M vM W $ , p | IS fe ifp Ik.1 . For Home, for Country, i.i- i_ > .y ' \ . \ \ \ - X s X v\ x X X »X and for God” 6 ft ' f t Q> (b a\ f% f y i i f o ’i f o V* *»’^ ■> X X ^ \ > ^ \ XX ^ T - .- ^ % ■/>»»41*» fr W d j + l f a U $ ' ¿ ¿ f i fWU fc tf r Pray Noway 8 Safe “Sects” 13 Dancing Into the Millennium 19 hurch, Denomination, Sect, Cult Against the Currents 26 eporting Jews— Really? 28 A M agazine of Religious Freedom Vol. 89. No. 4 July/August 1994 «/»it ^ *;*..1^1!.«iiän IV«* im USE# «f« R#iW» <£>-WiLMl HfWwi» y?ta^|tp4MK.tö/ipyfyb OP. ( IT. F, Il T R obert L. Dale Chairman. Editorial Board C lifford G oldstein Editor Lole ta Thom as Bailey Associate Editor Jam e s A. Cavil Copy Editor Leo R anzolin R obert S. Folkenberg A. C. M cC lure B. B. Beach Consulting Editors Vernon A lger Y Bombs Away! Liberty is both thoughtprovoking and stimulating, but “New Right W rongs” by Robert H. Meneilly smacked o f the proverbial sour grapes. W hy are those who have used and abused the political system for so long now surprised and upset when others have learned how to play the game of politics? DAVID P. SAUDER Pastor First Baptist Church Elma, W ashington sinister conspiracy to take over America for fundam en talist Christianity— depriv ing other citizens of consti tutional rights! This is paranoia. Meneilly seems to have been reading too much People for the American Way literature. I would like to call on Liberty to give equal time to representatives of the K arnik D oukm etzian R ichard Fenn Sam uel Green D arrel H uenergardt Ted Jones A lan Reinach Lew is Stout A d ria n W estney, Sr. Consultants G ary M. Ross U.S. Congress Liaison M itc h e ll A. Tyner Legal Advisor H arry Knox Designer M eade C. Van Putten Treasurer Liberty (ISSN 0024-2055) is published bimonthly by the North American Division of the Seventh-day Adventist Church. 12501 Old Columbia Pike. Silver Spring, MD 20904-6600. Second-class postage paid at Hagerstown, MD. POSTMASTER send changes of address to Liberty, P.O. Box 1119, Hagerstown, Md 21741-1119. Printed by the Review and Herald Publishing Assn., 55 West Oak Ridge Drive, Hagerstown, MD 21741-1119. Subscription price: U.S. $6.95 per year. Single copy: U.S. $1.50. Price may vary where national currencies differ. Vol. 89, No.4, July/August 1994. Frankly, 1 was shocked at Meneilly’s vitriolic attack on his conservative Christian brothers, Pat Robertson, Jerry Falwell, and James Dobson, whom he lum ps together as “a present danger greater than the old threat of C om m u nism.” The tone of the article was uncharitable to say the least. At worst it reflected a kind of McCarthyism of the Left! I seriously doubt that all the accusation and charges leveled by Rev. Meneilly are true. He seems to be able to read the minds of all the leaders of the so-called new religious right and he believes he discovers there a religious right. Let them speak for themselves in your pages. I do not hear their authentic voices through the distortions of Meneilly’s attack. ROGER E. OLSON, Ph.D. Professor of Theology Bethel College St Paul, Minnesota J U L Y / A U G U S T While I find your MarchApril issue interesting and thought-provoking, I was amazed that you would print such a shoddy piece of intellectual workmanship as [A response to Robert Meneilly’s article is coming soon in Liberty—Ed.] C O V E R 2 LIBERTY Giving the impression as one oblivious to the world around him , Robert Meneilly seems dreadfully unaware of the cultural war spearheaded by those he maligns. As he systemati cally impugns the motives and intentions of major figures by ascribing to them errant quotations and fictitious agendas, he shows how thoroughly he fails to com prehend the stakes o f our present cultural warfare. For Pastor Meneilly to charac terize citizens holding to moral viewpoints as unthinking,” m anipulative,” concealing,” censors,” “narrow ,” misguided,” extremist,” and conniving” is to show a poor under standing of those who wish to influ ence the culture around them. Dr. RICHARD C. ANNIS Ham ilton, Michigan 1994 I L L U S T R A T I O N BY C H A R L E S W A L L E R in*, h t . Robert Meneilly’s “New Right W rongs.” I believe there is plenty of reason for thinking readers to doubt both Meneilly’s awareness of the so-called “new right” and the accu racy of many of the accusa tions he makes in the article. In the case of Dr. James Dobson, I have read his work and listened to his radio broadcasts for years and I have never read where he wrote nor have I heard him say the things that Pastor Meneilly alleges. Surely Christian decency— if not journalistic integrity— calls for SOME substantia tion of such extreme accusations. Perhaps Meneilly would do well to stick closer to fact, rather than yield to emotional finger pointing and hand wringing. JOHNNY D. MESSER Ft. Benning, Georgia Robert Meneilly’s article attacks Pat Robertson, James Dobson, Tim LaHaye, and Jerry Falwell as leaders of the “religious right” who pose a menace to our country more serious than the threat of Com m unism . He also sees a vast secret conspiracy by the religious right to take over elective offices and school boards to advance their heinous views— these candidates from hell. Apparently Pastor Meneilly believes everything he reads about these “conspirators” since he evidently has never read anything they have actually written. (I prefer not to accuse him of deliberate misrepresentation or distortion of their views.) It’s a shame some light can’t be shed by Pastor Meneilly’s lurid article but then diatribe does not lend itself to enlightenment. LARRY W. WOLF Gettysburg, Pennsylvania Robert Meneilly was frothing so badly at the m outh when he wrote “New Right W rongs” that foam flew off the page when I turned to his article. W hat is the m atter with Liberty? W hen Roland Hegstad left D E C L A R A T I O N did he take the m anual for producing footnotes? Was he the only one who checked articles for any resemblance to actual facts? Meneilly spews on about James Dobson and others using num erous quotations and not a single footnote! James Dobson is a m odern-day John the Baptist. W hen you attack him you need to use real quotes (if you can). BRUCE N. CAMERON, J.D. Montclair, Virginia Robert Meneilly would have us believe that a Christian nation with biblical values would be more dangerous than the Ham m er and Sickle? While I agree that history reveals that Christians haven’t always loved their neighbor OF P R I N C I P L E S he God-given right of religious liberty is best exer cised when church and state are separate. Governm ent is God’s agency to protect individual rights and to conduct civil affairs; in exercising these responsibilities, officials are entitled to respect and cooperation. Religious liberty entails freedom of conscience: to worship or not to worship; to profess, practice and promulgate religious beliefs or to change them. In exercising these rights, however, one m ust respect the equivalent rights of all others. Attempts to unite church and state are opposed to the interests of each, subversive of hum an rights and potentially persecuting in character; to oppose union, lawfully and honorably, is not only the citizen’s duty but the essence of the Golden R ule-to treat others as one wishes to be treated. T as Jesus com m anded, I’d rather deal with Christian political leaders than godless ones. Psalm 33:12 says, “Blessed is the nation whose God is the Lord.” God deals with countries, cities, families, and individuals. God exiled the nation of Israel for their sins. Jonah was sent by God to Nineveh, “because its wickedness has come up before m e” (Jonah 1:2). Ananias and Sapphira secured their place in Acts 5 by lying to the Holy Spirit. The apostle Paul was wrong about his belief about Jesus, so God sent a light from heaven to straighten him out (Acts 9:3). Jesus said, “You are the light of the world. Let your light shine!” (M atthew 5:14-16). I applaud Robertson, Falwell, and Dobson for their attem pt at bringing truth and light to the darkness of our American conscience. America has become a safe haven for every bizarre religion and philosophy. People save trees, whales, and dolphins, yet America aborts 1 million babies a year. Meneilly further states that no group can insist on majority rule. Well, whose rule will we have then? I would rather have a leader with a biblical moral LIBE RTY J U L Y / A U G U S T 1994 3 «P. flT. foundation. Pastor Meneilly is just another well-meaning moderate with no plan of action. I com m end those who try to be part of the solution. God bless Robertson, Falwell, and Dobson. Perhaps their efforts will stop or at least slow the tide of evil in our land. ROD E. LAYMAN, Senior Pastor First Baptist Church Sacramento, California lambs and Pentameters I was surprised by the com m entary in the Iambs and Pentameters section of your March-April issue: “ . . . it was the American Civil Liberties Union, the antichrist itself Your magazine purports to be a stronghold for separation of church and state. No organization has done m ore than the Ameri can Civil Liberties Union to defend this great principal. STEVE ANDERSON Attorney Salem, Oregon [We were being face tious, Steve!— Ed.] 4 LIBERTY J U L Y / A U G U S T Double Vision Once upon a tim e there was an old doe that grazed by the seashore. She had but one eye (her right one), and as she grazed she always kept that eye turned inland, from whence she expected danger from hunters. One day some hunters got into a boat, came in from the sea and shot her. You are giving a great deal of attention to the Right, from which you expect danger. W atch the Left! E. HAROLD ROY, Pastor Crestwood, Kentucky [We’re watching, with both eyes.— Ed.] “ Deontological Encore” I have always enjoyed your magazine, and you raise several good points in your March-April editorial. In passing, you referred to William Rehnquist as the “chief justice of the United States Supreme C ourt.” That, however, is not the correct title. Rehnquist is the most recent jurist whose title was and is “Chief Justice o f the United States.” The title was originally as you described it, but changed due to the efforts of Salmon P. Chase, an Ohioan appointed chief justice by President Abraham Lincoln. Chase was somewhat egotistical and wanted a grander title, so he dubbed 1 994 himself “Chief Justice o f the United States” (and, thus, not just of the Supreme Court). Congress went along with the decision shortly afterwards, and later chief justices have all borne the modified title. On the Supreme Court, the chief justice is primus inter pares, b u t he is not the boss. Keep up your otherwise excellent work! WILLIAM F. B. VODREY New Philadelphia, Ohio [Thanks for the correc tion. We intend to keep giving it our best.— Ed.] “Thus Saith the IRS” I just finished this wellarticulated article by Daniel J. Little. He makes good, sound sense in his defense of what his church prom oted in the newspaper ad about then-candidate Bill Clinton. W ithin this argum ent is an irony for the IRS. W hy was The Church at Pierce Creek singled out as a violator of tax law 501(c)(3) when large religious organizations like Pat Robertson’s Christian Coalition can hold political rallies in support of selected candidates like Bush and Quayle? Did the IRS ever seek to press charges against them for such an obvious act of violation o f the tax exempt law? A lesson can be learned for all Christian organiza tions that are passionate about morality. Could not Pastor Little and his congre gation and other supporters have declared the same message w ithout attacking the candidate? Could there not have been a little more serpent wisdom exercised, thus preserving the dove spirit? KEVIN JAMES, Pastor Hattiesburg Seventh-day Adventist Church Hattiesburg, Mississippi Moving? P lease n o tify us 4 w ee k s in advance Name Address (new, if for change of address) City State Zip To subscribe to Liberty check rate below and fill in your name and address above. Payment must accompany order. 1 year $6.95 Mail to: Liberty subscriptions, 55 West Oak Ridge Drive, Hagerstown, Maryland 21740. ATTACH LABEL HERE for address change or inquiry. If moving, list new address above. Note: your subscription expiration date (issue, year) is given at upper right of label. Example: 0394L1 would end with third (May-June) issue of 1994. IAMHX V PENTAMETERS ( OULD MAKE FOR AN U o N ’T LIS TEN TO YO UR IN TER ESTIN G PRAYER They had mafiosos, Nazis, and even serial killers, so why not Corrupted Clergy, De mented Deacons, Maniac Messiahs, and Sinister Ministers? M other Produc tions from California (where else?) is offering its latest line of bizarre trading cards: religious luminaries who have strayed from the straight and narrow. Among those stacked in the dubious deck are David Koresh, Jimmy Swaggert, Jim Bakker, form er priest and convicted pedophile James Porter, and a few other lesser known clerical types who fell to various sins of the flesh. Sounds like a full house. M EE TIN G : T he TR U T H SHALL SET YOU FREE (F O R A D O N A TIO N , The Church of Scientology, founded by science fiction writer L. Ron Hubbard, asks “donations” from members for various life-enriching courses. Perception o f Truth requires a $1,150 donation (that’s a pretty good price to perceive truth). The Old Testament Doctorate Course can be had for a $9,200 donation (if only W. F. Albright could see this). The Hubbard Key to Life course goes for A N Y W A Y ): For those who think that the threat to religious freedom comes from only the Right (certainly the impression you’d get from reading Liberty), Surgeon General Jocelyn Elders recently uttered some com m ents about churchstate separation that make Pat Robertson sound almost like Madelyn M urray O ’Hair. In a speech at the National Family Planning and Reproductive Health Association, the surgeon general said, “W e’d always talk about the separation of church and state. Well, I rights implem entation want to forget about all this properly varies from country separation and let’s try to to country,” but he ex integrate church and state so pressed concern about those we can come together to do nations who use “culture” as things and make a difference a pretext for child slavery, for people in our com m uni torture, extrajudicial ties.” O f course, we can execution, forced conver always forget about the sions, and slavery. He was Constitutional prohibition particularly hard on Islamic on “cruel and unusual Sudan, whose violations of punishm ent” and introduce hum an rights, he said, “have caning; or we could forget no justification with Islam, about the right of “due or any other ‘culture.’” In process of law” and just lock response to criticism from up the accused without all the U.N., Sudan’s minister the procedural hassles that of justice replied, “W ho am I eat up time, money, and to follow God . . . or . . . the manpower. W hy don’t we U.N.?” Marshal urged the just forget about the whole U.N. to keep up the pres Bill of Rights and be done sure, despite the claims of with it? That will certainly “historical, culture, and “make a difference for religious” differences. people in our com m unities” as well. ELDERS: $10,000, and for just $4,375 m ore you can get a special package: the Hubbard Key to Life/Hubbard Life Orienta tion course (no wonder Scientologist Tom Cruise charges millions per movie). Thanks, but we’ll stick to Christianity— it’s free. M u L T IC U L T U R A L IS M : Professor Paul Marshall of the Institute for Christians Studies has warned that those nations demanding that hum an rights be addressed “in the context of national and regional peculiarities and various historical, cultural, and religious backgrounds” are using that as an excuse for continued violations. In a report for News Network International, Marshall said that no serious com m enta tor “doubts that hum an I LLUSTRATION LIBERTY JULY/AUGUST BY RA Y D R I V E R 1994 5 “FORHOI, FORCO ecil B. DeMille’s The Ten Commandments might 1 have been a hit in the 1950s, but in the 1990s the ' Ten Com m andm ents—or at least a m onum ent of them — aren’t doing so well. Erected in 1956 by the Fraternal O rder of Eagles (FOE) Aerie J 2063, the 4' x 2.5' stone m onum ent of God’s I moral law might have to be removed after a ' Colorado court ruled that its placement in Lin coln Park, across from the Colorado state capitol, was unconstitutional. “B ecause th e m o n u m e n t is on state grounds,” says Bob Tiernan, attorney for the Freedom From Religion Foundation, “it consti tutes endorsem ent o f religion and the belief in one God. The state shouldn’t be endorsing one, five, or no gods.” The controversy began four years ago when the Freedom From Religion Foundation asked Governor Roy Romer to remove the m onum ent because it was a religious symbol that didn’t belong on governm ent property. W hen Romer refused, saying that the Ten Com m andm ents “are a belief system that the majority subscribe to ,” the organization sued. “The Ten C om m andm ents m onum ent in Lincoln Park,” said Tiernan, “sends the wrong message.” Yet Helen Wasinger, one of the few Denver Eagles who rem em bers the erection o f the m onum ent, insists that its purpose isn’t reli gious. The Eagles, she said, erected the statue for two reasons: to reflect the creed of the Na tional Fraternal O rder of Eagles (“For home, for country, and for G od”) and to respond to the popularity of DeMille’s movie. “It was not a religious issue,” she asserts. “It was just part of the beliefs of our national orga nization.” Delbert Copley, a m em ber of the Aspen Fra ternal O rder of Eagles, explains, “W hen you join Leticia L. Steffen the Eagles, they give you a copy o f the Ten is a freelance writer C om m andm ents.” living in Denver, W hatever the Eagles’ motives, the Colorado Colorado. C ourt of Appeals cited Stone v. Graham (1980), M I I ■ ■ M ^ 6 LIBERTY J U L Y / A U G U S T 1994 BY L E T I C I A L. S T E F F E N in which the United States Supreme Court had said that a substantial portion of the Ten Com mandm ents was clearly religious, striking down a Tennessee statute that required posting the Ten Com m andm ents in public classrooms. “The preem inent purpose for posting the Ten Com m andm ents on schoolroom walls,” the C ourt ruled in Stone, “is plainly religious in nature. The Ten Com m andm ents are undeni- Of, ANDFORGOD Lord’s name in vain, and observing the Sabbath day.” The Court said too that “it does not m atter that the posted copies of the Ten C om m and ments are financed by private contributions, for the mere posting o f the copies under the aus pices of the legislature provides the ‘official sup port of the state governm ent’ that the Establish m ent Clause prohibits.” Using the same logic, the Colorado C ourt of Appeals ruled the Lincoln Park m onum ent u n constitutional, but stopped short of calling for its immediate removal. Delbert Copley, reflecting the Eagles’ unhap piness with the decision, maintains that the Ten Com m andm ents are merely sound guidelines of life. “The Aspen Fraternal O rder of Eagles,” he says, “has existed all these years with the Ten Comm andm ents, and we haven’t had any m u r ders yet.” In a dispute over a similar m onum ent in Glenwood Springs (also erected by the Eagles), the statue was removed from government pro p erty and placed on the grounds of a local church. Yet Helen Wasinger is determined that this one will remain. “The m onum ent,” she says, “is still as good as when we put it there.” The Lincoln Park Memorial: Wasinger fondly remembers that special day when dozens of members of the Fraternal Order It might have to go. of Eagles— all dressed in their official blue uni forms— attended the ceremony to install the Ten Com m andm ents in Lincoln Park. “Everybody,” she said, “wanted to pitch in ably a sacred text in Jewish and Christian faiths, and put the m onum ent up.” and no legislative citation of a supposed secular She’s been frustrated lately, however, not purpose can blind us to that fact. The com only by the legal controversy, but by the lack of m andm ents do not confine themselves to argu respect for the m onum ent in general. ably secular m atters, such as honoring one’s “We made m oney for it,” she says. “We had parents, killing, or m urder . . . rather, the first potlucks and bake sales to put it up. Now some part of the com m andm ents concerns the reli m en use it to urinate on!” gious duties of believers, worshipping the Lord The state has appealed to the Colorado Su God alone, avoiding idolatry, not using the preme Court. 0 LIB E RTY J U L Y / A U G U S T 1994 7 D ß l 7 4 9 Deborah Deborah Baxtrom is a freelance writer in Los Angeles, California. 8 LIBERTY u sto m p lates re a d in g e v ery th in g from “IPASTU,” “URUGLY,” “N O M O RW R,” to “SXTOY,” “4PLAY,” “ H O O K R ” and “BLKDVL” have been issued to Oregon vehicle owners without opposition. But when Gloria Iv erso n re q u e ste d cu sto m plates sta tin g “PRAY,” she was refused. Gloria, a widowed businesswoman and lay minister from Lake Oswego, was denied per mission by the state m otor vehicle division be cause of a regulation that bans religious words on custom license plates. “I felt like a second-class citizen,” she says. “I knew I had to take a stand.” A prayer intercessor for friends, family, and country, Gloria knew where to turn. She wrote to Jay Sekulow, of the American Center for Law and Justice (ACLJ), Pat Robertson’s legal task J U L Y / A U G U S T 1994 force. She even wrote to Robertson himself. According to Iverson, Sekulow sent a team of ACLJ attorneys via a private jet to meet with her. “T hey are m y sw at te a m ,” she said. “Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego sent to swat the devil’s flies.” Mark Troobnick, one of the ACLJ attorneys, says that “the issue of content-based discrimi nation is well-settled law. Once an open forum allowing a wide variety of speech is established, the doors can’t be closed to speech based on religious content.” Lawyers for the state of Oregon argued that license plates are not a public forum and that regulations barring religious words or phrases are necessary to prevent violation of the Estab lishment Clause. C lackam as C o u n ty c irc u it ju d g e Sid »axtrom Brockley, in a late 1993 ruling, disagreed with the state. Brockley agreed that license plates are a limited public forum and that the state vio lated Gloria Iverson’s right to free speech when it denied her use of the word PRAY. “The state,” Judge Brockley wrote, “is not com m only believed to endorse the messages” appearing on license plates. Therefore, the use of religious wording does not violate the Estab lishment Clause. Free speech cases involving custom plates are not uncom m on. According to Troobnick, 20 states prohibit religious messages or references to a deity. These laws are a holdover from the late 1970s, when custom plate laws were m od eled on those in California, which restricted content. California later relaxed its regulations and currently allows custom plates with reliI L L U S T R A T I O N BY T I M O T H Y D B 2 5 9 7 95 gious content. O ther states did not adopt similar policies. Two other cases involving custom plates are currently pending in Virginia. One deals with the state’s acceptance of some religious refer ences but not others. The second deals with a regulation prohibiting lewd or offensive words on custom plates. In February 1994 Gloria Iverson received her PRAY plates in the mail. She had been informed by her attorneys that the state would not appeal. “My friends say I have a hot line to heaven! God told me 1 was going to get the plates and I was to wait on Him. God bless Judge Brockley. The Lord knew broccoli was my favorite veg etable!” BRCKLYOK. K N E P P LIB ERTY J U L Y / A U G U S T 1994 9 WÄllEl^ ¿iirV BY O liv ers. Thomas, a Baptist minister, resides in Maryville, Tennessee, where he preaches, teaches, practices law, and writes country music— not necessarily in that order. I L L U S T R A T I O N BY OLIVER urdy, Missouri, is a town in which Baptists are as thick as the hops Anheuser-Busch brews up the road in St. Louis, so when high school students w anted to stage a dance, concerned saints showed up at the local school board meeting with Bibles in hand and fire in their eyes. After listening to homilies on the evils of dancing, the board members— courageous politicians all— canceled the dance. The students then did what most Americans do when they feel wronged— they sued. W hen the dust settled, the U.S. dis trict court ordered the school to proceed with the dance. The reason: the Lemon test. In Douglas County, Georgia, invocations were as m uch a part o f high school football games as blankets and hot chocolate. So when a student complained, jaws dropped; when he sued, tem pers flared; and, when he won, it started a wave of protests across the country. W hy did he win? The Lemon test. In Pittsburgh, the county erected a Nativity scene. Across the street at the m unicipal build ing sat a Christmas tree, a menorah, and a ban ner signed by the mayor extolling religious lib erty. The ACLU sued, and the United States Supreme C ourt said the tree and the m enorah stay, but the Nativity scene goes. Its reason? The Lemon test. The Lemon test? Sounds m ore like some thing for chefs than lawyers. Yet mention the word around First A mendment experts, and they divide into warring camps: those who like it, and those who find its name an apt descrip tion of its substance (Justice Scalia has called it a “ghoul in some late-night horror movie”1 that haunts the Supreme C ourt’s First A mendment cases). From its inception, the Lemon test has been controversial, and by the time this article is published, the Supreme C ourt may have de cided whether Lemon should remain the stan dard for deciding cases under the establishment clause, be modified, or hauled out with the trash.2 Though the concerns are many, the big C H A R L E S W A L L E R S. T H O M A S question is whether Lemon has pitted the two great constitutional principles of nonestablish m ent and free exercise against each other. The Lemon test3 asks three questions about a challenged government action: Does the law (or other government action) have a secular p u r pose? Does its prim ary effect neither advance nor inhibit religion? Does the law avoid exces sive government entanglement with religion? A negative answer to any of the questions means the act is illegal. Yet it’s not so simple. A law, for instance, banning alcoholic beverages certainly could prohibit the religious practices o f those who drink C om m union wine, and thus violate the free exercise clause. Suppose, in response, the governm ent exempted Roman Catholics and others who drink Com m union wine from the law. W ould this exemption meet the “secular” purpose prong of Lemon? And even if it did, w ouldn’t its prim ary effect be the advancement of religion? Many would argue yes. Thus, it’s this potential conflict between the two religion clauses that makes Lemon ques tionable to many scholars. Former Chief Justice W arren Burger once wrote that either of the two religion clauses “if expanded to a logical ex trem e would tend to clash with the other.” Does Lemon cause them to clash now? No doubt, the framers did not intend that the two religion clauses cancel each other out. Thus, any proper interpretation of the estab lishment clause m ust take into account free ex ercise and vice versa. One possible solution lies in a correct under standing of the word “secular” in Lem ons first prong. A better word might have been “civic,” for some have suggested that accommodating religion is not a legitimate secular purpose. But is it? Justice O ’C onnor moved the Court in the right direction in her concurring opinion in the Alabama moment-of-silence decision, Wallace v. Jaffree, when Alabama had enacted three moment-of-silence laws, only one of which was a LIBERTY JULY/AUGUST 1994 11 straightforward m om ent of silence that neither encouraged n o r discouraged school prayer. Jus tice O ’C onnor opined that the key to resolving any tension between the religion clauses lay in “identifying workable lim its” to the govern m ent’s obligation to accom modate the free ex ercise o f religion. “G overnm ent pursues Free Exercise Clause values when it lifts a governm ent-im posed bur den on the free exercise of religion,” she wrote. “If a statute falls within this category, then the standard Establishment Clause test should be m odified accordingly. It is disingenuous to look for a purely secular purpose when the manifest objective o f a statute is to facilitate the free exercise of religion by lifting a governmentim posed burden. Instead, the C ourt should simply acknowledge that the religious purpose of such a statute is legitimated by the Free Exer cise Clause.”4 Two years later a unani m ous Supreme C ourt ech law isn’t necessarily o ed th ese se n tim e n ts: “U nder the Lemon analysis unconstitutional it is a permissible legisla tive purpose to alleviate significant governm ental even if it helps make a interference with the abil ity o f religious organiza religious organization’s tions to define and carry out their missions.”5 The U. S. court of ap work easier. peals said it best in the Purdy dance ban case. Be cause the school board had been m otivated almost ex clusively by religion, the district court held that the ban violated the Lemon test. Its purpose was religious— not secular— and, therefore, illegal. Yet it’s still not that simple. However much some m ight celebrate the students’ victory over what m any would consider a silly and anachro nistic rule, if the Purdy dram a ended there, the rights of all Americans would have suffered, because the rights o f some Americans— i.e., the religious— would have suffered. Fortunately, the court o f appeals added an im portant balanc ing element to the decision: “The mere fact that a governmental body takes action that coincides with the principles o f a particular religious group does not transform the action into an impermissible establishment of religion.. . . We simply do not believe elected officials are re quired to check at the door whatever religious background (or lack o f it) they carry with them 12 L I B E R T Y JULY/A UGUST 1994 before they act on rules that are otherwise unob jectionable under the Lemon standards. This approach to constitutional analysis would have the effect of disenfranchising religious groups when they succeed in influencing secular deci sions. Religious groups have an absolute right to make their views known and to participate in public discussion of issues.”6 In other words, the First A m endm ent pro tects the rights of all Americans— including re ligious ones— and as long as some legitimate “civic” purpose exists for what a law m ight do (admittedly, it was thin in the school dance ban case), that law should not be struck down, even if that law happens to coincide with religious principles. Indeed, a law isn’t necessarily u n constitutional even if it helps make a religious organization’s work easier. But didn’t Lemon say that a law’s prim ary effect may neither advance nor inhibit religion? Again, a law is not unconstitutional simply because it allows churches and synagogues to advance religion, which is their purpose. For a law to have forbidden effects under Lemon it m ust be the government itself that has advanced religion through its own actions.7 Thus, the government does not violate Lemon by declin ing to impose a tax on religious and charitable organizations even though others may be re quired to pay the tax. It would be unconstitu tional, on the other hand, to provide churches with cash subsidies. Government neutrality to ward religion, that’s the bottom line. Sometimes the best thing you can do for something is leave it alone. That’s the way it is with the government and religion, as the Ameri can experiment has so aptly proven. W hatever legal standard the courts use, it should ensure that the coercive power of the state is never used to inhibit or advance anyone’s religion. Prop erly understood and applied, the fabled Lemon test does precisely that. E FOOTNOTES 1L am b’s Chapel v. Center 1 Moriches School District, 508 U.S. , 113 S.Ct._ , 124 L.Ed.2d. 352, 365 (1993) (Scalia, J. dissenting). 2 The Establishment Clause is the first 10 words o f the First A m endm ent and reads: “Congress shall make no law respect ing an establishm ent o f religion. . . . ” The Establishm ent Clause is now applied to all levels o f governm ent by virtue of the due process clause o f the Fourteenth A m endm ent. 3 403 U.S. 602. 4 Wallace v. Jaffree, 472 U.S. 38, 83 (1985) (O ’C onnor, J„ dissenting). 5 Corporation o f the Presiding Bishop v. Amos, 483 U.S. 327,335 (1987). 6Clayton v. Place, 884 F.2d. 376, 380 (1989). 7 Corporation o f the Presiding Bishop v. Amos, 483 U.S. 327, 337 (1987). 1 1 hile looking for work in San Francisco, 27-year-old David Molko, a graduate from Temple University School o f Law, was approached by two members o f the Unification Church. Claiming to live in an international community of socially conscious people from different occupations who met evenings to discuss important issues, they denied any religious connection and neglected to reveal they were Moonies look ing for recruits. Lee Boothby is an attorney with Boothby and Yingst in Washington, D.C. W hen Molko eventually discovered who they were, he joined the Unification Church anyway. Later, after being deprogram m ed, Molko claimed that he had been brainwashed. He then sued the U nificatio n C h urch, arguing the Moonies had used deceptive tactics in recruiting him. In Molko v. Holy Spirit Association for the Unification o f World Christianity,' a majority of the California Supreme Court concluded that Molko and another form er church m em ber had the right to bring “fraud actions against the church for allegedly inducing them, by misrep resentation and concealment of its identity, into unknowingly entering an atmosphere in which they were then subjected to coercive persuasion. This decision has raised serious questions about free exercise and the rights of churches to proselytize, especially after Waco and the con cerns it has spawned regarding cults. Many churches— some mainline, others not— use ev erything from social action programs and cof feehouses to vegetarian restaurants as means of his decision has raised serious questions about free exercise and the rights o f churches to proselytize, especially after Waco and the concerns it has spawned regarding cults. recruiting. As a result of Molko, this free exercise o f religion is jeopardized by the threat of law suits. “Apparently, the court would find a person liable anytime a m em ber approached a person with proselytizing intent and failed to inform the potential convert of the purpose to ‘recruit’ him ,” warned the National Council of Churches o f Christ in an amicus brief filed on behalf of the Unification Church. “U nder this standard, a church would be found liable, for example, when a teenager invited a friend to Sunday ser vice w ithout inform ing the friend of an intent to ‘recruit’ him .” Molko could also be so interpreted as to increase the num ber of “facts” required to be disclosed at the outset of any proselytization attem pt to prevent former members from seek ing large damage awards from religious organi zations. N um erous church bodies, therefore, fear the influence that this decision could have upon their evangelistic efforts. “Chilling effects on the evangelical activities 14 L I B E R T Y JULY /A UGUST 1994 of all religious groups will result simply because now all churches will fear the trem endous b u r dens o f long trials,” warned Dr. Stephen Post at Case W estern Reserve University. “The b u r dens are in part economic— such a trial can cost millions of dollars in attorney expenses and the like. But equally chilling is the fact that all churches will now be subjected to the circus-like atmosphere that surrounds these trials as any and all disaffected members are paraded before the public in the context of media sensational ism.”3 Indeed, the Unification Church eventually settled out o f court with Molko rather than face the negative publicity of a legal battle. In Molko the majority of the court said that “the challenge here, as we have stated, is not to the church’s teachings or the validity of a reli gious conversion. The challenge is to the church’s practice of concealing its identity in order to bring unsuspecting outsiders into its highly structured environm ent.”4 In a concurring and dissenting opinion, Jus tice Anderson observed that “religious conver sion is not subject to judicial scrutiny, regardless of the methods used, because such scrutiny nec essarily entails the questioning o f religious faith— scrutiny that is absolutely forbidden by the First Am endm ent.”5 Justice Anderson noted that what might be perceived as “brainwashing or m ind control might very well be equated with the more popu larly accepted symptoms of genuine religious conversion.” He wrote that “religious behav ioral change induced by the mystery o f faith cannot be proved or disproved by secular sci ence, which limits its scope of inquiry to tan gible, rational, and logical phenom ena, com prehensible and explainable by hum an rea sons.”6 Nevertheless, as early as 1978, cult critic Ri chard Delgado suggested that a religious proselytizer should be required to obtain “informed consent” before seeking to win converts. Ac cording to Delgado, when a person engages in proselytization, that person has a duty to pro vide material information anytime “conversion activity” begins. Professor Delgado stated that “if a convert strikes up a conversation, on a bus for example, on a neutral subject, the informed consent requirement does not arise. As soon as the conversation moves in the direction o f in teresting the convert in making contact with the group, offer of disclosure m ust be made.”7 A ccording to D elgado, the proselytizer should be required to reveal the name of his o llo w in g th e tragedy in W aco, leaders rep resen tin g a broad cross sectio n o f th e relig io u s c o m m u n ity w arn ed th e g overn m en t against u sin g W aco to restrict relig io u s free exercise. group and that the organization is religious, after which the proselytizer should be required to respond “honestly and fully” to all questions.8 Delgado also suggested that courts require a “cooling o ff’ period during which a new convert could leave the religious group for a period of tim e in order to offset any coercive persuasion.9 O ther remedies proposed by Delgado include the use of state licensing10 or a “flat prohibition o f proselytizing by groups that utilize intensive psychological ind o ctrin atio n o f their m em bers.”11 Such state-im posed schemes of “truth-inproselytizing,” however, would result in an u n acceptable level of state entanglement with reli gion.12 In the FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin, a series of articles w ritten by O. D. Lucksted and D. F. Martell, special agents and legal instructors for the FBI, favored new legislation that would have imposed a “fine and/or prison sentence on any organization that falsifies facts in recruit m ent of new members and/or coercively pre vents an individual from having contact with individuals outside the organization or term i nating their affiliation with the organization.” 13 Following the tragedy in Waco, leaders rep resenting a broad cross-section of the religious com m unity warned the government against us ing W aco to restrict religious free exercise. “Government m ust resist any tem ptation to re treat from our ‘first freedom,’” because to “deny religious liberty to any is to diminish religious liberty for all,” they said. The statement was signed by such diverse groups as the National Council of Churches in the U.S.A., the National A ssociation o f Evangelicals, the U nion o f American Hebrew Congregations, the Presbyte rian C h u rc h (U .S.A .), an d the E piscopal Church. Repeatedly during the 51-day episode ex perts w arned o f the sim ilarity between the standoff in W aco and the N ovem ber 1978 Jonestow n m assacre, which resulted in the deaths o f 917 adults and children from the People’s Temple m ovement through ingestion of cyanide-laced Kool-Aid. There too a reli gious group was led by a charismatic leader, the Reverend Jim Jones. Shortly thereafter Senator Robert Dole of Kansas, in a letter to the chair m an of the Senate Finance Committee, wrote: “The question surrounding the Jonestown inci dent and the continuous activity of the Unifica tion Church require action. The public needs protection from unscrupulous operations that flout the law for their own purposes.” Accord ing to Dole, “the tragedy in Guyana presented sufficient cause for a full-scale investigation of . . . this group and much closer scrutiny of other such religious cults.”14 In the wake of W aco, anti-cult organizations have sounded the drum beat for legislative in vestigation and congressional action. Though there has been no avalanche of similar cases since Molko, efforts to curb cults could be aided by this court decision. Religion in America is flourishing because all religions are accorded equal opportunity in the American religious marketplace. Any attem pt to curb religious speech or subject those seeking converts to potential m ulti-m illion-dollar judg ments from hostile juries can result only in the dim inishing of religious freedom for all. Waco m ust not be used by government as an excuse to regulate religious speech or limit the rights of religious organizations to carry their messages to nonm em bers. 0 FOOTNOTES 1 762 P .2d46 (1988). 2 Ibid., p. 61. 3 Stephen Post, “The M olko Case: Will Freedom Prevail?” Journal o f Church and State 31 (A utum n 1989): 463. * 762 P. 2d 59(1988). 5 Ibid., p. 70 6 Ibid., p. 74, quoting Shapiro, Robots, Persons, and the Protections o f Religious Beliefs, 56 So. Cal. L. Rev. 1277,1316, 1317 (1982-1983). 7 Delgado, Cults and Conversion: The Case for Informed Consent, 16 Ga. L. Rev. 533, 564, note 166 (1982). * Ibid., pp. 556, 557. 9 See Religious Totalism: Gentle and Ungentle Persuasion Un der the First Am endm ent, 51 So. Cal. L. Rev. 1, 74 (1978). 10 Ibid., p.76. 11 Ibid., p. 75. 12 Shapiro, p. 1315. 13 FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin 21 (June 1982). 14 Washington Post, Dec. 2, 1978. LIBERTY JU LY /A UGUST 1994 15 church invites an evangelist to conduct m eet ings. He mails 50,000 brochures to local homes under the address o f “Prophecy Lectures” and a box num ber. He then covers the church sign with a large canvas that advertises the lectures and rem oves any literature identifying the church. Before a large evangelistic series in Europe, tens of thousands of brochures are distributed. People are required to call for reservations and tickets. The evangelist instructs those answer ing telephones to not reveal the sponsor, but to say simply that it was a lecture on archaeology and the Bible. At one tim e or another, sects, cults, and even mainline churches have concealed their iden tity, either because they are deceptive and seek power, control, or money— or because they don’t want people to know immediately who they are out of fear that prejudice will prevent recruits from giving the organization an im par tial hearing. W hatever the reasons— and putting aside any potential legal troubles, such as in the Molko case (see page 13)— is it ethical for a church to conceal its identity in its initial proselytization? Because we’re working from a Christian per spective, what does the Bible say about this topic? i l ics Ili BY J. DAVID NEW MAN J. David Newman is editor ot Ministry magazine. I L L U S T R A T I O N B Y Thus Saith the Lord The Bible does make it clear that believers should be open, honest, and straightforward. “The Lord detests lying lips, but he delights H A R R Y in m en who are truthful” (Proverbs 12:22).* “I hate and abhor falsehood but I love your law” (Psalm 119:163). “But the cowardly, the unbelieving, the vile, the m urderers, the sexually immoral, those who practice magic arts, the idolaters and all liars— their place will be in the fiery lake of burning sulfur. This is the second death” (Revelation 2 1 :8 ). “You belong to your father, the devil, and you w ant to carry out your father’s desire. He was a m urderer from the beginning, not holding to the truth, for there is no truth in him. W hen he lies, he speaks his native language, for he is a liar and the father of lies” (John 8:44). The Bible links lying and deception with Sa tan, but links truth and honesty with God. “God is not a man, that he should lie, nor a son o f man, that he should change his mind. Does he speak and then not act? Does he promise and not fulfill” (Numbers 23:19)? “For the law was given through Moses; grace and truth came through Jesus Christ” (John 1:17). “Jesus answered, ‘I am the way and the truth and the life. No one comes to the Father except through m e’” (John 14:6). In one Old Testament narrative, however, God told Samuel to anoint David as the new king. Because Samuel feared Saul, the present king, God told Samuel to take a heifer and tell the elders in Bethlehem that he had come to offer a sacrifice, but to still proceed with the anointing (1 Samuel 16:1-5). K N O X LIBERTY JULY /AUGUST 1 9 9 4 17 No lie was told, but the prim ary reason for the action was hidden. God had accommodated Him self to Samuel’s insecurity. Obviously, God preferred openness and candor. He changed His procedure only because He was gracious and condescending to Samuel’s fears. On a Personal Level Thus, if even God doesn’t reveal all the truth all the time, should a person always announce his or her religious affiliation? Should a reli gious group disclose who they are whenever they operate a program , or if they use a cafe, restaurant, or a coffee house as part of a com m unity witness? The absolutist will argue that the truth must always be told. It is never appropriate to hide one’s identity. Im m anuel Kant believed that telling the truth is an ab solute: “Truthfulness in statements which cannot 'hould a religious group be avoided is the formal duty of an individual to disclose who they are everyone, however great may be the disadvantage whenever they operate a accruing to himself or to another.” program, or if they use a Yet th is sta te m e n t d o e s n ’t ad d re ss how café, restaurant, or a coffee m uch truth needs to be rev ealed at one tim e. house as part o f a Even Jesus said to His disciples: “I have m uch community witness? m ore to say to you, more than you can now bear” (John 16:12). Deceit is always wrong, b u t how m uch tru th one should tell in any given situa tion is another matter. W hen Jesus walked with two disciples on the road to Emmaus, He did not at first reveal His identity (Luke 24:15, 16). O n a personal level, when a person is forming a friendship, any discussion about religion or church affiliation should arise from the normal unfolding o f the conversation. No need exists to announce immediately that one belongs to a certain church any m ore than a person has the need to announce his or her age, weight, or other private matters. If one were to declare his religious affiliation immediately, the other per son might become suspicious about the motives for this relationship. In the course of forming friendships, it takes tim e for people to learn about each other. No law ordains the order in which inform ation m ust be given. However, if I am intentionally 18 L I B E R T Y JU LY /A UGUST 1994 withholding inform ation that the other person needs to make an informed choice, if I am p o r traying myself to be other than what I am, if I give inform ation that I know will be understood differently from the actual facts— then I am violating the personal rights of the other indi vidual. This is wrong, no m atter whether I consider that to be in the best interest of the individual. O n a Corporate Level W hen it comes to official church functions or programs, churches should be candid about who they are from the beginning. To do other wise would be dishonest. Why? Because there’s a difference between contact on a personal, friendly basis and contact made through orga nizational outreach. There’s nothing dishonest about meeting another person on a personal level and not immediately divulging your reli gion, even if you would one day like to convert that contact. On the other hand, when a church invites someone to a meeting of any kind, to hide the name purposely is deceptive. This does not mean that a church m ust make it obvious who they are, but they should not conceal it. It is wrong for a church that has an official name to hide under umbrella organiza tions. A Christian organization that attem pts to teach people truth m ust itself be above reproach on this issue. W hat happens, then, if a church gives its name and people will not listen? Rather than resorting to subterfuge, the leaders ought to ask what causes people to dislike and avoid them? Believers should place themselves in the other person’s shoes. W ould we want deception prac ticed on us? Should we not know with whom we are actually dealing? How would you feel if you discovered that you had just contributed to a neo-Nazi group under a false identity when if you had known the truth you would not have given a penny? Everyone has the right to know what is true and false. It may be argued that on national levels and in politics it is permissible for govern ments to lie. This is a debatable proposition. Utilitarian and situation ethics make sense if one discounts the supernatural, but churches that believe in the power of God shouldn’t have to stoop to the level of politics to do the work of the gospel. How sad too if one day the government m ust force churches to display the honesty that the Bible has already com m anded them to display. 0 BY DOUGLAS MORGAN On the Frailty o f Our Freedoms d istin ctiv e featu re o f th e A m erican experience is h o w few corpses resu ltin g fro m religious conflict have littered th e h isto rical landscape. In c o n tra st to th e lo n g E u ro p ea n legacy o f p e rse c u tio n a n d w ars p ittin g P ro te stan t against C atholic a n d C h ristian against M uslim , A m erica has am assed a vast array o f religious g ro u p s w ith am azingly little blo o d sh ed . Douglas Morgan, Ph.D., is a freelance writer living in Atlanta, Georgia. Tragically, Waco added 80 m ore corpses to the landscape. The disaster reflects a longstand ing tension in American history that repeatedly tests the nation’s experiment in pluralism and religious liberty. Assertions of liberty by m inor ity groups sometimes run counter to the keepers o f m ainstream culture. Ironically, it has often been efforts to defend or advance freedom that have become twisted by religious prejudice into suppression o f that freedom. Various episodes in American history reveal the fragility o f religious freedom in the nation that has pioneered that freedom for the world. These episodes show, too, the necessity of a careful distinction between the legitimate dem ands of public order and patriotism , and of the use o f these values as pretexts for persecu tion o f m inority religious groups. Various episodes in A m erican A Test of Protestant Principle In the spring of 1844 Philadelphia degenerat ed into a war zone much like Belfast or Beirut in this century. The immediate problem was one that is com m on today: religion in the public schools; the larger one— escalating Protestant animosity toward Catholics. In the early days of the American republic, Protestant-C atholic relations were relatively cordial. Both fought side by side for indepen dence, and leading Catholic clerics firmly advo cated religious liberty and separation of church and state. By the 1830s, however, the interfaith atm o sphere was becoming poisoned. Immigrants, mainly from Ireland and Germany, expanded the ranks of Catholicism, bringing with them Old W orld ways and attitudes. From about 50,000 in 1800, the American Catholic C hurch’s m embership ballooned to around 3 million by the Civil W ar, becom ing the largest single denom ination in America. Protestants increasingly became preoccu pied with fears that im m igration and Catholic expansion were endangering both civil and reli gious liberty. Newspapers and organizations prom oting resistance to “popery” proliferated. The American Protestant Association (formed in 1842) united Protestant clergy against pop ery. Anti-papalism entered politics in the form of the American Republican Party in 1843, a predecessor to the Know-Nothing Party, which briefly enjoyed considerable national success in the 1850s. Protestants did have some grounds for con cern. The im m igrants tended to drink too much, to brawl in the streets, and to violate 20 L I B E R T Y JULY /A UGUST 1994 h istory reveal the fra g ility o f religious freedom in the nation th a t has p ion eered th a t freedom fo r the world. Puritan conceptions o f Sunday observance. And despite pleas from some American bishops and their liberal Catholic counterparts in Eu rope for a “free church in a free society,” the Papacy rem ained firmly entrenched against such m odern, revolutionary ideas as democracy and separation of church and state. Unfortunately, nativism and religious preju dice m utated the concern for freedom into a hateful crusade of repression. An almost hyster ical c o n sp ira to ria l a ttitu d e g ripped m any Protestants. Jesuits were believed to be lurking everywhere, carrying out a plot to control the Mississippi Valley and from there to m ount an armed revolt to establish papal despotism in America. An Ohio minister reported that “the western country swarms with them under the names of puppet show men, dancing masters, music teachers, peddlers of images and orna m ents, b a rre l organ players, an d sim ilar practitioners.” Inevitably, a societal atmosphere made flammable by such rhetoric would ex plode in violence. In 1834 a mob in the Boston com m unity of Charlestown torched a girls’ school operated by Ursuline nuns. In Philadelphia a larger out break occurred a decade later. In 1842 Bishop Francis Patrick Kenrick had petitioned the pub lic school board of controllers to allow Catholic children to use their own Bible version rather than the Protestant one, and to excuse them from other religious instruction. W hen the school board complied, the American Protes tant Association and others, who apparently construed religious freedom to be applicable only to Protestants, protested. Kenrick said that he wanted only equal treatm ent for Catholics and was not trying to drive God out of the public schools. The issue climaxed in the spring o f 1844. In March thousands opposed to the decision to favor the Catholics gathered in Independence Square and adopted a resolution that “every man who loves his country, his Bible, and his God is bound by all lawful and honorable means to resist every attem pt to banish the Bible from our public institutions.” Feverish with this religious nationalism, a mob organized by the American Republicans assembled on May 3 in the suburb of Kensing ton, where Irish laborers were concentrated. The Irish regarded this action as a provocative invasion of their territory, and an Irish mob drove the Protestants away. Determined to as sert the right o f peaceable assembly, the Ameri can Republicans scheduled another gathering in Kensington for May 6. Several thousand came, and in the m idst o f a heavy rain shots rang out, either from the Hibernia Hose Company (the Irish fire fighting station) or from the marchers. Some marchers were killed in the melee, which ended in another Protestant retreat. The following day cries of vengeance electri fied the city. Speakers on street corners gathered crowds with anti-Catholic harangues. Another Saint Bartholomew’s Day has begun, cried the editor of the Native American, and Protestants m ust fight back: “The bloody hand of the Pope has stretched itself forth to our destruction. We now call upon our fellow citizens, who regard free institutions, w hether they be native or adopted, to arm .” In two m ore days of forays into Kensington, anti-Catholic crowds systematically destroyed Irish homes. Entire blocks burned. The reprisals culm inated in attacks on Catholic churches. Driven by rum ors that arms were stockpiled in Saint Michael’s church, the rioters burned that church and an adjoining seminary. Ignoring the protests o f the mayor and the efforts of a few militia, the mob next sacked Saint Augustine’s church. After the violence finally subsided, widespread expressions of revulsion were of fered, even by anti-papal leaders, at the desecra tion of C hristian sanctuaries; however, the Fourth o f July holiday brought a new round of sectarian warfare. A total of 13 citizens died and m ore than 50 were wounded in Philadelphia’s religious battles of 1844. An official investigation blamed the Irish. The grand jury concluded that the conflict resulted from “the efforts of a portion of the com m unity to exclude the Bible from our public schools.” And despite publicly expressed out rage and remorse over the riots, some leading wealthy citizens privately rejoiced, believing that “the papists deserve all this and m uch m ore.” Many Protestants, no doubt, were driven by a genuine passion for liberty in the anti-papal crusades of the 1830s and 1840s. But that pas sion was misdirected by a conspiratorial m ind set that im puted absolute evil to a rival faith system, and in which events were construed or fabricated in such way as to show how all fit into a sensational and malign master plot. Religious prejudice, com bined with fear of displacement by foreigners and sheer m ob spirit, produced devastating results. In the name of liberty, the nation’s Protestant establishment prom oted a blind zeal that ignored the actual record and sentiments of American Catholics regarding de mocracy and for a tim e denied them the promise of liberty. D riven by rum ors th at arm s were stockpiled in S ain t M ichael's church, the rioters burned th a t church an d an a djoin in g sem inary. A Clash of Millennialisms Few ideas have m ore thoroughly permeated and shaped the American experience than millennialism, broadly defined as belief in a coming era o f peace, justice, and abundance. The Puri tan “errand into the wilderness” was to carry the Protestant Reformation to its culm ination and, like “a city on a hill,” lead the world toward Christ’s millennial reign. M any religious and political leaders came to view the American Republic as G od’s agency for ushering in the millennium. This civil millennialism linked the national purpose of leading the world to democracy and religious freedom to the divine program for the consum m ation o f history. In the nineteenth century, civil millennialism fused with “m ani fest destiny”— the conviction that American territorial expansion throughout the continent was an inevitable outworking of divine provi dence. The nation’s millennial mission made conquest of the West necessary. The lofty millennial vision did not bode well, however, for those Native Americans occupying the W estern lands. One o f the m ost poignant instances of the darker side of civil millennial ism occurred in connection with Wovoka, the son of a Paiute shaman, who transform ed the Christian millennial hope into a new Indian religion. Raised by white settlers in southeastern Nevada, Wovoka heard the story of a Jesus who worked wonders, healed the sick, taught peace and love, and was killed but came back to life from the spirit world. Impressed, W ovoka eventually became con vinced that he was the new messiah and that he had a message o f salvation for the Indians. God spoke directly to him, said Wovoka, telling him to prepare Indians for time when they would be united with their ancestors in paradise. The earth itself was soon to die; a new land would cover the old, pushing the white people away, back into the ocean from whence they came. The Indian messiah taught a Christian ethic. To prepare for the millennium, Indians must lead virtuous lives— honest, industrious, peace ful. They m ust not fight the white people, but renounce violence and harm no one— a truly revolutionary doctrine for a people who had traditionally placed high value on success in warfare. They m ust also do one more thing: they must dance. The dance would bring them a foretaste LIBERTY JU LY /A UGUST 1994 21 of the new world and hasten its coming. Only those who participated in the ritual that became known as the ghost dance would enter paradise. W ord o f the new messiah m oved rapidly to nearly every reservation in the West. Every where Indians began to dance. A m ong th o se w ho h eard an d accepted W ovoka’s message were the Sioux. Though defeated decisively as a military threat in 1876, many rem ained resistant to the governm ent’s efforts to “civilize” them and take m ore of their land in violation of earlier treaties. Hunger sharpened Sioux resentm ent. Their food supply from hunting had been depleted, and a prom is ing start to their agricultural attem pts that spring had been wiped out by a July drought. Defiant and desperate, they gave W ovoka’s peaceful teachings a m ilitant twist. They im put ed a distinctive significance to the ghost shirt w orn by the dancers— its wearers would be invulnerable to the bullets o f the blue-coated soldiers. The bulletproof ritual garb, richly dec orated with sacred symbols, em boldened their resistance— no arm y could hurt or coerce them, and whites m ust not be perm itted to interfere with the dancing. Yet they adhered to W ovoka’s nonviolent doctrine in that they would not at tack or shoot at the whites. The messiah would bring their vindication soon enough. As the frenzied dancing spread, the white com m unity panicked from rum ors of a new Sioux uprising, and so the Army was mobilized to stop the dancing. The Indian Bureau in W ashington in stru cted agents to send the names of the “fomenters of disturbances” to the headquarters o f General Nelson (“Bear Coat”) Miles in Chicago so that these ringleaders could be apprehended. From the white perspective, any ritual that so united and energized Indians could be only ominous. And surely the frenetic dancing could seem only bizarre and pagan. Few attem pted to discover the Christian-like teaching behind the ritual. James (“W hite H air”) McLaughlin, agent at the Standing Rock reservation, where Sitting Bull resided, declared, “A more pernicious sys tem of religion could not have been offered to a people who stood on the threshold o f civili zation.” For civilization to proceed, and with it American progress toward its millennial desti ny, the Indians’ new faith had to be stamped out. The amassing of troops on the reservations only stiffened Indian determ ination to defend their religious freedom and way of life, and to 22 LIBERTY JULY/A UGUST 1994 As the fre n zie d dan cin g spread, the w h ite c o m m u n ity p a n ick ed fro m rum ors o f a new Sioux uprising, an d so the A rm y w as m o b ilized to stop the dancing. dance their way to the millennium. In December 1890 the M iniconjou chief Big Foot, who was on the list of “fomenters of dis turbances,” led his band, comprised of 120 men and 230 women and children, to Pine Ridge, South Dakota, where he hoped Chief Red Cloud could protect them from the soldiers. On De cember 28, however, Big Foot encountered troops from the Seventh U.S. Cavalry under M ajor Samuel Whitside and surrendered im mediately. Night was falling by the tim e the prisoners were settled at W ounded Knee, so W hitside postponed disarm ing them until morning. In the morning the Indians began complying with the order to surrender their guns. Then the soldiers searched the tepees, bringing out axes, knives, and tent stakes, stacking them with the guns in the center o f the camp. Still not satis fied, Colonel James Forsyth, who had assumed command, ordered that the warriors remove their blankets and subm it to individual search es. Though angry, the Indians did not resist. But then a medicine man, Yellow Bird, threw some dust into the air, signifying the beginning of the millennium. He started a ghost dance and chanted holy songs, assuring the warriors that bullets could not harm them. Meanwhile, Black Coyote, later reported to have been hard of hearing, raised a W inchester he’d managed to retain over his head, shouting that he had paid a lot for it and didn’t intend to give it up. As the soldiers moved to restrain him, Black Coyote fired. Immediately the soldiers opened fire on the Indians. Those few Indians who could lay their hands on a weapon fought back, but it counted for little against the cavalry’s newly invented Hotchkiss machine guns, which indiscriminately spewed large explosive shells at the rate of 50 per m inute into the camp. W hen the shooting finally stopped, 153 men, women, and children lay dead on the frozen ground, including Chief Big Foot. Many more wounded died outside the camp while trying to escape into the hills. The cavalry sustained 25 casual ties, most caused by friendly fire. The govern m ent awarded 18 soldiers with Medals of H onor for bravery. Along with hundreds of lives, the slaughter at W ounded Knee crushed o u t a religion. Wovoka continued to believe in the truth o f his revelation. But, disconsolate over the catastro phe, he withdrew to the m ountains, and his following drifted away. Dreams of wealth and adventure drew most people toward the West m ore directly than m il lennial dreams. Nonetheless, W ounded Knee represented a clash of millennialisms. Civil m il lennialism justified and in a broad sense im pelled the A m erican w estw ard drive. And though religious liberty was central to its creed, the American civil faith could not countenance a countervision of the future that denied legiti macy to the takeover of W estern lands. A Persecuting Patriotism A millennialist faith brought members of the International Bible Students Association into conflict with the United States government d u r ing W orld W ar I. Also known as Russellites (after their founder, Charles Taze Russell), and later as Jehovah’s Witnesses, the Bible Students expressed their apocalyptic faith with such te nacity that they became an irritant to existing ecclesiastical institutions and finally to govern ment. As with the Shakers and M orm ons before them, the Jehovah’s Witnesses’ innovations on C hristianity w ould at tim es be deem ed too dangerous to be allowed freedom. Aggressively seeking converts with forays into streets and homes, the Bible Students pro claimed the soon end of the present age, at the battle o f Arm ageddon. They consigned the churches, and secular governments, to the realm of Satan, destined for destruction. Though taught to be law-abiding on matters not involv ing conflict with G od’s will, they pressed the logic of their identity as members of Christ’s kingdom with a rigor that dem anded sharp re pudiation of earthly institutions. In 1917 President W oodrow Wilson sum m oned the nation to arms with terms redolent of the millennial mission by then deeply in grained in the American consciousness. The purpose o f the war was “to make the world safe for democracy.” Americans would fight “for a universal dom inion of right by such a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world itself at last free.” The American churches as a whole embraced American entry into the First W orld War. A statement from the Federal Council of Churches sum m ed the m atter simply: “The war for righ teousness will be won! Let the church do her part.” The Bible Students not only refused military service in the great crusade, but in their pugna cious, energetic m anner, they condem ned the militaristic nationalism and the clergy support for the war. This stand brought upon them mob attacks, beatings, and arrests. In June 1918 the The Jehovah's W itnesses' in novations on C hristianity w ou ld a t tim es be deem ed too dangerous to be allow ed freedom . eight members of the W atch Tower Society’s board of directors and editorial board were con victed for sedition. Seven were sentenced to 20 years in the penitentiary; the eighth was later sentenced to 10 years. O ther churches gave them little sympathy or support. The Watchman-Examiner, a Baptist publication, expressed the predom inant senti ment in the religious press, declaring that the Bible Students had always been a curse and those convicted got what they deserved. M any clergy, resentful of years o f condem nation from the Bible Students, encouraged the harassment and rejoiced that Russellism appeared doomed. Argum ents set forth by Shailer Mathews, who as a professor at the University o f Chicago Divinity School stood at the intellectual fore front o f m ainstream Protestantism , d em on strate how thoroughly religious duty and na tional agenda had intertwined in the m inds of American Christians: “A religion which will keep its followers from com m itting themselves to the support o f such patriotism is either too aesthetic for hum anity’s actual needs, too indi vidualistic to be social, or too disloyal to be tolerated.” Soon after the war the convictions of the incarcerated Russellite leaders were overturned on appeal, and they were released after a year’s im prisonm ent. No thanks to the churches, though— hardly a word from ecclesial sources was expressed on behalf o f the Bible Students before or after the final verdict. Patriotism Versus Freedom Religious freedom stands prom inent among the freedoms our nation champions. But as history shows, it is a freedom that efforts to prom ote national interest often place in jeopar dy. The tragic and embarrassing instances of the past suggest the im portance of asking certain questions before invoking the power of state against dangerous “cults.” How exactly is public order being endangered? How might sensation alism, hysteria, or bigotry be distorting percep tions? Is a chauvinistic, uncritical form of patri otism overheating tempers? Is employment of force really likely to succeed, or is it likely to worsen or inflame a tense situation? W hat precedents might be set by proposed action and with what implications for everyone’s freedom? These are questions that must be answered if the promise o f freedom is to be given its fullest realization, and the body count as a result of religious confrontation on American soil is to remain low. C LIBERTY JU LY /A UGUST 1994 23 mt ince the 1960s A m erica has been invaded by forms o f East ern religion— Zen, Soka-gakBY F R A N K kai, yoga, transcendental m edi tation. Perhaps out of our fear o f this “Eastern peril,” the term cult has acquired unfavorable, even sinister, connotations. Now adays a cult implies a dictatorial charismatic leader (often deranged, like David Koresh), bi zarre beliefs (such as the im m inent end of the w orld), odd or perverse practices (especially sexual), animal sacrifice, satanic worship, coer cive proselytizing techniques (brainwashing), suicide drills, and financial shenanigans. Thus, cult has become a highly charged, am biguous, even dangerous word. Like spy, the odd one out in the rhyme set “tinker, tailor, soldier, spy,” cult occupies the last and most dubious place in the set of religious social cate gories church, denomination, sect, cult. In the heated debates after Waco, a clarification of its origin and use would be helpful. Frank K. Flinn is adjunct professor of religious studies at Washington University in St. Louis. He has served as an expert witness on the definition of religion in court cases in North America and abroad. Tinker, Tailor, Soldier A church, according to religion sociologist Ernest Troeltsch, seeks to be universal; that is it desires to cover the whole life of humanity. C h u rc h e s— su c h as th e R om an C a th o lic Church in medieval Europe or the Geneva Re formed Church of Calvin’s day— generally fa vor the ruling classes and seek to become an integral part o f the social order. Churches work downward from above. In the churchly out look, the spheres of secular or natural life are marshaled as a means to attain a sacred, su K. F L I N N pernatural life. The next term in the socio religious canon is denom ination. The tendency toward denominationalism is a marked feature of American religion. D enom inational reli gious attachm ent was fostered by pluralistic im migration (Anglicans, Puritans, Dutch Re form ed, Lutherans, Catholics, etc.) and the American principle of religious tolerance. De nom inationalism is the religious equivalent of “keeping up with the Joneses.” Denominations are m ore concerned w ith edu catin g th e ir young— first in Sunday school and then at Yale— than in missionizing the gospel and har vesting new converts. Thomas O ’Dea described a denom ination as a “routinized sect.” David M artin, sociologist at the London School of Economics, theorizes that denom inations are “delegated dem ocracies” that do not sacralize religious institutions, as the Catholics do when they refer to “Holy M other Church,” nor do they establish “priests forever according to the order of Melchisedech.” Rath er, denominations elect their ministers the way they do their public officials. A sect, in contrast to both churches and de nominations, aspires after inward spiritual per fection and withdraws from universal social life into a small perfectionist group. It may be tolerant, indifferent, or hostile toward outw ard society. Often sects are identified with the lower classes (at least in the beginning) and work from below upward. In the language o f sociologist Max Weber, churches tend to be world-affirming (or worldembracing), while sects tend to be world-deny ing (or w orld-shunning). Churches are institu tions that favor priestly or clerical hierarchy; sects are voluntary associations that favor the layperson in a spiritual democracy. The Four ♦ Categories ♦ of American ♦ Religion who, the anti-cultists allege, are duped by “de structive” cults. Many anti-cultists believe that they establish a group as a pseudo-religion if they succeed in getting it labeled as a cult. Be cause o f the furor now swirling about the term cult, scholars are now using the phrase “new religious m ovem ent” (NRM). The press has not followed suit. Cult is derived from the Latin word colere, which m eant first to till a field and second to worship. Because ancient Roman farmers made Spy offerings to the gods and goddesses of fertility at Cult is the most nebulous of the four terms. shrines located at the boundaries o f their fields, N ot too long ago the term cult was applied to the word for tilling, as in cultivation, took on the m any religious groups, including the M ormons, added meaning o f worship, as in the cult of the Swedenborgians, Seventh-day Adventists, Ceres. Roman Catholicism took over this Ro Unity, the Spiritualists, Jehovah’s Witnesses, man usage and began to speak of the cult of and even Pentecostals. Scholars have tried, u n Mary or the cult o f the Sacred Heart, where the successfully, to strip away its pejorative conno term means a form of devotion. tations. Today the term has taken on further secular Sociologists Rodney Stark and William Sims meanings, such as the “Elvis cult” or the “fash Bainbridge say that sects begin as reformist reac ion cult.” In these usages the word means a tions against standing religious traditions; cults, passing fad. by contrast, spring up am ong the unchurched or Obviously, in the context of religion, the the nominally churched. They are like new na term cult has difficulties that church and denom tive or im ported religious species. O ther schol ination do not. Cult has been applied to Opus ars, like the University of Chicago’s M artin M ar Dei, Hasidic Judaism, Pentecostals, Shi’ism, ty, add that cults are characterized by charism at Baha’i, heavy metal, satanism, Wicca, etc. Cult ic leaders and that when they die, the cults dissi is a term that means everything— and nothing. pate. Oxford scholar Bryan W ilson, however, argues that many religious groups classified as Religious Liberty cults, such as New Thought and the RosicruThe labeling of a group as a cult also has the cians, have prospered w ithout charismatic lead added peril of creating a constitutional blur that ers. threatens religious liberty. The Constitution O f course, since living religious groups— uses only one word for all o f the preceding phe w hether church, denom ination, sect, or cult— nomena: religion. So the constitutional ques are dynamic and evolve in diverse and surprising tion is Is this a religion or is this not a religion? ways, labels, terms, categories, and classifica The fact that a religious group is a church, de tions tend to be ultimately temporary. Most nom ination, sect, cult, assembly, fellowship, religious movements will display mixtures and meeting, synagogue, gathering, coven, society, tendencies that cross over such labels. As some or congregation should be constitutionally irrel labels ostracize people, the current scattershot evant. Many scholars concerned about the dan use of the term cult raises serious questions ger in the use of the term cult point out that about the ethics of language for the populace at yesterday’s cult has often become today’s reli large and the press in particular. gion. Perhaps Leo Pfeffer, the great scholar o f reli Anti-Cult Cult gious liberty, sum m ed up the situation best at a A new class of professionals— deprogram W ashington University Law School conference mers or cult-exit counselors— have arisen in re in the mid-1980s. W hen asked to define the sponse to public fear about cults, and to make a word cult, he said, “If you like a fellow, you call buck, too. Sociologists David Bromley and An his religion a faith; if you are indifferent toward son Shupe even speak of an “anti-cult cult” that him, you call it a sect; but if you really hate the favors kidnapping and deprogramming youths [expletive deleted], you call it a cult.” El LIBERTY JU LY /A UGUST 1994 25 Experiences o f a M essianic Jew in Israel (Far left) Elhanan and his fam ily on the handbill warning that he was a traitor and a deceiver. (Left) The ben Avraham fam ily. (Bottom) Elhanan with his “Garden of Eden” painting. He could have written at the bottom: “All things work together for good to them that love God.” BY ELHANAN BEN AVR AH AM s a Jewish believer in the Yeshua (Jesus), I knew that upon moving to Israel I would face challenges. Aware of the Jewish people’s long, sad experi ence with the “church,” I expected b it ter opposition. I wasn’t disappointed. kill me. “I am a killer,” one of them said, “and you’re going to die for your faith.” O ne afternoon, on the lawn outside my apartm ent, I was attacked and beaten by three N orth African Jews. Though I didn’t hit them back, I was charged with criminal assault. For tunately, some o f my Israeli neighbors testified in the court that I hadn’t struck anyone. After I had been living w ith my wife presenting my own side of the story before the (whom 1 had m et in Israel) at an ab court, including my beliefs, I was cleared of sorption center in Jerusalem in 1980 while I m ost o f the accusations. On the one I was found found various jobs as an artist. Soon after, guilty of, I was given a 60-hour public-service someone standing in line behind me at a pay obligation, for which I volunteered to paint a phone heard me tell about my belief in Yeshua. wall m ural for the city of Jerusalem. The next day the O rthodox rabbi of the absorp The 12-foot-square mural, Noah After the tion center, dressed in his black clothes and Flood, was well received and led to several mural donning a black beard, came to our door, intro commissions in public buildings in Jerusalem. duced himself, and said, “I hear that you have One was a 45' x 11' painting of the Garden of some strange beliefs.” We had a pleasant time Eden. I could have written at the bottom of it, explaining our faith. He nodded politely and “All things work together for good to them that left. W ithin a short tim e I was dismissed from love G od” (Romans 8:28). most of my jobs. Today, my wife, two children, and I attend a We finally moved from the absorption center 60-70 m em ber Messianic Jewish congregation to an apartm ent in Jerusalem. O ur neighbors called Roeh Yisrael (Shepherd of Israel) that had been warned to avoid us. W ithin a few owns its own building and is registered as a m onths handbills were placed in their mail nonprofit organization. Establishing this m in boxes and pasted on poles. They showed our istry didn’t come easy. Yad L ’Achim used its picture and were filled with distortions and lies influence to bring a lawsuit against us over zon about what we believed. They called us traitors ing laws. We almost lost the building, but after and deceivers. Actually, instead of causing hos a dramatic, last-m inute turnabout in the court tility am ong many of my neighbors, the hand room, we managed to keep the building, and bills caused m ore interest in us and what we our ministry. believed. Many Israelis are open-minded. Sixteen years ago, as an American traveling The handbills were distributed by activists in Brazil, I came to believe in Yeshua as the called Yad L ’Achim (H and of the Brothers), Jewish Messiah, and felt certain about two other dedicated to elim inating cults, missionaries, points: I was Jewish, and I was to travel to Israel. and Jewish followers of Yeshua. Though the Two years later I fulfilled that calling. I’ll never group claims independence, it clearly has access forget that mom ent. After having arrived in to the files of the Interior Ministry, currently in Jerusalem, I wandered over to the W estern Wall. the hands of the Orthodox Shas Party. Some of As I touched the cool, ancient stones, they the inform ation in the handbills couldn’t have seemed to speak out, saying, “Welcome hom e.” been obtained without help from the Ministry. I’ve been “hom e” now 15 years. I have lived Their efforts have caused the loss of work for a as an Israeli citizen, have served in the army, and num ber of Jewish followers of Yeshua. They have faced the continuous pressure of living in also have placed pressure on landlords to evict the region. O ur Messianic con Messianic Jews from their apartments. Elha nan ben Avraham gregation, and others, are growing My family received telephone is an artist living in in numbers and strength despite threats. One night I had been met Jerusalem. opposition. |c_j by a p p aren t m em bers o f Yad L ’Achim, and they threatened to A LIBERTY JULY/A UGUST 1994 27 Israel’s M essianic M ess BY C A R E Y Carey Kinsolving is a freelance writer residing in Falls Church, Virginia. 28 LIBERTY very year Jews the world over celebrate the time when the angel of death passed over their houses and delivered them and their firstborn from Egypt. But when Messianic Jews in Israel cele brate Yeshua (Hebrew for Jesus) as the Messiah who offered Himself as the Passover Lamb to atone for all sin, it stirs up plenty of controversy. Last year an Israeli newspaper reported that Mordecai Kirochenbaum, the director of Israeli Broadcast Authority, had rejected a news report showing Messianic Jews (an estimated 3,000 am ong 4.7 million Israelis) celebrating the Passover seder. Said television spokeswoman Ayola Cohen, “The subject itself is im portant and wor thy of treatm ent by television, but such subjects require care that it does not overflow into mis sionary activity.” Controversy over Messianic Jews, however, isn’t limited to Passover. Public opinion has recently been aroused because three families have been denied citizenship based on their ac ceptance of Yeshua as Messiah. “W e would have died at Auschwitz as Jews,” said David Stern, a spokesman for the Israeli Messianic com m unity, “but we are not perm it ted to live in Israel as Jews.” Stern notes that the Jewishness of those who followed a false, second-century messiah, Bar Kochba, is never questioned. One follower, Rabbi Akiva, remains a venerated teacher in Jewish history. The same inconsistency exists today with Jews who believe that Rabbi Schneerson of New York is the messiah, Stern said. Gary and Shirley Beresford, one of the three families being denied citizenship, were born of Jewish parents in South Africa. Their two sons, Darrin and Paul, are Israeli citizens and have served as arm y paratroopers. Shirley’s m other has Israeli citizenship. Since 1985 the Beresfords have sought Israeli citizenship under the Law of Return, which de fines Jewishness as being born of a Jewish m oth JULY/AUGUST 1994 KINSOLVING er, but excludes anyone who is “a m em ber of another religion.” The Beresfords keep kosher, observe the Sabbath, keep the Jewish feast days, and fast on Yom Kippur. A ruling last year from Israel’s highest court denied them citizenship. “Because we believe that Yeshua is the Messiah, which we m ain tained all through the court case, that in itself is sufficient to make us not Jewish,” Gary Beres ford said about the ruling. “It’s sheer nonsense, based on thoughts and beliefs, not actions.” He equates the decision to trying someone for thinking about m urder rather than com m it ting the act. Beresford is not alone in his opinion. Davar, an Israeli daily newspaper, published a letter from D. Riki in which two questions were asked: “How can it be that only Messianic Jews, o f all people, are denied this right [citizenship under the Law of Return]— and this, in the supposedly secular democratic state of Israel? Is any other person in Israel required to believe in the Jewish religion, though officially considered one o f its members?” Columnist Hillel Halkin defended the Beres fords in the December 31 issue of the Jerusalem Report, saying that Jesus lived as a Jew, thought as a Jew, spoke as a Jew, and was crucified by the Romans as a Jew. “Jews were practically the only people He knew, and while He obviously liked some of them better than others (fishermen, for instance, more than rabbis), who of us can’t say the same?” Halkin asks. In fact, it is the rabbis who are behind the denial of citizenship to Messianic Jews, accord ing to the Beresfords. The interior ministry, run by the ultraorthodox Shas Party, approves citi zenship papers and perm anent residency status. In a 1988 poll o f 1,189 Israelis conducted by the Dahaf Research Institute, 61 percent stated that a person born to a Jewish m other who believes Yeshua is the Messiah and considers REALLY? (Top) The Beresfords: “We are not going anywhere.” Messianic Jews worshiping in Israel: (Bottom) “We would have died in Auschwitz as Jews, but we are not permitted to live in Israel as Jew s.” himself a Jew should be granted an im m igrant’s visa u nder the Law o f Return. The figure jum ped to 78 percent when factors like being faithful to the state of Israel, paying taxes, serv ing in the Israeli army, and celebrating Jewish holidays were added. In the same poll, com m is sioned by David Stern, 83 percent of Israelis said that a person born of a Jewish m other who does not believe in the existence of God should be granted an im m igrant’s visa. A recent Messianic Jewish immigrant from northern Virginia who asked not to be identi fied said the problem stems from the things done to the Jews in the name of Jesus, not Jesus Himself. Like many Messianic Jews, he views Yeshua as one who perfectly observed the Torah (the first five books of the Hebrew Scriptures). He added that the rabbis taught that “the law made one righteous for salvation,” but “Abra ham was declared righteous by faith” before the law was given to Moses. “I will not allow the Jewish or the Christian communities to strip me of my Jewishness or my belief that Yeshua is the Messiah,” he said. This same sentim ent is expressed in the Be resfords’ com m itm ent to stand fast. In spite of the court’s denial, the Beresfords are not plan ning to move, even if the interior m inistry refus es to renew their tourist visa. “I have stated publicly that we are not going anywhere,” said Gary Beresford after attending a Messianic Jewish service that meets on Satur day in a West Bank settlement. “We have a right to be in Israel. W e are Jews. W e do not see ourselves as being anything but Jews.” Though many Jews are sympathetic with the Beresfords, some are not. Mark Powers, spokes m an for the Baltimore-based anti-missionary group called Jews for Judaism, said the Israeli government was correct in rejecting the Beres fords’ application to receive economic benefits under the Law of Return. “They are Christians, not Jews,” Powers said. “They don’t lose their Jewishness; they voluntarily gave it up. “Being a Jew cannot be separated from a faith system,” said Powers. But his position changes when applied to Jewish atheists. “An atheist, a nonbeliever in God, has not denied the faith system to the essence of some body who has accepted another faith system,” he said. W hen asked whether believing God doesn’t exist constitutes a belief system, Powers said, “W hether it is or it isn’t, I’m not sure. A person who believes in no God is clearly an apostate Jew.” Powers equated giving up one’s Judaism to leaving Christianity for another faith. Said Reuven Berger, one of several Messianic Jewish leaders in Israel, “We aren’t a sect. O ur belief is the divine Judaism of God because it’s based on the new covenant with God rather than tradition.” The Messianic com m unity in Israel has ral lied around the Beresfords and the other two families that face deportation, the Kendalls, for merly of Idaho, and the Speakmans, of Oregon. On February 21, sign-carrying Messianic Jews gathered outside the prime m inister’s home. They carried placards that read: “Deporting Jews— really?” LIBERTY JU LY /A UGUST 1994 29 0 It I T E It L B a n g u a g e a r r i e r “The lim its of my language mean the lim its of my w orld.”— Ludwig W ittgenstein “ Once, Turner had him self lashed to the mast ot a ship for several hours, during a furious storm, so that he could later paint the storm. “ Obviously, it was not the storm that Turner intended to paint. What he intended to paint was a representation of the storm. “One’s language is frequently imprecise in that matter, I have discovered.” — David Markson he Bible m ight be the W ord of God, The com m on solution is to but hundreds of denom inations “ define term s.” Yet we define term s prove that the W ord has many w ith other term s, and those term s “There’s no surer way to interpretations. If people disagree w ith still others, in infinite regress. misread any docum ent,” warned on the m eaning of the Ten We can’t latch on to som ething Learned Hand, “than to read it Com m andm ents, etched in stone beyond, or outside of, w ords. literally.” by the finge r of God— what Dictionaries are ou r cages. unanim ity w ill exist fo r the firs t 10 W hat’s w orse, human thought and language are ultim ately make no law respecting an C onstitution, scribbled on construed and lim ited by cultural, establishm ent of religion or even personal, boundaries that are prohibiting the free exercise always In flux. Not only are we thereof’’— penned more than 200 Concepts— w hether the law of God caged, but the bars constantly years ago, a linguistic eon (look from heaven o r the Bill of Rights move. w hat 30 years has done to gray)? The problem is language. from the Colonies— are expressed How, fo r example, could the In the 1890s the U.S. Supreme in w ords, and w ords are as C onstitution, w hich promised Court said that religion “ has reference to one’s views of his enigm atic as dreams. “ A w o rd ,” “ liberty,” allow slavery? Liberty w rote Oliver W endail Holmes, “ is obviously d idn’t mean the same relations to his Creator, and to the not a crystal, transparent and then as it does today. The word obligation they im pose of reverence unchanged; it is the skin of a living itself hasn’t changed; its cultural fo r His being and character, and of th oug ht and may vary greatly in context has. obedience to His w ill.” By 1965 color and content according to the Justice M arshall said that “ no religion had become “ a sincere and circum stances and the tim e in w ord conveys to the mind, in all m eaningful belief w hich occupies In w hich it is used." situations, one single definite Idea,” the life of Its possessor a place and thus linguistic and social paralleled to that filled b y . . . G od.” Thus, questions about original intent, judicial activism , strict context m ust be considered. When If the meaning of “ religion” isn’t textualism , legal realism, and other the C onstitution declares that only a stable, who can grasp its theories of constitutional “ natural born c itiz e n . . . shall be “ establishm ent” or “ free exercise” ? interpretation are more eligible to the office of President,” philosophical than jurisprudential, does it disqualify those born and philosophy is often a problem overseas, or by Cesarean section or of language. artificial Insem ination? We know the answer, not because of the exact w ording, but because we JULY/A UGUST What, then, can we do w ith these 16 w ords— “ Congress shall am endm ents of the U.S. parchm ent by James M adison? 30 L I B E R T Y know the cultural, political, and social concerns of the Framers. 1994 Is a tax-funded interpreter fo r a deaf student an establishm ent of O I I I T K It religion? Four justices said yes; five no. Are Bible readings In justices said yes; tw o no. What happened? The w ords sym bols that com pose language. No doubt God created To solve th is problem w ould, of language, and Fie, existing outside public schools an establishm ent of “ free exercise" in the text didn’t course, be to solve one of the tim e and space, transcending all religion? Eight said yes; one no. Is change, but the cultural context did fundam ental philosophical cultural and linguistic barriers, the refusal to exem pt an American (the earlier decision precipitated dilem m as since Gorgias, fo u r knows w hat everything means. Indian fro m legislation outlaw ing violence against W itnesses). centuries before Christ, w rote Yet we can’t bring Him into the peyote an infringem ent of free In the diagram, stare at the about the fu tility of using language church-state debate because the exercise? Three said yes; six no. corners marked a and then glance at to express reality. Even if i had an ACLU w ould sue and Liberty Is a high school graduation those marked b. The a’s appear In answer, It w ould be conveyed In w ould print articles w arning about speaker’s public prayer an front. Then stare at the b's. Before w ords, and using w ords to express th is egregious violation of the establishm ent of religion? Five your eyes the ft’s w ill appear in problem s about w ords is like Establishm ent Clause. said yes; fo u r no. The justices all fro nt. defining a term w ith the term itself read the same w ords. They just read them differently. In the 1940s Jehovah’s If a sim ple shift of the eyes can W hatever that means. used In the definition. cause such a drastic change In perception of som ething as concrete W itnesses children were refused as this draw ing, Imagine what exem ption fro m saluting the flag. culture, politics, sociology, tim e, Was th is an infringem ent of free heredity, mood, and other factors exercise? Eight justices said no; can do to perceptions of the abstract one yes. Three years later six LIBERTY JULY /AUGUST 1994 31 iberty is the m ost jealous and exacting mistress that 'can beguile the brain and soul o f man. From him w ho will not give her all, she will have nothing. She knows that his pretended love serves hut to betray. But when once the fierce heat o f her quenchless, lustrous eyes have burned into the victim ’s heart, he will know no other sm ile but hers.” — Clarence S. Darrow, American
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