Insights into Politics and the Language of Politics

Insights into Politics and
the Language of Politics:
a Course of English
Alecia JIOEVA
Рекомендовано УМО по классическому университетскому образованию
в качестве учебного пособия для студентов высших учебных заведений,
обучающихся по специальности «Филология»
и направлению подготовки «Филология»
КНОРУС • МОСКВА • 2016
УДК 811.111(075.8)
Д41
Рецензенты:
О.В. Александрова , заведующая кафедрой английского языкознания филологического факульЕ.Г. Беляевская, проф. кафедры стилистики английского языка ГОУ ВПО «Московский
, проф. факультета иностранных языков и регионоведения МГУ им. М.В. Ломоносова
Д41
Джиоева А.А.
Insights into Politics and the Language of Politics: a Course of English :
учебное пособие / А.А. Джиоева. — М. : КНОРУС, 2016. — 384 с.
ISBN 978-5-406-04865-8
Отличительной чертой пособия является его направленность на развитие четырех основных
навыков обучения языку — говорения, слушания, письма, чтения. Акцент делается на говорении
как навыке, н аиболее актуальном для будущих политиков. Темы уроков, с одной стороны, содерют наиболее насущные проблемы политики ХХ–ХХI веков. Даны портреты выдающихся политиков настоящего и прошлого. Учебник содержит большое количество материала, необходимого
рологического характера.
Для студентов факультетов политологии и международных отношений. Актуальность текстов и заданий позволяет успешно использовать и на факультетах иностранных языков, филологическом, журналистики, регионоведения.
УДК 811.111(075.8)
Джиоева Алеся Александровна
INSIGHTS INTO POLITICS AND THE LANGUAGE OF POLITICS:
A COURSE OF ENGLISH
Сертификат соответствия № РОСС RU. АЕ51. Н 16604 от 07.07.2014.
Изд. № 10142. Формат 60 х 90/16.
Печать офсетная. Гарнитура «PetersburgC».
Усл. печ. 24,0. Уч.-изд. л. 20,95.
ООО «Издательство «КноРус».
117218, г. Москва, ул. Кедрова, д. 14, корп. 2.
Тел.: 8-495-741-46-28.
E-mail: [email protected] http://www.knorus.ru
Отпечатано в ООО «Контакт».
107150, г. Москва, проезд Подбельского 4-й, д. 3.
ISBN 978-5-406-04865-8
© Джиоева А.А., 2016
© ООО Издательство «КноРус», 2016
South and North Ossetia people
dedication
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This book is a recent venture. Yet, it’s the result of a lifetime of learning.
I’d like to acknowledge many of the people who have contributed to that learn
ing process and to this book.
First, a personal note of thanks to my parents who set the right priorities in
my life and made me the kind of person I am.
My thanks to Dr Bruce Rindler from Boston University and Prof. Marie
Danziger from Harvard Kennedy School, both of whom made me most wel
come during my Fulbright stay in Boston where I gathered most material for the
present book.
My appreciation to Professors Olga V. Alexandrova, Elena G.
Belyaevskaya and Keith RawsonJones who made reviews of the coursebook
and were most helpful at different stages of the process.
And, finally, my biggest thanks to the students of MSU and everywhere
else for their commitment in learning English and for making me constantly
believe that teaching is a neverending and wonderful challenge.
4
FOREWORD
“What is it that you, as future politicians, particularly liked (or disliked)
about the speech?”
The speech referred to is a little known, but very important one, given by
President John F. Kennedy in 1963.
The question on the speech is posed by Alecia Jioeva, author of “Insights
into Politics and the Language of Politics.” What I liked about this and many
other questions in the course is that it forces students to THINK. Improvement
of their English will be a byproduct of this process:
READ in English — THINK — EXPRESS ideas in English.
The speech by President Kennedy is one of many important and interest
ing ones in the book, where, among others, we find Winston Churchill, Martin
Luther King, Ronald Reagan, Margaret Thatcher, Queen Elizabeth I, … even
Napoleon Bonaparte. All of them are interesting to read.
There are Russian language articles from various sources, on a variety of
subjects, all well chosen and informative.
The scope of the book is huge: a minibiography of Margaret Thatcher in
English for example, and then more background information on her in Russian
from Argumenti I Fakti. I personally am grateful to the author for including the
origins and meaning of “dogwhistle politics”, a term that, living in Russia, I
was unaware of. And grateful too for the background material on Eleanor
Roosevelt and Hillary Clinton. The Russian language section on Dorenko –vs.
Luzhkov was another eyeopener for me. (I could go on and on, but have no
desire to compete with the 400+ pages of the manuscript!) Suffice it to say that
the various texts in English and in Russian are wellchosen and very interest
ing, likely to motivate the students to persevere in their studies.
There are several types of exercises: questions on the texts, comments
requested on some contents of the texts, translations — English to Russian and
Russian to English, vocabulary building, a vast range of well chosen colloca
tions to learn, summaries of speeches to write, some multiple choice exercises,
project papers to prepare, debates to plan, etc., etc.
5
I enjoyed reading the section on Political Correctness. The section on
“Doublespeak” was both enjoyable and informative.
The Russian language account of the “NORDOST” tragedy was not
enjoyable, but very informative. The articles by Noam Chomsky and David
Crystal were well selected, and I was especially pleased to see a quotation from
my old friend Lord Professor Randolph Quirk: “The sun never sets on the
English language.” (A play on “The sun never sets on the British Empire.”)
The Empire is long gone, but the English language remains.
For some twenty years I was Educational Director of The Linguaphone
Institute, London.
Randolph Quirk was a member of the Linguaphone Institute’s Academic
Advisory Committee. During that period we published about 400 language
courses. I am sure that Randolph would join me in saying that we would have
been proud to have published this TOUR DE FORCE by Alecia Jioeva.
Professor Keith RawsonJones
Ask not what your country can do for you —
ask what you can do for your country.
John F. Kennedy
English is the language the sun never sets on.
Randolph Quirk
CONTENTS
Unit 1.
Unit 2.
Unit 3.
Unit 4.
Unit 5.
Unit 6.
Unit 7.
Unit 8.
Unit 9.
Unit 1.
Unit 2.
Unit 3.
Unit 4.
8
CHAPTER I
OUTSTANDING SPEECHES
AND PERSONALITIES
Martin Luther King: “I Have a Dream” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .12
John F. Kennedy: “Ask not What Your Country Can Do
for You — Ask What You Can Do for Your Country”
(Inaugural Address) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .24
John F. Kennedy: “…Our Most Basic Common
Link Is that We All Inhabit this Small Planet. We All Breathe
the Same Air. We All Cherish our Children’s Future.
And We are All Mortal” (American University
Commencement Address) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .31
John F. Kennedy: “Ich bin ein Berliner” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .41
Oliver Stone: “JFK” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .46
Winston Churchill: “I Have Nothing to Offer but Blood,
Toil, Tears and Sweat” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .58
Ronald Reagan: “Mr Gorbachev, Tear Down this Wall!” . . . . .73
Elizabeth I: “I Have the Heart and Stomach of a King” . . . . . .82
Napoleon Bonaparte: “I Go, but You, My Friends,
Will Continue to Serve France. Her Happiness Was My
Only Thought” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .89
CHAPTER II
GENDER ISSUES IN POLITICS
General Gender Issues . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .100
Gender Issues in History and Politics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .108
Condoleezza Rice: A Symbol of Political Correctness? . . . . . .115
Margaret Thatcher: Personal and Political Profile . . . . . . . . . .128
Unit 1.
Unit 2.
Unit 3.
Unit 4.
Unit 5.
Unit 6.
Unit 7.
Unit 8.
CHAPTER III
HOT POLITICAL ISSUES
August 2008 and the Start of a Multipolar World . . . . . . . . . .158
Watergate: a Political Crime . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .177
Big Brother in Politics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .194
Dictators in Politics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .207
Terrorism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .218
Globalization and Politics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .234
Business and Politics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .242
Image and Politics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .260
CHAPTER IV
LANGUAGE AND POLITICS
Unit 1. English as a Global Language . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .286
Unit 2. Politics and the English Language . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .300
Unit 3. The Language of Politics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .306
Unit 4. The Power of Language . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .309
Unit 5. Propaganda and Politics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .316
Unit 6. Doublespeak . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .327
Unit 7. Political Correctness . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .336
Unit 8. Race and Language . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .352
Unit 9. Language and Nationality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .366
Unit 10. Body Language in Politics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .372
CHAPTER I
OUTSTANDING
SPEECHES
AND PERSONALITIES
Unit 1
“I Have a Dream”
Martin Luther King
Task 1:
What associations come into your mind when you hear the name
of Martin Luther King (MLK)? Do the brainstorming work.
Task 2:
Read the text “Free at Last.”
Free at Last
In 1983, the United States Congress passed a law that made the birth
day of Dr Martin Luther King, Jr., a national holiday. The new holiday,
which is celebrated every year on the third Monday in January, honors Dr
King’s work for civil rights and for the promotion of peaceful ways to secure
freedom and equality. He helped to change America.
Martin Luther King, Jr., grew up in a loving, supportive, and religious
family in Atlanta, Georgia, where his father was pastor of the Ebenezer
Baptist Church. As a black child growing up in the South in the 1930s and
‘40s, he daily had to face the problems of segregation and racial injustice. He
wanted to help change things for the better.
He thought of becoming a lawyer or a doctor. However, impressed by
his father’s work for civil rights and his own feeling of the importance of reli
gion, he decided to become a minister. When he was 17, his father let him
preach a trial sermon in his church. It was such a success that he was sure he
had found his calling, and went on to study at a theological seminary in
Pennsylvania.
While at the seminary, King learned about the life and work of
Mohandas Gandhi in India. He was particularly impressed with Gandhi’s
belief in nonviolent protest as a way of achieving freedom and civil rights.
Always a good student, King enrolled at Boston University for further
study, and earned a Doctor of Philosophy degree in 1955. During the ‘50s
and ‘60s he was an untiring worker for the civil rights movement in the
United States, leading many peaceful protests, and insisting on nonviolence
even when he and his family were attacked because of the work he was
doing.
On August 28, 1963, Dr King helped lead a famous civilrights march
on Washington, D.C., that brought more than a quarter of a million people
to the nation’s capital. Thousands of blacks and whites marched behind the
black leaders. The march ended in front of the Lincoln Memorial and
13
Dr King was the last speaker. It was here that he made his famous “I Have a
Dream” speech, in which he told about the dream he had for his four child
ren and all children. This was one of the most important speeches in
American history. Heretofore new local and state laws were helping to abo
lish segregation and further freedom and civil rights in certain places. On
August 6, 1965, Congress passed a federal law — the Voting Rights Act of
1965 — which enabled many blacks to vote for the first time. In many cities
and states, black leaders were elected to important offices.
Dr King’s stature as a civilrights leader continued to grow. In 1963
Time magazine had named him “Man of the Year.” Of the many awards he
received, the most important was the Nobel Peace Prize that he won in 1964.
Upon receiving the prize he said, “I accept this award with … faith in
America and … faith in mankind. … I still believe that we shall overcome.”
In spite of the nonviolent nature of Dr King’s work, civilrights protests
sometimes brought violent actions and reactions. Because of his prominence
as a leader in the civilrights movement, Dr King received threats to his life.
On April 3, 1968, in Memphis, Tennessee, he said at the end of a speech:
“I don’t know what will happen now. We’ve got some difficult days ahead.
But it doesn’t matter with me now. Because I’ve been to the Mountaintop.
And I don’t mind. Like anybody, I would like to live a long life. … But I’m
not concerned about that now. I just want to do God’s will. And He’s
allowed me to go up the mountain. And I’ve looked over. And I’ve seen the
promised land.”
The next day Dr King and his staff met to plan a peaceful march. As he
stepped out of his motel room to go to dinner, a rifle shot was heard. At the
young age of 39, Dr Martin Luther King, Jr., had been assassinated.
President Lyndon Johnson declared April 9, the day of Dr King’s funer
al in Atlanta, a national day of mourning. Millions of Americans watched the
funeral on television. After the memorial service, he was buried in Atlanta,
the city where he was born and had lived and worked for many years. On his
gravestone are carved the words from his most famous speech: “Free at last!
Free at last! Thank God Almighty, I’m free at last!”
(English Teaching forums. January 1994)
Task 3:
Answer the questions.
1. What do you know about MLK’s childhood?
2. Tell about MLK’s education.
14
3. What impact did Mohandas Gandhi have on MLK?
4. Which awards was MLK given?
5. Comment on MLK’s words “And I have seen the Promised Land.”
6. When and how was MLK assassinated?
7. What is the difference between the words “killed”, “murdered” and
“assassinated”?
Task 4:
Give a summary of the text “Free at Last.”
Task 5:
Read the following text and prepare to answer the questions that
follow.
As far as black Americans were concerned, the nation’s response to
Brown was agonizingly slow, and neither state legislatures, nor the Congress
seemed willing to help their cause along. Finally, President John F. Kennedy
recognized that only a strong civil rights bill would put teeth into the drive
to secure equal protection of the laws for African Americans. On June 11,
1963, he proposed such a bill to Congress, asking for legislation that would
provide “the kind of equality of treatment which we would want for our
selves.” Southern representatives in Congress managed to block the bill in
committee, and civil rights leaders sought some way to build political
momentum behind the measure.
A. Philip Randolph, a labor leader and longtime civil rights activist,
called for a massive march on Washington to dramatize the issue. He wel
comed the participation of white groups as well as black in order to demon
strate the multiracial backing for civil rights. The various elements of the
civil rights movement, many of which had been wary one of another, agreed
to participate. The National Association for the Advancement of Colored
People, the Congress of Racial Equality, the Southern Christian Leadership
Conference, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee and the
Urban League all managed to bury their differences and work together. The
leaders even agreed to tone down the rhetoric of some of the more militant
activists for the sake of unity, and they worked closely with the Kennedy
administration, which hoped the march would, in fact, lead to passage of the
civil rights bill.
15
On August 28, 1963, under a nearly cloudless sky, more than 250,000
people, a fifth of them white, gathered near the Lincoln Memorial in
Washington to rally for “jobs and freedom.” The roster of speakers included
speakers from nearly every segment of society — labor leaders like Walter
Reuther, clergy, film stars such as Sidney Poitier and Marlon Brando and
folksingers such as Joan Baez. Each of the speakers was allotted fifteen mi
nutes, but the day belonged to the young and charismatic leader of the
Southern Christian Leadership Conference.
Dr Martin Luther King, Jr., had originally prepared a short and some
what formal recitation of the sufferings of African Americans attempting to
realize their freedom in a society chained by discrimination. He was about to
sit down when gospel singer Mahalia Jackson called out, “Tell them about
your dream, Martin! Tell them about your dream!” Encouraged by shouts
from the audience, King drew upon some of his past talks, and the result
became the landmark statement of civil rights in America — a dream of all
people, of all races and colors and backgrounds, sharing in an America
marked by freedom and democracy.
1. Where and when was “I Have a Dream” speech delivered?
2. How many people were present at the meeting?
3. Who else spoke at the meeting?
4. Comment on J.F. Kennedy’s words: “… the kind of equality of treat
ment which we would want for ourselves.” What is the political con
text around J.F. Kennedy’s words and the reasons for saying them?
5. There is a phrase in the text: “to bury their differences and work
together”. What differences do you think are implied?
6. How did it happen that Dr King made his historic speech?
Task 6:
Listen to the speech “I Have a Dream.” Take notes while listening.
You can also watch the video (if available).
Task 7:
Read the speech “I Have a Dream” and prepare to do the main
bulk of tasks in this unit.
I Have a Dream
I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the
greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.
16
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we
stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous
decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who
had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous day
break to end the long night of their captivity.
But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred
years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of seg
regation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the
Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of mate
rial prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the
corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.
So we’ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition. In a sense
we’ve come to our nation’s capital to cash a check. When the architects of
our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the
Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which
every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes,
black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the “unalienable
Rights” of “Life, Liberty. and the pursuit of Happiness.”
It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note,
insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred
obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which
has come back marked “insufficient funds”. We refuse to believe that the
bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient
funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we’ve come
to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of free
dom and the security of justice.
We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce
urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to
take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the
promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate
valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to
lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of
brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God’s child
ren. It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment.
This sweltering summer of the Negro’s legitimate discontent will not pass
until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.
Nineteen sixtythree is not an end, but a beginning. And those who
hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will
have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.
There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is
granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to
shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.
17
But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the
warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: in the process of gain
ing our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds.
Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the
cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the
high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest
to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the
majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.
The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro communi
ty must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white
brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize
that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and they have come to realize
that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. This offense we
share mounted to storm the battlements of injustice must be carried forth by
a biracial army. We cannot walk alone.
And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march
ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of
civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long
as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality.
We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue
of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels
of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro’s basic mobility is
from a smaller ghetto to a larger one.
We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their
selfhood and robbed of their dignity by a sign stating “for whites only.” We
cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro
in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No. We are not sa
tisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters, and
righteousness like a mighty stream.
I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials
and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And
some of you have come from areas where your quest — quest for freedom left
you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of
police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue
to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.
Go back to Mississippi; go back to Alabama; go back to South Carolina;
go back to Georgia; go back to Louisiana; go back to the slums and ghettos
of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be
changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.
So I say to you today, my friends that even though we must face the dif
ficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply
18
rooted in the American dream that one day this nation will rise up and live
out the true meaning of its creed — we hold these truths to be selfevident,
that all men are created equal.
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true
meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be selfevident, that all men
are created equal.”
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of for
mer slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down
together at the table of brotherhood.
I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state swel
tering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will
be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.
I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation
where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content
of their character. I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists,
with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition
and nullification, that one day, right there in Alabama, little black boys and
black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as
sisters and brothers. I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill
and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and
the crooked places will be made straight; and the glory of the Lord shall be
revealed and all flesh shall see it together.
This is our hope. This is the faith that I go back to the South with.
With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair
a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling dis
cords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.
With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to
struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together,
knowing that we will be free one day. This will be the day — this will be
the day when all of God’s children will be able to sing with new
meaning, — “My country ‘tis of thee; sweet land of liberty; of thee I sing;
land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim’s pride; from every moun
tainside, let freedom ring” — and if America is to be a great nation, this
must become true.
So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.
Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.
Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.
Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado.
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.
19
But not only that:
Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.
Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.
Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.
From every mountainside, let freedom ring.
And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it
ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we
will be able to speed up that day when all of God’s children, black men and
white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join
hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, “Free at last, free at
last; thank God Almighty, we are free at last.”
Task 8:
Underline the parts of the speech that you like most.
Task 9:
Translate the following words, phrases, and sentences from the
speech:
Gentiles;
thee;
a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves;
the life of the Negro is sadly crippled by … the chain of discrimination;
the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and
finds himself in exile in his own world;
to guarantee the unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of
happiness;
now is the time to make real the promises of democracy;
the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality;
with this faith we will be able to transport the jangling discords of our
nations into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.
20
Task 10:
Study the collocations with the key word “dream” and use them
in sentences of your own.
big dream
great dream
lifelong dream
distant dream
impossible dream
utopian dream
romantic dream
cherish a dream
have a dream
achieve a dream
fulfill a dream
realize a dream
keep alive a dream
the dream (to) come true
the dream (to) burn into a nightmare
a dream holiday
a dream home
a dream house
Task 11:
Another key word associated with MLK is “racism.” Consider
another list of collocations. Learn them and use them in sentences of
your own.
blatant racism
overt racism
rampant racism
institutional (or institutionalized) racism
be a victim of racism
experience racism
combat racism
fight against racism
a form of racism
21
Task 12:
Answer the questions based on the speech.
1. What is the main purpose behind this speech? Where does King state
this purpose most clearly?
2. What are the signs of racism mentioned by Dr King in his speech?
3. Why does King make use of “five score years ago” (paragraph 2)? How
is this more appropriate than simply saying “a hundred years ago”?
4. King gave this speech to a huge live audience that had come to
Washington for a march for freedom and civil rights. How much
larger is the national audience he is addressing, and why is that audi
ence also important?
5. Where does King acknowledge the special historic circumstances
influencing his speech?
6. From what sources does King adapt phrases to give his work allusive
richness?
7. What features to your mind make the “I Have a Dream” speech so
successful? Think of linguistic and nonlinguistic aspects.
8. In what way do King’s talents as a minister serve his purposes in the
speech?
9. What are some of the most powerful metaphors used in the speech?
10. How does King draw on metaphor to engage his listeners’ feelings of
injustice and give them hope for a new day?
11. Why does King make use of repetition? How do you think this tech
nique works?
12. In which paragraph does King address the problems of African
Americans? Which problems are they?
13. Why is the speech called “I Have a Dream” and how does “the dream
idea” contribute to the success of the speech?
14. What elements in the speech reveal these qualities that contributed
to King’s power as a major civil rights leader, effective with whites as
well as with blacks?
15. “I Have a Dream” is considered by many people to be among the greatest
speeches ever delivered. Do you think that it deserves to be? Explain.
16. What do you know about the KuKluxKlan?
17. Some of you have probably read the book “Gone with the Wind” by
M. Mitchell or seen the movie. How is the “black issue” covered there?
18. How do you think the state of things with racism in America is today?
19. If King were alive today, more than forty years after his speech, how
much of his dream do you think he would feel has come true?
20. The word “Negro” has a politically correct synonym of African
American. What do you know about “political correctness”?
22
21. Comment on the term “positive segregation” and express your atti
tude towards it.
22. How is the issue of racism or nationalism dealt with in Russia? Think
of skinheads, football fans, others.
Task 13:
Translate the following extract into Russian and learn it by heart.
I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation
where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content
of their character. … I have a dream that one day the state of Alabama … will
be transformed into a situation where black boys and black girls will be able
to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. …
This is our hope. This is the faith with which I return to the South.
With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone
of hope. … With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together,
to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together,
knowing that we will be free one day.
This will be the day when all of God’s children will be able to sing with
new meaning, “My country ‘tis of thee; sweet land of liberty; of thee I sing:
land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim’s pride, from every moun
tainside, let freedom ring.”…
When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and
every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up
that day when all of God’s children, black men and white men, Jews and
Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in
the words of the old Negro spiritual, “Free at last, free at last; thank God
Almighty, we are free at last.”
Task 14:
Prepare a newspaper editorial advocating a solution to one aspect
of racial or ethnic injustice.
Task 15:
Make your own political or nonpolitical “I Have a Dream”
speech. Try to benefit from MLK’s speech.
23
LITERATURE
Chomsky N. On Nature and language. — Cambridge, 2002.
Crystal D. English as a Global Language. — Cambridge, 2003.
Crystal D. The Cambridge Encyclopedia of the English Language. —
Cambridge, 2002.
King R.D. Should English Be the Law? — SIRS, Inc., 1997.
Kral T. Portraits in Words: English Language Programs Division. —
Washington, D.C., 1992.
Language Awareness: Readings for College Writers. — New York, 2005.
Lutz W. The New Doublespeak: Why No One Knows What Anyone’s
Saying Anymore. — New York, 1997.
Tickner J.A. Gender in International Relations. — New York, 1992.
Материалы из газет и журналов:
Аргументы и Факты, Ведомости, Вестник, Комсомольская Правда,
Независимая Газета;
The Guardian, The Independent UK, The Moscow News, Reason
Magazine, Time Magazine, Woman Plus Magazine.
Dictionaries
Cambridge International Dictionary of English.
Collins COBUILD English Language Dictionary.
Longman Dictionary of English Language and Culture.
Macmillan English Dictionary for Advanced Learners.
Oxford Collocations Dictionary for Students of English.
Internet
AboutStudy.ru
American League of Lobbyists — alldc.org
A project of the Levin Institute — globalization101.org
CNN Knowledge Bank: Profiles
383
EssayPaper.net
EzineArticles.com
Independent Media Institute — alternet.org
Peters T., Peters S. Topics Online magazine, 1997—2008
http://en.wikipedia.org
http://www.narodparty.ru
http://www.bigbrothergovernment.org
www.hillaryclinton.com