A review of curanderismo and healing practices among Mexicans

OCCUPATIONAL THERAPY INTERNATIONAL
Occup. Ther. Int. 16(1): 82–88 (2009)
Published online in Wiley InterScience
(www.interscience.wiley.com) DOI: 10.1002/oti.265
A review of curanderismo and
healing practices among Mexicans
and Mexican Americans
MARITZA MONTIEL TAFUR, Deppa Therapy Services, Albuquerque, NM,
USA
TERRY K. CROWE, Division of Occupational Therapy, Department of Pediatrics, School of Medicine, University of New Mexico, NM, USA
ELISEO TORRES, Office of the Vice President for Student Affairs, University
of New Mexico, Albuquerque, NM, USA
ABSTRACT: Occupational therapists working with Mexican and Mexican American populations may encounter traditional healing practices associated with curanderismo within a variety of practice settings. Curanderismo is a term referring to
the practice of traditional healing in Latin American (Hispanic) cultures. This article
reviews from the literature the different types of traditional healers (curanderos/as),
the remedies recommended by traditional healers and common traditional illnesses
treated. Traditional healing practices among Mexican and Mexican Americans may
be as high as 50–75% in some parts of the United States. Further research is needed
to investigate the effectiveness of curanderismo and its impact on quality of life,
activities of daily living and overall social participation. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley
& Sons, Ltd.
Key words: alternative medicine, curanderism, Mexican healers
Introduction
Curanderismo is a term referring to the Spanish word curar, meaning ‘to heal’,
and is used to describe the practice of traditional healing in Latin American
(Hispanic) cultures (Trotter and Chavira, 1997). Remedies, healers and rituals
generally found in the health and healing practices of many Mexican and
Mexican Americans are presented to help occupational therapists to understand
curanderismo and to develop increased cultural sensitivity.
The health status of Hispanic populations living in the United States is
below that of non-Hispanic Whites. For example, data suggest that Hispanics
Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd
Occup. Ther. Int. 16(1): 82–88 (2009)
DOI: 10.1002/oti
Curanderismo and healing practices
are 1.5 times more likely to suffer from diabetes and have an increased prevalence for cardiovascular risk factors, such as a sedentary lifestyle and obesity,
than non-Hispanic Whites (Pría, 2003; Aranda and Vázquez, 2004; National
Diabetes Information Clearinghouse, 2004; Office of Minority Health, 2009).
According to the Center for Disease Control and Prevention (2008), HIV is a
serious health concern among Hispanics, and in 2005, it was the fourth leading
cause of death among men and women age 35–44. In addition to these health
concerns, Hispanics tend to use public healthcare facilities less often than nonHispanic Whites and other minority populations (DeNavas-Wait et al., 2007).
In the year 2006, 32.7% of Hispanics had no healthcare coverage for one or
more years, compared with 14.5% of non-Hispanic Whites and 19.4% of African
American in the United States (DeNavas-Wait et al., 2007). Theories of why
Hispanic people are underrepresented in healthcare are related to: poor physician–patient communication, lack of citizenship, low socio-economic status, low
educational level, social isolation, poor language comprehension and cultural
barriers (Fishman et al., 1993; Aranda and Vázquez, 2004).
Studies conducted in west Texas have found that more than 75% of Mexican
Americans use complementary or alternative therapies to treat their illnesses
and suggest that Mexicans and Mexican Americans use traditional remedies
because they prefer them to allopathic healthcare and integrate traditional
remedies into their daily self-care routines (Bushy, 1992; Eisenberg et al., 1998;
Rivera et al., 2002).
While many Mexicans and Mexican Americans incorporate traditional
medicine into their healthcare practices, few share this information with their
physicians and other healthcare providers. A recent study concluded that 69%
of Mexican Americans do not report the use of herbal remedies to their physicians (Rivera et al., 2002). Several theories suggest that this lack of communication exists because of language barriers, people’s fear of being reproached by
their physicians/health providers and health providers’ reluctance to believe in
folk remedies to treat and cure illnesses (Gómez-Beloz and Chávez, 2001; Poss
et al., 2003).
El curandero, la curandera
Historically, healers in ancient Mexico played an important role in society and
were held to many of the same standards of practice as modern-day healthcare
professionals (León-Portilla, 1963; Kiev, 1968). Although the education of the
healer is important and many curanderos (male) and curanderas (female) become
healers after long apprenticeships, greater emphasis is put on the person’s innate
talent to heal others (Torres and Sawyer, 2005). This talent cannot be learned
and is typically referred to as a spiritual calling, or el don, a gift (Estrada, 1981;
Maduro, 1983; Torres and Sawyer, 2005). At the core of curanderismo is spirituality and the maintaining of harmony and balance with nature (Trotter and
Chavira, 1997; Avila, 1999; Santana and Santana, 2001). A trait among
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curanderos is the belief that healing is a gift from a higher power, and it is
common for healers to rely on religious paraphernalia such as pictures of saints,
crosses and holy water to assist in the healing process (Kiev, 1968). Altars are
commonly placed in the home to attract attention to the sacred, and many go
to these altars and ask assistance in the healing process (Kiev, 1968; Avila,
1999).
Curandero/as have specialties of practice (Avila, 1999; Torres and Sawyer,
2005). For example, Yerbero/as are herbalists that specialize in botanical remedies, Parteras are midwives, Sobadoro/as specialize in massage, Espiritualisto/as
are psychic mediums; and Señor/as read tarot cards. Many curandero/as have
multiple areas of specialty, and they usually work on many realms including the
physical, mental, emotional and spiritual in order to diagnose and cure illness
(Avila, 1999).
Many curandero/as do not charge for their services, but accept offerings in
exchange for their services and may refuse payment from the very poor, while
other curandero/as, living in urban or border communities, charge a fee for their
services (Torres and Sawyer, 2005).
In some states in Mexico, up to 40% of births are attended to by a partera,
or traditional midwife, and this number may be higher for those people who
live in remote villages outside the cities (Castañeda Camey et al., 1991). Traditional healers are an important resource in many Mexican rural communities,
and people often choose this type of healthcare over Western medicine because
it is delivered in a culturally appropriate way (Castañeda Camey et al., 1996;
Alonso and Meriyo-Azpiri, 2004). It was found that out of a sample size of
3625 Mexican Americans living in the southwestern United States over 18
years, only 4.2% reported going to a curanderola within the last 12 months
(Higginbotham et al., 1990). According to Roeder (1988), Mexicans and Mexican
Americans are integrating traditional beliefs and practices, such as the use of
herbs, into their health routines, and the main way of transmitting this knowledge is not through consulting a curandero/a, but by communicating with family
members and friends.
Remedies, los remedios
Remedies or interventions recommended by healers vary significantly including
special diets. Within the context of hot and cold properties of foods, people are
encouraged to eat foods that are hot or cold in essence, not in temperature, in
order to maintain equilibrium in the body and regulate the amount of heat or
cold (Avila, 1999). An imbalance is believed to be caused by anything from
physical or emotional fatigue, an imbalanced relationship with another person,
or experiencing an abrupt change of temperature, such as going outside with
wet hair or walking barefoot on a cold floor (Roeder, 1988; Avila, 1999;
López, 2005). Additional activities considered ‘cooling’ include menstruation, childbirth, surgical operations and exposure to cold air and substances.
Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd
Occup. Ther. Int. 16(1): 82–88 (2009)
DOI: 10.1002/oti
Curanderismo and healing practices
Activities considered ‘heating’ include digestion, pregnancy and exposure to
heat (Foster, 1994). Eating foods that are considered ‘cold’ neutralizes excess
‘heat’, while consuming ‘hot’ foods neutralizes excess ‘cold’ (Maduro, 1983;
Torres and Sawyer, 2005). Drinking cold water, for example, is thought to harm
someone in a highly emotional state and cause the body to produce excess heat
to counteract the cold (Young, 1981). Herbal remedies are commonly administered to cure ailments that are hot or cold in nature, and many herbs and foods
are classified into hot and cold classifications (Roeder, 1988).
Teas are prepared by steeping leaves, stems or flowers in hot water; herbs are
infused into solid oils to make salves and ointments; tinctures are prepared by
steeping plants in alcohol to extract their healing properties, which are then
cooked with sugar and water to make syrup; plant derivatives are diluted in oils
for massage; and capsules are filled with powdered herbs (Mabey, 1988; Davidow,
1999). Herbs are used to treat a variety of ailments including stomach and
intestinal problems, sore muscles, burns, weight loss, cough, acne and bad
breath, to more serious diseases such as arthritis, cancer, HIV and diabetes
(Davidow, 1999; Gómez-Beloz and Chávez, 2001; Poss et al., 2003; Owens and
Dirksen, 2004; Torres and Sawyer, 2005).
While some people prepare these herbs themselves, others find these products already prepared at their local botánica or herbal market (Gómez-Beloz and
Chávez, 2001). Herbs and plants are also part of a traditional daily diet and are
used in Mexican cooking. Simple spices, herbs, fruits and vegetables, such as
tomatoes, papaya, onions, potatoes, garlic, cilantro, chocolate, rosemary, mint,
cumin, oregano, cinnamon and chamomile, are all believed to have medicinal
properties and are part of a nutritious diet (Torres and Sawyer, 2005). Although
many herbal remedies are safe, healthcare professionals should be aware of
incidences where herbal remedies have been known to have serious side effects
or interactions with prescriptive medicines (Ball et al., 2005; Simpkins et al.,
2005).
Amulets that can be worn on bracelets and necklaces, pictures and statues
of saints, candles, holy oils, incense, perfumes and sprays are all remedies, also
sold at the botánica or herbal market (Gómez-Beloz and Chávez, 2001). Amulets
are believed to symbolically protect people from outside negative influences and
serve as reflectors of undesired energies (Avila, 1999). Occupational therapists
should recognize the importance amulets play in a person’s daily dressing routine.
For example, it is a belief among some Mexicans that wearing a metal amulet,
such as a safety pin, on the inside of an undergarment protects a pregnant
mother against a lunar eclipse whose shadow is said to cause birth defects
(Torres and Sawyer, 2005). Jewellery can have religious or spiritual meaning
such as amulets portraying the Sacred Heart of Jesus or the Virgin of Guadalupe.
Occupational therapists should take care in addressing both the spiritual and
physical needs of clients during their daily dressing routines and assess the
importance of wearing important symbolic items.
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Common traditional illnesses
Five common traditional diagnoses (caida de mollera, susto, empacho, mal ojo and
envidia) are used by Mexican healers.
Caída de mollera: This is a term that refers to the fallen fontanel of an infant’s
head located where the coronal and saggital sutures meet on the superior
portion of the head and is used to describe a sunken soft spot on the baby’s
head as the result of inefficient suckling, falling from a high surface or because
the nipple was quickly pulled, rather than gently removed from the infant’s
mouth (Keiv, 1968; Kay, 1993). Symptoms include colic, crying, diarrhoea,
vomiting and fever.
Susto: This term, which means ‘scared’ in Spanish, is used to describe an
illness that results in soul loss. It is believed that this condition may result in
mental illness and is based on the belief that the soul has left the body because
an event was so traumatic that the soul does not feel safe and is scared to return
to the physical body.
Empacho: This term refers to an intestinal blockage and is believed to be
caused by eating something that you do not want to eat, eating spoiled food,
eating too much, food getting stuck in the stomach or swallowing gum (Weller
et al., 1993). Symptoms include stomachache, bloated stomach, loss of appetite,
a hard stomach, nausea and stomach cramps (Weller et al., 1993).
Mal ojo (also called Mal de Ojo): This term is translated as an ‘illness caused
by staring’, although, it has commonly been referred to as the ‘evil eye’ (Avila,
1999). This illness is believed to mainly affect babies and is felt to be a result
of adults smiling or paying too much attention to a child.
Envidia: Envidia is translated as an illness caused by envy or intense jealousy,
and is an illness in which a person who is envied or is envious of another
becomes ill (Avila, 1999). Like mal ojo, the bad intent must be neutralized by
physically touching the person who is envious or envied (López, 2005).
Application to occupational therapy
Although curanderismo greatly contrasts with Western allopathic medicine in
its view of health, illness and treatment, the occupational therapist needs to be
sensitive to the cultural needs of the Mexican American who may be using a
traditional healer alongside of conventional treatment (Marsh and Hentges,
1988). The success of the occupational therapist and the curandero/a rests on
establishing a relationship with the person, valuing the family culture and focusing
on the person’s physical, psychological and spiritual needs (Odawara, 2005).
Acknowledgements
We thank the Mexican healers that have influenced our understanding of
health, wellness and healing. Also, we want to acknowledge the critical role of
Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd
Occup. Ther. Int. 16(1): 82–88 (2009)
DOI: 10.1002/oti
Curanderismo and healing practices
Claudia Schurr de Chavan and Yves Chavan for opening up the amazing world
of curanderismo to us. In addition, we would like to thank Laura Alonzo de
Franklin for her editorial assistance and sharing of resources. This article is
based on research to fulfill part of the first author’s Masters of Occupational
Therapy Graduate degree at the University of New Mexico.
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Address correspondence to Maritza Montiel Tafur MOTR, L., 2605 19th Street NW, Albuquerque, NM 87104, USA (E-mail: [email protected]).
Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd
Occup. Ther. Int. 16(1): 82–88 (2009)
DOI: 10.1002/oti