1 The Stories of Banks Peninsula: Connecting Maori Oral Traditions,
2 European History, and Geological and Ecological Perspectives
3 4 Camille Honoré Dwyer1, 2
5 6 1
7 Christchurch, New Zealand
8 2
9 States of America
Department of Geological Sciences, University of Canterbury, Private Bag 4800,
Department of Geosciences, Smith College, Northampton, Massachusetts 01063, United
10 11 ABSTRACT
12 neglected from academic disciplines. Throughout the late 20th and early 21st century,
13 autochthons’ spoken words have gained recognition in the modern world, because
14 ethnographers understood the importance of history and symbology in oral traditions.
15 By recognizing this significant discovery in cultural studies, this study will link the New
16 Zealand’s South Island Maori iwi, Ngāi Tahu, oral traditions to the geology, ecology, and
17 history of Banks Peninsula. The first section will describe how the Maori understood the
18 volcanic history of Banks Peninsula through their oral traditions and the peninsula’s
19 connection to North Island traditions. The next section outlines why the Maori settled in
20 Banks Peninsula. They settled there because of the peninsula’s even-tempered climate,
21 malleable landscape features, and bountiful resource supplies. The last section discusses
22 how Maori oral traditions capture natural phenomena and how closely related are the
23 cultural explanations to historical and scientific interpretations. Connecting the South
24 Island’s Ngāi Tahu’s oral traditions, European historical accounts, and scientific data,
25 will inform others of the cultural, historical, and geological significant areas of Banks
26 Peninsula.
27 INTRODUCTION
28 29 even forgotten in our modern society because of European and North American
30 colonization. Written communication has taken precedent over oral traditions to record
31 knowledge, but some native communities still utilize this customary practice. The
For generations, indigenous oral traditions have been misinterpreted and
Oral traditions of autochthon societies have been neglected, misinterpreted and
32 Aborigines, a native society of Australia have concepts and beliefs about The Dreaming,
33 which is passed down through songs, story telling, dance art, craft making, and given
34 instructions and directions (“Oral Traditions,” n.d.). Oral tradition is the main premise of
35 how knowledge is “reproduced, preserved and conveyed from generation to generation”
36 and creates connections between the past and present through memory (Hanson, 2009).
37 It relies on rhythm, balance, repetitions, and dependence on the speaker’s memory
38 (Sullivan, 2009). The purpose of oral tradition is to understand the symbology that can
39 explain an event, instead of remembering how an event exactly happened (White, 1998).
40 Native societies’ oral traditions have been perceived as uncivilized and
41 uncomplicated compared to modern written societies. However, oral traditions and
42 written documents are complementary to each another and their strengths can help to
43 create a better story (Hanson, 2009). As Albert Sonny McHalsie wrote, written
44 communication and oral traditions are complementary because they build upon past
45 knowledge and both recognize that “learning is a life-long quest” (Hanson, 2009). By
46 taking into account how written communication and oral traditions both contribute to
47 knowledge, this study will connect the New Zealand’s South Island Maori iwi, Ngāi
48 Tahu, oral traditions to the scientific data and historical accounts of Banks Peninsula
49 (Figure 1). Maori oral traditions have a dual nature like many other native societies’
50 sources of communication. They have a historical element to recall the past and a
51 symbolic element to communicate beliefs to future generations (Te Maire Tau, 2003).
52 Also for Maori oral tradition, their whakapapa (genealogy) is used to connect traditions
53 using their ancestors and past events (Te Maire Tau, 2003).
54 The purpose of this study is to construct three lenses for how the Maori used oral
55 tradition to interpret the historical and scientific data of Banks Peninsula. The first
56 section will relate to the accuracy of Maori oral tradition and the volcanic geology of
57 Banks Peninsula. The second segment will discuss why the landscape of Banks
58 Peninsula was suitable for the Maori by comparing oral tradition and ecological and
59 geological details. The last portion will examine how the Maori interpreted natural
60 phenomena and the scientific data that recorded these events. By recognizing the
61 importance and strengths of academic disciplines and oral traditions, this study creates
62 connections through the culture, history, geology, and ecology of Banks Peninsula, New
63 Zealand.
64 BACKGROUND
65 66 67 Natural History Background: The Geological and Ecological Changes of Banks
Peninsula
Banks Peninsula’s Geological History
68 Banks Peninsula was volcanically active millions of years ago and is composed of
69 four major volcanic groups: Lyttelton (11-9.7 Ma), Akaroa (9.0- 8.0 Ma), Mt. Herbert
70 (9.7 Ma- 8.0 Ma), and Diamond Harbour (8.1- 5.8 Ma) (Hampton, 2012). In the
71 Quaternary period, the volcanic material eroded, and sand and gravel accumulated on the
72 coast by longshore drift currents and the Rakaia and Waimakariri Rivers (Hampton,
73 2012).
74 Banks Peninsula’s Ecological Changes
75 Before Polynesian arrival, 85%- 90% of New Zealand was covered with low bush and
76 the South Island had closed canopy forests with beech dominating in wetter, higher
77 elevations, and podocarps in drier, lower elevations (McWethy et al., 2010). Over 40%
78 of the island had been cleared by fire when European settlers arrived in the 1800s and the
79 landscape altered from canopy forests to tussock grassland and fern-shrubland (McWethy
80 et al., 2010). The Maori also caused the extinction of the moa and the Haast eagle
81 (Canterbury Museum, 2013). They altered the landscape in 200 years with intensive use
82 and management of wild terrestrial, freshwater, and marine resources. The Maori had
83 advanced methods of land stewardship to manage land resources, cultivate agricultural
84 crops, and harvest wild edible plants (McWethy et al., 2010).
85 Historical Background: European Perspective of Banks Peninsula Maori History
86 The three tribes of Banks Peninsula are the Waitaha, the Ngati Mamoe, and the Ngai
87 Tahu. They all originate from the homeland of Hawaiki (Stack, 1893). The Waitaha, or
88 the moa hunters, arrived in the 1300s to the South Island (Bassett et al., 2004). They
89 came from the Bay of Plenty and were conquered by the Ngati Mamoe in the 1500s
90 (Stack, 1893). The Ngāi Tahu conquered the former iwi (sub-tribe) a hundred years later
91 and they are still the major tribe of the South Island today (Te Maire Tau, 2012) (Table
92 1).
93 Many tribal conflicts occurred in Banks Peninsula, but the biggest battle was between
94 the Ngāi Tahu and Ngati Toa in the mid 1830s. English Captain John Stewart helped
95 North Island Ngati Toa chief, Te Rauparaha, to capture Ngāi Tahu chief, Te Maiharanui
96 of Takapuneke. John Stewart and Te Rauparaha destroyed the pa (fortified settlement) of
97 Takapuneke in Akaroa. Since the English helped the Maori to kill off other Maori tribes,
98 the Treaty of Waitangi was signed (Te Maire Tau, 2012).
99 METHODOLOGY
100 Literature Review and Interviews
101 An extensive literature review was conducted by reviewing Maori oral traditions
102 collected by late 19th and early 20th century ethnographers, Maori oral traditions dissected
103 by late 20th and early 21st century anthropologists, and scientific articles related to Banks
104 Peninsula’ geology and ecology. Interviews were conducted with Meri from Ōnuku
105 Marae in Akaroa Harbour about the perspective and importance of Maori culture in
106 Banks Peninsula and with Maori Resources Librarian, NekenekeiteRangi Paul to learn
107 how to interpret oral traditions correctly.
108 Interpreting Maori Oral Tradition
109 110 incorrectly. Before the 1980s, there were two approaches: separating “fact” from fiction”
111 and the minimalist method. For the first approach, early European writers completely
112 disregarded symbology and only focused on historical accounts. Since the disciplines of
113 ethnography and anthropology were in their infancy in the late 19th century, they used
114 Maori oral tradition to reflect prevailing colonialists theories of time (Prendergast-
115 Tarena, 2008). Most 19th century ethnographers did not have any formal training and
116 were “amateurs of little formal education” (Ballara, 1998). Even though these
117 ethnographers had a very flawed approach to collecting oral tradition, they should be
118 acknowledged and valued in gathering first hand knowledge, even though the
119 ethnographers would misinterpret and skew the knowledge during collection (Ballara,
120 1998). With the second approach, the minimalist method, it dismissed the historical
121 component of Maori oral tradition and only looked at the symbology (Prendergast-
122 Tarena, 2008). However in the 1980s, these approaches changed because of Te Maori.
123 Te Maori was the first international art exhibition of Maori cultural objects and this
Maori oral tradition was not always taken seriously and was interpreted
124 showcase created recognition of the importance of Maori culture and was taken seriously
125 by scholars (N. Paul, 2013). Afterwards, Maori oral tradition was both seen as symbolic
126 and historical instead of just historical or just symbolic (Prendergast-Tarena, 2008).
127 DISCUSSION
128 How did the Maori Interpret the Geological History of Banks Peninsula’s
129 Volcanism?
130 Maori Oral Tradition: “How the Fire Came to Banks Peninsula”
131 Tamatea and his crew travel around Te Waipounamu (the South Island). They
132 return to Horomako (Banks Peninsula) to rest and warm up from their long adventure, but
133 they realize their fire stopped burning. This sacred fire originated from Hawaiki and was
134 carried by chief Uenuku from the Arai-te-Uru canoe. The Arai-te-Uru canoe overturned
135 near Oamaru, but the crew saved the fire. The place where the fire was saved is called Te
136 Ahi a Uenuku or Uenuke’s Fire (Parsons, 1988).
137 Tamatea calls upon his friend, Ngatoro-i-rangi of the North Island, for help.
138 Ngatoro-i-rangi sends the fire from Hawaiki. The fire follows a route- White Island,
139 Ngauruhoe, and the hot thermal pools towards Banks Peninsula to warm up Tamatea and
140 his crewmembers. Tamatea and his teammates are saved and the eruption of the fire is
141 known as Te Upoko o Kuri (Parsons, 1988).
142 How the Maori Understood the Geological History of Banks Peninsula
143 “How the Fire Came to Banks Peninsula” is significant because the Maori
144 understood that Banks Peninsula had volcanic origins. In the first portion of the oral
145 tradition, the location where the fire was saved, Te Ahi a Uenuku, is composed of lignite
146 (Parsons, 1988). Lignite is brown coal and resembles ordinary wood (Kopp, 2013). By
147 having the Maori know that Te Ahi a Uenuku is lignite is significant the fire was burning
148 wood and lignite resembles wood. Their ancestors’ fire is composed differently from the
149 other rocks around Banks Peninsula. They recognized the sedimentary aspects of Te Ahi
150 a Uenuku and recognized that lignite is not of igneous origins. In the oral tradition’s
151 second part, Te Upoko o Kuri is Witch Hill that is located east of Giant’s Causeway
152 (Parsons, 1988; Andersen, 1927). Giant’s Causeway protrudes from the hilltop just
153 above Rapaki and is a well-known volcanic dike (Andersen, 1927). The Maori named
154 Giant’s Causeway, “The Fire of Tamatea,” because they understood the grey-white rock
155 was of volcanic origins and connected it to a fire source (Cowan, 1923).
156 The Maori of Banks Peninsula were knowledgeable and were able to recognize
157 the peninsula’s volcanic features. This South Island legend connects to the volcanic
158 activity or “internal fires” of the North Island (Cowan, 1923). By recognizing that the
159 North Island and Banks Peninsula both have volcanic features is important because they
160 understood the geological origins of New Zealand. The only difference between an oral
161 tradition interpretation and a scientific interpretation is that the Maori attributed the
162 geological history of Banks Peninsula to their ancestors’ journeys, while geologists
163 attributed the peninsula’s origins to volcanic activity. The result is the volcanic rocks are
164 present in the geological record, but there are different approaches and stories to reach
165 the same conclusion that Banks Peninsula was previously volcanically active.
166 Why Did the Maori Settle in Banks Peninsula?
167 Maori Oral Tradition “Kā Puna Wai Karikari o Rākaihautū- The Springs Excavated by
168 Rākaihautū”
169 The oral tradition, Kā Puna Wai Karikari o Rākaihautū (The Springs Excavated
170 by Rākaihautū), is told by the Te Runanga o Ngāi Tahu representative, David Higgins
171 (“Statement of Evidence of David Higgins,” 1991). Rākaihautū came in the great waka,
172 Uruao, and landed at Whakatū (Nelson). The canoe split into two groups. Rākaihautū
173 explored the South Island interior and his son, Rakihouia, explored its coastline.
174 Rākaihautū carved the biggest lakes using his ko (Polynesian digging stick) named
175 Tūwhakaroria while his son and his son’s wife, Tapuiti, collected food, and named areas
176 of significance related to their food gathering. After exploring the entirety of Te
177 Waipounamu, Rākaihautū and his son had a reunion in South Canterbury where they
178 adorned themselves with shells and greenstone. During this reunion, Tapuiti cooked a
179 hao (small eel). They continued with their festivities and arrived in Banks Peninsula. In
180 Banks Peninsula, Rākaihautū sculpted two more lakes, Te Kete Ika a Rākaihautū (the
181 Fish Basket of Rākaihautū), and Te Pātaka a Rākaihautū- (The Food Storehouse of
182 Rākaihautū). After Rākaihautū finished carving the island, he threw his ko into Mt.
183 Bossu which is the prominent peak in Akaroa Harbour. This peak is known as Tuhiraki
184 (the Digging stick of Rākaihautū) (“Statement of Evidence of David Higgins,” 1991).
185 186 General South Island Pas and the Pas of Banks Peninsula
A pa is a fortified settlement and a “home base for seasonally mobile populations”
187 (Orchiston, 1979). The Maori used every “suitable headland, island, and projection” to
188 construct a pa (Skinner, 1911). There are many facets to these settlements. A well-
189 constructed pa had a view of the coastline to watch for incoming invaders. Entry to the pa
190 was difficult to prevent tribes from entering into their settlement. Pas must have access
191 to easy food and water resources. Food resources could include seafood such as cockles,
192 mussel beds, shark, and eel. The pa had to be located near freshwater springs and have
193 ruas (underground pits) to store vegetables like kumara that needed a cold and dry
194 climate to keep from molding (Skinner, 1911).
195 Banks Peninsula has many sea headlands and inlets. The Banks Peninsula pas are
196 “specialist activities sites” because the Maori had a close proximity to natural resources
197 and could retreat to the pa in times of danger (Orchiston, 1979). The pas of Banks
198 Peninsula were constructed on low, but steep hills, and horticultural sites were cultivated
199 on sheltered slopes (Challis, 1995). The Barkers Bay and Menzies Bay pas are adjacent
200 to the lowland coastal sites and stone alignments. The three pas of Lake Ellesmere have
201 close proximity to flattish well-drained land. Banks Peninsula pas were built because of
202 an increase in population and the result of the local Kaihuanga feud (Orchiston, 1979).
203 Anthropogenic Effects Cause Environmental Change
204 With the moa’s extinction and heavy deforestation from increased activity of
205 deliberate forest fires, there was a change in protein sources from hunting moa to marine
206 fishing, shell fishing, and fowling. Banks Peninsula had extensive river systems and a
207 great resource of shellfish and fish resources and evidence of fishing-related artifacts are
208 plentiful in Canterbury (Challis, 1995). Also two lakes, Te Waihora (Ellesmere) and Te
209 Wairewa (Forsyth), on Banks Peninsula provided food resources, eels and waterfowl, and
210 flax for building equipment (Bassett et al., 2004).
211 After the death of the moa, planting of kumara became essential (Canterbury
212 Museum, 2013). In Banks Peninsula, the climate is wetter and warmer than the
213 Canterbury Plains, which is better for growing kumara. Banks Peninsula was the
214 southernmost location of kumara planting because it was 1.5°C higher and had
215 300mm/year more rainfall than the Canterbury Plains (Bassett et al., 2004). However
216 Challis (1995) writes that kumara cultivation was more favorable during the 13th or 14th
217 century in Horomaka and was small scaled in the early 19th century (Challis, 1995). The
218 tree cropping of ti kouka (the cabbage tree) was more of a prominent agricultural pursuit
219 of the Banks Peninsula Maori than kumara cultivation (Challis 1995).
220 Connecting Oral Traditions and Banks Peninsula’s Landscape
221 In the oral tradition, Kā Puna Wai Karikari o Rākaihautū, Rākaihautū and his son,
222 Rakihouia, first explore the South Island and finally meet in Banks Peninsula. According
223 to another oral tradition, He Korero mo Te Motu Pounamu, there was tribal conflict
224 between the Ngāi Tahu and Ngāti Māmoe. When the tribal conflict ceased, the Ngāi
225 Tahu lived in Banks Peninsula because of the landscape’s abundant food and water
226 resources (Te Maire Tau, 2003). These oral tradition can relate to the Maori’s timeline of
227 acquiring natural resources around the South Island because when the Maori first arrived,
228 they travelled around the South Island acquiring greenstone and food resources, and
229 migrating from tribal conflict (Te Maire Tau, 2003). The Maori settled in Banks
230 Peninsula instead of the South Island due to anthropogenic induced environmental
231 changes like the extinction of the moa and deforestation due to deliberate forest fires.
232 Banks Peninsula had a natural landscape with coastal headlands that were perfect for
233 constructing ideal pas or “specialist activities sites” (Orchiston, 1979). After the
234 extinction of the easy prey, the moa, the Maori could easily obtain protein sources like
235 seals, fish, penguins, and forest birds on coastal Banks Peninsula (Challis, 1995). Banks
236 Peninsula had more food resources to offer the inhabitants and a better climate to grow
237 kumara and the ti kouka or cabbage tree (Challis, 1995). Just like their ancestors, the
238 Maori settled in Banks Peninsula because of its perfect natural landscape to construct pas,
239 its numerous and diversified water and food sources, and a favorable coastal climate that
240 was less extreme than other South Island environments.
241 What Caused the Maori to Move Settlements Around Banks Peninsula?
242 This section focuses on how Maori oral traditions record natural phenomena. The
243 natural phenomena are primarily tsunamis and these natural disasters affected their
244 movement of pa sites and other settlements. This section will differ from the previous
245 two sections as it first discusses the geological and historical evidence surrounding
246 tsunamis of Banks Peninsula, the oral traditions surrounding natural phenomena, and how
247 geological science and oral traditions overlap. It is important to note that this is an
248 interpretative section.
249 Evidence of Tsunamis in Banks Peninsula, New Zealand
250 Banks Peninsula is vulnerable from South American sourced tsunamis because of
251 its long narrow harbors and bays that amplify tsunami waves’ heights. Tsunami wave
252 heights can reach up to 8m based on topography and Banks Peninsula’s inlets (Lane et
253 al., 2012). In 1868, a 9.0 earthquake on the Peru- Chile border caused a trans-Pacific
254 tsunami that trashed the Chatham Islands and caused damage on the eastern coast on New
255 Zealand including Banks Peninsula (de Lange and McSaveney, 2012). Captain Fred D.
256 Gibson recorded the largest wave as 7.5m in Lyttleton Harbour, with wave disturbances
257 for the rest of the day and the wave heights ranged from 4.5m to 5.4m (Gillibrand et al.,
258 2011). The Maori village of Tupuangi village was destroyed and one villager drowned
259 because he was carried out to sea by trying to retrieve an unanchored boat. Since the
260 water swelled through their homes, the Maori and Europeans scrambled for higher
261 ground (de Lange and McSaveney, 2012).
262 Goff and Chagué-Goff (2012) have found information and dates of seven possible
263 paleo-tsunamis by using geological (sedimentology and stratigraphy), chemical analysis,
264 biological, archaeological (sediment layer overlying anthropogenic artifacts),
265 anthropological (oral traditions), geomorphological, and contextual details (Figure 2).
266 For the purpose of this paper, two tsunamis are significant: the 1250 C.E. - 1350 C.E.
267 tsunami and 1604 C.E tsunami are relevant because the Maori inhabited the South Island
268 during these time periods (Goff & Chagué-Goff, 2012).
269 Maori Oral Tradition on Tsunamis: Taniwha, Tuna Troro, and Purau Bay
270 The oral traditions of taniwha, sea monster, are found throughout all of
271 Polynesian. According to some Maori iwi of New Zealand, the taniwha resembles a sea
272 lizard that kills man and can dwell in a cave, live in the sea, or inhabit the underground
273 (Best, 1899). At the end of all taniwha oral traditions, the monster is slayed by the Maori
274 (Best, 2007). Purau Bay of Banks Peninsula has its own taniwha legend. The Ngati
275 Mamoe lived in Purau Bay and had their dominant pa site on Mt. Herbert. Purau Bay
276 was once said to be the home of Tuna Tuoro, a sea monster (Goff & Chagué-Goff 2012;
277 “Purau,” 2012).
278 General Geological Evidence of how Paleo-Tsunamis Overlap with Maori Oral Tradition
279 of Taniwha
280 Goff and Chagué-Goff (2012) present how taniwha can be connected to tsunami
281 natural disasters. From “A Northern Story- The Taniwha of Kaipara,” when the monster
282 gets loose and becomes angry, it kills a multitude of people. It says that the survivors
283 flew in all directions, but the survivors that fled to the sea were pursued by taniwha (Best,
284 2007). If the taniwha is compared to a tsunami event, it is understandable the monster
285 would attack the people who fled to the sea, because if the people fled to higher ground,
286 they would be safe from heightened wave action.
287 Oral Tradition: Pa of Nga-Toko-Ono
288 According to the oral tradition of the Pa of Nga-toko-ono (The Pah of Six), there
289 was a pa on a cliff edge where six chiefs lived located on Goat Point between
290 Fisherman’s and Paua Bay. One day, the six men went fishing and never returned to their
291 pa because they were “blown off the coast of their own land.” Chatham Islanders say
292 that some of their ancestors come from the foot of Te Ahu Patiki, Mount Herbert (Stack,
293 1893).
294 Oral Tradition: Selection of He Korero mo Te Motu Pounamu
295 Tetahi waka hi! Ko te took ono i haxx
A certain fishing boat of six men
296 [haere]
went out
297 Ki te hi Ika e puhia ana i te Hau i
fishing and was blown by the wind.
298 Parakakariki te wahi i hop atu ai ki
They rowed out from the Parakākāriki
299 300 district
Waho he hau e mauru nana i pupuhi
301 302 and it was the Nor’ West wind which
blew.
Kaore i rongona iho. E mahi
303 They were not heard of afterwards. They
went along
304 He arotia ara koi a nga mooriori a
the passage and indeed this is the Moriori
305 Whare Kauri.
of the Chatham Islands.
306 (Te Maire Tau, 2003, pgs. 200 & 206)
307 Discussion between Two Oral Tradition: Pa of Nga-Toko-Ono and Selection of He
308 Korero mo Te Motu Pounamu
309 The Moriori of Chatham Islands say that some of their ancestors come from
310 mainland New Zealand (Howe, 2012) or from Te Ahu Patiki (Mount Herbert) of Banks
311 Peninsula (Stack, 1893; Ogilvie, 1990). The six men arrived at Chatman Island after
312 being blown by a violent windstorm. Could the violent windstorm be a tsunami that
313 carried these six men to the Chatham Islands? According to ocean currents from Banks
314 Peninsula to Chatham Islands, the Southland Current of east coast extends 130km
315 offshore and at Chatham Rise, it moves east to become part of the subtropical gyre
316 (Stevens and Chiswell, 2012) (Figure 3).
317 The intriguing aspect of this oral tradition is that the six men are originally from
318 near Akaroa -Goat Point- (Stack, 1893), but the Chatham Islanders believe that their
319 ancestors come from Mount Herbert, which is located in Lyttelton Harbour (Stack, 1893;
320 Ogilvie, 1990). Even though there are discrepancies in these oral traditions, it is
321 important to note that some Moriori ancestors descend from Banks Peninsula. When
322 rowing a boat far away from Banks Peninsula, the highest peak of Banks Peninsula
323 would be Mount Herbert. Since it is the tallest and easiest landscape feature to spot from
324 offshore, it concludes why the Moriori believe themselves to have some connection to
325 Banks Peninsula.
326 Also, there are some misinterpretations within these two oral traditions. When
327 consulting D.R. Simmons (1976) directed by Te Maire Tau (2003), Te Mathorohanga
328 was the source to Percy Smith’s Lore of the Whare Wananga on the origin of the
329 Chatham Islanders. The group Tini o Taitawaro originally settled the Chatham Islands
330 and also Kahu and Whatonga was said to have landed in the Chathams (Simmons, 1976).
331 These six men did not populate the Chatham Islands by themselves, (some women are
332 necessary for reproduction) but they actually met with previous Moriori who inhabited
333 the Chatham Islands. These six men had relations with the natives and some Moriori are
334 descended from Banks Peninsula. The origins of the Moriori of the Chatham Islanders
335 are from six canoes, not six men (Simmons, 1976).
336 Selection of Pa Sites Based on the Natural Phenomena of Tsunamis
337 Early Maori settlers recognized the surrounding dangers of tsunami based on
338 archaeological evidence (Figure 4). The Maori abandoned low lying sites like Moa Bone
339 Point Cave for Moncks Cave, a higher elevation settlement because of the 1250 C.E. -
340 1350 C.E tsunami (Goff & Chagué-Goff 2012). Historical and prehistorically tsunamis
341 reflect the “notable changes in food resources, abandonment of coastal settlements,
342 movement to safer locations and the subsequent reoccupation of favored sites that all
343 reflect and the direct impact of tectonic activity (Goff & Chagué-Goff, 2012, p. 138).”
344 Due to the 1250-1350 C.E. tsunami, the Maori knew of theses natural disasters
345 impending doom. Even though pas were built on high cliffs to the view of the coastline
346 to watch for incoming invaders (Skinner, 1911), could the pas also be constructed to
347 avoid high tsunami wave action?
348 By regarding pa sites around Banks Peninsula using Brailsford (1981), Challis
349 (1995), and Taylor (1894), this study plot locations of pa sites using Google Earth (Table
350 2). By using these sources and Google Earth, it is recognized that most pa sites were
351 situated on high cliffs on the East Coast of Banks Peninsula (Figure 5). The East Coast
352 of Banks Peninsula is where a tsunami would have the most effect of the Maori
353 inhabitants (Gillibrand et al., 2011; Lane et al., 2012). Pa Island Pa, Te Puke-ki-waitaha
354 of Pa Bay, and Nga Toko Ono Pa of Goat Point are located on high cliffs. Another
355 interesting aspect to this intriguing story is the southwest section pas of Banks Peninsula
356 are mostly built on flat ground. The three pas of the Western end of the Kaitorete Spit
357 and the four pas near Lake Forsyth are located on the Southwest of Banks Peninsula
358 where a tsunami would not target these pas. Another point of interest includes a pa used
359 after the Kai huanga feud of the early 1800s was constructed on an exposed beach of
360 Goughs Bay on the Eastern Coast of Banks Peninsula. This pa would be affected by a
361 tsunami because it is built on low elevation on the Eastern Coast of Banks Peninsula.
362 However, this pa was built quickly and was only a temporary settlement and was
363 abandoned by the early 1840s (Brailsford, 1981). The more elaborate, permanent and
364 well-constructed pas on the eastern coast (Te Puke-ki-waitaha of Pa Bay and Nga Toko
365 Ono Pa of Goat Point) were constructed to be permanent and thus would be built out of
366 the way from a potential tsunami occurrence.
367 Based on correlating historical and geological events, could the oral tradition of
368 the Purau Bay taniwha and Nga Toko Ono Pa link up with the same 1604 C.E. tsunami
369 event? The Purau Bay Pa has low elevation, which could have been the most heavily
370 affected by the tsunami. This could be the main reason why the taniwha lived in Purau
371 Bay because this pa would have been heavily damaged by a tsunami. Given the time
372 constraints on Goff and Chagué-Goff’s (2012) data, the Nga Toko Ono Pa site could have
373 been built after the 1250-1350 C.E. tsunami because on its high sea cliff location. It is
374 important to note that an exact date cannot be pinpointed to these oral traditions, but it is
375 more important to realize that the Banks Peninsula Maori have oral traditions connecting
376 to tsunami events and natural phenomena. Based on their oral traditions and scientific
377 evidence, it is inevitable to realize that another tsunami will hit New Zealand’s eastern
378 coast and should be taken seriously.
379 Future Research
380 Based on all this data collection, aspects for future research could include the
381 linkage between Ngāi Tahu occupation and 1604 tsunami event. The Ngāi Tahu
382 conquered the Ngati Mamoe around mid 1600s in Banks Peninsula (Table 1). Did the
383 Ngāi Tahu move to Banks Peninsula after the 1604 C.E. tsunami to look for more natural
384 resources as well as higher ground to construct pas because of impending tsunami event?
385 If a correlation could be found, then this would be another reason why the Maori settled
386 in Banks Peninsula.
387 CONCLUSIONS
388 The Maori understood the geological and ecological significance of Banks
389 Peninsula. They comprehended the volcanic geology, settled in Banks Peninsula because
390 of its abundant resources, fair-weathered climate, and construable cliffs, and built their pa
391 sites to avoid natural phenomena like tsunamis. Based on the collected Maori oral
392 traditions and scientific data, the Maori had an extensive knowledge and understanding of
393 their environment. Their knowledge should be listened to and accounted for in upcoming
394 scientific research on Banks Peninsula. Also, aborigine knowledge should not be
395 belittled and should be integrated in learning about environments and landscapes around
396 the world. It is important to recognize the benefits of connecting many disciplines to
397 create a well-constructed and well-established story.
398 399 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
400 Gravley, on projects relating to Banks Peninsula. I would like to thank to
401 NekenekeiteRangi Paul for presenting me with oral traditions relating to the geology of
I would to acknowledge the Frontiers Abroad Program coordinator, Dr. Darren
402 Banks Peninsula. I would like to thank my Sue Lovett for introducing us to Meri of the
403 Ōnuku Marae and for Meri presenting us to the wharenui. I would also like to
404 acknowledge my Frontiers Abroad classmate, Shanna Williamson for giving me
405 information on tsunamis around Banks Peninsula and the Goff and Chagué-Goff 2012
406 paper. I would like to extend thanks to Frontiers Abroad student, Ben Chiewphasa for
407 giving information relating to pa sites around Banks Peninsula and for providing
408 comments and edits on my working draft. I would also like to acknowledge Dr. Anekant
409 Wandres, because he printed out pictures of animals for me as I wrote my final draft.
410 Finally, my biggest extend of gratitude goes to Geol 356- Research Methods and Frontier
411 Abroad course coordinator, Dr. Sam Hampton, because he commented on my paper, gave
412 me many ideas and resources on the tsunami last section, and provided me with feedback
413 on my topic.
414 415 REFERENCES CITED
416 417 418 Andersen, J. C. (1927). Place-Names of Banks Peninsula: A Topographical History.
Wellington: W.A.G. Skinner.
Ballara, A. (1998). The Scholars and the Grand Design Iwi- The dynamics of Maori tribal
organisation from c.1769 to c. 1945: Victoria University Press.
419 Bassett, K. N., Gordon, H.W., Nobes, D.C., and Jacomb, C. (2004). Gardening at the
420 edge: Documenting the Limits of Tropical Polynesian Kumara Horticulture in
421 Southern New Zealand. Geoarchaeology: An International Journal, 19(3), 185-
422 218.
423 424 Best, E. (1899). Notes on Maori Mythology. The Journal of Polynesian Society, 8(2(30)),
93-121. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/20701533 .
425 Best, E. (2007). Historical Note: The Taniwha and other Maori Folkloric Creatures.
426 Retrieved from http://www.strangeark.com/bfr/historical/maori-legends.html
427 428 Brailsford, B. (1981). The Tattooed Land: The Southern Frontiers of the Pa Maori.
Wellington, N.Z.: Reed.
429 Canterbury Museum. Visit to the Museum.
430 Challis, A. J. (1995). Ka Pakihi Whakatekateka O Waitaha: The Archaeology of
431 Canterbury in Maori Times (89). Wellington, N.Z.: Head Office, Department of
432 Conservation.
433 434 435 436 437 Cowan, J. (1923). Maori Folk-Tales of the Port Hills: Canterbury, New Zealand.
Christchurch: Whitcombe & Tombs Limited.
de Lange, W., & McSaveney, E. (2012). 'Tsunamis New Zealand’s tsunami history'.
Retrieved from http://www.TeAra.govt.nz/en/tsunamis/page2
Gillibrand, P., Arnold, J., Lane, E., Roulston, H., & Enright, M. (2011). Modeling
438 Coastal Inundation in Canterbury from a South American Tsunami (E.
439 Canterbury, Trans.). Christchurch, N.Z.
440 441 442 Goff, J., & Chagué-Goff, C. (2012). A Review of Palo-tsunamis for the Christchurch
Region, New Zealand. Quaternary Science Review, 57, 136-156.
Hampton, S. (2010). Growth, Structure, and Evolution of the Lyttelton Volcanic Complex
443 Banks Peninsula, New Zealand. Doctor of Philosophy, University of Canterbury,
444 Christchurch, N.Z.
445 446 447 448 Hampton, S. (2012). U3A Geology of Banks Peninsula. In U. o. Canterbury (Ed.).
Christchurch.
Hanson. (2009). Oral Tradition. Retrieved from http://indigenousfoundations.arts.ubc.
ca/home/culture/oral-traditions.html?type=123&filename=Oral Traditions.pdf
449 Howe, K. R. (2012). Ideas of Māori origins - 1880s–1970s: Moriori origins; the Great
450 Fleet. Retrieved from http://www.TeAra.govt.nz/en/artwork/1756/chatham-
451 islands-moriori
452 453 454 Kopp, O. C. (2013). Lignite. Retrieved from http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked
/topic/340825/lignite
Lane, E., Arnold, J., Sykes, J., & Roulston, H. (2012). Modeling Coastal Inundation in
455 Christchurch and Kaiapoi from a South American Tsunami using Topography
456 from After the 2011 February earthquake (E. Canterbury, Trans.).
457 Christchurch,N.Z.
458 McWethy, D. B., Whitlock, C., Wilmshurst, J. M., McGlone, M. S., Fromont, M., Li, X.,
459 . . . Meltzer, D. J. (2010). Rapid landscape transformation in South Island, New
460 Zealand, following initial Polynesian settlement. Proceedings of the National
461 Academy of Sciences of the United States of America, 107(50), 21343-21348. doi:
462 10.2307/25756886
463 (Meri, personal communication, April 28, 2013).
464 (N. Paul, personal communication, March 26, 2013).
465 Ogilvie, G. (1990). Banks Peninsula: Cradle of Canterbury (1 ed.). Christchurch, N.Z:
466 467 468 Phillips & King Publishers.
Oral Traditions. Retrieved from <http://www.indigenousaustralia.info/languages/oraltraditions.html%3E.
469 Orchiston, D. W. (1979). Settlement or Citadel? The Basic Function of the Maori PA in
470 East Coast South Island New Zealand Prehistory and Protohistory. Archaeology
471 & Physical Anthropology in Oceania 14(3), 168-183.
472 Parsons, L. (1988). How Fire Came to Banks Peninsula Te Karanga (Vol. 4, pp. 11-13).
473 Prendergast-Tarena, E. R. (2008). He Autua, He Tipua, He Takata Ranei. The Dynamics
474 of Change in South Island Maori Oral Traditions. . University of Canterbury,
475 Christchurch, N.Z.
476 Purau. (2012) Retrieved from http://christchurchcitylibraries.com/tikoukawhenua/purau/
477 Simmons, D. R. (1976). The Great New Zealand Myth: A Study of the Discovery and
478 479 480 481 482 Origin Traditions of the Maori. Wellington, N.Z.: A. H. & A. W. Reed.
Skinner, W. H. (1911). The Ancient Fortified Pa. The Journal of Polynesian Society,
20(2(78)), 71-77.
Stack, J. W. (1893). Tales of Banks Peninsula Retrieved from https://sites.
google.com/site/marapito/talesofbankspeninsula
483 Statement of Evidence of David Higgins (1991).
484 Stevens, C., & Chiswell, S. (2012). Ocean currents and tides. Retrieved from
485 486 http://www.teara.govt.nz/en/ocean-currents-and-tides/print
Sullivan, L. (2009). Oral Tradtion. The SAGE Glossary of the Social and Behavioral
487 Sciences Retrieved from http://gr2tq4rz9x.search.serialssolutions.com/?ctx_
488 ver=Z39.88-2004&ctx_enc=info%3Aofi%2Fenc%3AUTF-8&rfr_id=info:sid/
489 summon.serialssolutions.com&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:book&rft.genre=
490 bookitem&rft.title=The+SAGE+Glossary+of+the+Social+and+Behavioral+Scien
491 ces&rft.atitle=Oral+Tradition&rft.date=2009-01-01&rft.pub=Sage+Publications
492 &rft.isbn=9781412951432&rft.externalDocID=9757825
493 494 495 496 497 498 499 500 Taylor, W. A. (Cartographer). (1894). Maori Place Names of Banks Peninsula. Retrieved
from http://christchurchcitylibraries.com/Heritage/Maps/148140.asp
Te Maire Tau, R. (2003). Ngā Pikitūroa o Ngāi Tahu- The Oral Traditions of Ngāi Tahu.
Dunedin, N.Z.: University of Otago Press.
Te Maire Tau, R. (2012). Ngāi Tahu. Retrieved from http://teara.govt.nz/en/ngaitahu/print
White, M. L. (1998). Importance of the Oral Tradition. Retrieved from <http://www.
pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/religion/story/oral.html%3E.
501 FIGURES
502 503 Figure Captions
Figure 1. Banks Peninsula, Zealand is the study area. (Hampton, 2010, Figure 1.1).
504 505 506 507 Figure 2. For geological evidence, there are four buried organic layer/sand couplets in
Okains Bay relating to four separate tsunami events- the 1868 C.E. and three disputed
dates for paleo-tsunamis (Goff & Chagué-Goff, 2012, Figure 3a). For the purpose of this
study, the 1250 C.E.- 1350 C.E. tsunami and 1604 C.E. tsunami are taken into account.
508 509 510 511 Figure 3. The Southland Current of New Zealand’s South Island east coast lengthens
130km offshore. This ocean current includes Banks Peninsula and extends to the
Chatham Islands. At the Chatham Rise, the current moves east to become part of the
subtropical gyre (Stevens & Chiswell, 2012, Ocean currents around New Zealand).
512 513 514 Figure 4. This figure represents Moa Bone Point Cave. After the 1250 C.E. – 1350 C.E.
tsunami, the Maori abandoned the low elevation cave for higher elevation settlements,
Moncks Cave (Goff & Chagué-Goff, 2012, Figure 3b).
515 516 517 518 519 520 521 522 523 524 Figure 5. This figure is adopted from Challis (1995), Figure 20, and indicates all known
pa sites on Banks Peninsula. Most of the pa sites on the eastern coast are built on high,
steep cliffs to be protected from invading tribes and tsunami waves (Pa of Nga Toko Ono,
Pa Island Pa, Te Puke-ki-waitaha, Para-kakariki, Old Pa by Kokohina, and Pae Karoro
Pa). However two pas (Okaruru Pa and Panau Pa) on the eastern coast were built on low
elevation and would be affected. The pas in Lyttelton Harbour (Ripapa Pa and Purau
Bay) are built on low elevation and would be affected by tsunamis. However the Kaitara
Pa of Port Levy was built on cliffs and would be safe from tsunami action. The pas on
the southwest side of Banks Peninsula, locations including Birdlings Valley and the
Western End of Kaitorete Spit could be built on flat low-lying land because they would
525 526 527 not be affected by tsunamis. For more information on these pa sites, please refer to Table
2.
TABLES
Iwi
(Tribe)
Origins
Waitaha
Hawaiki
Ngati
Mamoe
Hawaiki
Ngāi
Tahu
Pa
Ripapa
Island Pa
Pa Island
Pa
Te Pukeki-waitaha
Site
Ripapa
Island
Pa
Island
Pa Bay
Table 1- Iwis of the South Island
Place First
Arrived
Canoe
Travels
From Bay of
Plenty to
Maketu
Arawa
South Island
Poverty Bay;
From Poverty
East Coast of
Bay to South
North Island
Tokomaru
Island
Taki Timu;
Kura
East Coast
Haupo;
Tribe
Mata Horua
Parakakariki
Goat
Point
Long
Bay's
South
Ngati Mamoe
in 1577
Ngāi Tahu
(100 years
later)
Table 2- Pa Sites Around Banks Peninsula
Latitude
Tsunami
References
Longitude
Date
Exposure
Cited
Yes- Island in
43°37'11.59"S
Lyttelton
Challis 1995:
Harbour; low 109
172°45'15.90"E
elevation
Taylor 1894
Brailsford
1981: 172No- steep
173
43°41'44.18"S
cliffs 40m
Challis 1995:
1820a.sl. on east
109
173°06'18.30"E 1830 (?) BP
Taylor 1894
Brailsford
1981: 172173
43°41'49.35"S
No- High
Challis 1995:
1820elevation,
109
173°06'08.80"E 1830 (?) East BP
Taylor 1894
43°49'52.30"S
Pa of Nga
Toko Ono
Conquered
by:
173°05'59.44"E
43°51'7.82"S
173° 4'40.52"E
Late
1400s to
Late
1500s
No- steep
cliffs 150m
a.sl. on east
BP
No- High
cliffs on East
BP
Brailsford
1981: 156
Challis 1995:
110
Stack 1893
Brailsford
1981: 150
Taylor 1894
Notes
Last
occupie
d site on
BP
Associat
ed with
Pa
Island
Ngati
Mamoe
Pa;
Associat
ed Oral
Traditio
n
Very old
pa site
Side
Onawe Pa
Onawe
Peninsul
a
No- 40m a.s.l
Brailsford
1981: 186
Challis 1995:
110
Taylor 1894
Challis 1995:
109
Brailsford
1981: 174175
Yes- Low
Elevation in
Lyttelton
Harbour
Goff and
Chagué-Goff
2012 Taylor
1894
No- East BP
on high cliffs
Taylor 1894
No- SW BP
Taylor 1894
43°46'02.60"S
172°55'32.68"E
1800s
No- Akaroa
Harbour
43°38'08.03"S
Kaitara Pa
Port
Levy
172°48'22.24"E
43°38'19.84"S
172°44'55.91"E
Purau
Bay
Kokohin
a (Blind 43°37'06.89"S
Old Pa by Bay, Big
Kokohina Bay)
172°53'30.35"E
43°48'34.54"S
Birdling
Te Puia Pa s Valley 172°41'44.83"E
SE of
Lake
Waikakahi EllesPa/
mere,
43°48'02.10"S
Birdlings
Birdling
Pa
s Valley 172°40'35.47"E
Purau Bay
Pa
43°48'29.46"S
Okaruru
Pa
Te Mata
Hapuka
Goughs
Bay
Birdling
s Flat,
Lake
Forsyth
173°05'41.25"E
Early
1800s
No- SW BP
Andersen
1927
Challis 1995
Yes- Low
Elevation on
East BP
Brailsford
1981: 164
Challis 1995:
110
Taylor 1894
No- SW BP
Challis 1995:
110
Taylor 1894
43°49'13.03"S
172°42'30.00"E
Old,
worndown
Old Pa;
Oral
Traditio
n of
Taniwha
1.25
southeas
t of
Motumo
tuao
Lagoon
Exposed
Beach
Front
with no
natural
defenses
Built
after Kai
huanga
feud
Oruaka Pa
Overloo
k of
Lake
Forsyth
43°49'19.80"S
172°42'48.73"E
43°52'48.17"S
Pae
Karoro Pa
Flea Bay 173°00'43.00"E
1800s
No- SW BP
No- steep
cliffs 30m
a.sl. on east
BP
Yes- East PB
with village
on beach
front, but pa
on cliffs
Brailsford
1981: 160161
Challis 1995:
110
Taylor 1894
Brailsford
1981: 176
Challis 1995:
110
Brailsford
1981: 162163
Challis 1995:
109
Taylor 1894
Occupat
Long
43°38'59.79"S
ion since
Lookout
1400s to
Waitaha
Panau Pa
Point
173°02'22.46"E 1820s
iwi
Western
Orariki,
End of
Challis 1995; Unable
Taumutu
Kaitoret
Brailsford
to locate
Pa
e Spit
No- SW BP
1981
GPS
Western
End of
Unable
Te Pa a
Kaitoret
to locate
Moki
e Spit
No- SW BP
Challis 1995 GPS
Western
End of
Lost to
Kaitoret
lake
Pa Hakitai e Spit
No- SW BP
Challis 1995 changes
Western
Unable
Bay on
to find
Ngutu Piri Akaroa
No- SW BP
Challis 1995 location
528 Table Captions
529 Table 1. This table describes the three iwis of the South Island and their arrival to Banks
530 Peninsula (Stack, 1893).
531 532 533 534 535 536 537 538 Table 2. This table describes the pa, its location, its latitude and longitude, its time of
occupation, if it would be exposed to a tsunami event, and additional information.
Latitude and longitude coordinates are based on relative locations of pa sites plotted in
Google Earth. There is not enough data on occupation dates. Tsunami exposure was
determined by Taylor (1894)’s Maori Place Names of Banks Peninsula Map, projected
points using Google Earth, archeological evidence from Brailsford (1981) and scientific
data from Challis (1995). There are probably more pa sites to be found on Banks
Peninsula. Refer to Figure 5 for some pas locations around Banks Peninsula.