FLORILEGIUM 9, 1987
AUGUSTINE AND APOCALYPTIC:
THOUGHTS ON THE FALL OF ROME,
THE BOOK OF REVELATION,
AND THE END OF THE WORLD
J. Kevin Coyle
in t r o d u c t io n
:
c r is is a n d
r espo n se
P eriodically in C h ristian histo ry there em erges a speculative tren d know n as
“ap o caly p ticism ” which, sim ply p u t, is th e reading of current events as the
fulfillm ent of “b iblical prophecy.” As understo o d here, biblical prophecy as­
cribes p a rtic u la r im p o rtan ce to select passages of the Bible, n o tably D aniel
7 and Ezechiel 38 -3 9 in th e Old T estam ent and R evelation 20-21 in th e New
— passages regarded as “a p o caly p tic,” a word m eaning sim ply “revealed”
b u t here p ractically synonym ous w ith im pending catastrophe. A p o caly p ti­
cism assum es th a t such passages foretell certain events of hum an history,
events now com ing to pass or soon to take place. T his speculation recurs,
in Lowell S treik er’s words, “whenever societal stress (depression, recession,
th re a t of w ar) elicits th e belief th a t things are getting worse and will p ro b ­
ably stay th a t w ay.” 1 In o th er words, apocalypticism is always a response
to a sense of m o u n tin g crisis.
W hile it m ay be anachronistic to apply a term like “apo caly p ticism ”
to th eir period, it is certain th a t m any in h a b itan ts of R om an te rrito ry in
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F L O R I L E G I U M 9, 1987
the early fifth cen tu ry C .E . perceived their own age as one of crisis. P a r­
ticu larly in th e W est, a sense of social upheaval had been growing for the
previous th ree h u n d red years. A long strin g of barracks em perors and po­
litical assassin atio n s, an econom y in sham bles, th e flight to the cities from a
d e p o p u la te d countryside, a th in n in g m ilitary defense against ever stronger
b a rb a ria n trib e s — all these factors and m ore contributed to a general
m alaise. T h e sta b ility b ro u g h t by C o n stan tin e in 324 had been short-lived,
since a t his d e a th th e E m pire reverted to D io cletian’s innovation of a t least
two rulers a t a tim e. Ju lia n , last of C o n sta n tin e ’s dynasty, ruled alone; b ut
his rule lasted scarcely a year and a h alf (361-363). T hereafter the Em ­
pire w ould know a single ruler only once m ore, in the person of Theodosius
th e G re a t (d. 395). T h eo d o siu s’ two sons each received h a lf of the em pire,
thereby e x acerb atin g its already weakened condition: in the W est, Honorius
occupied th e th ro n e for tw enty-eight years, b u t is m ainly notable for inef­
fectuality. T h e seat of governm ent had long since been moved from Rome
to M ilan; in 402 H onorius moved it again, to th e m arshes of R avenna, even
while he relied on b a rb a ria n m ercenaries to shore up his crum bling dom in­
ions.
A t th a t tim e th e R hine River together w ith the D anube form ed a n a t­
ural n o rth e rn fro n tier for th e W estern R om an E m pire. Since the second
century B .C .E . w andering trib e s from th e E ast, m ostly G erm anic, h ad been
m assing on th is b a rrie r’s n o rth ern shores, whose w aters had long held back
all b u t th e trickle of im m ig ran ts allowed in by m ore or less relu ctan t au­
tho rities. G rad u ally, however, th is barrier had weakened. T h e trickle tu rn ed
into a flood on th e la st n ig h t of 406 C .E ., w hen th e trib es swelling on the
n o rth e rn shore a t la st crossed th e R hine en masse, sweeping p ast the fron­
tier g arrisons an d in to th e undefended lands beyond. T hough this event
— coupled w ith th e V isigothic invasion of Italy from th e E ast in 401 and
again in 408 — was to be a pivotal factor in th e fall of Rom e and inrWrl
in th e u ltim a te collapse o f th e W estern R om an Em pire, few took any no­
tice of it a t th e tim e (except, of course, those whose crops were destroyed,
houses b u rn ed , an d th e like). It seemed like ju s t an other m inor m ilitary
problem , of which Rom e already possessed an ab u n d an t supply.2 T h a t this
tim e so m eth in g far m ore serious was afoot, th a t the barb arian s had arrived
to stav an d th a t th e W estern em p ire’s illness was term inal, would sink in
only when som ething tru ly unthinkable occurred.
T h e u n th in k ab le took place on A ugust 24, 410, when, after three sieges
in as m any years, A laric’s V isigoths broke in to the city of Rom e and spent
the next th ree days in pillage.3 Soon refugees, p articu larly from the upper
J. KEVIN COYLE
3
classes, were m aking th eir way o u t as b est they could and heading for p a rts
of th e em pire deem ed safer. M any (perhaps the m ajo rity ) ended up in
N o rth A frica,4 where th eir arrival posed new problem s for the C hurch. T he
sudden influx n o t only soon tax ed local social assistance program s; it was
the ca ta ly st of horrendous tales of atro c ity and destruction, of the anger of
b o th pagans an d C h ristian s looking for a scapegoat, and of fear in a local
p o p u latio n only too ready to believe the w o rst.5
In fact, th e severest dam age am ong th e general citizenry of R om an
A frica app ears to have been psychological. W hen Rom e fell, confidence
in the pro p er order of th in g s fell w ith it. T rue, Rome was no longer the
political capital: b u t it was n o t called th e “eternal city” for n o th in g .6 It
was still th e centre of W estern society, th e sym bol of a whole civilization
— indeed, as R om ans saw it, of th e only civilization. “It w as,” says P eter
Brown, “as if an arm y h ad been allowed to sack W estm inster A bbey or
the L ouvre.” 7 In p re-C h ristian tim es urbs R om ana had represented w hat
Brow n term s “a sort of ‘pagan V atican ’,” which is to say th a t it was seen to
enjoy special divine p ro tectio n (m ost concretely expressed in th e figure of
Dea R o m a ). T h is city personified th e E m pire itself, w ith all its splendour
and achievem ent. So long as R om e endured, then, the E m pire (m eaning the
w orld) m ust survive.8
R udolph A rbesm ann has rig h tly called th e belief in R om e’s eternity
“th e m ost tenacious o f all th e beliefs w hich survived from the old religion.” 9
T h e m y th was a d a p te d to a C h ristian settin g by the su b stitu tio n of apos­
tles for p agan d eities.10 Indeed, th e cap tu re of Rom e seems to have shocked
C h ristian s every b it as m uch as pagans. “W h a t can be safe, if Rom e per­
ishes?” w ondered Jerom e in B ethlehem on hearing the news of A laric’s final
siege.11 No p ro tectiv e buffer again st th e B arbarians would th en exist, and
the A ntichrist m u st surely com e.12 A nd once the calam ity had taken place,
he wailed, “T h e w o rld ’s light has gone o u t, the head of the R om an em pire
has been lopped off, and by th e fall of one city th e whole plan et perishes!” 13
P rio r to th e E dict of M ilan it was not unusual for pag an p a trio ts to
m a in ta in th a t th e em pire h ad never h ad it so good, C h ristians all the while
predictin g dire consequences for a sta te which refused to legitim ize their
religion. A fter 313 these roles reversed, as C h ristianity gained first legal
sta tu s, then respectability, an d finally, in 392, becam e the only legitim ate
religion of th e e m p ire.14 By then C h ristian s had come to believe th a t their
religion’s changed fortunes h ad gained for Rom e a new and golden age:
t e m p o r a C h r i s t i a n a , “th e C h ristian E ra .” 15 For nearly three centuries they
h ad been vau n tin g th e fact th a t C h ristia n ity and the em pire had sim ulta-
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neous beginnings, Jesus h aving come to e a rth during the reign of R om e’s
first em p ero r, A u g u stu s.16 C hurch an d E m pire were to be seen, in E usebius’
m e ta p h o r, as “two g reat pow ers sprung fully up, as it were, from a single
source.” 17 From th is idea it h ad been deduced th a t C hurch and E m pire were
chronologically and geographically coextensive.18 It was Eusebius who was
m ainly responsible for spread in g th e idea th a t only these two in stitu tio n s
could now have any h isto rical significance,19 and th a t there could be no
successor to th e R o m an E m pire, last an d g reatest of all em pires.20
T h e view is u n d erstan d ab le. For m ost C h ristians in R om an lands, the
em pire w as th e only socio-political context th e y had ever know n, and life
w ith o u t it could n o t be im agined. T h e P a x Romana was for m any the
closest e a rth ly im age — if n o t th e full reality — of the peace of the heavenly
kingdom , an d therefore it h a d to be preserved.21 Hence, any speculation on
th e tim in g o f th e end o f th e w orld (following n a tu ra lly from th e association
o f th e em p ire w ith th e w o rld ’s final age) usually took the form o f calculating
th e d a te of R om e’s dem ise. A t th e beginning of the fo u rth century the
C h ristia n L actan tiu s h ad figured o u t th a t th is m u st occur w ithin 200 years,22
and insisted th a t to p ray for th e em p ero r’s w ell-being was in fact to work
to delay th e end o f th e w orld, an d th a t was w hy C hristians should do it.23
B u t as th e fo u rth century wore on, an d th e legal m easures against paganism
grew m ore repressive, th e shoe w ent on th e o th er foot, pagans asserting th a t
th e w orld was going from b a d to worse, since th e old religion, which had
assured R o m e’s w ell-being, no longer received proper respect.24
Such affirm ations pressured C h ristian s to e xplain why “their era” seemed
so full o f unprecedented d isasters,25 an d th e fall of Rom e in 410 appeared
only to v in d icate th e ir accusers. W hile m any C h ristians were content w ith
stolidly aw aiting th e w o rld ’s end (w hich m u st surely come soon),26 others
sy m p ath ized w ith th e p ag an thesis.27 P erhaps th e ancient divinities of Rom e
really were exacting revenge for th eir b etray al. T he official stance o f the
Church m ig h t be th a t these deities were a t m o st m ere demons, if they ex­
isted a t all; b u t as A ug u stin e was to ld by one o f the flock, “If those dem ons
are going to get angry because th e y are n o t adored, who am I to be offending
dem ons?” 28
Besides, th en , th e d ilem m a created for p asto ral care by any large influx
of refugees, an ideological problem clam oured for atten tio n . A nd so it was
especially to C h ristian s u n c e rta in how to react to blam e by pagans th a t
A ugustine form ulated an in itia l response to th e disaster of 410. T hereafter
he w ould advance his th o u g h t by stages, from sketching o ut a C hristian
perspective on an im m ed iate crisis to developing his own ideas on h u m a n ity ’s
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u ltim a te destiny, an d from a direct re b u tta l of some current no tio n s to a
final, com posite overview of history itself. T his process, worked o u t over
fifteen years in four discernible stages, is the focus of the rem ainder o f this
paper.
1.
CR ISIS A M O N G C H R IST IA N S: F O U R HOMILIES ( c . E .
4 1 0 -4 1 1 )
T he first stag e is discernible in four serm ons delivered between la te a u tu m n
of 410 an d la te Ju n e of 411.29 All were p robably preached at C arth ag e, soon
after th e arrival o f a large group of refugees. These serm ons — th e only ones
in which A ugu stin e gives any extended a tte n tio n to the problem — possess
com m on featu res (to th e p o in t where A u g u stin e’s exasperated listeners are
soon m u tte rin g , “O si ta c e a t de R om a!” ).30 T hose features will be th e next
o b ject of investigation.
In th e m ain , th e serm ons are addressed to C hristians try in g to cope w ith
b o th th e im p licatio n s of th e d isaster itself an d w ith pagan recrim inations.
B ut th ey do n o t yet reply directly to th e la tte r. A t th e sam e tim e th ey
quickly move aw ay from in terp retin g th e event. In each case th e issue of
R o m e’s fall is addressed only a b o u t halfway through th e hom ily, which
alw ays s ta rts o u t as a reflection on one or m ore of the biblical readings set
by th e litu rg y of th e day. Even when referring to the event, A ugustine never
dwells on th e details, which a t first seem unclear and dependent on refugee
re p o rts.31 In fact, th e G o th s are m entioned only twice, and th e n m erely
to p o in t o u t th a t th e ir presence h ad noth in g to do w ith religion. One
m igh t reg ard these A rian s who finally took Rom e as (sort of) C hristians;
b u t R a d a g a isu s’ A rian followers were crushed in 406, when p aganism was
already pro scrib ed .32
A ll four serm ons display an am bivalent a ttitu d e ab o u t th e d ev astatio n
of Rom e, a city whose real significance A ugustine is now forced to consider
for th e first tim e .33 O n th e one h an d , th e old order has obviously undergone
a serious tra n sfo rm a tio n ; on th e other, A ugustine never m uch cared for
the city of R om e.34 T h e only reason for even alluding to the event is to
underscore th e passing n a tu re of th e present life — b u t in term s applicable
to v irtu a lly any situ a tio n .35
A lm ost every hom ily refers to th e pag an com plaints: “It is in th e ‘C hris­
tia n E ra ’ th a t th e w orld is dev astated , collapsing into ruin!” 36 How are
C h ristian s to respond? A ugustine tackles th is in the first serm on:
W hen someone says to you, “Such great evils, the w orld’s very devastation,
are taking place in the C hristian E ra,” say in reply, “C hrist predicted it to
me before it happened.” . . . For w hat is new in w hat they tell you — th a t in
the era of C h ristianity the world is devastated and coming to an end!37
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W ell, we a lread y knew that, he says. T h e Lord predicted th e w orld’s
d e stru c tio n , so w hy get u p set if th e L ord’s predictions are tu rn in g o u t to
be tru e ? People sh o u ld n o t be astonished if th e world really is com ing now
to its end: “M arvel in ste a d th a t th e world was able to m ake it to its old
age!” 38 However, sh o u ld it be tru e th a t th e city has been destroyed, some
o f its citizens have survived (as th e refugees in C arth ag e show). A nd th en
a th em e t h a t will be touched on again: a city is m ore th a n its buildings:
“W h a t is R om e, if n o t R om an s?” 39
T h e second serm on continues to focus on th e passing n a tu re o f th is
w orld a n d o f ev ery th in g in it.40 W hy should it survive any longer m erely
because C h rist h as com e?41 A nyone who (like V irgil)42 prom ised etern ity
to an e a rth ly em pire could only be doing so o u t of flattery. Yet A ugustine
argues th a t V irgil p u ts th e prom ise in th e m o u th of Ju p ite r; V irgil him self
w ould th in k q u ite differently.43
As for him self, A u g u stin e does n o t believe th e end is im m inent. A lexan­
dria, C o n stan tin o p le, a n d C arth ag e, all o f which rejected paganism as Rom e
did, continue to flourish.44 S till, recent developm ents have m ade it all to o
clear th a t th ere can be no question o f an “em pire w ith o u t end.” T h e fate
o f R om e serves n o t as fuel for doom sayers b u t as a lesson for th e C h ristia n
life. T h e e a rth ly R om e m u st end som e day, so why n o t now?45 N ot even
C o n stan tin o p le, C h ristia n city an d cap ital th o u g h it is, will last for ever.46
As A u g u stin e sees it, th e real problem for C h ristians lies in an uncritical
acceptance of th e p a g a n m ystique of R om e’s eternity.
T h e read in g th a t launches th e th ird serm on,47 D aniel 9:20, sets the
th em e for th e en tire hom ily: sin negatively affects a perso n ’s relationship to
G od an d th u s in vites divine correction.48 A no th er reading is Genesis 18:2332 (th e d estru c tio n o f S odom ). L ot was u n ab le to find even te n ju s t m en
an d th u s stay th e L o rd ’s destroying hand. B u t surely it could be objected
th a t th e re were a t least fifty good persons in Rome, C h ristian as it was?
His answ er to th is query is th a t th e d estru ctio n of Rom e was n o t nearly as
to ta l as th a t of Sodom , a n d m any have survived.49
B u t th a t does n o t resolve th e question o f how a ju s t G od could p erm it
so m uch suffering, even to good people.50 T h e negative response is th a t —
even assum ing th e re are good people (for who is tru ly ju s t? ) — C h ristians
canno t expect to g et th ro u g h life trouble-free when even C hrist suffered.51
As it was for J o b ,52 suffering can be viewed as a te st o f faith , one which, if
necessary, leads us aw ay from backsliding an d once m ore to G od.53
T h e m y th of R o m e’s e te rn ity becom es th e direct ta rg e t o f th e fourth
serm on.54 T h e con tex t is b o th th e feast (P eter and P aul, Ju n e 29) and the
J. KEVIN COYLE
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gospel read in g for th e day (Jo h n 21:15-19). A bout one q u a rte r of the way
throu g h his preaching, A ugustine broaches th e significance of th e restingplace of th e apostles in th e light of the year 410:
“T he body of P eter lies at Rom e,” people say, “at Rome lies the body of
Paul, of Laurence, of other holy m artyrs. Yet Rome is in misery, laid waste,
afflicted, ground down, burned. How many have been the m eans of d estru c­
tion available to death: famine, pestilence, the sword! W here then are the
memoriae of the apostles? . . .” T hey are there, but they are not in you.
Would th a t they were. . . .55
T h e tru e m em oria is n o t a m onum ent, b u t a presence in the m in d .56
R eferring to 2 Cor. 4:17-18, A ugustine insists on the tem p o ral q u a lity of
flesh and stone. It therefore m a tte rs little where P e te r’s physical body lies;
he him self is w ith th e L ord.57 T h en comes th e challenge: “You w hine and
you weep, because sticks and stones have collapsed, and people died who
had to die ev en tu ally ?” 58 B ut here A ugustine carries the idea further: it is
not for us to decide th e fate of Rome; th a t belongs to G od.59
In th e following tw o sections, the bishop deals w ith the corollary: W hy
would G od decide to do som ething so terrible?60 More specifically, why does
R om e suffer in th e “C h ristia n E ra ” ? T h e C hristian response: quia voluit
deus. B u t th a t will n o t satisfy pagans, who ra th er should be d ealt w ith
by po in tin g o u t th a t n o th in g earth ly is m eant to last forever. Should th a t
tactic prove ineffectual, one can appeal to history: Rom e was destroyed
twice before, a t tim es w hen th e “C h ristian E ra” could hardly have been the
cu lp rit.61 W ell, th en , w h at of th e fact th a t C hristians have suffered along
w ith p agans? T h ere we re tu rn to th e m ystery of G o d ’s will, to th e tr u th
th a t th e only w orthw hile good is th e everlasting one, and to th e fact th a t
evils were p redicted by pro p h ets, apostles, and Jesus him self.62
A ugustine th en retu rn s to an earlier question: W h at is the purpose of
the a p o stle s’ m e m o ria ? It ceiling!, be to m ain tain the earth ly s ta tu s quo, nor
to keep R o m e’s buildings from falling dow n.63 T he apostles’ m arty rd o m , as
m ost suffering, rem inds us of our need of the L ord’s correction: Melius est
flagellari, quam d a m n a ri.64
In all th is A ugustine m ay sound insensitive to real suffering; b u t he does
not intend to ad d to th e m isfortunes of Rom e (and the w orld), nor to gloat
over th e m .65 It has to be seen th a t R om an society survives — Deo gratias
— even if th e b u ildings of R om e have not:
T h a t society ( civitas), which gave us our birth in the flesh, remains. T hanks
be to God. . . . B ut the world needs to be spiritually born as well, so th a t it
may pass w ith us to eternity.66
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In each case A ugu stin e is looking a t th e long term , a t th e question of
lastin g secu rity an d peace which will n o t be found in th is w orld. W hatever
has tru ly befallen R om e, it was all b u ilt only to fall into ru in sooner or
la te r. H eaven an d e a rth will pass away (M a tt. 24:35): sm all w onder, then,
if society itself should com e to an en d .67 No one can count on absolute
security in th is life. T hese are not, however, grounds for despair: G od uses
th e m isfo rtu n es o f th is life to te st our faith , as an olive press is tu rn ed , less in
o rder to crush th e olives th a n to draw o u t th e oil.68 C h ristian s have to view
th e d isaster fro m th e perspective of faith , an d believe th a t “th e E te rn al O ne
has prom ised e te rn a l th in g s.” 69 T h e im p o rta n t th ing is to focus less on the
w orld th a n o n th e one w ho created it, alw ays believing th a t G od is present,
an d th a t C h rist cam e in to th e world n o t to affirm th e w orld’s etern ity b u t
to give us h ope in a fu tu re divine life. For th ere still rem ains th a t heavenly
com m unity, alread y p resent to those who believe.70 A nd that is where our
energies should be d ire c te d .71
Y et th e p resent circum stances are n o t lost from view. Tw o of these
serm ons end w ith a p a sto ra l ad m o n itio n (undoubtedly th e real m otive for
broach in g th e w hole su b je c t in th e first place): w ondering w hether the
w orld (th e R o m an one, a t least) has reached its definitive end is a pointless
exercise. C h ristia n s should n o t freeze in to im m obility, b u t concentrate on
th e business a t h an d : th ere are refugees o u t there, and they need h elp .72
T h e ir need tak es precedence over w orrying a b o u t in stitu tio n s w ith b u ilt-in
obsolescence. If perchance th e earth ly R om an society should find a way to
carry on, well an d good. B u t th e only way it can endure forever is to be
in co rp o rated in to th e civitas in coelo fundata, the com m unity established
in heaven.73
2.
PA G A N A N G E R :
“ C IT Y O F G O D ,” BO O K S I—III ( C .E .
413)
T hese last th o u g h ts we find developed in th e fam ous work, City o f God,7*
w hich we will view again in th e last section.
I t is q u ite possible th a t th is “huge an d ard u o us enterprise,” as A ugustine
cam e to call i t , 75 w ould have been w ritte n even w ithout th e fall of Rom e
as a c a ta ly s t.76 B u t th ere can be little d o u b t th a t th is event first m oved
A ugustine to w rite City o f God, som etim e in 412.77 In th e hom ilies of a
year or tw o before we found h im speaking to C hristians gathered in w orship,
answ ering th e ir questions about p agan accusations. Now he would address
those accusations h ead on. T h e fall o f Rom e had confronted him w ith a
new, a p ag an , audience, a lb e it in th e sam e locality as th e earlier hom ilies.78
T h e still lively th re a t o f a n ti-C h ristia n recrim inations m eant pagans had
J. KEVIN COYLE
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to be taken seriously. For A ugustine th is called for a shift in a ttitu d e . It
had been his practice sim ply to dism iss paganism as a dying phenom enon
co n stitu tin g no real th re a t to th e C h u rch ’s a sp iratio n s.79 A ugust 410 had
changed t h a t.80 T h e refugees who h ad been crowding into N orth A frica in­
cluded num erous p ag an intellectuals, some of them deeply co m m itted to the
old religion and highly resentful of th e new .81 T hese could n o t be effectively
countered th ro u g h oral discourse to a select audience on a Sunday m orning.
T h e vehicle h a d to be som ething which pagans — a t least intellectual ones
— un d ersto o d best: a whole historical, philosophical, literary, and religious
tra d itio n , n o t to confirm th a t tra d itio n ’s validity b u t to propose a new way
of viewing h u m a n ity ’s significance upon th e e a rth .82
T h e first five books, an d in p a rtic u la r the first three which appeared
to g eth er in 413,83 are th e second stage of A u gustine’s response, in the
form of a direct challenge to th e recrim inations levelled by pagans ag ain st
C h ristia n s.84
A u g u stin e ’s opening salvo, based now on a firm er grasp of th e details
su rro u n d in g R o m e’s destru ctio n , is th e question why, if C h ristian s are to
blam e for th is d isaster, during th e sack of Rome even pagans fled to C hris­
tia n churches, to which th e G o th s accorded th e right of sa n ctu a ry .85 A fter
o th er questions of th is n a tu re ,86 A ugustine moves in Books II and III to
th e p agan thesis th a t none of th is would have h appened if th e tra d itio n a l
deities had been p lacated by sacrifice.87 He deals w ith this in m uch the
sam e way he replied in his earlier preaching, which is to say th a t he is not
really interested in exploring whose fau lt it was. T aking w h at Brown calls
“th e full ap proach o f a tru e radical faced w ith th e m yths of conservatism ,” 88
he sets o u t to explore instead th e m eaning of Rome, and to relativize the
im p o rtan ce of its d estru ctio n w ithin th e scheme of hum an existence. T his
co n stitu tes a m ore positive aspect of th e message preached earlier, focusing
now on th e destiny of th e individual and thence on the divinely intended
end o f th e h u m an com m unity as a w hole.89
If th e m y th o f R o m e’s etern ity needed dispelling, so did th e notion
th a t th e survival of civilization — if not of h um anity itself — depended
on th e survival o f R om e.90 To accom plish this, A ugustine could p o in t o u t
th a t R om e h ad been th ro u g h all th is twice before, when C h ristian s scarcely
existed: first when th e G auls burned everything b u t the C ap ito l in 388
B .C .E ., and th en in 64 C .E . under Nero.91
Im plied here is th a t th e latest fall of the city was an isolated event,
ra th e r th a n an ap o caly p tic one w ith cosmic consequences. T he world was
not going to end m erely because one city had been pillaged, w hatever certain
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10
people (like Jero m e) m ig h t say.92 To tak e any o ther stance w ould be to
regard R o m an h isto ry as som ehow privileged, and th is A ugustine had no
in te n tio n o f doing. Like its predecessors, th e R om an E m pire m ust som e day
vanish,93 a n d C h ristia n s w ould only be playing into pagan hands were they
to m ake C h ristia n ity synonym ous w ith a p a rtic u lar civilization. T h e glory
aw aitin g G o d ’s tru e children could n o t be found there, b u t only w ithin th e
walls o f th e heavenly kingdom , th e tru e pairia.94 W h a t continued for the
present w as a h u m an society co-existing w ith th e Society of G od, Jerusalem
alongside B abylon:
T hey are mixed, mixed they rem ain from the hum an race’s beginnings to the
end of th e world. . . .These two cities were founded, at precise m om ents, to
show in sym bolic form these two societies which began in the rem ote past,
and which will continue in this world to the very end, to be separated only
th e n .95
A u g u stin e concludes th a t, far from being th e u ltim a te catastro p h e, the
fall o f R om e in 410 was sim ply an o th er sad event in h um an history — a
p o sitio n th a t p an d ers to n e ith e r to ta l defeatism nor reverent fantasy.
3.
SIG N S O F T H E SE C O N D C O M IN G ? F O U R L E T T E R S ( C .E .
4 1 8 -4 1 9 )
By 413 it m u st have been a p p a re n t to m ost th a t R om e’s tra u m a tic expe­
rience o f th re e years before h a d n o t com pletely rem oved it from th e m ap.
C h arred ru in s served as an eloquent rem inder o f b o th th e ca tastro p h e and
R o m e’s earlier glory;96 b u t to those ruins life was slowly retu rn in g . A ugus­
tin e w ould n o d o u b t have been content to drop th e whole m a tte r there —
he rarely refers to th e fall o f R om e after th is d a te 97 — since he saw no con­
nection betw een R o m e’s dem ise, present or future, and “th e la st days,” no
reliable c o n tem p o rary signs of h u m a n ity ’s im m inent and wholesale rem oval
from th e e a rth ; an d he h a d no tim e for those who went looking for them .
We alread y have a preview of th is a ttitu d e in a serm on preached at
C a rth a g e in 411 or 412:
Som etim es people say to themselves, “T he day of Judgm ent has come, so
m any bad things are happening, so much the tribulations m ultiply. Every­
thing th e prophets foretold is ju st about accomplished: th e Day of Judgm ent
is at h an d .” T hose who speak this way and who speak from conviction are
obviously m entally on th eir way to m eet th e Bridegroom. B ut one war fol­
lows another, there is trib u latio n on tribulation, earthquake after earthquake,
fam ine upon fam ine, invasion after invasion: and still th e Bridegroom has not
come. It is w hile aw aiting his arrived th a t all those fall asleep who say, “He
is com ing, and th e Day of Judgm ent will find us here.” A nd even while they
J. KEVIN COYLE
11
speak, they fall asleep. Let them be on guard against sleeping; let them
persevere in charity until sleep comes. Sleep will find them still aw aiting.98
A p o sitio n like th is could be securely m ain tain ed only so long as apoc­
alyptic p reo ccu p atio n rem ained no m ore th a n a p o p u lar pastim e for the
theologically u n in itia te d . It m ight tu rn com plicated if a fellow bishop were
to lay th e old q uestion of “signs of th e end-tim es” on A u g u stin e’s doorstep.
A round th e end of 418 there cam e a le tte r from Hesychius of S alona (now
S plit in Y ugoslavia), inspired, it seems, by an eclipse th a t had occurred on
Ju ly 19 of th a t year, th is in tu rn preceding a d ro u ght th a t caused extensive
loss of an im al an d hu m an life.99 We do n o t possess this in itia l lette r from
Hesychius, b u t its contents can be readily deduced from A u g u stin e ’s reply,
which opens th e th ird stage of his response to a p o ca ly p tic.100
For H esychius th e central question was: W h a t ideas did A ugustine, as
a recognized theological au th o rity , have regarding the d a te of the end of
th e w orld, given th e con trad ictio n in S cripture betw een so m any passages
th a t to ld w h at signs to look for, and verses like M atthew 24:36 ( “No one
knows th e day n o r th e h o u r” ) and A cts 1:7 ( “No one can know th e tim es
set by th e F a th e r’s a u th o rity ” )? Hesychius him self felt th a t speculation was
still p e rm itte d , even th a t a precise tim etab le could be draw n up. He was
p a rticu la rly in terested , it seems, in th e question of the “weeks” spoken of
in D aniel 9 :2 4 -2 7 .101
A ugustine by way of a brief reply102 sent Hesychius p e rtin e n t passages
of Je ro m e ’s com m en tary on D aniel (com posed in 407), along w ith the com ­
m ent,
T he weeks in Daniel, referring to a tim e now fulfilled, require p articu lar un­
derstanding. I for one w ouldn’t presum e to calculate th e tim e of th e L ord’s
Coming, which is expected at the end; nor do I understand any prophet to
be suggesting a precise num ber of years in this regard.103
A nd th is b lu n t advice: Take the Lord seriously, “No one can know the
tim es.” 104
N ot good enough, replied Hesychius, w ith th e rejoinder105 th a t he al­
ready h ad access to Je ro m e ’s com m entary, which had n o t really served to
clarify th e m a tte r (an u n d erstan d ab le reaction from anyone who has read
the w ork). A t any ra te , D aniel was not th e only te x t in question. T here
were all those o th e r biblical passages (such as M a tt. 24:45-46, Luke 21:2426, 2 T im . 3:1 an d 4:8, an d 1 Thess. 5:1-3) which Hesychius (and n o t he
alone) u n d ersto o d to refer to th e w orld’s end. A m ong these passages we
note one th a t will surface again, 2 T hessalonians 2:6-8:
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12
A t the proper tim e [the Wicked O ne’s coming] will be revealed. T h e m ystery
of the W ickedness is already at work, b u t w hat is to happen will not occur
until th e one who holds it back is moved out of the way. T hen the Wicked
O ne will be revealed, and the Lord Jesus, when he comes, will kill him with
th e b rea th of his m outh and annihilate him by th e glory of his presence.
H esychius was read y to concede th a t precise calculations m ight indeed
be im possible. B u t if one searched th ro u g h these passages, one could discern
certain signs (signa), th e m ost telling being: (1) Jerusalem is to be tram p led
by p a g an s (L uke 21:24; see D an. 9:26, R ev. 11:2); (2) there will be signs in
th e sun, m oon a n d s ta rs (Luke 21:25; see M att. 24:29); (3) h u m an ity will
know g re a t affliction (Luke 21:25); an d (4) th e gospel will be preached to
th e w hole w orld, after w hich th e end is to come (M a tt. 24:14).
All th is, it seem ed to Hesychius, provided grounds for his confident
conclusion,
Therefore th e signs in th e gospels and prophets, fulfilled as they are in our
day, proclaim th e Com ing of the Lord, even if those defending or attacking
the com putation of th e day or the year do so in vain. . . . We see some of the
signs of the Com ing as now fulfilled in those occurrences.106
A ug u stin e rem ained unim pressed. From th e long le tte r107 he was later
to title De fine saeculi, th e reader senses th a t he w ould rath er n ot discuss
th e issue a t a ll.108 However, if deal w ith it he m ust, he will begin by agree­
ing th a t all good C h ristia n s look for a n d desire the L ord’s C om ing, and
th a t d o ubtless th ere has to be a “la st day ” so m etim e.109 T his concession
is, however, no m ore th a n th e an aesth etic before surgery. T he p o in t to be
m ade is th a t, so far as th e in d iv id u al is concerned, th e w orld ends when
th a t person leaves i t .110 O n th is basis, A ugustine proceeds to dissect every
te x t H esychius has advanced. T h e whole series of argum ents is to o long to
rep e a t here — even th e biblical passages are too m any to list, m uch less
discuss111 — b u t th e gist o f his reply is th a t we have to be cautious ab o u t
th e way we read such tex ts. All are a t b est vague, all are open to m ore
th a n one in te rp re ta tio n . O ne can alw ays find “proofs” of the fulfillm ent of
such “signs.” How m an y tim es in its long history has Jerusalem been tra m ­
pled? How often have th ere been celestial phenom ena? How m any hum an
beings have know n affliction? How to be sure precisely w hat “preaching the
gospel to th e w hole w orld” m eans? T h en A ugustine brings to the discus­
sion some te x ts Hesychius neglected to include. W h a t are we to m ake of
1 Jo h n 2:18, w hich tells us, “N ow is th e final h our” ? W h at o f P salm 89
(90):4, which declares, “A th o u sa n d days for th e Lord are like a single day” ?
Jesus said n a tio n w ould rise ag ain st n atio n , an d kingdom against kingdom
J. KEVIN COYLE
13
(see M a tt. 24:7): when has th is not occurred? A nd yet, in the sam e gospel
(M a tt. 3:2) we can read. “T h e kingdom of G od is n ear.” It is near because
C h rist has come, th e kingdom exists already in our m idst. B ut th e actu al
end, in th e literal sense of th e last set of tw enty-four earth ly hours, m ay not
be q u ite so close.112
Several years later, tow ards th e end of De civitate dei, A ugustine was
to say he found a tte m p ts a t apo caly p tic in te rp reta tio n of 2 Thess. 2:6 -8
“a sto u n d in g .” 113 W ith Hesychius his ex asp eratio n is m ore restrained. T he
words of th e apo stle “are obscure and expressed allegorically ( obscura sunt
et mystice dicta), an d do not ap p ear to refer to any definite tim e or place.” 114
D ifferent people u n d erstan d these w ords in different ways and, w hatever the
reality in ten d ed by th e references to tim e, it rem ains hidden (occultum) .115
“Every in d iv id u al can try to discover or at least conjecture w h at ‘g e ttin g
th e W icked O ne o u t of th e w ay’ m ight m ean; b u t it is n o t said how long this
will ta k e .” 116 Here for th e first tim e A ugustine takes up th e question of th e
A n tich rist. T h e m ention is no m ore th a n a dism issal, b u t hints a t a la ter
tre a tm e n t o f th e issue: th e com ing of th is personage, like th a t o f C h rist, “is
sta te d only in obscure fashion.” 117
B u t th e key te x t for A ugustine, one he rep eats tirelessly, is A cts 1:7:
Non est vestrum scire .118 In b o th replies to Hesychius he em phasizes th a t
th e only real certitu d e in all th is is th a t th e end will not come before the
G ospel is preached to th e whole w orld. However, evangelization is a long
way from th a t p o in t, especially if one is p repared to see th e notion o f “w orld”
as ta k in g in m ore th a n th e R om an E m p ire.119 S peculation a b o u t the end
is therefore a w aste of everyone’s tim e. T here is no p oint, A ugustine says,
in aw aiting an event whose tim in g an d description are so u ncertain. A nd
to balance off his opening gam b it, he concludes w ith th e advice th a t it is
far b e tte r to spend th e tim e one is allo tted by believing in, hoping for, and
loving th e O ne who is to come, ra th e r th a n th e C om ine itself.120
4.
T H E BO O K O F R EV ELATIO N IN C I T Y O F G O D XX ( c . E .
4 2 2 -4 2 6 )
W hen A ugustine cam e to w rite th e la tte r p a rt of De civitate dei, the original
m otiv atio n for th e work h ad long since fad ed .121 T he purpose now was n o t
to answ er questions raised by R om e’s fall, b u t to prepare a com prehensive
view o f th e m eaning of history. T he fo u rth stag e in A u g u stin e’s response to
ap o caly p tic is found in th e th ird last book of th is work, w ritten som etim e
betw een 422 an d 426.122 T h e last three books envisage the u ltim a te outcom e
of h um an history, in th e process dealing w ith th e end of the world and the
u ltim a te condition of h u m an ity beyond i t .123 It is in this context th a t for
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FLO R ILEG IU M 9, 1987
th e first a n d only tim e A ugustine pays sustain ed a tte n tio n to the Book of
R evelatio n (or A pocalypse), conspicuous by its absence from the previous
stages we have viewed.
No stu d y of A u g u stin e’s tre a tm e n t of th e last book of the New T esta­
m en t y e t e x ists,124 an d th is is not th e place to try to fill th e gap, beyond
p o in tin g o u t one or tw o p e rtin e n t facts.
B efore 396 — th e year he includes it in his list of canonical books125
— A u g u stin e pays alm ost no a tte n tio n to th e Book o f R evelation. P rio r to
th a t d a te it is q uoted only a few tim es, th e earliest being in 392, shortly
afte r his p resb y teral o rd in atio n . W hy th is lim ited a tte n tio n ? Tw o reasons
suggest them selves.
F irst, th e Book o f R evelation, w ith its highly sym bolic language, is ar­
g u ab ly th e m ost difficult book in th e New T estam ent to in terp ret. C ertainly
A u g u stin e th o u g h t so. W hen he first tackles it in Book XX of City o f God,
he says (in term s rem iniscent of his last le tte r to Hesychius):
In th e book entitled A pocalypse m any statem ents are m ade in an obscure way,
so as to exercise th e reader’s mind; and few are th e statem en ts from whose
clarity th e m eaning of others can be deduced — and then only w ith effort.
T his is especially because th e book repeats th e sam e ideas in different ways,
which gives th e im pression of saying different things, whereas exam ination
shows it to be speaking of th e same m atters, though using different forms of
expression.126
No one, in o th e r w ords, could read th e book in th e ex p ectatio n o f fully
deciphering its m eaning.
T h e second reason is th a t before A u g u stin e’s tim e a tte m p ts a t in te rp re t­
ing R ev elatio n concen trated on giving it a m illenarian sla n t,127 w ith which
he held no sy m p ath y . A reg u lar featu re of ap ocalypticism th ro u g h th e ages,
“m illen n ialism ” (or “m illen arian ism ” or “chiliasm ” ) s ta rts w ith “th e notion
th a t th e h isto ry of m an k in d as recorded in th e Bible has been divided into
seven d istin c t p erio d s,” 128 according to th e “weeks” of the n in th chapter
o f D a n ie l.129 In th is view, th e world is now living in the six th “week” or
age; th e seventh an d final one is to begin w hen, according to Rev. 20:4-6,
C h rist re tu rn s to establish a kingdom upon e a rth . T his kingdom is to last
for lite ra lly a th o u san d years (in L atin mille a n n i), after which will come
th e end o f th e w orld an d th e L ast Ju d g m en t.
I a d m it to som e sim plification in presenting this issue; b u t it is safe to
say th a t am ong th e characteristics ascribed to this thousand-year kingdom
by v irtu a lly all m illennialists th ro u g h o u t C h ristian history is th a t it will
be an e a rth ly one, will come soon, and will be preceded by cataclysm ic
J. KEVIN COYLE
15
events.130 E usebius, for instance, believed th a t a t the w orld’s end th e whole
g am u t of ap o caly p tic horrors would be unleashed on the e a rth and bring
h isto ry to a close. T he A n tich rist would appear, after which C h rist would
come for th e second tim e, to do b a ttle w ith th e A ntichrist and vanquish
him . T h en th e whole physical universe would end in d estruction, and the
L ast Ju d g m e n t would tak e place.131
N o tw ith stan d in g these ideas, scholars are uncertain w hether E usebius
espoused a lite ra l th o u san d -y ear reig n .132 Be th a t as it m ay, there were
certain ly co m m en tato rs who did, p a rtic u la rly in the W est.133 It is quite
possible th a t th is sort of th in k in g h ad led A ugustine to believe th a t the
Book of R evelation was speaking exclusively of the end of the world and its
h arb in g ers134 — su b jects he was ready to discuss only w ithin th e view of
history he proposed to present. In o th er words, th e context o f A u g u stin e ’s
a tte n tio n has n o th in g to do w ith ap ocalypticism nor m illennialism , b u t
everything to do w ith eschatology. his objective is a careful reflection on
h u m a n ity ’s u ltim a te condition, w ith o u t focusing on the final circum stances
o f th e m aterial cosmos.
N evertheless, as th e fifth century daw ned, A ugustine was u n der pressure
to pay closer a tte n tio n to R evelation. T h is resulted from quarrels w ith the
D on atists, especially over th e claim (heavily reliant on R evelation texts)
th a t th e D o n a tist C hurch represented th e tru e final age o f h u m a n ity on
ea rth . In th a t controversy th e scrip tu ral grounds of d ebate had for the
m ost p a rt been stak ed o u t by A u g u stin e’s opponents; b u t the experience at
least h ad th e m erit o f helping p repare his first and only lengthy tre a tm e n t
of R evelation in City of God. T here we find th e bulk o f all his references to
th e B ib le’s closing book, in th e context of a discussion o f New T estam ent
te x ts dealing w ith th e L ast Ju d g m en t. A ugustine m akes clear th a t his
purpose in addressing these tex ts is to expose faulty in te rp re ta tio n s and
present a correct o n e.135 T h e q u o tatio n s from R evelation 20 and 21 ap p ear
in connection w ith a p a rtic u la r aspect of th e opposing in terp retatio n s:
O f those two resurrections the same evangelist John, in the book which is
called ‘A pocalypse’, has spoken in such a way th a t th e first [resurrection],
not being understood by certain persons among us, is furtherm ore turned
into ridiculous fables.136
It is clear th a t, by 426 a t least, A ugustine has no sy m p ath y w ith any
no tio n of a fu tu re earth ly thousan d -y ear reign,137 and does n o t see in Rev­
elation 20 (or any passage in S cripture) th e p o rten ts of the w orld’s demise.
W ith th e biblical te x t as th e sta rtin g -p o in t, he refers to people
16
FLORILEGIUM 9, 1987
who were above all strongly impressed by the num ber of a ‘th o u san d ’ years,
as though there had to be a sabbatical rest of such an interval for the saints,
a holy respite after the labours of six thousand years, dating from the day the
first hum an was created. . . . Thus, since it is w ritten, “For the Lord one day
is as a thousand years, and a thousand years are like a single day” (Ps. 89
(90):4; cf. 2 P et. 3:8), after six thousand years have gone by as though they
had been six days, there will follow as it were a seventh, a sab b ath day in the
form of the last thousand years. . . .138
T h is is classic m illennialism ; b u t it is n o t A u g u stin e.139 If, as he had
held since well before 410,140 th e world parallels h um an life by going through
sim ilar stag es of grow th and decline, th ere is no com pelling reason to think
th is is done in six n e a t packages of a th o u san d years each.141 A ugustine
develops th is arg u m en t a t som e length, b u t th e basic idea rem ains th e same:
if th e n u m b ers are to be taken literally, it should be easy to calculate the
d a te o f th e Second C om ing. B u t th e num bers are sym bolic.142
R evelatio n 2 0:5-6 claim s th e bulk o f his a tten tio n :
Happy and greatly blessed are they who are included in th e first resurrection.
T h e second d ea th has no power over them ; they shall be priests of God and
of C h rist, and they will rule w ith him for a thousand years.
A u g u stin e does n o t divest th e passage of all significance, b u t decides
th a t it concerns only a period betw een two resurrections, an individual and
a collective one. T h e first resurrection is th a t of the in d iv id u al soul.143 T his
resu rrectio n is ta k in g place even now, b u t only for those m ade righteous in
b a p tis m .144 T h e second will be m ore general, belongs in th e future, and will
include th e resu rrectio n of th e souls o f all who have died in righteousness,
as well as a general resurrection of th e b ody.145 Scholars have long noted
th e presence o f th is idea in th e earlier A ugustine, b u t w ith o u t th e accom ­
pan im en t o f R ev elatio n .146 T h e p o in t here is th a t th e m illennium refers to
th e w hole in terv al betw een th e first an d second resurrections: the C hurch,
therefore exists in th e m illennium , is th e m illennium .147 T h is is th e only
sense in w hich A ug u stin e can be labelled a m illennialist, or, b e tte r, a postm illen n ialist; for his stan ce has n o th in g to do w ith sectarian m illennialism ,
“w hich alm o st uniform ly holds th a t history is now deep in a pre-m illennial
age o f decadence from which G o d ’s people will be rescued by a divine in­
terven tio n . Then comes th e M illennium , teach the sects.” 148
It follows th a t th e B east who ap pears in chapters 11 th ro u g h 20 of
R evelation is n o t th e R o m an Em pire, b u t th e world (in th e sense of all
th a t is hostile to C h ristia n p rinciples).149 T h e A ntichrist, too, is a corporate
entity : n o t an in d iv id u al, n o t th e devil, an d not Nero redivivus,150 b u t the
collective o f all wicked perso n s.151
If th e re really are tru stw o rth y signs of th e end, how m uch tim e, Augus-
J. KEVIN COYLE
17
tine asks, is to elapse betw een signs an d end? If we are in th e six th and final
age o f the w orld — th e last “m illennium ” (an d only to th is would A ugustine
agree) — w ho can say how long th is final in d eterm inate age is to la s t? 152
T he Holy C ity w hich is to be besieged by th e devil and his m inions (Rev.
20:8) is not th e ea rth ly Jeru salem nor any oth er precise geographical loca­
tion, b u t th e C hurch spread th ro u g h o u t th e world. T his civiias will know
persecution a t th e h an d s of th e d ev il’s disciples, typified in th e term s “G og”
and “M agog” o f Rev. 20:8 (see Ezech. 38:14),153 w herein no one ought to
read a reference to any p a rtic u la r ethnic group (as som e contem poraries
were w ont to do, perceiving g reat significance in the fact th a t the nam es of
b arb a ria n trib e s like th e G etae and M assagetae also began w ith th e letters
“G ” an d “M ” ).154
T h is is n o t to say th a t A ugustine views apocalyptic te x ts of S cripture
in a purely allegorical sense. A m illennial reign of C hrist is such an assured
reality for h im th a t he considers it to have already begun: b u t it is not
literally a th o u san d -y ear p eriod. T h e A ntichrist, we have seen, is real in
a sim ilar sense, th e ea rth ly Holy C ity is real, the re tu rn of C h rist, the
end o f his w orld155 — all re a l.156 B u t A ugustine in terp rets th e m mystice,
allegorically. T h e m illen n iu m h as begun, since the righteous have been dying
(and resurrecting) for a long tim e. T h e keynote here is fa ith in th e G od who
tells us there will be an end, w ith o u t really telling us m ore. “T h o u san d ” is
an o th er way of saying “in d e te rm in a te ” : th e “thousand years” of th e Book
of R evelation are th e indefinite period between the d eath of the first tru e
follower of C h rist an d th e L ast Ju d g m en t, which is to occur only G od knows
when. D uring th is m illennium , now under way, the devil is locked in the
abyss, an d can no longer deceive th e n ations, where th e ea rth ly C hurch
now is.157 T h e age o f th e C hurch, which is also th a t of th e reign of C hrist,
coincides w ith th is m illennial p eriod of th e devil’s restrain t: “T h e binding of
the devil n o t only occurred from th e tim e th e Church began to spread from
Ju d a e a to o th e r regions, b u t occurs now and will occur to th e end o f tim e,
when he will be released.” 158 C ertain it rem ains th a t C h rist will eventually
come again to e a rth , a t som e fu tu re tim e known b u t to G od alone,159 and
th a t his re tu rn will be a prelude to the end of the world. C ertain it is, too,
th a t C h rist will be preceded by th e A ntichrist: b u t we do n o t know when
th a t will be, e ith e r.160
C O N C L U SIO N S
We can sum all o f th is up in a general way w ith the affirm ation th a t any con­
cern A ugustine m ig h t have h a d w ith apocalyptic thinking does n o t app ear
18
FLO RILEG IU M 9, 1987
in his p reaching im m ed iately following news of th e fall o f Rome. A u g u stin e’s
own involvem ent in th e question cam e only later, w hen he would have to
address th e p ag an claim th a t, due to th e C h ristian religion, the world was
now a t an end; th en , w hen specific queries were raised by a fellow bishop
(him self cataly zed by a local disaster); an d finally w hen dealing w ith seg­
m ents of th e Book of R evelation as p a rt of a com prehensive view of the end
of history.
T o th is som e specific conclusions can be added:
1. M arro u is rig h t, I th in k , w hen he says th a t the first thing A ugustine
h as ta u g h t us is th e a rt o f living thro u g h c a ta stro p h e ,161 of being able
to gaze th ro u g h d isaster to a vision o f hope. It is to A ugustine’s lasting
cred it t h a t he achieved th is by a life spent entirely in a society lurching
d ru n k en ly from one d isaster to th e next. If at any p oint in tim e he had
been te m p te d to counsel a to ta l, despairing w ithdraw al from the world
a n d th e so rt of ind iv id u alism which prefers to consign hum an history
to th e d e v il’s pow er, he m ust have quickly perceived its dangers and
definitively renounced th em . If he h ad not,
th en , indeed, his work would be the historical docum ent of an inner col­
lapse, paralleled by the outer collapse of the Em pire, th e end of political
active force and responsibility in the Rom an Church as in th e Rom an
Em pire. B ut th e m a tte r is not to be explained so simply. A ugustine
was not w riting ‘de vanitate m u n d i’, b u t 'de civitate D ei’. Certainly,
the com m unity it refers to is not of this world, its end and aspiration
reached beyond. Nonetheless, it is a real com munity, ‘civitaî’, one th a t
is “m ore enduringly founded and works more profoundly th an all the
m erely political, ever-changing, and vanishing entities of this w orld.” 162
2. T h is ren u n ciatio n n o t only enabled him to cope personally w ith dis­
aster, it becam e p a rt o f his legacy to th e W est. A ugustine is one of
those ra re in d iv id u als w ho becom e relevant to succeeding generations
by rising above m ost or all of th e m y th s of their tim e .163 To his pagan
contem poraries, th e only real histo ry was th e one which recounted the
glorious achievem ents o f th eir own civilization.164 To A u gustine’s own
way of th in k in g , change was sim ply p a rt of the divine ordinance laid
dow n a t C re a tio n .165 He could th u s break definitively w ith the idea th a t
th e m ean in g of h u m an existence is irrevocably bonded to a p a rtic u lar
cultu re. “In th e w orld” could n o t be sim ply eq u ated w ith “in th e Ro­
m an E m p ire” ; on th e o th e r h an d , one could n o t deem th e world to
be to ta lly devoid of value (w hatever feelings one m ight h a rb o u r ab o u t
th e em pire). H ad A ug u stin e fallen in to eith er tra p , C h ristian ity m ight
have largely d isap p eared from W estern E urope after 500. Instead, the
J. KEVIN COYLE
19
C hurch of th e W est was n o t only to survive th e em p ire’s disappearance,
b u t was itself to becom e a force for keeping alive a t least som e o f the
achievem ents o f th e p ast.
3. A u g u stin e tak es no in terest in apocalyptic as described a t th e s ta rt of
th is p ap er. For him , such a focus would d istrac t from concen tratin g on
th e in ten d ed destiny o f h u m an existence, m uch as th e E usebian view
of R o m an h isto ry as th e final m essianic age dim inishes co n centration
on h u m an society as a w hole.166 B ut if th e death of th e w orld is not
im m in en t, th ere rem ain s an incontrovertible fact: we were bo rn to die,
so to speak. No h u m an can dwell on th is e a rth save as p a rt of a civiias
peregrina, a com m u n ity o f resident aliens,167 one th a t to all in te n ts and
purposes ends for th e in dividual a t th e m om ent of d e a th .168 A ugustine
th u s perceives th e urgency of preserving th e centrality of C h ristian belief
in a p ersonal resurrection, which is m ore closely connected to o n e ’s
leaving th e w orld th a n it is to th e w orld’s u ltim a te ou tco m e.169 O n the
oth e r h an d , A u g u stin e refuses to view the present life as n o th in g m ore
th a n a place to m a rk tim e, as by stran d ed travellers packed in to som e
im m ense w aitin g -ro o m an d searching for ways to relieve th e ir boredom
u n til th e final jo u rn e y shall bring th e whole tedious business to an end.
In th e present life people have no choice b u t to live in th is w orld, if
th ey are to live a t all. W hile here, they m ust work to carry o u t th e
basic m o ral com m and: love G od, love neighbour. W hile o th e r C h ristia n
m o ralists in an age o f crisis (above all Pelagius) sought to couch th eir
m essage exclusively in term s of th e inevitable approach o f th e D ay of
Ju d g m e n t, A u g u stin e chose a different tack. He was able to tu rn away
from w h a t o th ers perceived as divine th re a ts in Scripture, and to affirm
th a t such passages could be read in a positive way. His insistence on th e
C hurch “in th e w orld” ra th e r th a n constantly on th e verge o f leaving
it becam e th e n o rm for how m ain stream C h ristian ity views th e C hurch
in h isto ry w hich, w hile provisional, is not sim ply a one-w ay stre et to
disaster. For A ugustine h isto ry is noth in g less th a n the stage whereon
G o d ’s p lan o f salv atio n is played out. T his, of course, was already a
tra d itio n a l insight. W h a t A ugustine added was th e question: How is
h u m an h isto ry th is sta g e ? 170
God, th e changeless conductor and unchanged C reator of all th a t changes,
im p arts, adds, abolishes, curtails, increases or dim inishes w hat is suitable
to a p articu lar age, until the beauty th a t will be the com pleted course of
tim e, whose p a rts are the dispensations suitable to each different period,
shall have played itself out, like the great melody of some u n u tterab le
com poser.171
20
FLO R ILEG IU M 9, 1987
4. In th e four-fold response to questions on the significance of Rom e, the
value o f h isto ry an d th e final destiny of hum anity, a basic distinction
is alw ays a t w ork, an d it is this: H um an history has value, b u t of
Us own leaves n o th in g of perm anence. “It is,” A ugustine says, “th a t
stretch o f tim e in which th e dying give up th eir places to th e newly
b o rn .” 172 W h a t value it possesses comes from outside its own earth ly
accom plishm ents — in sh o rt, comes from the purpose G od gave it. “T he
ages . . . w ould have rolled by like so m any em pty b o ttles, if th ey had not
served as th e m eans of foretelling C h rist.” 173 W ith o u t C h rist it would
indeed have m ade sense to focus hu m an th o u g h t and energies on the
w orld’s end, since th e w orld itself w ould have been the only source for
its own m eaning, w ould have provided the only purpose and th e only
destiny w hereof h u m a n ity could conceive.
5. Finally: th is p a p e r has for its su b title , “T h oughts on th e Fall of Rom e,
th e Book of R evelation, an d th e E nd o f the W orld.” By now it should be
clear th a t these th re e su b jects have no close connection in A u g u stin e’s
m ind. No a p o caly p tic significance could be a ttach ed to th e events of
410, w hich were m erely th e sp rin g b o ard for teaching som ething else,
any m ore th a n th e tim e ta b le o f th e end of the world could be traced
from any event o f h u m a n h isto ry or any passage of th e inspired word,
whose d etails have relevance only w ithin th e broader fram ew ork of the
overall m essage o f salvation.
T h e b ackground for th is assertion is th e (at least im plicit) assum ption
th a t S crip tu re is as m uch a testim o n y of how th e biblical w riters (using
various lite ra ry form s — n a rra tiv e , poetry, correspondence, liturgical and
m oral directives, even a p o caly p tic sayings) saw their world, as it is a contin­
uous divine m essage. B u t from th e la tte r view point one has to look a t the
en tire biblical corpus to determ in e w h a t it is th a t believers are supposed to
discern. Selective q u o tin g a t b est w ould deprive the te x t o f its full richness
an d a t w orst could b en d th e m essage to say anything one wishes it to.
A u g u stin e’s p a rtic u la r genius is to have shown th e possibility of in­
te rp re tin g th e Book o f R evelation w ith o u t reading it th ro u g h a p artic u la r
historico-political context. He steps o utside th a t context, in order to speak
of th e destiny o f all h u m an beings; kis context is m oral an d anthropolog­
ical, th e entire scope o f hum an ity , from creation to th e w orld’s end (and
even beyond), w ith o u t ascribing ap o caly p tic significance to any current or
p a st event. In sp ite o f a certain literalness, he clings firm ly to principles of
in te rp re ta tio n th a t ever since have characterized the approach to R evelation
by W estern m a in stre a m C h ristia n ity ,174 where neither ap o calypticism nor
J. KEVIN COYLE
21
m illennialism was ever to exercise a m ore th a n m arginal a ttra c tio n .
St. P au l U niversity
NO TES
1 L .D . S treik er, The Gospel T i m e B o m b : U ltra fu n d a m en ta lis m a n d the Future of
A m e r i c a (B u ffa lo : P ro m e th e u s B o o k s, 1984) 107.
^ For so m e o f th e se see F .G . M aier, A u g u s tin und das antike R o m , T iib in g e r B e itr a g e
zu r A lte r tu m sw isse n sc h a ft, 39 (S tu ttg a r t: K oh lh am m er, 1955) 48. J. L a m o tte rem ark s,
“Le m y th e d e R o m e ‘V ille E t e m e lle ’ et sa in t A u g u stin ” in A u g u s ti n i a n a 11 (1 9 6 1 ) 234:
“Q u ’il s ’a g isse d e la b a ta ille d e P o lle n tia d o n t l ’issu e fu t à ce p o in t co n fu se q u e l ’on
ig n o re le v a in q u eu r, o u d e q u elq u e a u tre co m b a t d o n t l ’H istoire a co n se rv é à p e in e le
n o m , d u m o m en t q u e l ’issu e n ’a p a s é té fa ta le à R om e, on n ’h é site p a s a y voir u n sig n e
d e ren o u v e a u .” T h is w as C la u d ia n ’s r ea ctio n to th e v icto ry over R h a d a g a isu s a t F ie so le
in 403: D e bello G othico 77 ff. ed . M . P la tn a u e r , L oeb C la ssica l L ibrary (C am b rid ge,
M ass.: H arvard U P , 1 9 5 6 ) II, 132.
o
For a d e sc r ip tio n o f th e e v e n t, see P. C ou rcelle, H isto ire littéraire des gra ndes
in v a s i o n s g e r m a n i q u e s (Paris: E tu d es A u g u stin ien n e s, 19643) 5 0 -5 6 .
^ O n th e se se e C ou rcelle (a t n . 3 ) 5 6 -6 7 .
® S ee F . P a sc h o u d , R o m a aetern a. E tu d e s s u r le p a t r i o t i s m e r o m a i n dan s V O cciden t
latin à l ’époque d es g ra n d es i n v a s i o n s , B ib lio th e c a H elv etica R om an a, V II (R om e: In s ti­
tu t su isse, 1 9 6 7 ) 2 39.
® O n th e id e a o f “e tern a l R o m e,” see P a sch o u d (a t n . 5) 2 3 9 , a n d M aier (a t n . 2)
4 3 -4 6 .
^ P. B ro w n , A u g u s ti n e of Hippo: A B i o g r a p h y , (L ondon: F ab er find F aber, 1967)
289.
® S ee A m m ia n u s M arcellin u s, R e s g estae X IV , 6:3, ed . J.C . R o lfe, L o eb C lassical
Library (C a m b rid g e, M ass.: H arvard U P , 1956) I, 36): “v ictu ra , d u m eru n t h o m in es,
R o m a ” ; C la u d ia n , D e bello Gothico 54 (a t n . 2) II, 130: “U rbs a eq u a ev a p o lo ” ; an d
D e conso latu S t ilic h o n is III, 159 f. (o p . c it., p . 54): “N ec term in u s u m q u a m R o m a n a e
d icio n is erit” ; R u tiliu s N a m a tia n u s, D e reditu suo I, 137, ed . J. V esserau a n d F . P réch ac
(Paris: S o c ié té d ’é d itio n “L es B e lles L e ttres,” 1933) 9: “Q u ae r e sta n t n u llis o b n o x ia
tem p o ra m e tis / D u m sta b u n t terrae, d u m p o lu s a stra ferret” ; an d I, 194 (p . 11): “Qui
d o m in a s arces e t c a p u t orb is h a b e t.” S ee O . Z w ierlein, “D er F all R o m s im S p ieg el
d er K irch en v a ter” in Z eits ch rift f u r Papyrologie und Epigraphik 32 (1 9 7 8 ) 4 6 -4 8 ; an d
P a sc h o u d (a t n . 5) 23 —167. T h e id ea g o e s b ack to V irgil, A e n e id I, 278—79: “H is eg o n ec
m e ta s reru m n e c tem p o ra p on o: im p eriu m sin e fine d ed i” (q u o ted b y A u g u stin e , se rm .
1 0 5 , 7:9, P L 3 8 .6 2 2 , a n d De civita te dei II, 29, C C L 47, p . 6 4 .2 4 ).
^ R . A rb esm a n n , “T h e Id ea o f R om e in th e S erm on s o f S t. A u g u stin e ” A u g u s tin ia n a
4 (1 9 5 6 ) 3 0 6 . S ee a lso M aier (a t n . 2) 4 6 -4 8 .
S ee C. P ie tr i, “C on cord ia a p o sto lo ru m et ren ovatio u rb is (C u lte d es m artyrs et
p ro p a g a n d e p o n tific a le )” in M élanges d ’archéologie et d ’h istoire de VEcole f r a n ç a ise de
R o m e 73 (1 9 6 1 ) 2 7 5 -3 2 2 , esp . 3 1 0 -2 2 .
H Jerom e, ep ist. 123 16:4 (C S E L 56, p . 94:5): “Q uid sa lv u m e s t, si R o m a p é r it? ”
(A il tr a n sla tio n s o f b ib lic a l a n d p a tr istic t e x ts are m y ow n .) O n J e ro m e’s a t tit u d e see
P a sch o u d (a t n . 5) 214 f.; a n d Z w ierlein (a t n . 8) 4 9 -5 1 .
FLO R IL E G IU M 9, 1987
22
J ero m e, ep ist. 123 15 (C S E L 5 6, p . 9 1 .1 7 ).
1 3 J ero m e, C o m m e n t , in H iezech ie l., p rol. (C C L 7 5, p . 3 .1 2 ). S ee a lso ep ist. 126 2
(C S E L 5 6 , p . 1 4 4 .3 ) a n d ep ist. 1 2 7 12 (p . 1 5 4 .1 6 ). To A u g u stin e Jerom e q u o te s a current
s a y in g th a t n o o n e a n y lo n g e r k n ew h is ow n w ord, m e a n in g th a t n o th in g c o u ld an y lo n g er
b e r e lie d o n to sig n ify w h a t it w as su p p o s e d to: epist. 165 i n t e r a u g u stin ia n a s 2:2 (C S E L
4 4 , p . 5 4 3 .1 3 ).
1 4 C o de x T h e o d o sia n u s X V I, 10:12 (N o v . 8, ed . T . M om m sen , T k eo d o sia n i libri X V I
1 /2 [B erlin: W eid m a n n , 1905] 9 0 0 f .). T h is law h a d b e e n fu rth er e x te n d e d as re c e n tly as
m id -N o v em b er, 408: se e Cod. T heod . X V I, 5:42 (ib id ., p . 869: a ll n o n -C h r istia n s to b e
e v ic t e d fro m t h e im p e r ia l c o u r t) a n d 10:19 (p . 902: all p a g a n id o ls t o b e rem o v ed from
th e ir n ic h e s a n d p a g a n a lta r s to b e d e str o y e d ). A n e d ic t a g a in st p a g a n w orsh ip in p u b lic
(X V I, 5:51 = 5 6 , M o m m sen , p . 8 7 2 ) w as p u b lish e d th e d ay a fter th e V isig o th s en tered
Rome.
15 A u g ., s e r m . 81 7 (P L 3 8 .5 0 4 ); s e r m . 105 6:8 (P L 3 8 .6 2 2 ); D e ci v i t a t e dei I, 30
a n d 3 3 (C C L 4 7 , p . 3 0 .5 a n d 3 3 .1 5 ).
1 6 M e lit o o f S a rd es, in E u seb iu s, Historic, ecclesiastica IV , 2 6 :7 -9 (G C S 9 / 1 , p . 3 8 4 ).
F or E u s e b iu s h im s e lf se e H .E . I, 2:23 (G C S 9 / 1 , p . 24.2 1 ); Praepa.ra.tio evangetica I,
4 : 1 - 6 (G C S 4 3 / 1 , p . 1 4 - 1 6 ); a n d T he o phan eia III, 1 (G C S 1 1 /2 , p . 1 2 6 * f.). S ee th e
c o m m e n ts b y G .F . C h e sn u t, Jr., The F i r s t C h r istia n H i s to r ie s. Eu sebiu s, Socra tes,
S o z o m e n , T he o do ret a n d E v a g r i u s , T h é o lo g ie h isto riq u e, 46 (P aris: B e a u c h e sn e , 1977)
1 5 6 f.; Z w ierlein ( a t n . 8 ) 57; a n d F . P a sch o u d , “L a d o c tr in e ch rétien n e et l ’id éo lo g ie
im p é r ia le r o m a in e ” in L ’A p o c a ly p se de Jean. T ra d itio n s exégétiques et iconograph iques,
I I F - X I I P s , A c te s d u C o llo q u e d e la F o n d a tio n H a rd t, 29 février 3 m ars 1976 (E tu d e s et
d o c u m e n ts p u b lié s p a r la S e c tio n d ’h isto ir e d e la F a cu lté d es L e ttres d e l ’U n iv e r sité de
G e n è v e , 1 1 ) (G en ev a : D ro z, 1 9 7 9 ) 6 2 - 6 5 . O n A u g u stin e ’s v iew o f th is id ea , se e P a sch o u d
(a t n . 5) 2 55 f.
E u s e b iu s , Theop h. I l l , 2 (G C S 1 1 / 2 , p . 1 2 7 * .1 2 ).
18 O p ta tu s o f M ile v is, D e s c h i s m a t e D o n a t i s t a r u m III, 3 (C S E L 26, p . 7 4 .3 ).
1 9 S ee E u se b iu s, P r a e p . evang. I, 4 :2 -5 (G C S 4 3 /1 , p . 14 f.); D e m o n s t r a t i o evangelica III, 7 :3 0 -3 1 (G C S 2 3 , p . 1 4 5 .2 1 ); Theoph. I l l , 1 (G C S 1 1 /2 , p . 1 2 6 * .1 5 ). O n th e
E u s e b ia n v iew se e C h esn u t (a t n . 16) 9 1 -1 6 6 .
E u se b iu s, L a u s C o n s t a n t i n i 1 6 :1 -5 (G C S 7, p . 248 f.).
S o E u se b iu s, D e m . evan g. I l l , 7:30—3 6, V II, 2:22, V III, 4:12—15 a n d IX , 17:13—19
(G C S 2 3 , p . 145 f., 3 3 2 .7 , 3 9 6 f. a n d 441 f.); A m b rose, E x pla n atio ps. 45:21 (C S E L 64,
p . 3 4 3 .2 0 ). For A u g u s tin e ’s v iew (in d ifferen ce) see P a sch o u d (a t n . 5) 256—5 8. M an y
C h r istia n s w en t so fa r as to id e n tify R o m e w ith th e fo u r th a n d fin al k in g d o m sp o k en
o f in D a n ie l 2 : 3 1 -4 5 a n d 7 :1 -1 4 (th u s Jerom e, In D a n . / , v isio 2, 3 1 - 3 5 , C C L 75A ,
p . 7 9 4 .3 9 9 -4 0 6 .) O n th is see P a sc h o u d ( a t n . 16) 45; a n d Z w ierlein (a t n . 8) 5 4 -5 8 .
22 L a c ta iltiu s , I n s t i t u t i o n ' s d i v i n ae V II, 25:5—8 (C S E L 19, p . 6 6 4 .1 3 ). H e b a se s th is
o n th e S ibylline O ra cles III, 3 6 4 a n d V III, 165 (G C S 8 , p . 6 7 a n d 1 5 0 ). S ee L a m o tte (a t
n . 2) 2 42 f. A ro u n d 3 8 0 T y c o n iu s p r e d ic te d th a t th e C hurch w o u ld en d 35 0 yea rs after
C h r ist’s resu rrectio n : L ib e r R e g u la ru m (or Regularis'), 5, ed . J.A . R o b in so n , Texts an d
S t u d i e s , v o l. 3, n o . 1, (C am b rid ge: 1 894) 6 1 .4 - 7 .
2 3 L a c ta n tiu s , In s t. d iv. V II, 27 (C S E L 1 9, p . 6 6 8 , w h ere th e ed ito rs regard th is
se c tio n a s in a u th e n tic ). B u t se e T ertu llia n , A p o lo g e tic u m 32:1 (C C L 1, p . 142 f.): “E st et
a lia m a i or n é c e s sita s n o b is o ra n d i p ro im p e ra to rib u s, et it a u n iv erso o rb e e t s t a t u im p erii
reb u sq u e R o m a n is, q u i v im m a x im a m u n iv erso orb i im m in en tem ip sa m q u e cla u su la m
sa e c u li a c e r b ita te s h o rren d a s co m m in a n te m R om an i im p erii c o m m e a tu sc im u s retard ari.
J. KEVIN COYLE
23
Ita q u e n o l'im u s ex p eriri e t, d u m p recam u r differri, R o m a n a e d iu tu m ita t i fa v em u s.” S ee
a lso 30:1 an d 39:2 (p. 141 an d 150) an d A d Scapulam 2 :6 -8 (C C L 2, p . 1 1 2 8 ). O n th is
id e a in A m b ro se see P a sch o u d (a t n . 5) 2 0 1 -2 0 8 . Is it p o ssib le th a t b ib lic a l t e x ts su ch as
R o m a n s 1 3 :1 -7 , T itu s 3:1, 1 T im o th y 2:2 a n d 1 P e te r 2:7, 13 sh o u ld b e read in th e sam e
lig h t?
24 A u g ., D e civ. dei I, 36 (C C L 4 7, p . 3 4 ).
25 A u g ., se r m o D e n i s 24 11 ( M is cellan ea A g o s t i n ia n a [= M A] I) (R om e: T y p is
P o ly g lo ttis V a tica n is, 1 931) 151.13; D e c o n se nsu evang e lista r u m I, 33:51 (C S E L 43,
p. 5 5 .2 0 ); enaTT. in ps. 136 9 (C C L 4 0 , p . 1 9 6 9 .6 ); D e cura pro m o r t u i s g er en d a 2:3
(C S E L 4 1 , p . 6 2 4 .2 2 ); D e civ. dei I, 1 (C C L 4 7, p . 2 .1 9 - 3 3 ). S ee P. C ourceU e, “P ro p o s
a n tic h r é tie n s r a p p o r té s p a r sa in t A u g u stin ,” R ech erch es A u g u s ti n i e n n e s 1 (1 9 5 8 ) 1 7 8 -8 3 .
A u g ., s e r m . 93 6:7 (P L 3 8 .5 7 6 , p rea ch ed in 4 1 1 - 4 1 2 ). D id A u g u stin e h im se lf
sh a re th is id ea ? A n u m b er o f co m m e n ta to rs th in k so , for e x a m p le L a m o tte (a t n . 2)
248: “A lors q u e le m o n d e a tte n d a it sa fin, sa in t A u g u stin cru t d ’a b ord q u e l ’u n iv ers
é ta it se c o u é p a r les d ern ières c o n v u lsio n s, a n n o n ça n t le trép a s, m a is il s u t se d ég a g er
a sse z ra p id em en t d e s id é e s tr a d itio n n e lle s q u i em p riso n n a ien t se s co n te m p o r a in s.” B u t
se e epist. 111 2 (C S E L 3 4 /2 , p . 6 4 4 .1 2 , en d o f 4 09); a n d s e r m . 93 7:8 (P L 3 8 .5 7 6 ). If
th e re is p a n ic a m o n g th e listen ers, th ere se em s to b e litt le in th e p reach er, a s P a sch o u d
a d m its (a t n . 5) 259: “Il a p u u n certa in te m p s p e n se r q u e la fin é ta it p ro ch e, e n 410:
c e t t e o p in io n n e s ’est p a s im p o sé e à lu i, il n e l ’a p a s form u lée cla irem en t, m a is il sem b le
b ie n q u ’elle l ’a it effleuré d a n s le s m o is q u i o n t su iv i la p rise d e R o m e.” In n . 11 6 P a sch o u d
ta k e s e x c e p tio n to J. L a m o tte ( “S ain t A u g u stin et la fin d u m o n d e ,” A u g u s ti n i a n a 12
[1962] 1 4 ), w h o sa y s A u g u stin e firm ly b e lie v e d in th e im m in en ce o f th e e n d from 4 1 0 to
th e w ritin g o f th e first b o o k s o f D e civitate dei. S ee a lso L a m o tte ’s “B u t e t ad v ersa ires
d e sa in t A u g u stin d a n s le ‘D e C iv ita te D e i’,” A u g u s ti n i a n a 11 (1 9 6 1 ) 434: “E n effe t, p e u
a p e u , à m esu re q u e le tem p s s ’éco u le, rév isa n t ses id ées su r la fin d u m o n d e, il e n arrive
à p e n se r q u e la c h u te d e R om e, b ien lo in d ’êtr e le fa it a n n o n cia teu r d e la fin d e s te m p s,
n e c o n s titu e q u ’u n é p iso d e d e l'h isto ir e d e l ’h u m a n ité .”
2 7 S ee A u g ., D e civ. d ei I, 35 (C C L 4 7, p . 3 3 .9 ); s e rm . C aillau et S a i n t - Y v e s II,
19 7 (M A I, p . 2 7 0 .1 ); jerra. 311 8:8 a n d 17:14 (P L 3 8 .1 4 1 6 an d 1419); epist. 111 ad
V i c i o r i a n u m 2 (C S E L 3 4 / 2 , p . 6 4 4 .1 7 ); an d enarr . in ps. 3 3 s. 2, 17 (C C L 3 8 , p . 2 9 3 .5 ).
28 A u g ., en arr . in ps. 96 12 (C C L 3 9, p . 1 3 6 4 .5 5 ).
2 9 A u g ., s e r m o 81 (P L 3 8 .4 9 9 -5 0 6 ); se rm . 105 (P L .6 1 8 -2 5 ); s e rm . de excidio urbis
R o m a e (exc. urb., C C L 4 6, p . 2 4 9 -2 6 2 = P L 4 0 .7 1 5 -2 4 ); an d S e r m o Bib liothecae C asin e n s i s I, 1 33 ( B tb l. C a s i n ., M A I, p . 4 0 1 -4 1 2 = se rm . 2 9 6 , PL 3 8 .1 3 5 2 - 5 9 ). T h is is th e
p ro b a b le ch ro n o lo g ica l order, a lth o u g h M aier ca lls s e r m . 105 (o n w h at g ro u n d s? ) “d ie
fr ü h e ste d er v ier P r e d ig te n ” (a t n . 2) 6 1. A . K u n zelm a n n , “D ie C h ron ologie d er S erm on es
d e s h i. A u g u stin u s” in M is cellan ea A g o s t i n ia n a , II (R om e: T ip o g ra fia P o lig lo tta V atic a n a , 1 9 3 1 ) p la c e s s e r m . 81 a n d 1 05 “g eg en E n d e d e s Jah res 4 1 0 ” (p . 500; o n s e r m . 2 9 6
se e p . 4 4 9 f .). L. V erh eijen , “La p rière d a n s la R èg le d ’A u g u stin ” in A .-M . la B o n n a rd ière,
é d ., S a i n t A u g u s ti n et la Bible ( B i b l e de t o u s le s tem p s, 3 ) (P aris: B e a u c h e sn e, 1 986) 177,
se e s a n o th e r a llu sio n to R o m e ’s fall in enarr. in ps. 66 3 (p reach ed in 4 1 2 ). O. P erler!
L es v o ya g es de s a i n t A u g u s tin (P aris: E tu d e s A u g u stin ie n n e s, 1 969) 3 9 8 f., b e lie v e s th ere
m a y a lrea d y b e a n o b liq u e referen ce to th e fall o f R om e in s e rm o D e n i s 24 10, p rea ch ed
o n S e p t. 2 5 , 4 1 0 . O n th e fou r h o m ilie s tr e a te d h ere se e P erler, ib id . 3 9 7 -4 0 5 . He d a te s
s e r m . 1 05 “lég èrem en t p o sté r ie u r [au] s e r m o n 2 9 6 ,” w h ich h e a grees is from Ju n e 29,
4 1 1 . H ow ever, m o st co m m e n ta to rs, follow in g K u n zelm a n n , lo c. c it., p la c e s e r m . 105 at
th e en d o f 4 1 0 . A t a n y ra te it b e lo n g s b e tw e e n s e r m . 81 a n d Bibl. Casin. I, 133 .
S e r m . 1Û5 9:12 (P L 3 8 .6 2 4 ).
FLO RILEG IU M 9, 1987
24
31 S e r m . 81 9 (P L 3 8 .5 0 5 ): “Forte R o m a n o n p érit: f o r t e fla g e lla ta e s t, n o n
te r e m p ta ; f o r t e c a s t ig a t a e s t , n o n d e l e t a .. . . Forte n o n m od o finis est c iv it a ti” ; se r m .
7:9 (c . 6 2 2 ): “S i n o n m a n e t c iv ita s q u ae n o s ca ra a liter g en u it . .
exc. urb.
(p . 2 5 2 .9 2 -9 4 ): “h o rren d a n o b is n u n ii a t a su n t . . . m u lta a u d ivim u s." S ee D e civ.
in105
2:3
dei
IV , 7 (C C L 4 7 , p . 1 0 3 f.).
3 2 S e r m . 1 05 1 0:13 (P L 3 8 .6 2 4 f.). S ee Bibl. Casin. I, 133 11 (M A I, p . 40 9 .7 ):
“H a s th e G o th ta k e n a w ay w h a t C h rist p rotects?"
3 3 M aier ( a t n . 2) 55: “E rst v o n j e tz t a b w ird R om z u e in em zen tra len P ro b le m
in se in e m D en k en ” ; P a sc h o u d (a t n . 5) 239 f.: “L ’év êq u e réa g it im m é d ia te m e n t e t avec
s a fo u g u e a c c o u tu m é e . D e s le ttr e s e t d es serm o n s n o u s rév èlen t ces p rem ières réa ctio n s.
P la c é d ev a n t d e s d ifficu lté s q u ’il n ’avait jeûnais ren con trées et a u x q u elles il n ’avait gu ère
s o n g é , A u g u stin fu t é v id e m m e n t p ris d e c o u r t.”
34 P a sch o u d (a t n . 5) 236—4 2 . T h o u g h A u g u stin e o fte n in d ic ts R o m e for it s d e c a ­
d e n c e , h e n ev er sa y s it th erefo re d ese rv es d e str u c tio n .
35 T h is is su p p o r te d b y le tte r s a n d o th e r w ritin g s from th e sa m e p e rio d . T h e y a lm o st
a k e a n e x p lic it referen ce to th e ev en t o f A u g u st 410, e .g . epist. 1SS 2 (C S E L 3 4 / 2 ,
p . 7 4 3 .4 - 2 1 ). S ee J. F isch er, D i e V ôlk erw an d eru ng im Urteil d e r zeitgen.5ssisch.en kirchlich en S c h r i f t s t e l l e r G a llie n s un t e r Ein bezieh u ng des heiligen A u g u s ti n u s , In a u g u ra ld iss.,
J u liu s-M a x im ilia n su n iv e r sità t, W iirzb u rg (H eid elb erg: K em p er, 1 9 4 8 ) 7 2 -8 1 ( 7 0 -7 2 on
p o ss ib le referen ces to t h e fa ll o f 4 1 0 in A u g u stin e ’s la ter p rea ch in g ).
n e v e r m
3 6 A u g ., s e r m . 81 9 (P L 3 8 .5 0 5 ): “E c c e , in q u it, ch ristia n is te m p o r ib u s R o m a p e r it” ;
s e r m . 105 6:8 (P L 3 8 .6 2 2 ): “E c c e p ereu n t o m n ia ch ristia n is te m p o r ib u s” ; se r m . Bibl.
C a s in . / , 1SS 9 (M A I, p . 4 0 7 .1 = se rm . 2 9 6 , P L 3 8 .1356): “E cce tem p o rib u s ch ristia n is
R o m a a fflig itu r. . .” S e e s e r m . D e n i s 24 13 (M A I, p . 153.20); D e civ. dei I, 15 (C C L 47,
p . 1 6 .3 4 ); a n d ep ist. 1 3 8 16 (C S E L 4 4, p . 1 4 2 .3 , w ritte n in la te 411 or 4 12): “U t q u id
a u te m a d illu d r e s p o n d e a m , q u o d d ic u n t, p er q u o sd a m im p e ra to re s ch ristia n o s m u lta
m a la im p e rio a c c id isse R o m a n o ? ”
3 7 S e r m . 81 7 - 8 (P L 3 8 .5 0 4 ).
3 8 Ib id . 8 (P L 3 8 .5 0 4 ).
3 9 Ib id . 9 (P L 3 8 .5 0 5 ); se e a lso exc. urb. 6:6 (p . 2 5 8 .2 3 2 ): “A n p u ta t is , fratres,
c iv it a te m in p a r ie tib u s e t n o n in c iv ib u s d e p u ta n d a m ? ”
4 0 S e r m . 1 05 6 :8 -8 :1 1 (P L 3 8 .6 2 2 f.). S ee a lso D e civ. dei IV , 7 (C C L 4 7 , p . 103
f.).
41 S e rm . 105 7:9 (P L 3 8 .6 2 2 ).
42 S ee se r m . 81 8 (P L 3 8 .5 0 4 f.).
4 3 S e rm . 1 05 7:10 (P L 3 8 .6 2 3 ). S ee exc. urb 6:7 (p . 2 5 8 .2 3 9 ).
a t tit u d e to V irg il se e L a m o tte (a t n . 26, “B u t e t a d v ersa ires...” ) 4 6 4 f.
O n A u g u stin e ’s
4 4 S e r m . 1 05 9:1 2 (P L 3 8 .6 2 4 ).
4 5 Ib id . 8:11 (P L 3 8 .6 2 3 ); se e s e r m . 81 9 (P L 3 8 .5 0 5 ).
46 S e r m . 1 05 9:12 (P L 3 8 .6 2 4 ).
4 7 T h e a u th e n tic ity o f t h is se rm o n h a s b e e n q u estio n ed b y so m e, b u t is d efen d e d by
M .V . O ’R eilly , S a n c t i A u r elii A u g u s ti n i D e excidio Urbis R o m a e S e r m o : A C r itic a l Text
a n d T ra n sla tion w ith I n tr o d u c tio n and C o m m e n t a r y , C a th o lic U n iv ersity o f A m erica
P a tr is tic S tu d ie s, 8 9 (W a sh in g to n : C U A P ress, 1955) 4 -6 ; see a lso C C L 4 6, p . 245;
P erler (a t n . 29) 4 5 6 ( “4 1 1 , p a s avan t l ’é t é ” ); a n d G . C a n n o n e, “Il ‘S erm o d e e x cid io
u rb is R o m a e ’ d i S . A g o s tin o ,” Vetera C h r i s t i a n o r u m 12 (1 9 7 5 ) 3 2 5 .
J. KEVIN COYLE
25
48 Exc. urb. 2:1 (p . 2 5 0 .3 6 ).
49 Ib id . 2:2 (p. 2 5 1 .6 0 ). S ee C an n on e (a t n . 47) 330: “S o d o m a è l ’esem p io d ella
d istru zio n e, R o m a d el c a s tig o .”
50 Ib id . 2 - 5 (p . 2 5 1 .3 6 2 5 7 .2 1 4 ).
^ Ib id . 8 :9 (p . 2 6 1 .3 1 2 ). See epist. 140 ad H o n o ra tu m ( = L ib er d e g r a tia N ovi
T e sta m en ti) 1 3 :3 3 (C S E L 44, p . 1 8 3 .7 ), w ritte n 4 1 1 /4 1 2 ; D e peccatoru m m e r i t i s et rem i s s i o n e 11,11 (C S E L 6 0, p . 8 8 .6 ).
^ Exc. urb. 3 :3 -4 :4 (p, 2 5 3 .1 1 1 ). See se rm . 81 2 (P L 3 8 .5 0 0 ); epist. 140 13:34
(C S E L 4 4 , p . 1 8 4 .6 ); find D e pecc. m t r . et re m . II, 11 (C S E L 6 0, p . 8 8 .9 ).
^ Exc. urb. 8:9 (p . 2 6 1 .3 2 3 ). S ee se rm . SI 2 a n d 7 (P L 3 8 .4 9 9 f. a n d 503 f.) a n d
B i b i C a s in . I, 1 3 3 12 (M A I, p . 4 0 9 .2 6 ).
^ O n M o rin ’s e d itio n o f Bib liotkecae C a s in e n sis I, 133 (in M A I) a s co m p a red to
th e t e x t o f s e r m 2 9 6 (P L 3 8 ), see Z w ierlein (a t n . 8) 6 5, n . 63. H ere w e follow M o rin ’s
e d itio n w h ich , if fa u lty , is still an im p rovem en t over th a t o f th e M a u rists.
^ B i b i C a s s i n . /, 133 6 (p . 4 0 4 .2 7 —4 0 5 .4 ). O n th e jo in t v en e r a tio n o f P e te r an d
P a u l a t R o m e in th e fo u r th an d fifth cen tu ries, see P ie tri (a t n . 10).
^
B i b i C a s s i n . I, 133 7 (p. 4 05.8): “A u d i a p o sto lu m , si v iv it in te m em o r ia ip siu s
^ L oc. c it. (p . 4 0 5 .1 3 -1 5 ): “In ip so P etro tem p o ra lis fu it caro, et n o n v is u t te m p o ­
ra lis s it la p is R o m a e? P etru s a p o sto lu s cu m d o m in o reg n a t, corp u s a p o sto li P e tr i q u o d a m
lo c o ia c e t . . .
^ h o c . c it . (p . 4 0 5 .2 4 -2 5 ): “D o les ergo, et p loras, q u ia ru eru n t lig n a e t la p id e s,
et q u ia m o rtu i su n t m o ritu ri? ” S ee exc. urb. 6:6 (p . 258.232); s e r m . SI 9 (P L 3 8 .5 0 5 );
s e r m . 105 9 :12 (P L 3 8 .6 2 4 ); a n d D e civ. dei II, 2 (C C L 47, p. 3 6 .3 3 ).
59 Bibi. C a s in . I, 133 7 (p . 4 0 5 .3 0 -4 0 6 .9 ).
6 0 Ib id . 8 (p . 4 0 6 .1 0 - 3 1 ).
Ib id . 9 (p . 4 0 7 .4 - 2 6 ). S ee p . 9.
6 2 Ib id . 1 0 (p . 4 0 7 .2 7 -4 0 8 .1 0 ).
Ib id . 12 (p . 4 0 9 .1 9 —22): “D e b u it ergo a p o sto lo ru m m em o r ia , p er q u a m tib i
p ra ep a ra tu r c a e lu m , servare tib i in terra th e a tr a in sa n o ru m sem p er? Id eo m o r tu u s est
P e tr u s et r e p o s itu s, u t la p is de th e a tro n on c a d a t? ”
®4 L oc. c it. (p . 4 1 0 .1 4 ).
O n A u g u s tin e ’s p a tr io tism , see P asch ou d (a t n . 5) 2 6 3 -7 2 . T h o u g h far from
fa n a tic, h e se e m s to h a v e co n sid ered h im self a lo y a l R om an citizen : see P a sc h o u d (a t
n . 5) 2 4 7 -5 1 ; F isch er (a t n . 35) 8 3 - 8 7 . B u t see H. H agen d ah l, “Z u A u g u stin s B e u r te ilu n g
v o n R o m in ‘D e c iv it a te D e i',” W i e n e r S iu d ien 79 (1 9 6 6 ) 515 f .: “A u g u stin s S te llu n g
d em R o m ertu m u n d d e m rô m isch en S ta a t g eg en ü b er ist d u rch au s fein d lich . . . . Es
ist ein fa ch u n v erstà n d lich , w ie m a n im m er von A u g u stin s rôm isch en S ta a ts g e fu h l u n d
P a tr io tism u s, so g a r in ly risc h e n T ô n en , sp rech en k an n .” S im ilar rem ark s in M aier (at
n . 2) 6 2 , n . 70.
A u g ., serm.. 105 7:9 (P L 3 8 .6 2 2 ). S ee s e rm . 81 9 (P L 3 8 .5 0 5 ). H ere w e are
a lrea d y a t th e th e m e o f th e tw o c iv ita te s, th e two co m m u n ities or so c ie tie s , w h ich lie s at
th e h ea rt o f D e c iv ita te D e i . In fa c t, th e th e m e sh ow s u p w ell b efore 410: see G . B ardy,
éd ., La C i t é de D ieu , livres / - V , B ib lio th è q u e a u g u stin ie n n e, 33 (P aris: D e sclée de
B rouw er, 1 9 5 9 ) 6 5 - 7 4 . A w ritin g on th e “tw o s o c ie tie s” th e m e is p ro m ised in D e G e n e s i
ad litt. i m p . X I, 15 (C S E L 2 8 /1 , p . 3 4 8 .1 7 ), b eg u n in 39 3 a n d c o m p le te d a ro u n d 4 1 1 . S ee
FLO RILEG IU M 9, 1987
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M a ier (a t n . 2) 1 4 6 -5 2 ; L a m o tte , “B u t et a d v ersa ires,” (a t n . 26) 4 3 8 -4 5 ; a n d A . L au ras
a n d H . R o n d e t, “Le th è m e d e s d e u x c ité s d a n s l ’o eu v re d e sa in t A u g u stin ” in H. R o n d et
e t a l., E t u d e s A u g u s t i n i e n n e s (P aris: A u b ier, 1953) 9 7 - 1 6 0 (p . 152 f. for p r e -a u g u stin ia n
e x a m p le s o f th e ‘tw o c it ie s ’ id e a ) . A u g u stin e o fte n ex p resses th e view (e.g . D e civ. dei
I, 3 5 ) t h a t R o m e (o r th e em p ire) c a n b e id en tified w ith n eith e r th e civita s dei n o r th e
c iv ita s te r r e n a . It is a m ix tu r e o f th e tw o. S ee en arr . in ps. 64 2 (q u o te d p . 1 0 ).
6 7 S e r m . 81 9 (P L 3 8 .5 0 5 ); se e se rm . 105 8:11 (P L 3 8 .6 2 3 ) a n d s e r m . Ca illau II,
19 7 (M A I, p . 2 7 0 .1 5 ).
6 8 S e r m . 81 2 a n d 7
(PL 3 8 .4 9 9 f. a n d 503 f .). S ee en arr. in ps.
36 9
(CCL 40,
p . 1 9 7 0 .3 7 ).
6 9 S e r m . 1 0 5 6 :8 (P L 3 8 .6 2 2 ).
7 0 S e r m . 1 05 7:9 (P L 3 8 .6 2 2 ).
71 S e r m . 1 0 5 8:11 (P L 3 8 .6 2 3 ). A u g u stin e se le c ts h is S crip tu re acco rd in g ly , for
e x a m p le R o m a n s 8:1 8 ( B i b i C a s in . I, 133 6 , p . 4 0 4 .2 4 ) or Jam es 1:2 (ib id . 10, p . 4 0 7 .3 1 ).
72 S e r m . 81 9 (P L 3 8 .5 0 6 , e m p h a sis m in e): “R ogam u s v o s, o b secra m u s v o s, exh orta m u s vos: e s t o t e m ite s , c o m p a tim in i p a tie n tib u s, su sc ip ite infirm os; e t in i sta occasione
m u lto r u m p ereg rin o ru m , e g e n tiu m , la b o ra n tiu m , a b u n d e t h o s p ita lita s v estra , a b u n d e n t
b o n a o p e r a v e s tr a . Q u o d iu b e t C h ristu s, fa cia n t C h ristia n i . . . .” S ee B i b i C a s in . I, 133
1 1 - 1 4 (p . 4 0 8 .1 5 -4 1 1 .3 1 ): “la m , fra tres, d im itta m u s p a u lu lu m p a g a n o s foris, o c u lu m ad
n o s c o n v e r ta m u s . . . . e s to t e a d o n n e s , v id e te n e q u is m a lu m pro m a lo alicu i red d a t
.
In t h is la s t serm o n t h e d ir e c t co n cern is n o lo n g er refu g ees b u t th e w elco m e o f
r e p e n ta n t D o n a t is t s . B u t se e s e r m . 2 5 de vet. t e s t . 8 (C C L 4 1 , p . 3 3 9 .1 6 3 ) a n d epist. 122
1 (C S E L 3 4 / 2 , p . 7 4 3 .4 - 1 6 ). B o t h are p ro b a b ly from 410.
7 3 S e r m . 105 7 :9 -1 0 (P L 3 8 .6 2 2 f .). In th e se fou r serm on s Z w ierlein (a t n . 8)
6 7 - 8 0 n o te s o n ly o n e p a ss a g e ( B i b i . C a sin . I, 133 11, M A I, p . 4 0 8 .9 - 1 5 ) w h ere “D ie
V erw ü stu n g e n d e r W elt sch lim m er gew ord en se ien a ls friiher” : “S ed p lu s, in q u iu n t, p lu s
v a sta tu r m o d o g e n u s h u m a n u m . In terim co n sid e r a ta p r a eterita h isto ria , sa lv a q u a e stio n e ,
n e s c io u tr u m p lu s: se d e c c e s it p lu s, cred o q u ia p lu s. D o m in u s ip se s o lv it q u a estio n em .
P lu s m o d o v a sta tu r m u n d u s, p lu s v a sta tu r , ait: q u are m o d o p lu s v a sta tu r , q u a n d o u b iq u e
e v a n g e liu m p r a e d ic a tu r ? A tte n d is q u a n ta c e le b r ita te ev a n g eliu m p r a e d ic a tu r , e t n o n
a t te n d is q u a n ta im p ie ta te c o n te m n itu r .” A g a in st C ou rcelle (a t n . 3 ) 76 n . 4 a n d P a sch o u d
(a t n . 5) 2 4 2 , h e a rg u es th a t A u g u stin e is n o t sig n ify in g agreem en t w ith th is sta te m e n t.
In t h e first p la c e , w e h a v e t o rem em b er th a t th is is a s e r m o n , w h o se o ra l in fle c tio n
is n o t p reserv ed in t h e m a n u s c r ip ts . S econ d ly, A u g u stin e ’s se e m in g a g reem en t w ou ld
b e th e o n ly c a s e o f it s k in d ; b u t it sh o u ld ra th er b e seen as “e in e rh eto risch b e d in g te
K o n z e s sio n ” (p . 7 9 ) fo r th e sa k e o f a rg u m en t, “a u f ein fach e Z uhorer zu w irk en ” (p . 74 ).
T h ird ly , b e c a u s e in e a c h o f th e th r e e p reced in g serm on s A u g u stin e argu es w ith a fic tio n a l
o p p o n e n t o r frien d ( s e r m . 81 4 a n d 9 [PL 3 8 .5 0 2 f. a n d 505]; 105 8:10 [PL 38.621];
exc. urb. 2, C C L 4 6 , p . 2 5 1 .5 7 ), it se em s lik ely th a t th e sam e rh eto rica l d e v ic e is a t work
h ere (se e 9 - 1 1 , M A I, p . 4 0 7 f.). Z w ie rlein ’s r e n d itio n o f th e p a ssa g e (p . 7 4, n . 83):
“S e d p lu s ,” in q u iu n t, “p lu s v a sta tu r m o d o gen u s h u m a n u m ” . In terim in con s id e r a ta p r a e te r ita sa lv a q u a e stio n e n esc io u tr u m p lu s. S ed ec c e sit p lu s, cred o
q u ia p lu s: D o m in u s ip se s o lv it q u a estio n em . “P lu s m o d o v a sta tu r m u n d u s, p lu s
v a s ta tu r ,” a it. Q u are m o d o p lu s v a sta tu r, q u an d o u b iq u e ev a n g eliu m p ra ed ­
ic a tu r? A tte n d is q u a n ta c e le b r ita te ev a n g eliu m p ra ed ica tu r, e t n o n a tte n d is
q u a n ta im p ie ta te [or: p erv ersita te] co n tem n itu r.
74 M ore co rre ctly , S o c ie ty (or C o m m u n ity ) o f G od . S ee A u g ., epist. 138 2:10 (C S E L
4 4 , p . 1 3 5 .1 0 ): “Q u id e s t a u te m c iv ita s n isi h o m in u m m u ltitu d o in q u o d d a m v in cu lu m
J. KEVIN COYLE
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r e d a c ta c o n co rd ia e? ” T h is le t te r d iscu sses th e ev o lu tio n o f D e civita te dei. In S e c tio n s 2
a n d 4 o f th e p resen t p a p er th e p u rp ose is n o t to p resen t th e en tire c o n te n ts o f A u g u s tin e ’s
g rea t w ork, b u t o n ly w h a t a p p lies to a p o c a ly p tic ism . For an overview o f th e c o n te n ts o f
D e c iv ita te dei se e P. P ir e t, “La C ité d e D ie u ,” B u lletin de littératu re ecclés iastique 89
(1 9 8 8 ) 1 1 6 -3 7 .
7 ° D e civ. dei I, p raef. (C C L 47, p . 1.8): “m a g n u m op u s et a r d u u m .” S ee a lso
X X II, 30 (C C L 4 8 , p . 8 6 6 .1 4 ): “in g en tis h u iu s op eris” ; an d R e tr a c t a t i o n e s II, 43 (69):1
(C C L 57, p . 1 2 4 .1 1 ): “d e c iv ita te d ei gra n d e o p u s.”
7® So T .D . B a m e s , “A s p e c ts o f th e B ack grou n d o f th e C ity o f G o d ,” R e vu e de
l ’U n i v e r s i t é d ’O t t a w a / U n i v e r s i t y of O t t a w a Q u a rterly 52 (1 9 8 2 ) 6 7.
77 R e t r . II, 4 3 (69):1 (C C L 57, p . 1 2 4 .3 ). On sou rces for th e id e a see G . B ardy,
“L a fo rm a tio n d u c o n c e p t d e ‘C ité d e D ie u ’ d a n s l ’o eu v re d e sa in t A u g u s tin ,” L ’A n n é e
théologique a u g u s t i n i e n n e 13 (1 9 5 2 ) 5 -1 9 .
78 B a m e s (a t n . 76) 73 sa y s th a t in th e first th r ee b o o k s A u g u stin e “d e sig n e d h is
a rg u m en ts p rim a rily to fit th e situ a tio n in C a rth a g e.” T h is m akes se n se, as th a t is w h ere
a ll fo u r se rm o n s tr e a te d in th e p reced in g se c tio n were p reach ed . S ee a lso B row n (a t
n . 7) 312: “T h e C i t y of God ca n n o t b e ex p la in ed in term s o f it s im m e d ia te o rig in s. It is
p a r tic u la r ly su p erficia l to regard it as a b o o k a b o u t th e sack o f R o m e. A u g u stin e m ay
w ell h a v e w r itte n a b o o k ‘O n th e C ity o f G o d ’ w ith o u t su ch a n e v e n t. W h a t th is sack
effe cted , w as to p ro v id e A u g u stin e w ith a sp ecific, ch a llen g in g a u d ie n c e a t C arth age; an d
in th is w ay th e sa ck o f R om e en su red th a t a b o o k w h ich m igh t h a v e b e e n a w ork o f
p u re e x e g e s is fo r fello w C h ristia n sch olars . . . b eca m e a d elib era te c o n fr o n ta tio n w ith
p a g a n ism .”
TQ
A u g ., D e d i v i n a t i o n e d a e m o n u m 10:14 (C S E L 4 1, p. 6 1 6 - 1 8 ) , w r itte n b etw een
4 0 6 a n d 4 10.
8 ^ S o L a m o tte (a t n . 2) 250—60. H ow ever, see la B on n ard iere, “O n a d it d e to i d es
ch o se s g lo rieu se s, C ité d e D ieu !” in S a i n t A u g u s tin et la Bibl e (a t n . 29) 362: “M ais la
p ro b lém a tiq u e d e l ’é v a n g é lisa tio n d es p a ïen s a p p a rte n a it d ep u is lo n g te m p s à la p a sto r a le
d ’A u g u stin , co m m e le p ro u v en t les liv res 12 et 14 d u Co n tr a F a u stu m d è s l ’a n n ée 4 0 1 -4 0 2
et le D e ca tech iz a n d is ru dibu s e n 4 0 5 - 4 0 6 .”
81 B row n (a t n . 7) 2 9 9 -3 0 2 .
82 Ib id ., 3 0 4 - 1 2 .
8 3 S ee D e civ. dei V , 26
(CCL 47, p . 1 6 3 .7 5 ).
84 Ib id . I, 1 (C C L 47, p. 1 .1 ). H agen d ah l argu es (a t n . 65) 509 th a t th e fu ll title
o f A u g u s tin e ’s w ork o u g h t to b e D e civita te dei a dversu s p ag a n o s, “d er freilich se lte n
a n g efiih rt w ird .” F or an o p p o sin g a rgu m en t se e B a m e s (a t n . 76) 8 0 . A t a n y ra te, b y
th e en d o f B o o k V th is p a rticu la r con cern is on th e w ane: cf. V , 26 (p . 1 6 3 .7 3 ). H ere we
d o n o t h a v e tim e to go in to a ll o f A u g u stin e ’s cou n ter-argu m en ts. T h e y are su m m ed up
by F isch er (a t n . 3 5 ) 6 1 - 6 9 .
D e civ. dei I, 1 - 2 (C C L 4 7, p . 1 .9 ). S ee a lso III, 31 (p . 9 6 .1 ) a n d exc. urb. 2:2
(C C L 4 6 , p . 2 5 2 .8 4 ). Z w ierlein (a t n . 8) 4 6, follow in g Metier (a t n . 2) 5 5, co n te n d s th a t
o n ly th e b a silic a s o f P e te r a n d P a u l w ere sp ared d u rin g th e G o th ic p illa g e o f R om e. T h is
m a y b e th e m e a n in g o f O rosiu s, A d v e r s u m paganos V II, 39:1 (C S E L 5, p . 5 4 4 .1 5 ) a n d
J ero m e, epist. 1 2 7 13:3 (C S E L 56, p . 1 5 5 .2 2 ).
8 ® P a g a n s c o u ld ask in retu rn w hy C h rist h ad n o t p ro te c te d h is ow n follow ers, as
w ell a s th e E m p ire n ow d e d ic a te d to h im ( D e civ. dei II, 2, CCL 4 7, p . 3 5 .7 ). W h y were
C h ristia n s, to o , th e v ic tim s o f su ffe r in g — p e r m itte d to starve (I, 10, p . 1 2 .9 5 ), t o m from
FLO RILEG IU M 9, 1987
28
th e ir la n d (I, 14, p . 1 5 .1 ), e v en to rtu re d to d e a th (I, 10, p . 1 2 .7 0 )? W h a t o f C h ristian
w o m en a n d g irls, e v en th o s e co n se c r a te d to C h rist, w ho h a d b e e n rap ed (I, 16, p . 17.2)
or d riv en to su ic id e to e s c a p e su ch a fa te (I, 17, p . 1 8.1)? T h e se q u estio n s im p ly a w h ole
ra n g e o f A u g u s tin e ’s th o u g h t — p a rticu la r ly o n th e m ea n in g o f su fferin g an d th e p resen ce
o f G o d — w h ich w e c a n n o t e x p lo re h ere. S ee L a m o tte (a t n . 26) 4 59 f.
8 7 S ee D e civ. dei II, 2 (C C L 47, p . 3 5 .3 ): “O ccu rrit m ihi r e siste n d u m esse p rim itu s
eis, qu i h a ec b e lla , q u ib u s m u n d u s is te co n teritu r, m a x im eq u e R om an ae u rb is recen tem
a b a rb a ris v a sta tio n e m C h ristia n a e religion i trib u u n t, q u a p ro h ib en tu r n efa n d is sacrificiis serv ire d a e m o n ib u s .” S ee a lso II, 18 a n d 25 (p . 4 9 .9 2 a n d 6 1 .5 0 ); III, 30 (p . 9 6 .1 );
s e r m . 105 1 0 :1 3 (P L 3 8 .6 2 4 ); a n d Bibi. C a s in . / , 133 9 (M A I, p . 4 0 7 .5 ): “E c ce q u an d o
fa cieb a m u s sa c rificia d iis n o str is sta b a t R om a: m o d o q u ia su p era v it e t a b u n d a v it sacrificiu m d ei v e str i, e t in h ib ita su n t e t p ro h ib ita sacrificia d eo ru m n o stro ru m , ecc e qu id
p a titu r R o m a .” T h is w as a n a p p lic a tio n o f th e id ea th a t all d isa ster s w ere th e fa u lt o f
C h ristia n s. S ee D e civ. d ei II, 3 a n d IV , 1 (p . 36.1 a n d 9 8 .1 ); a lso enarr. in ps. 80 1
(C C L 3 9 , p . 1 1 2 0 .2 5 ) a n d en arr. 136 9 (p . 1 9 6 9 .8 ). T e rtu llia n h a d alrea d y n o te d th e
sa m e m e n ta lity in 197 ( A p o lo g e tic u m 40:1—2, C C L 1, p . 1 5 3 .1 ). S ee L a m o tte (a t n . 26)
4 5 3 -5 8 .
8 8 B ro w n (a t n . 7) 3 0 5 .
89 T h e k ey t o th is esc h a to lo g ic a l sh ift h a s, in m y o p in io n , b e e n id en tified b y A . B e n o it,
“R em a rq u e su r l ’e s c h a to lo g ie d e S . A u g u stin ” in G o ttes reich u n d M e n s c k e n r e ic h . E r n s t
S tâh elin z u m 80. G e b u r ts ta g (B a se l-S tu ttg a r t: V erlag H elb in g & L ich ten h a h n , 1969)
4: “A u ssi n e fa u t-il p a s s ’é to n n e r d e le voir su rto u t a u x p rise s avec le s q u estio n s rela­
tiv e s à l ’e s c h a to lo g ie p e r so n n e lle . C e n ’e s t q u e p lu s tard , lo r sq u ’il sera d ev en u é v êq u e et
c o n sa c rera s a v ie à l ’éd ific a tio n d e s a p a ro isse, lo rsq u ’il sera a u x p rise s avec les b o u lev erse­
m e n ts qu i a g itè r e n t le m o n d e a u d é b u t d u V e siè cle, q u ’il se to u r n e ra vers les q u estio n s
d ’e sc h a to lo g ie g lo b a le , vers la q u e stio n d u se n s d e l ’h isto ire d u m o n d e. E t c ’e s t a in si q u ’il
écrira la C i t é de D i e u en tre 4 1 3 e t 4 2 6 .” B o o k s IV a n d V o f D e civita te d ei, in p a rticu la r,
ex p lo re th e p la c e o f th e em p ire in th e d iv in e sch em e o f th in g s. It is a t th is ju n c tu r e th a t
A u g u stin e r e a lly fa c e s for th e first tim e th e q u e stio n o f th e C h r istia n ’s a t tit u d e to R om an
p a tr io tism . S e e P a sc h o u d (a t n . 5) 236.
9 0 D e civ. d ei II, 29 (C C L 4 7 , p . 6 4 .3 0 ).
91 Ib id . I l l , 2 9 (p . 9 5 .1 ) . T h e ca se o f N ero is n o t m en tio n e d in C i t y o f God-, b u t
se e Bibi. C a s i n . / , 1S3 9 (M A I, p . 4 0 7 .1 5 - 2 3 ). A s C ou rcelle p o in ts o u t (a t n . 3 ) 70, in
th e first th r e e b o o k s o f D e c i v i t a t e dei “la p lu p a r t d es th è m es d év elo p p és se trou vaien t
d éjà en g erm e d a n s d iv ers serm o n s et le ttr e s qui d a te n t d e la fin d e 4 10 e t d es a n n ées
su iv a n tes. A u g u stin n ’a eu q u ’à sy sté m a tise r ses id ées p o u r écrire les p rem iers liv res de
so n gran d o u v r a g e .”
92 S ee L a m o tte (a t n . 26) 445; (a t n . 2) 248.
9 3 D e civ. d ei II, 2 9 (p . 6 5 .4 3 ).
94 For A u g u stin e th e rea l p a tria is h eaven : e .g ., D e doct. ch rist. I, 4:4 (C C L 32,
p . 8 .5 ); D e civ. dei. I, 15 (C C L 4 7 , p . 1 7 .6 3 ) a n d II, 29 (p . 6 4 .2 0 ). S ee M aier (a t n . 2)
42.
95 A u g ., e n a rr. in ps. 64 2 (C C L 3 9 , p . 8 2 3 .6 ), p reach ed a t th e en d o f 4 1 2 . Cf. th e
w h o le o f e n a rr. 13 6 (C C L 4 0 , p . 1 9 6 4 - 7 8 ). O n th is th e m e se e A . L au ras, “D e u x cités:
J éru sa lem e t B a b y lo n e . F o rm a tio n e t é v o lu tio n d ’u n th è m e cen tra l d u ‘D e c iv ita te D e i’,”
C iu d a d de D i o s 1 6 7 (1 9 5 4 ) 1 1 7 -5 0 ; a n d P. B o rg o m eo , L ’Eglise de ce t e m p s dan s la
p ré d ic a tio n de s a i n t A u g u s ti n (P aris: E tu d e s A u g u stin ien n e s, 1972) 2 7 9 -9 8 .
9^ S ee O ro siu s, A d v . pag. V II, 40:1 (C S E L 5, p . 5 4 9 .1 ).
J. KEVIN COYLE
29
9 7 S ee J .-C . G u y , U n ité et str u ctu re logique de la “C ité de D i e u ” de s a i n t A u g u s tin
(Paris: E tu d e s A u g u stin ie n n e s. 1 961) 6 (referring to B ook I o f D e c ivita te de i): “D a n s
les v in g t et u n liv r e s su iv a n ts, le th è m e de la d e str u c tio n d e R om e n 'a p p a r a ît q u e très
ra r e m e n t, et to u jo u rs d e fa ço n ép iso d iq u e. D a n s les q u elq u es ja lo n s d o n t A u g u stin a
m arq u é so n o e u v r e e t o ù , to ta le m e n t ou p a r tie lle m e n t, il la résu m e, il n ’est p resq u e
ja m a is q u e stio n d e ce fa m eu x sa c d e R om e. Il n e fa u t d o n c certa in em en t p as con sid érer
la C i t é de D i e u u n iq u e m e n t co m m e u n p laid oyer c o m p o sé p ou r laver le s ch rétien s d e la
r e sp o n sa b ilité q u ’o n leu r im p u ta it in ju stem en t d e la ru in e d e R om e."
9 8 S e r m . 9 3 6 :7 (P L 3 8 .5 7 6 ).
9 9 S ee J .-P . B o u h o t, “H esy ch iu s de S alon e et A u g u stin . L e ttres 1 9 7 -1 9 8 -1 9 9 ,” la
B o n n a rd ière, ed . (a t n . 29) 231 an d n . 7.
100 O n H esy ch iu s see B o u h o t (a t n. 99) 230 f., w ho d a te s th e fou r p ieces o f cor­
r e sp o n d en ce “v ers 4 1 8 - 4 2 0 .” S ee a lso G. C ou lée in B ardy, éd ., La C i t é de D ieu , livres
X I X - X X I I , B ib lio th è q u e a u g u stin ie n n e, 37 (Paris: D esclée de B rouw er, 1 960) 7 6 3 -6 5
( n o te c o m p lém en ta ire 24); a n d F isch er (at n . 35) 9 2 -9 9 .
O n th e h isto r y o f th e “w eek s” th em e in C h ristia n ity see J. D a n ié lo u , “La ty ­
p o lo g ie m illé n a r iste d e la se m a in e d a n s le ch ristia n ism e p rim itif,” Vigiliae C h r istia n a e 2
(1 9 4 8 ) 1 -1 6 ; “L a ty p o lo g ie d e la S em ain e au IV e siè c le ,” Recherch es de S cien ce religieuse
35 (1 9 4 8 ) 3 8 3 -4 1 1 ; a n d O. R o u ssea u , “Les P ères d e l ’E glise et la th é o lo g ie d u te m p s ,”
La M a i s o n - D i e u 3 0 (1 9 5 2 ) 3 7 - 4 4 .
102 E p i s t . 1 9 7 (C S E L 57, p . 2 3 1 -3 5 ).
'
Ib id . 1 (p . 2 3 1 .1 4 ). H e r ep ea ts th e a d v ice to read Jero m e’s co m m e n ta ry in De
civ. dei X X , 23 (C C L 4 8, p . 7 4 2 .4 3 ).
■^04 Ib id . 1 (p . 2 3 1 .1 8 ); a lso 3 a n d 4 (p . 2 3 3 .6 a n d 2 3 4 .7 ). L ater in th e sam e le tte r
(5 , p . 2 3 4 .2 0 ) h e su g g e s ts th a t D a n iel w as referrin g to th e f i r s t c o m in g o f C h rist a t th e
In ca r n a tio n . S ee B o u h o t (a t n . 99) 229: “P ou r a u ta n t c e tte d écla ra tio n n 'a p a s em p êch é
q u ’a u co u rs d es siè cles b o n n om b re de ch rétien s te n te n t p ar d e la b o r ie u x c a lcu ls de
d éterm in er c e t t e d a te a v ec u n e p lu s ou m o in s gran d e p récision . T o u tefo is, sa in t A u g u stin
s ’e s t to u jo u rs refu sé d ’en trer d a n s u n e voie si p érilleu se e t, d ès 392 e n ex p liq u a n t les
prem iers m o ts d u p sa u m e six ièm e, il fa it saisir com m en t les p a ro les d u S eig n eu r ren d en t
va in s to u s les c a lc u ls .”
E p is t. 1 9 8 i n t e r a u g u stin ia n a s (C S E L 57, p . 2 3 5 -4 2 ).
I®® Ib id . 5 (p . 2 3 9 .1 5 ). H esy ch iu s w as d o in g n o m ore th a n ex p ress a co m m o n o p in io n
(o n w h ich se e B . K ô ttin g , “E n d zeitp ro g n o sen in S ch riften L a c ta n tiu s u n d A u g u stin u s,”
H isi o r i s c h e s J ahrbuch 77 (19 5 8 ): 1 3 3 -3 8 . B u t h e m ay h ave b een th e first to b rin g it to
A u g u s tin e ’s a tte n tio n .
107 E p i s t . 199 (C S E L 57, p . 2 4 3 -9 2 ).
1^8 £)e civ. d ei X X , 5 (C C L 48, p . 7 0 5 .6 5 —8 0 ). S ee B o u h o t (a t n . 99) 2 4 0 —42.
109 E p is t. 199 1:2 (p . 2 4 5 .1 3 ).
Ib id . 1:3 (p . 2 4 7 .3 ): “T u n c en im u n icu iq u e v en iet d ies ille, c u m ven erit ei d ies,
u t ta lis h in c e x e a t . . . .”
m A g o o d su m m a ry o f H esy ch iu s’ p o in ts a n d A u g u stin e ’s reb u tted ca n b e fou n d
in B ardy, ed . (a t n . 1 00) 764 f. (n o te co m p lém en ta ire 24 ). See a lso B o u h o t (a t n . 99)
2 4 3 -4 7 .
^ 2 E p ist. 19 9 6 :1 7 -7 :2 1 (p. 2 5 7 -6 2 ), w here it is ev id en t th a t A u g u stin e h a s little
u se for in te r p r e tin g D a n iel's “w eek s” as a p recise p erio d o f tim e. S ee a lso s e r m . 93 7:8
(P L 3 8 .5 7 6 ): “A liq u is q u asi c o m p u ta t sibi: ‘E cce ab A d am to t a n n i tra n sieru n t, et ecce
FLO R ILEG IU M 9, 1987
30
c o n p le n tu r s e x m illia a n n o ru m , e t c o n tin u o , q u o m o d o q u id a m tr a c ta to r e s c o m p u ta v e r u n t,
c o n tin u o v e n ie t d ie s iu d ic ii.’ E t ec c e d u m n o n sp er a tu r, d u m d icitu r, ‘S ex m illia a n n o ru m
e x s p e c ta b a n tu r , et e c c e tra n sieru n t,' u n d e scim u s ia m q u an d o v en iet? M ed ia n o c te v en iet.
‘Q u id e s t, m e d ia n o c t e v e n ie t? ’ D u m n esc is, v e n ie t.”
1 1 3 D e civ. dei X X , 19 (C C L 4 8, p . 7 3 2 .6 3 ): “M u ltu m m ih i m ira est h a e c op in an t iu m teinta p r a e s u m p tio .” O n su ch a tte m p ts see B ard y, ed . (a t n . 100) 7 8 0 - 8 3 (n o te
c o m p lé m e n ta ir e 3 2 ).
1 1 4 E p i s t . 199 3:10 (p . 2 5 2 .1 4 -1 8 ): “Q u ae verb a a p o sto lic a u tin a m n o n ta n tu m
m o d o p o n e r e s, v eru m e tia m e x p o n e r e d ign areris; it a sa n e o b scu ra su n t e t m y stic e d icta ,
u t ta m e n a p p a rea t eu m n ih il d e s t a t u tis d ix isse tem p o rib u s n u llu m q u e eo ru m in terv a llu m
spatium que aperuisse.”
115 Ib id . 3:10 (p . 2 5 2 .2 3 ).
C f. D e civ. d ei X X , 10 (C C L 4 8, p . 7 3 1 .4 4 -5 2 an d
7 3 2 .7 4 - 7 8 ).
1 1 6 E p i s t . 199 3:11 (p . 2 5 3 .1 3 ). C f. D e civ. dei X X , 19 (p . 7 3 1 .4 1 -7 3 2 .7 7 ).
1 1 7 Ib id . 3:11 (p . 2 5 3 .1 1 ).
Cf. D e civ. dei X V III, 52 a n d X X , 19 (p . 6 50.1 an d
7 3 1 .2 6 ).
1 1 8 E p i s t . 1 9 7 4 (p. 2 3 3 f.); epist. 199 1:1 (p . 2 4 4 .2 0 ) a n d p a ssim . T h is verse is also
th e fin a l b ib lic a l c ita tio n in C i t y of God (X X II, 3 0 , CCL 4 8, p . 8 6 5 .1 3 7 ).
1 1 9 S ee epist. 199 1 2:47 (p . 285 f.).
1 2 0 Ib id . 1 3 :5 2 -5 4 (p . 2 8 9 - 9 2 ).
S ee a b o v e , n . 84.
122 g e e B a m e s (a t n . 76 ) 6 6 .
1 23 Q n
c o m p o sitio n o f D e ci v i t a t e d ei see J.J. O ’D o n n ell, “T h e In sp ira tio n o f
A u g u s t in e ’s D e C i v i t a t e D ei," A u g u s ti n i a n S t u d i e s 10 (1 9 7 9 ) 7 5 -7 9 ; a lso B ard y, ed . (at
n . 6 6 ) 2 2 —35.
1 24 O n e h a s b e e n p ro m ised b y A n n e-M arie la B on n ard ière in co lla b o r a tio n w ith M ar­
tin e D u la ey : se e A s s o c ia tio n in te r n a tio n a le d ’é tu d e s p a tr istiq u e s, B u l le tin d ’in fo r m a t i o n
et de lia iso n 15 (1 9 8 8 ) 3 3 . S tu d ie s a lrea d y d o n e fo c u s o n A u g u stin e ’s c o n n e c tio n w ith
T y c o n iu s . S ee b e lo w , n . 148.
1 25 H e lis ts t h e A p o c a ly p sis I o h a n n is liber un us as th e la st o f th e rev ea led Scrip tu res
in D e d o c tr in a Christian a II, 8:13 (C C L 3 2 , p . 4 0 .5 6 ).
1 2 6 D e civ. d ei X X , 17 (C C L 4 8 , p . 7 2 8 .4 8 -5 3 ): “E t in h o c q u id e m lib ro, cu iu s
n o m e n e s t a p o c a ly p sis , o b sc u r e m u lta d icu n tu r, u t m en tem le g e n tis ex e r c e a n t, et p a u ca
in eo su n t, ex q u o ru m m a n ife s ta tio n e in d a g e n tu r ce te r a cu m lab ore; m a x im e q u ia sic
e a d e m m u ltis m o d is r e p e tit, u t a lia a tq u e a h a d icere vid ea tu r , cu m a lite r a tq u e alite r
h a e c ip s a d icere v e s tig e tu r .” C om p are epist. 199 3:10, regard in g 2 T h ess. 2 :6 -8 (a b o v e,
n . 1 1 4 ).
12 7 M . D u la ey , “L ’A p o c a ly p se , A u g u stin e t T y c o n iu s” in la B o n n a rd ière, ed . (at
n . 2 9 ) 369; J .-B . Frey, “A p o c a ly p s e ” in D i c t i o n n a i r e de la Bible, S u p p l. 1 (P aris: L e to u zey
e t A n é , 1 9 2 8 ) c o l. 3 2 1 . B u t se e P a sc h o u d (a t n . 16) 71: “P o u r la p é r io d e p o stérieu re
à 3 6 0 , le s t e x te s tra n sm is se m b len t u n a n im em en t rep ou sser u n e in te r p r é ta tio n litté r a le
d e l ’A p oc aly pse. D n e fa u t p a s o u b lier q u ’ils on t p o u r a u te u r s d e s h o m m es en v u e,
p a r fa ite m e n t o r th o d o x e s, q u i so n t e n m êm e te m p s le s p en seu rs le s p lu s ém in e n ts et les
p lu s a v a n cés d e leu r te m p s. Il a p e u t-ê tr e e x is té p a ra llèlem en t u n e litté r a tu r e d e se co n d e
zo n e , d e p o r té e lo c a le , p lu s o u m o in s d iv erg en te d e s te x te s d es gran d s a u te u r s su r le p lan
d o c tr in a l, c o n s titu a n t su r d iv ers p o in ts d es n o y a u x arch aïq u es iso lés. Si C o m m o d ien
e s t d u V ' siè cle — ce q u e je n e crois p a s, meus q u i n ’e s t p a s a b so lu m en t e x c lu — il
J. KEVIN COYLE
31
c o n stitu e r a it u n d e ces n o y a u x .” A n d h e a d d s (p . 73): “A vec l ’é v e n tu e lle e x c e p tio n
d e C o m m o d ien , a u cu n e in te rp réta tio n litté r a le d e l'A p o c a lv p se n ’est a t te s té e d a n s la
litté r a tu r e co n se r v é e p o stérieu re à la p a ix d e l ’E g lis e .”
12® S tr eik er (a t n . 1) 108. I realize th a t th is c o n s titu te s b u t on e a sp e c t o f a n o tio n
w h o se d efin itio n still in v ite s p recision : see J.H . M oorh ead , “S earch in g for th e M illen n iu m
in A m erica ,” P r i n c e t o n S e m i n a r y B u l l e t i n , n s 8, n o . 2 (1 9 8 7 ) 1 7 -3 3 , esp . 2 2 -3 2 .
129 S ee a b o v e , n . 101. C om m en taries on R e v e la tio n in th e early C h ristia n cen tu ries
are lim ite d to e x p la n a tio n s o f p a rticu la r verses, o ften in th e lig h t o f D an iel; freq u en tly
th e y h a v e a m ille n a r istic b e n t as well.
130 O n th e h isto r y o f m illen n ia lism in early C h ristian ity, see S ee V . E rm on i, “Les
p h a se s su c c e ss iv e s d e l ’erreur m illé n a r iste ,” R e vu e des qu estion s h isto r iq u e s 70 (1 9 0 1 )
3 5 3 -8 8 ; L. G ry, Le m i l l é n a r i s m e d a n s ses origines et son d év e lo p p e m e n t (P aris: A . P i­
ca rd , 1 9 0 4 ); H. L eclercq , “M illén arism e” in D i c t i o n n a i r e d ’archéologie c h ré tie n n e et de
liturgie 11 (P a ris: L e to u zey et A n é, 1933) co ls. 1 1 8 1 -9 5 (m ain ly b a sed o n G ry); W . B au er,
“C h ilia sm u s” in Reallexikon f u r A n tik e und C h r i s t e n t u m 2 (S tu ttg a r t: K oh lh am m er,
1 9 5 4 ) co ls. 1 0 7 3 -7 8 ; a n d K ô ttin g (a t n . 106) 1 2 5 -3 0 . A ll in clu d e th e p re-C h ristia n tr a d i­
tio n .
131 E u se b iu s, D e m . evang. III, 3:17 (G C S 23, p . 113.1); Theop h. IV , 29 (G C S 1 1 /2 ,
p . 2 0 7 * f.).
132 C o m p a re C h esn u t (a t n . 16) 162 w ith P a sch o u d (a t n . 16) 66.
*33 Like a p o c a ly p tic , m illen n ia lism su rv iv e d in th e W est, e s p e c ia lly th r o u g h Lacta n tiu s ( I n s t . d iv . V II, 1 4 :7 -1 7 :1 1 , C SE L 19, p . 6 2 9 - 4 0 ), lo n g a fter O rigen h a d effec­
tiv e ly w ea k en ed it in th e E a s t. T h u s A m b rose, D e excessu f r a t r i s s u i 11,59 (C S E L 73,
p . 2 8 1 .1 7 ): “E r g o is t i avi [P h oen ix] q u in g e n tesim u s resu rrection is an n u s e s t, n o b is m illesim u s, illi in h o c sa e cu lo , n o b is in c o n su m m a tio n e m u n d i.” S ee G ry ( a t n . 13 0 ) 9 6 -1 0 8
a n d 1 1 2 -1 4 ; B a u er (a t n . 130) cols. 1 0 7 6 -7 8 ; K .-H . S ch w arte, D i e Vorgeschichte der
a u g u stin isch en Welta lterlehre , A n tiq u ita s, R eih e 1, 12 (B on n : H a b e lt, 1 966) 6 2 -2 5 9 ;
A . L u n ea u , L ’h isto ir e du salu t chez les P è re s de l ’Eglise, T h éo lo g ie h isto riq u e, 2 (Paris:
B e a u c h e sn e , 1 9 6 4 ) 1 1 8 -2 2 ; L eclercq (a t n . 130) co ls. 1 1 8 6 -8 9 ; D a n ié lo u , “La ty p o lo g ie
m illé n a r iste ” (a t n . 1 00) 16. B u t com p are M . S im o n e tti, “Il m illen a rism o in O rien te d a
O rigen e a M e to d io ” in C oron a G r a ti a r u m . M iscella n ea . . . E ligio D ek k ers . . . o b la ta ,
vol. I (B ru gge: S in t P ie te r sa b d ij, 1975) 3 7 -5 8 .
I 34 D u la e y (a t n . 127) 385: “A u g u stin . . . n e fait q u 'u n em p lo i restr ein t de
l ’A po c a ly p se. O n sa it q u e le th é o lo g ie n se d éfiait d e t o u te sp é c u la tio n su r la fin d u m o n d e,
et il est p ro b a b le q u ’u n e lectu re a n cien n e d e l ’Apocaly pse lu i avait la issé l ’im p ressio n que
c ’é ta it l ’o b je t e s se n tie l d u liv r e .”
^3 ^ D e civ. dei X X , 1 (C C L 4 8, p . 6 9 9 .1 ): “D e d ie u ltim i iu d icii d ei q u o d ip se
d o n a v erit lo c u tu r i eu m q u e a d sertu ri ad versu s im p io s et in cred u lo s ta m q u a m in aed ificii
fu n d a m en to p riu s p o n ere te stim o n ia d iv in a d eb em us; q u ibu s qui n olu n t credere, h u m a n i s
r a tiu n c u lis fa lsis a tq u e fa lla c ib u s con traven ire co n a n tu r, ad h o c u t a u t a liu d sign ificare
co n te n d a n t q u o d a d h ib e tu r te stim o n iu m de litte r is sacris, a u t o m n in o d iv in itu s esse d ic­
tu m n e g e n t.”
^3 ® Ib id . X X , 7 (p. 7 0 8 .1 ). C h ap ter 20:1—21:5 is th e on ly su b sta n tia l q u o ta tio n from
R e v e la tio n in th e w h o le A u g u stin ia n corp u s a n d th e o n ly tim e R ev. 20 is q u o te d d irectly :
see D u la e y (a t n . 1 27) 375 f.
D e civ. dei X X , 7 a n d 21 (p . 7 0 9.20 a n d 7 3 7 .6 4 ). See D e haeresibus 8 (C C L 46,
p . 2 9 4 .5 ).
^38 D e civ. dei X X , 7 (p . 7 0 9 .2 2 -3 0 ).
FLO RILEG IU M 9, 1987
32
1 3 9 por in sta n c e , from n ow on h e w ill refer to P sa lm 89 (9 0 ):4 only to refu te th e
m ille n n ia lists: se e enarr. in ps. 89 5 (C C L 3 9, p . 1246 f.), p reach ed in 4 1 4 -4 1 6 .
140 S ee e .g ., C o n tr a F a u s tu m X II, 8 (C S E L 2 5, p . 3 3 6 .7 ), w ritte n 400.
141 S ee a lr e a d y D e G e n e s i contra M a n ic h a e o s I, 2 2 :3 3 -4 1 (P L 3 4 .1 8 9 - 1 9 3 ), w ritte n
38 9 ; a lso D e ca tech iza nd is ru d ibu s 22:39 (C C L 4 6 , p . 163 f.); D e vera religione 2 6 :4 9 2 7 :5 0 (C C L 3 2 , p . 2 1 8 -2 0 ); epist. 199 7:19 (C S E L 57, p . 260 .7 ); D e div. quaest. L X X X I I I
58:2 a n d 64 :2 (C C L 4 4 A , p . 1 0 7 .7 7 a n d 1 3 2 .1 2 ). A lso B ardy, ed . (a t n . 100) 8 4 2 - 4 4 (n o te
c o m p lé m e n ta ir e 6 2 ); E . S ea rs, T he Ages o f M a n . M e d ie v a l I n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f the Life
C y cle ( P r in c e t o n U P , 1 9 8 6 ) 5 5 - 5 8 an d p . 1 7 4 , n . 5 (b ib lio g ra p h y ).
1 4 2 D e civ. d ei X X , 7 (C C L 4 8, p . 7 0 8 - 1 0 ).
1 4 3 Ib id . X X , 6 (p . 7 0 6 .4 - 8 ) .
1 44 Ib id . X X , 6 a n d 9 (p . 7 0 7 .3 0 a n d 7 1 8 .1 2 2 ).
1 45 Ib id . X X , 9 (p . 7 1 8 .1 2 0 ; see 6 , p . 7 0 6 f .).
I 4 ® S ee D u la e y (a t n . 1 2 7 ) 3 8 0 .
1 4 7 T h e C h u rch is th e c iv ita s dei o n ly in sofar as “g ra ced ” h u m an b e in g s are co n ­
cern ed : D e civ. dei X X , 9 (p . 7 1 5 - 1 8 ). S ee B a r d y (a t n . 100) 7 7 4 - 7 7 ( n o t e co m p lém en ta ire
2 8 ); a n d O ’D o n n e ll (a t n . 1 2 3 ) 79.
1 48 S m ith , “T h e Im p a ct o f S t. A u g u stin e ’s M illen ia lism o n th e F u n ctio n o f C hurch
T V ad ition ,” J o u r n a l o f E c u m e n i c a l S t u d i e s 3 (1 9 6 6 ) 135. S ee A u g ., epist. 199 6:17
(C S E L 5 7 , p . 2 5 8 .1 ), w h ere — b a se d o n P s. 89 (9 0 ):4 a n d 2 P e t. 3:8 — th e C hurch is
n o v i s s i m u m t e m p u s , th e n o v i s s i m u s a n n u s aut m e n s i s aut d ies. T h e id ea co m es p erh a p s
fro m T y c o n iu s , a cco rd in g to P. F red rik sen L an d es, “T y c o n iu s a n d th e E n d o f th e W orld ,”
R e v u e des é t u d e s a u g u stin ie n n e s 28 (1 9 8 2 ) 6 5 , n . 3 0 , a n d L u n ea u (a t n . 133) 29 0 f. If
s o , A u g u s tin e g o e s b e y o n d T y c o n iu s, w h o e q u a te s co n tem p o ra r y e v e n ts in N o rth A frica
w ith p r o p h e c ie s in M a tth e w 13:30, 2 4 :1 5 -1 6 a n d 2 T h e ss. 2:3, 8. S ee G ry (a t n . 130)
1 2 6 -2 9 .
1 4 9 D e civ. d ei X X , 9 (p . 7 1 8 .9 5 ): “Q u ae sit p orro is t a b e s tia , q u a m v is sit d ilig en tiu s
r eq u iren d u m , n o n ta m e n a b h o rret a fid e re cta , u t ip sa im p ia c iv ita s in te lle g a tu r e t p o p u lu s
in fid e liu m c o n tr a r iu s p o p u lo fid eli et c iv it a ti d e i” .
1 5 0 Ib id . X X , 1 9 (p . 7 3 1 .5 3 ): “Q u id a m p u ta n t h o c d e im p e rio d ic tu m fu isse R o m an o,
e t p r o p te r e a P a u lu m a p o s to lu m n o n id a p e r te scrib ere v o lu isse . . . ; u t h o c q u o d d ixit:
‘la m e n im m y ste r iu m in iq u ita tis o p e r a tu r ’ (2 T h e ss. 2:7), N ero n em v o lu erit in te lleg i,
c u iu s ia m f a c ta v e lu t A n tic h r isti v id e b a n tu r .” O n th is id e a se e L. K reitzer, “H ad rian an d
t h e N ero R e d iv iv u s M yth ," Z e i ts c h r i f t f u r die n e u te sta m e n tlic h e W i s s e n s c h a ft 79 (1 9 8 8 )
9 2 - 1 1 5 , e sp . 9 2 - 9 9 .
151 D e civ. dei X X , 19 (p . 7 3 1 .2 6 ): “N u lli d u b iu m e s t e u m [T h ess. 2:1 -1 1 ] de
A n tic h r isto is t a d ix iss e . . . . N o n n u lli ip su m p rin cip em , se d u n iv ersu m q u o d a m m o d o
c o r p u s e iu s, id e s t a d e u m p e r tin e n te m h o m in u m m u ltitu d in e m , sim u l c u m ip so su o
p r in c ip e h o c lo c o in te lle g i A n tic h r istu m v o lu n t . . . .”
1 52 Ib id . X X , 7 (p . 7 1 0 .5 5 a n d 7 1 1 .1 1 6 ).
1 5 3 Ib id . X X , 11 (p . 72 0 f.).
1 54 L o c . c it. (p . 7 2 0 .1 4 ). A m b rose id e n tifie d G o g w ith th e G oth s: D e f id e ad Grat i a n u m II, 1 6 :1 3 7 -1 3 8 (C S E L 7 8, p . 104 f.). S ee P a sch o u d (a t n . 5) 2 0 1 . For th is id ea
Jero m e a tta c k s A m b rose, In H iezech ie le m 11, p raef. (C C L 75, p . 4 8 0 .1 4 - 1 9 ). T h e n o tio n
o f id e n tify in g G o g a n d M a g o g w ith co n tem p o ra r y b arb arian grou p s w as still liv e ly in th e
fifth cen tu ry , a n d b ey o n d : se e Q u o d v u ltd e u s (? ), L ib e r de p ro m is sio n ib u s et praedica tio nibus IV , 13:22 (C C L 6 0, p . 2 0 7 .4 0 ); a lso A n d rew o f C aesarea, In A po c a ly p sin SO:7 (P G
J. KEVIN COYLE
33
1 0 6 .4 1 6 B -C ). O n A u g u s tin e ’s a t tit u d e tow ard s b arb arian s in gen eral, se e H .-J. D iesn er,
“A u g u stin u s u n d d ie B a rb aren d er V olk erw an d eru n g,” Revu e des étu d es a u g u stin ie n n e s
23 (1 9 7 7 ) 8 3 -9 1 ; a lso F isch er (a t n . 3 5 ) 3 2 -1 0 5 .
^55 g y
tr a n sfo r m a tio n o f ev e r y th in g in it, n o t b y its d estru ctio n : D e civ. dei
X X , 14 (C C L 4 8 , p . 72 4 .21; see a lso 16, p. 7 2 7 .1 8 -2 1 ).
1 56 Ib id . X X , 8 - 9 (p . 7 1 2 - 1 9 ).
I®7 D e civ. d e i X X , 7 (p . 7 1 0 .8 1 ).
1 58 Ib id . X X ,8 (p . 7 1 3 .6 3 ).
M . P o n t e t , L ’exégèse de s. A u g u s tin p r é d ic a te u r, T h éo lo g ie, 7 (P aris-L yon :
A u b ier, 1 9 4 5 ) 294: “C erta in d u r eto u r d u C h rist, in certa in d e l ’é p o q u e .”
D e civ. dei X X , 19 (p . 7 3 2 .8 4 ); see a lso X V III, 53 (p. 6 5 2 .1 - 2 4 ). T h is se c tio n
is p reced ed b y a co m m e n ta ry o n 1 T h ess. 2 :1 -1 2 . A fter th is ch ap ter, D e civ. dei refers
to R e v e la tio n (2 0 :9 -1 0 ) o n ly in th e follow in g b o o k , an d o n ly in p assin g: 10, 23 f. a n d 26
(p . 7 7 6 .4 1 , 7 8 8 .1 5 , 7 9 1 .1 0 5 a n d 7 9 8 .1 0 1 ).
H .-I. M a rro u , A u g u s tin et l ’a u g u s t i n i s m e , (Paris: E d. du S eu il, 1957) 7.
H . v o n C a m p e n h a u se n , “A u g u stin e a n d th e F all o f R o m e,” T ra d itio n a n d Life
in the Church. E s s a y s an d Lecture s in Church H i s t o r y (tran s. o f “A u g u stin u n d der
F all v o n R o m ” in T ra ditio n und Leben. K r â f t e der K ir ch en g eschich te [T iib in gen : M ohr,
I9 6 0 ] 2 5 3 -7 1 , orig . in Lebendige W i s s e n s c h a ft 1 [1947] 2 -1 8 ) (L ondon: C o llin s, 1968) 208
(q u o tin g D e c iv . dei I, p ra ef.).
S ee P a sc h o u d (a t n . 5) 236; also L a m o tte (a t n . 2) 248.
B row n (a t n . 7) 316: “H e im m ed ia tely p ick ed on th e co n se rv a tiv e a ssu m p tio n ,
th a t ch a n g e w as a lw a y s m ore sh o ck in g th a n p erm an en ce: th a t th e relig io u s h isto r y o f
th e h u m a n ra ce sh o u ld h ave c o n sis te d in th e p reservation o f im m em orial tra d itio n s; a n d
so , th a t a ch a n g e o f r ites c o u ld o n ly b e a ch an ge for th e w orse.” S ee A u g ., epist. 136 2
(C S E L 4 4 , p . 9 5 .1 3 ).
A u g ., e p is t. 138 1:2 (C S E L 4 4, p . 1 2 8 .4 ). B row n (a t n . 7) 3 15 f. says: “In th e
sa m e way, c h a n g es in relig io u s in s titu tio n s , su ch as h a d occu rred th r o u g h o u t th e h isto ry
o f Isra el, n e e d n o t b e regard ed as u n n ecessa ry an d sh o ck in g reversals o f a n c e s tr a l cu sto m ;
th e y co u ld b e p r e s e n te d as sig n ifica n t lan d m ark s th a t h in t a t a p ro cess o f g ro w th . In th is
p ro cess, th e h u m a n ra ce c o u ld b e c o n ceiv ed o f as a vast organ ism , like a sin g le main th a t
ch a n g ed a c c o r d in g to a p a tte r n o f grow th th a t w as in a ccessib le to th e h u m a n m in d , y et
clea r to G o d .”
S ee H a g en d a h l (a t n . 6 5 ) 514; an d G .F . C h esn u t, Jr., “T h e P a tte r n o f th e P ast:
A u g u stin e ’s D e b a te w ith E u seb iu s an d S a llu st” in J. D esch n er et a l., O u r C o m m o n
H i s t o r y as C h r i s t i a n s . E s s a y s in H o n o r of Albert C. O u tler (N ew York: O xford U P ,
1 9 7 5 ) 7 5 -8 1 .
S ee D e civ. dei X V III, 1 (C C L 4 8, p . 5 9 2 .1 ). O n th e n o tio n o f p e r e g rin a tio , see
B row n (a t n . 7) 3 2 3 f.
A u g ., ep ist. 199 1:2 (C S E L 57, p . 246.3): “U n u sq u isq u e d e b e t e tia m d e die
h u iu s v ita e su a e n o v issim o form idare; in quo en im q u em q u e in ven erit su u s n o v issim u s
d ies, in h o c eu m c o m p reh en d et m u n d i n o v issim u s d ies, q u on iam , q u alis in d ie is t o q u isq u e
m o ritu r, ta lis in d ie illo iu d ic a b itu r .”
I
th erefo re ta k e issu e w ith G . F olliet ( “La ty p o lo g ie d u sabbat ch ez sa in t A u ­
g u stin . S o n in te r p r é ta tio n m illé n a r iste en tre 38 9 et 4 0 0 ,” Revu e des étu des a u g u stin ie n n e s
2 [1956] 3 7 3 , n . 6 ) , w h o se es A u g u stin e a n x io u sly a w a itin g th e en d o f th e w orld “ju sq u e
d a n s ses d ern ières a n n ées: E p i s t o l a e 197 et 199, 1 7 -5 0 ; D e c ivita te D e i , X X , 5 .”
34
FLO RILEG IU M 9, 1987
170 It is o n ly in th e lig h t o f su ch a q u estio n th a t h is a c c e p ta n c e o f th e “w eek o f th e
w o rld ’s a g e s ” b e c o m e s u n d ersta n d a b le .
171 E p i s t . ISS 1:5 (C S E L 4 4 , p . 1 3 0 .7 ).
172 D e civ. i e i X V , 1 (C C L 4 8, p . 4 5 3 .2 5 ).
173 rf ra c t i in Joanrtis evan geliu m 2:6 9:6 (C C L 3 6, p . 9 4 .1 7 ). S ee H .-I. M arrou,
L ’a m b iva len ce du t e m p s de l ’h istoire chez A u g u s tin (P aris: J. Vrin) 1950.
174 A u g u s tin e ’s p a r tic u la r ap p ro a ch to th e B o o k o f R e v e la tio n w as to d o m in a te
e x e g e sis u n til th e n in e te e n th cen tu ry: se e D u la ey (a t n . 127) 386; G u y (a t n . 97 ) 139.