and political mobilization of the members of this group on the basis of this
thus can be seen as a "separate" group on the basis of these common criteria;
statistical or classifying identity, of the rendering subjective of this objective situation, of the passage from a simple
statement of objective proximity to a subjective appraisal of these specifics by the individuals. An objective grouping in a
class does not automatically mean the condition for constituting a community, as noted by Weber, but can lead to it,
whereas for Marx the situation of class automatically has a community connotation.
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
53
2- The definition of middle classes
Definition by means of representations:
Here we discussed the representations by outsiders of the middle classes (MC) and those produced from within the MC
(identification and presentation of the MC). This representation aspect is very important as it makes it possible to discuss the
middle class identity, i.e. the subjectivity of this category (see Weber) or class conscience (in itself and for himself), and is a
strong element for linking the MC to economic, political and cultural effects.
We worked on representations:
In the African press;
In the scholarly literature on Africa;
In the expert literature on Africa;
In fictional works on Africa (novels, plays, etc.).
Definition by means of selected indicators:
Identification of criteria:
-
Type of employment (full-time, part-time; public or private; level of qualification and competence; professional status
-
Level of overall family income;
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
[employee, management]; formal or informal);
Gross income and disposable income (once all fixed expenses paid);
Income level per capita and per day;
Saving capacity;
Strategy of current investments (domestic investments: house, car, shares; or proximity with entrepreneurial logic);
Number of meals per day (3?);
Housing: status of the housing (rental or ownership; house, case, collective housing); location of housing (type of district;
urban location; available services and infrastructure: roads/tracks; sewers; piped water; refuse collection);
Home equipment (TV, radio, tap water, electricity, fridge, ventilation, car);
Types of consumption (satisfaction of three types of goods; access to "European" goods; access to cultural goods (newspapers, etc.);
Health behaviour (level of medical consumption; treated by a modern or a traditional doctor; type and existence of
insurance or of medical coverage);
Type of household and composition of family (number of children, birth control; family nuclearization and changes in terms
of community solidarity);
Educational strategy (schooling level of parents; training of children; schooling level of children). Social trajectories over
several generations and social aspirations; matrimonial strategies or alliances;
Cultural and social behaviour: visiting specific social spaces; development of specific manners (clothing, music, dance,
cooking, relationship to garden [vegetable or pleasure], travel);
Relationship to politics: membership of a party, of an association; level of political mobilization; level of politicization;
political perceptions;
Generational reproduction of the middle class; accessibility and open-mindedness;
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
54
Acronyms and abbreviations
AEF
Afrique équatoriale française (French Equatorial Africa; pre-1960)
BMZ
Bundesministerium für wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit und Entwicklung
ANC
CEAN
FDI
DFID
DOC
GMC
GNP
IRD
ILO
LSS
NGO
OECD
ORSTOM
PPP
PRC
SSA
WHO
African National Congress
Centre d’études d’Afrique noire (Centre for Black-African Studies)
Foreign Direct Investment
Department for International Development
Drivers of Change
Global Middle Class
Gross National Product
Institut de recherche sur le développement (ex ORSTOM) (Development research institute)
International Labor Organization
Living Standards Survey
Non-Governmental Organization
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development
Office de la recherche scientifique and technique outre-mer
Purchasing Power Parity
People's Republic of China
Sub-Saharan Africa
World Health Organization
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
55
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Série Documents de travail / Working Papers Series
Publiés depuis janvier 2009 / published since January 2009
Les numéros antérieurs sont consultables sur le site : http://recherche.afd.fr
Previous publications can be consulted online at: http://recherche.afd.fr
N° 78
« L’itinéraire professionnel du jeune Africain » - Les résultats d’une enquête auprès de jeunes leaders Africains sur
les dispositifs de formation professionnelle post-primaire
Richard Walther, consultant ITG, Marie Tamoifo, porte-parole de la jeunesse africaine et de la diaspora
Contact : Nicolas Lejosne, AFD - janvier 2009.
N° 79
Le ciblage des politiques de lutte contre la pauvreté : quel bilan des expériences dans les pays en développement ?
N° 80
Les nouveaux dispositifs de formation professionnelle post-primaire. Les résultats d’une enquête terrain au Cameroun,
Emmanuelle Lavallée, Anne Olivier, Laure Pasquier-Doumer, Anne-Sophie Robilliard, DIAL - février 2009.
Mali et Maroc
Richard Walther, Consultant ITG
N° 81
N° 82
Contact : Nicolas Lejosne, AFD - mars 2009.
Economic Integration and Investment Incentives in Regulated Industries
Emmanuelle Auriol, Toulouse School of Economics, Sara Biancini, Université de Cergy-Pontoise, THEMA,
Comments by : Yannick Perez and Vincent Rious - April 2009.
Capital naturel et développement durable en Nouvelle-Calédonie - Etude 1. Mesures de la « richesse totale »
et soutenabilité du développement de la Nouvelle-Calédonie
Clément Brelaud, Cécile Couharde, Vincent Géronimi, Elodie Maître d’Hôtel, Katia Radja, Patrick Schembri,
Armand Taranco, Université de Versailles - Saint-quentin-en-Yvelines, GEMDEV
Contact : Valérie Reboud, AFD - juin 2009.
N° 83
The Global Discourse on “Participation” and its Emergence in Biodiversity Protection
N° 84
Community Participation in Biodiversity Protection: an Enhanced Analytical Framework for Practitioners
N° 85
Les Petits opérateurs privés de la distribution d’eau à Maputo : d’un problème à une solution ?
N° 86
Olivier Charnoz, AFD - July 2009.
Olivier Charnoz, AFD - August 2009.
Aymeric Blanc, Jérémie Cavé, LATTS, Emmanuel Chaponnière, Hydroconseil
Contact : Aymeric Blanc, AFD - août 2009.
Les transports face aux défis de l’énergie et du climat
Benjamin Dessus, Global Chance.
Contact : Nils Devernois, AFD - septembre 2009.
N° 87
Fiscalité locale : une grille de lecture économique
N° 88
Les coûts de formation et d’insertion professionnelles - Conclusions d’une enquête terrain en Côte d’Ivoire
N° 89
Guy Gilbert, professeur des universités à l’Ecole normale supérieure (ENS) de Cachan
Contact : Réjane Hugounenq, AFD - septembre 2009.
Richard Walther, expert AFD avec la collaboration de Boubakar Savadogo (Akilia) et de Borel Foko (Pôle de Dakar)
Contact : Nicolas Lejosne, AFD - octobre 2009.
Présentation de la base de données. Institutional Profiles Database 2009 (IPD 2009)
Institutional Profiles Database III - Presentation of the Institutional Profiles Database 2009 (IPD 2009)
Denis de Crombrugghe, Kristine Farla, Nicolas Meisel, Chris de Neubourg, Jacques Ould Aoudia, Adam Szirmai
Contact : Nicolas Meisel, AFD - décembre 2009.
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N° 90
Migration, santé et soins médicaux à Mayotte
Sophie Florence, Jacques Lebas, Pierre Chauvin, Equipe de recherche sur les déterminants sociaux de la santé et
du recours aux soins UMRS 707 (Inserm - UPMC)
N° 91
Contact : Christophe Paquet, AFD - janvier 2010.
Capital naturel et developpement durable en Nouvelle-Calédonie - Etude 2. Soutenabilité de la croissance néocalédonienne : un enjeu de politiques publiques
Cécile Couharde, Vincent Géronimi, Elodie Maître d’Hôtel, Katia Radja, Patrick Schembri, Armand Taranco
Université de Versailles – Saint-quentin-en-Yvelines, GEMDEV
Contact : Valérie Reboud, AFD - janvier 2010.
N° 92
Community Participation Beyond Idealisation and Demonisation: Biodiversity Protection in Soufrière, St. Lucia
N° 93
Community Participation in the Pantanal, Brazil: Containment Games and Learning Processes
Olivier Charnoz, AFD - January 2010.
Participation communautaire dans le Pantanal au Brésil : stratégies d’endiguement et processus d’apprentissage
Olivier Charnoz, AFD - février 2010.
N° 94
Développer le premier cycle secondaire : enjeu rural et défis pour l'Afrique subsaharienne
N° 95
Prévenir les crises alimentaires au Sahel : des indicateurs basés sur les prix de marché
N° 96
La Thaïlande : premier exportateur de caoutchouc naturel grâce à ses agriculteurs familiaux
N° 97
Les réformes curriculaires par l’approche par compétences en Afrique
N° 98
N° 99
N° 100
Alain Mingat et Francis Ndem, IREDU, CNRS et université de Bourgogne
Contact : Jean-Claude Balmès, AFD - avril 2010
Catherine Araujo Bonjean, Stéphanie Brunelin, Catherine Simonet, CERDI - mai 2010.
Jocelyne Delarue, AFD - mai 2010.
Francoise Cros, Jean-Marie de Ketele, Martial Dembélé, Michel Develay, Roger-François Gauthier, Najoua Ghriss,
Yves Lenoir, Augustin Murayi, Bruno Suchaut, Valérie Tehio - juin 2010.
Les coûts de formation et d’insertion professionnelles - Les conclusions d’une enquête terrain au Burkina Faso
Richard Walther, Boubakar Savadogo, consultants en partenariat avec le Pôle de Dakar/UNESCO-BREDA.
Contact : Nicolas Lejosne, AFD - juin 2010.
Private Sector Participation in the Indian Power Sector and Climate Change
Shashanka Bhide, Payal Malik, S.K.N. Nair, Consultants, NCAER
Contact: Aymeric Blanc, AFD - June 2010.
Normes sanitaires et phytosanitaires : accès des pays de l’Afrique de l’Ouest au marché européen - Une étude
empirique
Abdelhakim Hammoudi, Fathi Fakhfakh, Cristina Grazia, Marie-Pierre Merlateau.
N° 101
Contact : Marie-Cécile Thirion, AFD - juillet 2010.
Hétérogénéité internationale des standards de sécurité sanitaire des aliments : quelles stratégies pour les filières
d’exportation des PED ? - Une analyse normative
Abdelhakim Hammoudi, Cristina Grazia, Eric Giraud-Héraud, Oualid Hamza.
Contact : Marie-Cécile Thirion, AFD - juillet 2010.
N° 102
Développement touristique de l’outre-mer et dépendance au carbone
N° 103
Les approches de la pauvreté en Polynésie française : résultats et apports de l’enquête sur les conditions de vie en 2009
Jean-Paul Ceron, Ghislain Dubois et Louise de Torcy.
Contact : Valérie Reboud, AFD - octobre 2010.
Javier Herrera, IRD-DIAL, Sébastien Merceron, Insee.
Contact : Cécile Valadier, AFD - novembre 2010.
© AFD Working Paper N° 118 • What Middle Class(es) in Africa? A literature review • September 2013
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N° 104
La gestion des déchets à Coimbatore (Inde) : frictions entre politique publique et initiatives privées
N° 105
Migrations et soins en Guyane - Rapport final à l’Agence Française de Développement dans le cadre du contrat
Jérémie Cavé, Laboratoire Techniques, Territoires et Sociétés (LATTS), CNRS - décembre 2010.
AFD-Inserm
Anne Jolivet, Emmanuelle Cadot, Estelle Carde, Sophie Florence, Sophie Lesieur, Jacques Lebas, Pierre Chauvin
N° 106
Contact : Christophe Paquet, AFD - décembre 2010.
Les enjeux d'un bon usage de l'électricité : Chine, Etats-Unis, Inde et Union européenne
Benjamin Dessus et Bernard Laponche avec la collaboration de Sophie Attali (Topten International Services),
Robert Angioletti (Ademe), Michel Raoust (Terao)
N° 107
Contact : Nils Devernois, AFD - février 2011.
Hospitalisation des patients des pays de l’Océan indien - Prises en charges spécialisées dans les hôpitaux de la Réunion
Catherine Dupilet, Dr Roland Cash, Dr Olivier Weil et Dr Georges Maguerez (cabinet AGEAL)
En partenariat avec le Centre Hospitalier Régional de la Réunion et le Fonds de coopération régionale de la Réunion
N° 108
N° 109
N° 110
Contact : Philippe Renault, AFD - février 2011.
Peasants against Private Property Rights: A Review of the Literature
Thomas Vendryes, Paris School of Economics - February 2011.
Le mécanisme REDD+ de l’échelle mondiale à l’échelle locale - Enjeux et conditions de mise en oeuvre
ONF International
Contact : Tiphaine Leménager, AFD - mars 2011.
L’aide au Commerce : état des lieux et analyse
Aid for Trade: A Survey
Mariana Vijil, Marilyne Huchet-Bourdon et Chantal Le Mouël, Agrocampus Ouest, INRA, Rennes.
N° 111
N° 112
Contact : Marie-Cécile Thirion, AFD - avril 2011.
Métiers porteurs : le rôle de l’entrepreneuriat, de la formation et de l'insertion professionnelle
Sandra Barlet et Christian Baron, GRET
Contact : Nicolas Lejosne, AFD - avril 2011.
Charbon de bois et sidérurgie en Amazonie brésilienne : quelles pistes d’améliorations environnementales ?
L’exemple du pôle de Carajas
Ouvrage collectif sous la direction de Marie-Gabrielle Piketty, Cirad, UMR Marchés
N° 113
Contact : Tiphaine Leménager, AFD - avril 2011.
Gestion des risques agricoles par les petits producteurs Focus sur l'assurance-récolte indicielle et le warrantage
Guillaume Horréard, Bastien Oggeri, Ilan Rozenkopf sous l’encadrement de :
Anne Chetaille, Aurore Duffau, Damien Lagandré
Contact : Bruno Vindel, AFD - mai 2011.
N° 114
Analyse de la cohérence des politiques commerciales en Afrique de l’Ouest
N° 115
L’accès à l’eau et à l’assainissement pour les populations en situation de crise :
Jean-Pierre Rolland, Arlène Alpha, GRET
Contact : Jean-René Cuzon, AFD - juin 2011
comment passer de l’urgence à la reconstruction et au développement ?
Julie Patinet (Groupe URD) et Martina Rama (Académie de l’eau),
sous la direction de François Grünewald (Groupe URD)
Contact : Thierry Liscia, AFD - septembre 2011.
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N° 116
Formation et emploi au Maroc : état des lieux et recommandations
N° 117
Student Loans: Liquidity Constraint and Higher Education in South Africa
N° 118
quelles(s) classe(s) moyenne(s) en Afrique ? Une revue de littérature
Jean-Christophe Maurin et Thomas Mélonio, AFD - septembre 2011.
Marc Gurgand, Adrien Lorenceau, Paris School of Economics
Contact: Thomas Mélonio, AFD - September 2011.
Dominique Darbon, IEP Bordeaux, Comi Toulabor, LAM Bordeaux
Contacts : Virginie Diaz et Thomas Mélonio, AFD - décembre 2011.
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