The Urban-Mestizo Charango Tradition in Southern Peru: A Statement of Shifting Identity
Author(s): Thomas Turino
Source: Ethnomusicology, Vol. 28, No. 2 (May, 1984), pp. 253-270
Published by: University of Illinois Press on behalf of Society for Ethnomusicology
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THE URBAN-MESTIZO CHARANGO TRADITION IN
SOUTHERN PERU:
A STATEMENT OF SHIFTING IDENTITY
Thomas Turino
small
assumesan
(a
guitar-shapedlute)1
importantplace
Thein charango
severaldistinctPeruvianmusicaltraditions,notablythat of Andean
peasants, of mestizos, and more recently that of urban folklore
"revivalists." This paper is an attempt to explain the evolution of the
highlandurban-mestizotraditionin southernPeru by drawingattentionto
the causallinksbetweencertainsocioeconomicforcesand this musicalstyle.
Thus, the underlyingaestheticand social values that govern: (1) the fact
that urbanmestizosplay the charangoat all; (2) the type of charangothat
they use; (3) fundamentalaspectsof their performancestyle; and (4) types
of song genresperformedare seen as beinglargelydeterminedby operative
socioeconomicprocesses,as well as the mestizos'own intermediateposition
in the social hierarchybetweenthe dominantcriollo(Spanishheritage)and
the dominatedindigenousgroups.A musicalsystem,however,is not merely
a reflectionof a particularvalueorientationor social context.Rather,it is a
public articulationof the sociocultural,economic, ideologicaland political
makeupof an individualor group'sidentity,made patentthroughmusical
performance.That is, people performmusic in a certainway as a natural
productor extensionof their personaland socioculturalidentity,which in
Peru must be explainedin light of the hierarchicalnature of the society
(B&hague1982:3),and ultimately,in termsof the nationaland international
economic structureaffecting the actors. Thus, I am primarilyconcerned
herewith the underlyingcausesand meaningof the mestizocharangotradition resulting,finally, in an etic analysis(Harris1979:32)of what mestizo
musicianssay and do.2
Two forces fundamentalin determiningthe highlandmestizocharango
style have been identified. First, a group that is dominanteconomically,
socially and politicallywill also dominate the culturalvalues and artistic
orientationat least at the macro-levelof the society.3 I will call this the
"hegemonicfactor." One reasonfor this is that groupsstrivingfor upward
social mobilitywill adopt the valuesand outwardculturalmanifestationsof
the dominantgroupas a part of theireffort to join the elite. It is also common for a dominatedgroup, at least at some level, actuallyto internalize
feelingsof inferiorityin relationto the power-basedvaluesof the elite, as is
evidentin the following discussion(Cotler 1968:167).
@ 1984 Society for Ethnomusicology
Final version rec'd: 4/4/84
253
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254
MAY 1984
ETHNOMUSICOLOGY,
The second force, termedhere "the identityfactor" (akin to Linton's
1943 concept of nativism, see also Wallace 1956), comes into play when
membersof a sociallyand economicallydominatedgroupconsciouslydraw
upon symbols or culturalmanifestationsof their own group to buttress
publiclytheirown unity, identity,and self-esteemin the face of oppression
and prejudice.This is a study of the interplayof these two contradictory
forces, and how they have come to determinethe nature of the contemporary urban-mestizocharangotraditionin southernPeru. Further,it is
suggestedhere that scholarsstudyingthe use of musicalethnicitysymbols
amongdominatedgroups(e.g., Pefia 1980;Singer1983)shouldconsiderthe
multifacetedand often paradoxicalnatureof such processes.Thus, in this
paper, the role of the charangoand music as identitysymbolswill be considered in juxtaposition with the powerful force of dominant criollo
aestheticsand social values.
SOCIALAND HISTORICALBACKGROUND
Since the colonial period (16th century),the rulingcriollo caste/class
has dominated the cultural and aesthetic values in the urban centers
throughoutPeru. The arts, language,and musicof the indigenousmajority
(Quechuaand Aymara speakers),conservativelymaintainedin the rural
sector, however,were disparagedas a part of the overallpatternof criollo
political and economic domination. A third major social group, the
mestizo, arose ethnicallyand culturallydue to Europeanand indigenous
culturecontact. As such, they have remainedin a centralposition in the
socioeconomicand political hierarchyand representa third and distinct
cultural orientation which draws from both Hispanic and indigenous
sources. In the Andean highlands,the criollos held the professionaland
governmentalposts in the sierracities while they also gainedrevenuefrom
their largeland holdings.The indigenousgroup (henceforthto be referred
to as campesinos, or peasants) maintaineda rural agrarian, and often
serflike,existence.The mestizospopulatedboth ruraland urbansectors:as
overseerson criollo haciendas(ranchesor farms), small landownersin the
in smallcommercialor serviceconcernsin
countryside,or as entrepreneurs
the cities.
The hierarchicalnatureof Peruviansociety at the nationallevel finds
the coastal region, and particularlythe cities of Limaand Arequipa,in the
dominanatposition in relationto the southernsierra. Lima has been the
seat of nationalpoliticaland economicpowersincethe colonialperiod.The
elite criollo culture evolved and was disseminated from there to the provin-
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TURINO:CHARANGOIN SOUTHERNPERU
255
cial criollos and mestizos in the departmentalcapitals of the highlands.
Politicallyand economically,the sierraregionwas, and is, kept at a disadvantage(see Cotler1968:157-158;de Janvry1981:136;Schaedel1959:13-15)
and culturallyit is regardedby coastal criollos as an uncivilizedhinterland
inhabitedonly by "Indians," a term of disparagement.
THE URBAN-MESTIZOCHARANGOTRADITION
Againstthis backdrop,we will see how the highlandmestizocharango
traditionis a productof the Peruviansocial hierarchy.Like the Peruvian
mestizosthemselves,the charangowas createdin the Andeanregionduring
the colonialperiod(at least by 1700)as a productof Europeanand Andean
culturecontact. That is, the use of a stringedinstrument(unknownin preColumbian Peru) and the guitar-likeform were ideas derived from the
Europeanmodel, while its small size and uniquesound qualitymay be explainedin light of indigenousaestheticpreferencesfor a high-pitchedstrident sound. Accordingto contemporarymusicians,its small size may also
have been due to considerationsof easy transport.
Thus, by its very natureas a hybrid,the charangomay be defined as
mestizo, and yet by at least the earlynineteenthcenturythe instrumenthad
become stronglyassociatedwith campesinoculturein Cuscoand Puno and
was, and still is, largelyregardedby the upperclassesas an "Indian"instrument of the ruralsector.
The urban-mestizocharangotraditionin the departmentaland provincial capitalsof Cusco and Puno is recentin comparisonto the ruraltradition. The charanguistas(charangoplayers)in theirsixtiesand seventieswith
whom I studiedstatedthat theirswas the firstgenerationof mestizosto play
charangoin the sierraurbancenters.The personalhistoriesof thesemen are
fairly consistentin that each comes from a middle-classbackground,and
had lived their earlyyearsin a ruralarea as the sons of landowners.While
clearlyof privilegedfamiliesin their ruraldistricts,these mestizoshad intimate contactwith all aspectsof the indigenousculturewhichsurrounded
them. They learnedQuechua(or Aymara)at an earlyage, and accordingto
severalmen it was originallytheir primarylanguage.They also learnedto
play campesinomusic and musicalinstruments,such as the charangoand
the kena (an indigenousend-notchedflute), at an earlyage since this tradition pervadedthe ruralsettingin which they lived.
Their musical activities, however, in the vast majority of cases
reported, met with firm resistance from their parents, who forbade them to
play the charango and music that was associated with indigenous culture
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256
MAY 1984
ETHNOMUSICOLOGY,
and the "bajo pueblo" (low-classpeople). This underscoresthe low social
statusof the charangoand its associationswith indigenousculture.Thus as
boys, the mestizoswith whom I workedreportedthat they carriedon their
musical activitiesin a clandestinefashion, learningfrom the campesinos
who often workedon their families' land.
One seventy-year-oldcharango player noted that the urban-mestizo
charanguistasof his generationcame to the city of Cusco from their rural
provinces during a period of intensive migration to the departmental
capital:"The charangocameto Cuscoin this way. Beforethis therewas no
charango played in the city" (personal communication, Cusco, Peru
10/81).4
Thismigrationof rural-sierramestizosto the departmentalcapitalswas
in responseto an outmigratorytrend among sierracriollos to the coastal
region beginning around the turn of this century (Schaedel 1959: 20).
Respondingto the heightenedeconomicpossibilitieson the coast due to the
rise of capitalistindustrializationand agriculture,the sierracriollos, who
were alreadyculturallyorientedtoward the coastal cities and had enough
capital to make a fresh start, migratedto these centers. Their departure
weakenedthe hold of criollovaluesover the southernsierracities. Furthermore, the mestizoswho did not follow suit movedup to the social and occupationalpositionsthat the criolloshad vacated.This move broughtthem
to the departmentaland provincialcapitals. These middle-classmestizos,
now in a more dominant position within the sierra, maintaineda more
regionallybased culturalorientationthan had the criollos. Hence this national processof social change,based ultimatelyin a shift from simifeudal
agrarianto a capitalisteconomy,5functionedto strengthensierracultural
valuesrelativeto the previoussituation.But, whilethe outmigrationof the
criollos strengthenedthe mestizos'social position and sierravalues locally,
the overalleconomicpotencyof the sierrawas weakenedin relationto the
coast due to the relocationof wealthwhichaccompaniedthe migrationand
due to the increaseof capitalismon the coast.
A numberof charanguistaswithwhom I workednotedthatin the early
decadesof this century,even ruralmestizos,as adults, did not performinstruments,suchas the charangoand kena, associatedwiththe low-statusindigenousculture.Rather,they playedguitarand mandolin,whichwerethe
dominionof the middle-classmestizo and criollo groups. My guess would
be that in the nineteenthand early decadesof this century,ruralmestizo
boys would learnto play charangojust as the men presentlyunderdiscussion had done, but since the instrumenthad such low social prestige, it
would be abandonedwhen a person was "old enough to know better."
Why then did the mestizomusicianswith whom I workedcontinueto perform charango into adulthood, and even after they arrived in the depart-
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IN SOUTHERN
TURINO:CHARANGO
PERU
257
mentalcapitals,whichwereoncethe bastionof criolloculture?Theoutmigrationof thesierracriollosandtheresultingsocialchangessupplyonly
partof the answer.
A second element involves an ideologicalmovementcalled ingrewup in the
digenismo.The oldergenerationof mestizocharanguistas
inyearsbetween1910and1940.Duringthesedecadesthepolitical-cultural
digenistaideologyevolvedandreachedits peakamongartistsandintellecof thismovement
varied
tualsin thesierracities.Thegoalsandorientation
accordingto regionandamongdifferentfactions.In the southernsierra,
nationalistic
movement
however,indigenismowas largelya regionalistic,
thatdecriedracismandoppressionof the AndeanIndian(hencethe title).
it was claimedthat the regional,and indeed,the national
Furthermore,
culture should be defined in light of indigenousAndean culture.
Ideologically,the indigenistasrejectedcriollo and Hispanicvalues as
andlaudedindigenouscultureas the truePeruforeignandimperialistic,
vianbaseuponwhichto build(Francke1978).
Theindigenistas
publishedpoliticaltractsandarticles,andconducted
some of the first workto be done by serranosof an anthropological,
folkloristicnature.Dueto the importance
andhighvisibilityof musicand
dance in campesinoculture,the mestizo indigenistasbegan clublike
in whichthey"collected"andstagedtheatrical
organizations
presentations
of "Indian"musicanddancewhichtheythemselvesperformed.
Theriseof thismovement
is explained
inhis
byFrancke(1978:117-119)
in Cusco.He stressesthatits development
excellentstudyof indigenismo
in
the southernsierrawasconcurrent
exwith,andin responseto, capitalistic
pansionintothatregionbycoastalbusinessfirmsfromLimaandArequipa.
Oneexampleof coastaleconomicdomination
of thesouthernsierramaybe
seenin the takeoverof the majorwool exportingindustryof Cuscoand
Punoby Arequipafirmsearlierin thiscentury(Francke1978:119).
Theincreaseof capitalistactivityon thecoasthadfurthercementedthesierrainto
an exploitedcolonialrelationshipwith the coast (Cotler1968:157-158).
Thus the sierraindigenistas'rejectionof criollovaluesand theircall to
createda regionalandevennationalidentity,unityandautonomybasedon
indigenoussymbolswas in directresponseto the increasingpoliticaland
economicdominationof the sierraby coastalcriollos.Indigenismo,
then,
must be understoodin the contextof what I have calledthe "identity
factor."
Whereasa generationearlier, the older mestizo charanguistasmight
have had to deny their rural upbringingand ties with indigenousculture
upon migrating to the criollo-dominatedcities in the sierra, they now
found, in the middleof the indigenistamovement,that their knowledgeof
Quechua culture and music was a valued asset, at least in certain circles.
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258
MAY 1984
ETHNOMUSICOLOGY,
Therefore,the birth of the urban-mestizocharangotradition,that is, the
fact that this group plays the instrumentat all, is clearlylinked to: (1) the
economic shift from a semifeudalto capitalist economy (see de Janvry
1981:95,136), whichgave rise to (2) the outmigrationof sierracriollosand
the growingdisparityof wealthand prestigebetweenthe coast andthe sierra
whichcreated(3) an ideologicalresponsein the form of indigenismo,and a
strengtheningof local sierravalues.For some, charangoperformanceby urban mestizoswas clearlya symbolicindigenistaactivity in the attemptto
establish a regional identity and autonomy in reactionto coastal criollo
domination. On the other hand, the changing social-ideologicalclimate
merelyallowedthesemen to persistin the musicalactivitieswithwhichthey
grew up and whichwere at least a part of their own ruralbackgroundand
identity.
However, the urban mestizos' attitudes toward indigenous culture,
from whence they draw their regionalisticsymbols, are fraughtwith ambiguity and paradox.Duringinterviewsin 1981-82,mestizocharanguistas
continuallystressedthe value of "Indian" culture,and theiridentification
with it, but often within the same interview,as the conversationshifted,
they reiteratedthe old raciststereotypesof the lazy, drunken,dirtyIndian,
an attitudeinheritedfrom the criolloclass. This sameparadoxis inherentin
the mestizos' aesthetic judgments of campesino music. For example,
mestizosvaluethe charangoas a nationalistic-regionalistic
symboldue to its
while
at
the
same
time
they frequentlyderide
indigenous associations,
as
and
campesinocharangoperformance boring
beingcomprisedonly of an
artlessstrummingstyle.
This paradox is the result of the conflicting juxtaposition of the
mestizos'need for a regionalidentityand the persistentforce of dominant
classvalues.A secondsourcefor the paradoxis the fact that mestizoidentity continuallyshifts accordingto the context of definition, as does the
statusof the charangoas an identitysymbol.For example,one charanguista
stressedthat the charangowas an instrumentof indigenousculturebut in
the same interviewhe went on to say:
Clearly we are mestizos of two races, this is how we are considered. We have
been evolving, and together with us we have tried to evolve ["evolucionar"] the
charango. In my case, I have not disparaged the charango, rather I have kept it
with great fondness, and I have tried to cultivate it.... The charango is an instrument that was born in Peru of mestizos, used for the national melodies that have
been adapted, especially the wayno.
The importance of the charango as a mestizo identity symbol and the
nationalistic associations of it and the wayno6 song-dance genre are readily
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TURINO: CHARANGO IN SOUTHERN PERU
259
apparenthere.The comment"We havebeenevolving"refersto the upof thecriollos,as
wardmobilityof sierramestizosdueto theoutmigration
describedabove.The comment,"andtogetherwithus we havetriedto
withraisingthe
evolvethe charango,"refersto a mestizopreoccupation
instrustatusof thecharangoabovethelowprestigeit hadas a campesino
ment(seebelow).In the sameinterviewhe wenton to say:
wasnotaninstrument
thatcriollosvalued.TheyfavoredthemanThecharango
is a low-classinstrument
of
dolinandguitarandtheviolin.It [thecharango]
mestizos,of Indians.A mestizois almostlikeanIndianin thatheis a fusionof
thetworaces,IndianandSpanish,andmorerelatedarethelivesof Indiansand
mestizos,no?Withtheirponchos,no?...Thewhites,theSpanishareof theupcommunication,
Cusco,Peru2/82).
perclass(personal
The disparagementof the charangoby criollosbecomesa manifestationof
theirprejudiceagainstsierracultureand the mestizohimself. In the face of
this attitude, the mestizo tends to identify with the Indian("more related
are the lives of Indiansand mestizos")and formsa sierra-basedin-groupas
a defensemechanism.It is equallyimportantto note, however,that when I
saw this sameman interactwith campesinosin a contextwherecriollospose
no threat to his own identity, it was very apparentthat he considered
himselfboth sociallydistinctand superiorto the indigenousclass. One'singroup, then, is defined in relativeterms, and since the mestizo's identity
vacilatesbetweenthe poles of the dominantand the dominated,the symbolic significanceof the charangofluctuatesas well.
In spite of the mestizos'low opinion of the campesinocharangostyle,
it was this style whichprovidedan importantbasis for the mestizotradition
and hence it bears a brief description here. Campesinos state and
demonstratea preferencefor charangoswith betweenten and fifteen thin
metalstringsthat producea high-pitchedstrident(agudo)sound. Theyperform a varietyof song and dancegenresthat are usuallydefinedaccording
to the specificcontextor ritualin whichtheyareused(i.e., "potatoplanting
song"-papa tarpuy-rather than a generic term such as wayno).
Campesinosusuallyperformcharangostrictlyin a strummingstylein which
a single-line melody is made to vibrate among the majority of opensoundingstrings.The overalleffect is a high-pitchedpiercingtimbrewith an
unclearrenderingof the melodyand strongrhythmicdrive(elsewhereI have
describedthe campesinocharangotraditionin Cusco, Turino 1983).
The mestizo charangostyle is fundamentallydistinguishedby the use
of t'ipi (a Quechua term meaning to pinch), which refers to a plucked
melodicmode of performance.In the most complexversion,a seriesof twofinger chords are played in parallel thirds (with an occasional fifth) by the
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260
MAY 1984
ETHNOMUSICOLOGY,
left handwhilebeingpluckedby the thumband forefingerof the right.The
remainderof the stringsdo not sound, and thus the melodic-harmoniclines
standout clearly(see example1, "simplet'ipi"; and example2, "harmonic
t'ipi"). Constrastingwith the campesinotradition,then, melodicclarityis
an aestheticpreferenceof mestizoperformers,and the vast majoritystress
that one is not reallya charanguistaunless one can play t'ipi.
Ex.1. Simple T'ipi
orJAop
nI•-[open
SAn[open
4th course]
5th course]
Ex. 2. Harmonic t'ipi
a
[the top line is the melody]
Like the mestizocharangotraditionitself, t'ipi is a recentinnovation.
All of the older generation of charanguistas,by their own statements,
playedonly in the strummingstyle, based in campesinotradition,until the
midpoint of their careerswhen the t'ipi style began to evolve.7 Mestizos
proudlyview this innovationas a fundamentalstep in raisingthe status of
the charangoabove the "low" level of campesinoperformance.This attitude, and the aestheticpreferencefor melodic clarityitself, can only be
understood in light of criollo values. To wit, when I asked if the
Limefio-criollo opinion toward the charango had changed in recent
decades,one man replied:
Certainly! Especially when one plays t'ipi and performs a musical
melody.....When one only plays in the strummed style, they [the criollos] think
that it is music of low-class people....but when one plays t'ipi it is a thing that
causes great excitement! (personal communication, Cusco, Peru, 3/82).
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IN SOUTHERN
PERU
TURINO:CHARANGO
261
Thus,theforceof dominantclassaestheticsandopinionis readilyseenas a
factorof
basis for the creationof t'ipi-the fundamental
distinguishing
mestizocharangostyle.Thesourcefor theparallel-thirds
harmonyusedin
t'ipi (foundthroughoutLatinAmerica)is derivedfromIberiantradition,
sinceit is absentin theinandthereforealsosuggeststhecriolloorientation,
digenoustradition.
Themestizocharangostyleis furthercharacterized
by the systematic
juxtapostionof t'ipi and strummedsections.In Cusco,a piece usually
of a seriesof chords(seeexample3),
introduction
beginswitha strummed
followedby a melodicrenditionof the songmelodyin t'ipi.Theintroductorychordsareoftenrepeatedas an interludeandtheformrepeats,ending
with a strummedpostludeor a fuga (concludingsectionof contrasting
Withtheexceptionof occasionalflightsof virtuosity,the older
character).
tendto use strumming
mestizoperformers
patternsin the campesinostyle
renditionof the
of theirhomeprovinces.Theymayalsoinserta strummed
melody,campesinostyle,duringa performance.
In thisjuxtapostionof t'ipiandthe traditional
campesinostrumming
charangostyleis
idiom,we canmostclearlyrealizethattheurban-mestizo
determinedby this group's intermediatesocial postion betweenthe
campesinoandcriollocultures.At onelevel,thisstyleis theproductof the
of theforceof dominantclassvalues("hegemonic
interaction
factor")with
the "identityfactor."At anotherlevel, however,the mestizos'cultural
orientationhas naturallybeenshapedby the influencesof thesetwo contrastinggroups.Themestizoaestheticis the resultof theblendingof these
the
two distinctaesthetics.This synthesisdemandsthatboth strumming,
andt'ipi, representing
traditionalcampesinoapproachto the instrument,
for melodicclarity,be presentif a charangoperforthe criollopreference
is to be consideredadequate.
manceis to be completeandthe performer
Thus,drawingfrombothsourcesandcombiningelementsfromeach,the
of his
mestizoforgeshis ownoriginalstylewhichis a naturalarticulation
culturalidentityandmedialsocialposition.
The innovationof t'ipi is also linkedto changesin charangoperformancecontextsfromthe traditionalfamilyandvillagefiestato stageand
radio performance,as is the expansionof song genresincludedin the
stylewasconsidered
(seebelow).Thestrictstrumming
charangorepertory
foranaudiencewho
of
in
the
context
mestizos
stageperformance
boringby
werenot, themselves,involvedin the singingand dancing.Stageperformanceof "folk music"firstoriginatedin Peruas an indigenista
activity,
ormiddle-class
context.Thedesire
andit certainly
beganin anurban-criollo
of t'ipi,wasa means
to takethecharangoto thestage,likethedevelopment
theinstrument's
of demonstrating
validityin theeyesof theelite.Thisis indicated, for example,by an older charanguista'sstatementthat if a musi-
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262
ETHNOMUSICOLOGY, MAY 1984
Ex. 3 Capuliflawi Cusqueftita-wayno played in A minor tuning.
fr% A
-Ip-A
-LA
(
•,
!
- -A
f'
•
R---M
c0
3
•
f80
Ip
IA
--
|•
•
so as :9
w -Io m AP
"
font
,
m
m
,
0?
mm
m
[*note: the strummed patterns have been simplified to: T7•but
in actual performance will be varied considerably.Furthermore,
themelodicrhythmic
figures:fl
,
J7
,
1
,are
interchanged freely. Section A represents the strummed introduction
-interlude; Section B is the first part of the sung melody; and
Section C is the second melodic part.]
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m
TURINO: CHARANGO IN SOUTHERN PERU
263
cian is trulyto be consideredsuccessful,he has to be acceptedby Limaaudiences (indicatinga stage situation). Note, however, that when mestizo
charanguistasplay for dancingin contextssuch as family fiestas, they may
beginin the t'ipi style, but theyalmostalwaysrevertto the purelystrummed
style of performance.This is due to the fact that, by theirown statements,
the rhythmicstrengthof the strummingstyle is bettersuited for dance accompaniment.So too, when accompanyingsinging, the charangois often
strummedby mestizoperformers.Thus, while the t'ipi idiom is considered
fundamentalin stage performanceas a meansof demonstratingthe purely
instrumentalcapacityof the charango,as well as demonstratingone's own
worthas a musician,t'ipi is often not used in fulfillingtraditionalfunctions
such as dance accompaniment.This notion, by the way, may shed important light on one reason why campesinosmaintainthe strummingstyle:
song and dance acompanimentremain centralto their use of the instrument.
The type of instrumentused providesanotherobvious distinctionbetween the campesinoand mestizo charangotraditions.Mestizos state and
demonstratean aestheticpredispositionfor charangoswith a deeper, less
stridenttimbre(i.e., a larger,or round-backedinstrument)with a low octave E stringin the centercourseprovidingmore bass (frequentlyabsenton
campesino charangos). The older, more traditionallyminded musicians
continue to use metal stringsand a flat-backedwooden instrument,as is
characteristicof the Cusquefiocharango.8Increasinglyover the past two
decades, however, the majority of mestizos are beginningto use nylon
strings and round-backed(either of wood or armadilloshell) "Bolivianstyled" charangos. The adherents of this charango type explain their
preferencein that the roundback, and especiallythe nylon strings,produce
a "deeper," "clearer,""sweeter"sound. Theiremphasison clarity(nylon
strings produce fewer overtonesthan metal) is a furtherextensionof the
criollo-orientedpreferencefor a distinct melodic line that originallygave
rise to the t'ipi techniqueand demonstratesa furthershift towardcriollowesterntaste.
In discussingwhy he preferredthe "Bolivian-styled"charangowith
nylon strings,one man commentedthat its more subduedsound was better
for playingall types (genres)of music. He disclosedthat one of his primary
goals in charangoperformancewas to elevatethe instrumentabovethe level
at which campesinosplay:
People in Cusco do not accept the idea that the charango is good for anything
besides waynos. It is my mission to demonstrate that it can play all kinds of
music (personal communication, Cusco, Peru 1/82, my stress).
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264
MAY 1984
ETHNOMUSICOLOGY,
And he specificallymentionedthe waltz as being importantfor the expansion of the charango repertory.Thus, another way in which mestizos
perceivethemselvesas raisingthe level of charangoperformanceis through
the increaseof the varietyof genresplayed,and I frequentlyheardmestizos
criticallyremarkthat campesinoscan only playwaynos(whichis in itself inaccurate,see above).
While the wayno, the mainstay of the mestizo repertoire,is closely
associatedwith sierraculturenationally,it is at presentprimarilya mestizo
genre, at least in its most commonly heard form. The waltz has been
adopted and identifiedas the nationalmusic by the criollos of Lima, and
thus has been renamed the "vals criollo." Besides the waltz and the
marinera(a mestizosong-dancegenre),the yaravihas also been adaptedto
mestizocharangoperformance.The yaraviis a Peruvianmestizolyricsong
genre which is closely associated with the coastal city of Arequipa (see
Pagaza Galdo 1960).
To elevate the status of the charango,and their own status as musicians, many mestizos feel drawn to execute these genres as well as other
urban-popularforms such as the tango duringstageperformance.Inherent
in the charanguista'scommentabouthis "mission"to raisethe statusof the
charangois the need to prove to the criollo group that the charangoand,
hence, sierracultureand his own mestizoidentityarevalid. Indeed,he must
have a criollo-orientedopinion in mind when he perceivesthe performance
of a "vals criollo" as raisingthe charango'sprestige.Who else would it impress?It is also perfectlylogical that the vals criollo and the yaraviare the
two genres that are used most importantlyin the prestige-raisingprocess
since each is associated with one of the two major centers of politicaleconomicdomination:Limaand Arequipa.Clearly,with at least some part
of their consciousness,many mestizos feel that the urban-populargenres
are somehow better or more refined. While their regionalisticsentiment,
their own mestizo-ness and their opposition to criollo domination is
demonstratedby their very use of the charango,these mestizos' desireto
prove somethingto the criollosclearlyrevealsthe continuedpowerand influenceof dominantclassvalues. This force is basicto the expansionof the
charangosong-genrerepertoryamong mestizos.
A particularlytellinginstanceregardingthe status of the varioussong
genres, and the mestizo attitudetoward them, may be seen in the performance sequenceof song genresused by one charanguistain two separate
formal concertsituations(one in Cusco, June 1981, and the second at the
Universityof Texas at Austin, December1982). These two concertswere
atypical in that the artist's stated goal in each was to demonstratethe
"evolution of the charangoand its music." The sequenceof genresused
was identical in both cases, which indicates that he was not merely trying to
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TURINO:CHARANGOIN SOUTHERNPERU
265
pleaseor appeasethe local upperclass in Cusco. He beganwith an arrangement of a campesinoagriculturalsong, playeduntraditionallyin t'ipi style.
Following this, he performeda series of waynos (the most numerically
significantgenre in these performances)to illustratethe varietyof moods
and topics treatedin this genre. Followingthis he perfomedmarinerasand
yaravis coupled with waynos (as in the mestizo custom in Cusco) and a
muliza (a mestizo song-dancegenre from centralPeru). The climax of his
planned performancedemonstratingthe evolution of charango music,
however,was none other than the vals criollo!
Numerically,and in terms of his actual sentiment,as he states frequently,the waynoappearedas the most significantsong genrein theseperformances. Clearly, however, his own evolutionaryschemeled up to the
waltz as the pinnacle of development, just as it had begun with the
campesinoagriculturalsong. These performancesare an exact microcosm
of the mestizos'social position in reality:framedat both ends with expressions of campesinoand criolloculture,but the bulk of the presentationuniquelymestizo. It is also obviousthat the performancesequencepresentsthis
man's internalizedconceptionof Peru's social hierarchywith campesinoin
low-, the mestizoin center-,and the criollo in high-statusposition, as is indicatedby his evolutionaryrankingof the song genresassociatedwith each
group.
These performances,however, are not mere reflectionsof the social
situation.Rather,the socioeconomiccontextis the determiningforce which
gave rise to his value orientation,worldview and culturalidentity.In turn,
these performanceswere a natural articulationof that orientation and
world view, just as his own identityas a sierramestizo, born in a ruralsetting and growingup surroundedby indigenistasentiment,gave numerical
and artisticprominenceto the sierra-basedwayno.
CONCLUSION
The socioeconomic hierarchy, the shift from a semifeudal to a
capitalistsystem,and demographicchangeswereprimarycausesof the rise
and acceptanceof indigenistaideology, which in turn was fundamentalin
the creationof the urban-mestizocharangotradition,as was the outmigration of the criollos from the sierra, a movementalso based in economic
causes.The performancestyleand the type of repertoireand instrumentused by sierramestizosare in part determinedby their intermediateposition
on the social spectrum, that is, as a natural outcome of their own cultural
identity, which draws from both criollo and indigenous sources but forges a
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266
ETHNOMUSICOLOGY, MAY 1984
new uniquelysyntheticmode. A basicparadoxthatjuxtaposesthe "identity
factor" with the "hegemonicfactor," however,is also basic to the evolution of the mestizo charangostyle.
This paradoxis definedon the one handby the mestizos'needto create
and fortify theirown regional-cultural
identityand autonomyin the face of
coastal-criollodominationand disparagement.In so doing, mestizostook
up symbolsthat most radicallydifferentiatedthem from the criollo group,
that is, symbols from the indigenoussierraculture(see Linton 1943 for a
discussionof the types of symbolsused in nativisticmovements).To this
end, musicalsymbolsare particularlyappropriatefor severalreasons.First,
music and dance are two major artisticexpressionsof Andean campesino
culture, rivalled only by weaving. Secondly, musical performancehas a
numberof naturalpublic contexts, thus facilitatingwidespreadpublic articulationof the underlyingideologyexpressedby the musicalsymbol. Furthermore,musicalactivity,like literaryactivity,can be detachedfrom one's
actuallife style. Thatis, a mestizocan performcharangotherebyexpressing
his solidaritywith campesinoor sierraculturewithout having actuallyto
trade his middle-classhome and occupationfor a peasant'shut.
The other side of the aforementionedparadoxis that, while mestizos
seek to differentiatethemselvesfrom the criolloby the ideologicaland symbolic identificationwithcampesinoculture,they neverthelessremaingreatly
influenced by the cultural and aesthetic values of the dominant group.
While mestizo identity, by definition, partakesof criollo culturejust as it
draws from the indigenous orientation, other important factors give
strengthto the dominantclass values. First, in a consciousor unconscious
attempt to join the wealthier, more powerful group, and thus benefit
materially,a dominatedgroup will imitateand/or internalizeelite values.
Secondly, due to cohersionand/or their own realisticassessmentof their
weakersocioeconomicposition, a dominatedgroup may often accept the
superiorityof the elite. Such notions, by the way, should be centralto all
discussionsof the influenceof so-calledWesternizationon the processof
musicalchange, since the "developed"and "underdeveloped"nationsinteractin ways analogousto class interactionwithin a single society.
Both internalizedfeelingsof inferiorityand the desireto be acceptedby
the elite are basic to the mestizos' own goal of elevatingthe status of the
charango, and hence their own status in the eyes of the criollo group.
Mestizos'constantdisapprobationof the campesinocharangotraditionand
their "mission" to distinguishthemselvesfrom it throughthe performance
of criollosong genres,t'ipi, and otherinnovationsnot coveredhere, suchas
the shift towarda Westernharmonicvocabulary,likewiseindicatea desire
to align themselves with the dominant group at the expense of campesino
culture. This, however, does not negate the other side of the paradox: the
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TURINO:CHARANGOIN SOUTHERNPERU
267
ideological-symbolicidentificationwith indigenousculture when in confrontationwith a threatposed by criollo society. Indeed,the paradoxis inherentin the mestizos'contemporarysituationand is a root causefor many
aspects of their charango tradition as well as for their vacilating
socioculturalidentity.As I have triedto show, these forces are groundedin
the changingeconomicinfrastructureand changesin the social structureof
Peruvian society, and are necessarilycentral to an ethnomusicological
analysisseekingto explainthe natureof this mestizo musicaltradition.
NOTES
1. While a number of variants exist, the charango is most commonly guitar-shaped with a
peg head including wooden friction, and more recently, metal geared pegs. The neck has between five and eighteen wooden, bone, or metal frets. The sound box (usually ranging in size
from 10x7 to 6x4 inches) may have a flat wooden back of cedar or walnut, or a round back
made of armadillo shell or a single piece of carved wood. The face of the sound box, featuring
a round sound hole, is made of pine, spruce, cedar, or walnut, and the attached bridge is cedar
or walnut. The total length of the instrument may vary from eighteen to twenty-six inches. The
strings, arranged in four, or more commonly five single, double or triple courses, range in
number between four and fifteen, and are made of gut (now rare), metal, or nylon. Regional
and personal tuning variants are abundant. Two standard tunings, "A minor" and "E
minor," however, are found most frequently among mestizo players:
5
4
3
"A minor"
2
1
5
4
3
1
"E minor"
2. The field research upon which this paper is based was conducted in southern Peru
(June 1977-December 1977 and June 1981-May 1982). The latter trip was partially funded by a
research fellowship from the Inter-American Foundation which I gratefully acknowledge. The
sample of mestizo charanguistas (charango players) is comprised of 28 individuals from the
departments of Cusco, Puno and Ayacucho. All are nonprofessional musicians, and the selection process for the sample was based largely on the self-identification and community identification of these men as charanguistas. These musicians are bilingual Spanish-Quechua (or
Aymara) speakers of the middle class who reside in the departmental capitals or larger sierra
towns. Their class identification is determined by their lifestyle, and largely by occupation. For
the most part, they are employed as school teachers, government employees, private
businessmen, instrument builders, or in agriculture. I would like to express my gratitude for
their willingness to work with me and for sharing their knowledge of the Peruvian charango
traditions.
3. Two early statements of this idea are found in Linton's classic article on nativistic
movements (1943) and in Karl Marx's "The German Ideology" (1972). Linton writes (p. 237):
"The situation in which a [politically-economically] dominant group acknowledges its cultural
inferiority to the dominated is one which must arise very infrequently." and Marx states:
The ideas of the ruling class are in every epoch the ruling ideas: i.e., the class
which is the ruling material force of society, is at the same time its ruling intellec-
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268
ETHNOMUSICOLOGY, MAY 1984
tual force. The class which has the means of material production at its disposal,
has control at the same time over the means of mental production....(1972:136).
4. This is an example of rural migration to urban areas which affected value and culture
changes in the Peruvian cities themselves (see Schaedel 1979). This is part of a bidirectional
process presently taking place in Peru which Cotler (1968) has called "the ruralization of the
cities, and the urbanization of the country," in regard to sierra-peasant migration to coastal
Peruvian cities. Over the past decades, peasant migration to sierra and coastal urban centers
has had a profound effect on urban values and musical life. This has a parallel in the United
States regarding the incline of country music and its commercialization around the time of
World War II (see Malone 1968:184-192). The potential markets created by the masses of expeasants in Peruvian cities did not go unnoticed by the owners of the media, and as Cotler
notes:
Radio and television stations [now] dedicate more space to programs of published notices and music of the indigenous culture, [and] to advertisements in
Quechua....the record production of music from the sierra has a considerable
volume, folkloric programs of sierra music have a growing interest, and for the
first time are combined with [the music of] criollo bands (1968:189).
In spite of Cotler's comments and those of other anthropologists monitoring this process, the
sierra music (mainly waynos) that fills the airways both on the coast and in the departmental
capitals of the sierra is only partially grounded in the traditional music that is performed in the
indigenous communities. In addition, the fact that this music is receiving significant airplay
does not contradict the fact that the media remains in the hands of the urban elite. It merely
points out that they recognize a vital market in the masses of ex-peasants who are becoming a
viable force in the cash economy. On the other hand, the spread of mass media, mass transportation, and the return of the peasant migrants to their rural villages has also aided in diffusing
urban values to the rural sector.
5. De Janvry writes:
The only difference between a capitalist producer and a peasant one is the
capacity to generate and expropriate a surplus via the use of hired labor: the
closer this surplus is to the average rate of profit, the closer one producer is to
capitalist production (1981:152).
The semifeudal system refers to, say, a large hacienda estate that was tied into the market
economy (hence the prefix, semi) but which depended on internal labor relations in which
peasants were induced to work the land in return for access to a small plot for their own subsistence, as well as due to debt systems or other forces of cohersion. The shift to a capitalist
system implies an internal labor relationship in which the worker sells his labor for a wage.
Again as de Janvry (1981:82) notes:
However, it was not until labor scarcity fully disappeared that coercive forms of
labor bondage were eliminated. As Pearce observed, "In most countries [of
Latin America] a crucial movement was reached in the third or fourth decade of
this century where the supply of free available labor caught up with and overtook
the demand and the market replaced coercion and the squeeze on subsistence
lands." Thus a profound process of transformation of Latin America's agrarian
structure was initiated.
6. The wayno is the most popular song-dance genre in the central Andes. While it has
associations with the indigenous-sierra culture, it is the mainstay of the mestizo musical repertory. It is a strophic song with texts in Quechua, Spanish or both. It is in a moderate or rapid
duple meter and is usually comprised of two or three short phrases which are repeated, for example: a a b b. It commonly utilizes a number of syncopated rhythmic figures such
3 .
and the rhythmic underpinning of the song-dance
as:
.
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TURINO: CHARANGO IN SOUTHERN PERU
269
3
and
form falls between:
(see Josafat Roel Pineda "El Wayno del
Cusco" 1959).
7. Two men with whom I worked stated that they were the first to develop the "harmonic
t'ipi" style in Cusco and Puno respectively, although they conceded that it had been developed
in Ayacucho previously. Mestizo vocal and kena performance also utilizes the trait of parallelthirds harmony, as does mestizo and criollo guitar performance. Mestizo and criollo mandolin
style may have been an inspiration for the clear rendition of the melodic line of t'ipi performance.
8. Until the late 1800s, before metal strings became widely available, charangos were
strung with gut. Older campesinos who could remember the gut-stringed charangos, however,
usually stated that metal strings were far superior due to the dense strident sound that they produce (they "chilla mds," or cry out more, chillar refers to a high-pitched cry). Campesinos
favor metal strings over the newer nylon for the same reason.
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