Faculteit Letteren & Wijsbegeerte Elise Vanderlinden Language Variation across Varieties of English: A Corpus-based Exploration into the Use of Regularised Irregular Verbs Masterproef voorgedragen tot het behalen van de graad van Master in het Vertalen 2014 Promotor Prof. Dr. Bernard De Clerck Vakgroep Vertalen Tolken Communicatie ABSTRACT The purpose of this dissertation is to examine to ongoing trends of regularisation of irregular verbs in World Englishes. It does by singling out the -t/-ed (e.g. burnt vs. burned) variation in preterite forms in a selection of twelve verbs in four varieties of postcolonial English: Philippine English, Malaysian English, Singapore English and Hong Kong English. First, a benchmark of comparison will be established by studying these verbs in two inner circle varieties of English, British and American English on the basis of which the attested patterns in the World Englishes will be characterised. Secondly, the study will also look into cross- and intra-varietal parallels and differences and examine the impact of colonisation history (using Schneider’s Dynamic model), frequency on the behaviour of both verbs and varieties. The results show a complex picture in which no clear correspondences could be attested between the listed variables and the attested trends. They do show, however, that regularisation (or the lack of it) seems to be more verb-related and less variety-related (as often stated in the literature), as fairly similar preferences can be attested across varieties for some of these verbs. The data used for this study was taken from the 1.9 billion corpus of Global World Englishes (GloWbe). ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank some people without whom the present dissertation would not have been possible. First of all, I would like to thank my supervisor, Prof. Dr. Bernard De Clerck, for his irresistible enthusiasm regarding the subject of this dissertation, and of course for his invaluable help during the writing process. I am also grateful to my family and friends, not only for supporting me during this final year at University, but especially for encouraging me throughout my entire time at Uni. Last but not least, many thanks are due to Tine Gheldof, Dries Ledoux, Jonas Lefevere, Evelien Vindevoghel and Sofie Raes. They have, each in their own way, helped me so much with my dissertation. 7 TABLE OF CONTENTS Table of contents ......................................................................................................................... 7 List of figures, tables and abbreviations ....................................................................................... 9 1 Introduction .............................................................................................................. 11 1.1 Scope and objectives ................................................................................................ 11 1.2 Overview of dissertation ........................................................................................... 12 2 Theoretical framework ............................................................................................. 13 2.1 Varieties of English .................................................................................................. 13 2.1.1 World Englishes ............................................................................................ 13 2.1.2 The classification of world Englishes ............................................................ 14 2.2 Language variation and change: the regularisation of irregular verbs ........................ 17 2.2.1 General observations ..................................................................................... 17 2.2.2 British vs. American English ......................................................................... 18 2.2.3 World Englishes: a case study ....................................................................... 20 2.3 Hypotheses ............................................................................................................... 21 3 Data and methods ..................................................................................................... 22 3.1 Glowbe: Corpus of Global Web-Based English ........................................................ 22 3.2 Data selection ........................................................................................................... 23 3.3 Methodology ............................................................................................................ 25 4 Comparative analysis................................................................................................ 25 4.1 General observations ................................................................................................ 25 4.1.1 Regularisation across varieties ...................................................................... 25 4.1.2 Regularisation across verbs ........................................................................... 27 4.2 In-depth analysis ...................................................................................................... 28 5 Accounting for the data ............................................................................................ 36 5.1 Accounting for variation between the varieties ......................................................... 36 5.1.1 Schneider’s (2007) Dynamic Model .............................................................. 36 5.1.1.1 Introduction ............................................................................................. 36 5.1.1.2 The Dynamic Model ................................................................................ 37 5.1.1.3 Position of the selected varieties on the Dynamic Model ......................... 39 a The Philippines ..................................................................................... 39 b Malaysia ............................................................................................... 40 c Singapore.............................................................................................. 42 d Hong Kong ........................................................................................... 43 5.1.2 Phases and verbal behaviour compared ................................................................. 44 5.2 Accounting for internal variation .............................................................................. 47 6 Conclusion ............................................................................................................... 50 8 References ................................................................................................................................. 53 Appendix I ................................................................................................................................ 55 Appendix II ............................................................................................................................... 59 9 LIST OF FIGURES, TABLES AND ABBREVIATIONS LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1 Figure 2 Figure 3 Kachru's concentric circle model ......................................................................... 15 Strevens’s tree diagram of the way English has spread, showing the influence of the two main branches, i.e. British and American English ................................... 16 McArthur's circle of World English .................................................................... 23 LIST OF TABLES Table 1 Table 2 Table 3 Table 4 Table 5 Table 6 Table 7 Table 8 Table 9 Table 10 General overview -t/-ed proportion across the varieties in decreasing -ed preference ........................................................................................................... 25 Figures for the chi-square test on the general overview for all varieties ............... 26 Figures for the chi-square test per variety ............................................................ 26 General overview -t/-ed proportion across 12 verbs in order of decreasing -ed preference ........................................................................................................... 27 Figures for the chi-square test per verb................................................................ 28 -t/-ed proportion of the 12 verbs across the varieties ........................................... 29 Number of verbs per variety preferring -ed and preferring -ed with 75% or more....................................................................................................................31 -t/-ed proportion of the 12 verbs across the varieties shadowing the verbs for which the results were not significant.................................................................. 34 Schematic representation of the reached stages of the varieties with their -ed preference ........................................................................................................... 45 Order of frequency compared with the order of -t preference .............................. 48 Appendix I: Absolute figures from GloWbe Table 11 Table 12 Table 13 Table 14 Table 15: Table 16 Table 17 Table 18 Table 19 General overview -t/-ed variation across the varieties.......................................... 56 General overview -t/-ed variation across 12 verbs ............................................... 56 Overview -t/-ed variation across the varieties and verbs ...................................... 57 -t/-ed variation in BrE across 12 verbs ................................................................ 57 -t/-ed variation in AmE across 12 verbs .............................................................. 57 -t/-ed variation in PhE across 12 verbs ................................................................ 58 -t/-ed variation in MyE across 12 verbs ............................................................... 58 -t/-ed variation in SgE across 12 verbs ................................................................ 58 -t/-ed variation in HKE across 12 verbs ............................................................... 59 10 Appendix II: Chi-square test per variety per verb Table 20 Table 21 Table 22 Table 23 Table 24 Table 25 Chi-square test on 12 verbs in BrE ...................................................................... 60 Chi-square test on 12 verbs in AmE .................................................................... 61 Chi-square test on 12 verbs in PhE ...................................................................... 61 Chi-square test on 12 verbs in MyE .................................................................... 62 Chi-square test on 12 verbs in SgE ...................................................................... 62 Chi-square test on 12 verbs in HKE .................................................................... 63 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ENL ESL EFL IE BrE AmE PhE MyE SgE HKE GloWbe PCE English as a native language English as a second language English as a foreign language Indian English British English American English Philippine English Malaysian English Singapore English Hong Kong English Corpus of Global Web-based English Postcolonial English 11 1 INTRODUCTION 1.1 SCOPE AND OBJECTIVES Due to regularisation processes the number of irregular verbs is gradually decreasing (Lieberman et al., 2007). One of the obvious signs of these regularisation processes is that many irregular verbs now also have a regular variant. Verbs that end in the irregular -t in the preterite and in the past participle, often have a regular variant ending in -ed as well (Biber, 1999). For instance, burn allows for both the -t and the -ed ending in the preterite and in the past participle. Research has shown that British English prefers the irregular -t ending, while American English has a preference for the regular -ed ending (Tottie, 2002; Biber, 1999). Although British and American English are undeniably the two most important national varieties of English, it is clear that, today there is no longer just one English language (Bhatt, 2001). At present, there are about 75 territories where English is spoken as a first language or as an unofficial second language in fields such as education and government (Crystal, 2003). The question then arises as to how the phenomenon of regularisation manifests itself in other varieties. The present dissertation therefore aims to research the regularisation of irregular verbs in a selection of English varieties situated in Kachru’s Outer Circle (see section 2.1). The varieties from the Outer Circle that have been selected for this dissertation comprise Philippine English, Malaysian English, Singapore English and Hong Kong English. This dissertation also aims to research what stance these varieties take on this subject in comparison with British English and American English. I will examine the regularisation of irregular verbs in these six varieties through a comparative analysis with a selection of twelve verbs. Furthermore, an attempt will be made to account for the obtained results. The present dissertation will primarily probe into the field of language variation and change through a synchronic study, and will focus on the following research questions: Q1 To what extent do irregular verbs with strong -t forms resort to the regularised -ed form? Q2 How does this phenomenon manifest itself in British English and American English? 12 Q3 How does it manifest itself in Philippine English, Malaysian English, Singapore English and Hong Kong English? Q4 How do these varieties differ from one another? Q5 Is there internal variation? Q6 How can this variation be accounted for? 1.2 OVERVIEW OF DISSERTATION In Chapter 2 a theoretical framework will be provided. First, I will examine the origins of the notion World Englishes. The classification of World Englishes will be examined as well and how this is relevant to the present dissertation. Then I will move on to the regularisation of irregular verbs. It will be examined how this linguistic phenomenon fits into the wider research area of language variation and change, and how it manifests itself in the two major national varieties, i.e. British English and American English. Furthermore, the situation in Indian English will be examined through a case study. This section will be concluded with a number of hypotheses based on the systematic review. Chapter 3 will describe the adopted data and methodology, and Chapter 4 provides a comparative study observing the -t/-ed variation across the selected varieties and the selected verbs, using the GloWbe corpus (see section 3.1). In Chapter 5 an attempt will be made to account for any variation. I will try to explain observed variation between the varieties through Schneider’s (2007) Dynamic Model, and observed internal variation through the impact of frequency. The final chapter encompasses the conclusion and will provide a summary of this dissertation, as well suggestions for future work. 13 2 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 2.1 VARIETIES OF ENGLISH 2.1.1 World Englishes In the past decades, a general acknowledgement has arisen among scholars that there is no longer just one English language. Today, a considerable number of varieties of English are used in diverse sociolinguistic contexts. This phenomenon has been captured under the term World Englishes (Bhatt, 2001). The plural Englishes is used to emphasise the diversity which this language displays today, as well as the fact that English no longer has one standardising norm. Another term for World Englishes is New Englishes, although both terms are characterised by certain limitations. Indeed, World Englishes might be over-general, while the term New Englishes is not quite correct; some of these New Englishes are actually older than Australian English, for instance, which is not considered a New English (Mesthrie and Bhatt, 2008). Jenkins (2003) divides the Englishes into two groups (British English is excluded here): the first resulting from the first diaspora, and the second resulting from the second diaspora. The first group consists of the United States, Canada, Australia, New Zealand and South Africa. English is spoken as a mother tongue in this group. The second group acquired English through schooling; the indigenous population learnt it as a second language. These countries include amongst others India, the Philippines, Nigeria and Singapore. During the first diaspora, English was brought to new territories by native speakers and was imposed as the sole official language. During the second diaspora, the natives introduced English as a co-official language (Bhatt, 2001). The term World Englishes generally concerns the varieties that have emerged during the second diaspora. Jenkins (2003) refers to features all World Englishes share, formulated originally in Platt et al. (1984: 2-3): (i) it was acquired by the natives through schooling; (ii) the language mostly spoken by the natives was not a native variety of English; (iii) it is used for a variety of functions by the natives who speak or write it in the region; (iv) by adopting some linguistic aspects of their own language, it has become nativised. 14 Originally, English in Asia and Africa was only spoken by the colonisers form Britain and North America. The colonisers set up schools in the newly acquired territories to teach the indigenous people English. After a while, the indigenous people who had mastered English began to teach their compatriots, instead of the native English speaking colonisers. This English was unavoidably different from that of their native speaking teachers. As a result, World Englishes emerged as variety of English developing their own character (Jenkins, 2003). 2.1.2 The classification of World Englishes Since English has expanded into a language spoken all over the world, it is difficult to establish a single solid standard on the basis of one of the varieties of English. Nevertheless, such a distinct and unambiguous standard does seem to be the purpose in the models of English as a world language (Hundt, 2001). The models are classifications used to arrange all the existing varieties of English according to what extent they are operated in different countries (Kirkpatrick, 2007). Most classifications make a basic distinction between English as a native language (ENL), English as a second language (ESL) and English as a foreign language (EFL), on the basis of which further distinctions are made. ENL is spoken in countries where the majority of the population speak English as a native language, such as the United Kingdom and the United States. ESL is spoken in countries where English is an important and often co-official language, but not the main language. These countries are often ex-colonies of the UK or the US, such as India, Hong Kong and Malaysia. Lastly, EFL appears in countries where English is usually not spoken in everyday life. It is taught at school, however. Examples of countries where EFL is spoken include China and Japan as well as most European countries (Kirkpatrick, 2007). However, the most influential classification in which these distinctions are conceptualised is the concentric three circles model by Kachru (see Figure 1). The Inner Circle refers to the “traditional bases of English” (Crystal, 2003: 60). The Outer Circle encompasses those countries where English plays an important role in the chief institutions of the country and is often spoken as a second language. The Expanding Circle includes those countries that acknowledge the importance of English as an international language, but have not been colonised by countries of the Inner Circle, nor do they grant English a special status (ibid.). Kirkpatrick (2007) asserts that 15 Kachru’s model has two major advantages. In the first place, he states that Kachru’s model “makes English plural so that one English becomes many Englishes1” (Kirkpatrick, 2007: 28). Secondly, he praises the model because it does not suggest that one variety is linguistically better than another. Figure 1: Kachru's concentric circle model In addition, the oldest model displaying the spread of English is that of Strevens (see Figure 2) (Jenkins, 2003). Strevens (1980) argues that another observation can be made regarding the varieties where English is spoken as a second language, in other words regarding the varieties in Kachru’s Outer Circle, i.e. whether a variety is oriented towards British English or American English. He argues that a variety where English is spoken as a second language “is certain to belong to one branch of the family or the other” (Strevens, 1980: 17). Based on this assumption, he created a model which is actually a map of the world displaying an upside-down tree diagram showing the way in which some varieties stem from linguistic contact with Britain, and the others from linguistic contact with the US (Jenkins, 2003 and Strevens, 1980). 1 Bold font was used by the original author. 16 Figure 2: Strevens’s tree diagram of the way English has spread, showing the influence of the two main branches, i.e. British and American English. The English varieties situated in Kachru’s Outer Circle selected for this dissertation comprise Philippine English (PhE), Malaysian English (MyE), Singapore English (SgE) and Hong Kong English (HKE). According to Strevens’s world map of English, PhE is oriented towards AmE. MyE, SgE and HKE are oriented towards BrE. However, as Jenkins (2003) states, the World Englishes are varieties of English displaying their own linguistic particularities. Lanssens (2013), for instance, researched the spelling diversity of World Englishes using ICE data. Proportions of purported British and American spelling were attested concerning the -ize/-ise, -isation/-ization, our/-or, -re/-er and -oes/-os endings in Indian English, Hong Kong English, Tanzanian English and Jamaican English. The study revealed that HKE, for instance, did not show a clear preference for either spelling variant. The study further revealed that there is both variation between the varieties and internal variation. In this study, I will research to what extent the verbs in the selected World Englishes are subject to regularisation. More specifically, I will examine whether the selected World English varieties prefer the irregular -t ending in the preterite (which is assumed to be more typical of BrE; see section 2.2) or the regular -ed ending (which is assumed to be more typical of AmE; see section 2.2 as well) in verbs that allow for both endings. In addition, I will also examine the position that they assume towards BrE and AmE. First, however, I will highlight the features of regularisation of irregular verbs that are most relevant to this dissertation through a concise systematic review, followed by a case study. 17 2.2 LANGUAGE VARIATION AND CHANGE: THE REGULARISATION OF IRREGULAR VERBS 2.2.1 General observations Language variation is the variable use of forms of a language; i.e. in this study the variable use of the -t or -ed ending in the preterite of different varieties of English (Swann, Deumert et al., 2004). Language change refers to the fact that all natural languages are in a constant state of flux on every linguistic level; I will examine the changing preference of an irregular verb for the regular ed ending over the irregular -t ending, i.e. the regularisation of irregular verbs (Swann, Deumert et al., 2004). The regularisation of irregular verbs is the process of gradual decrease of some particular grammatical rules. Verbs that are conjugated in accordance with the standard rules of the native language are called regular verbs (Lieberman et al., 2007). In Modern English, the preterite and the past participle of regular lexical verbs are formed by adding the suffix -ed to the stem. This rule does not apply, however, to irregular verbs. (Biber et al., 1999). Irregular verbs obey exceptional rules, or sometimes no rules at (Lieberman et al., 2007). Regular and irregular verbs are identical regarding their morphology for -(e)s forms and -ing forms, but they differ in the formation of the preterite and the past participle. There are many irregular variants, however, that have a regular variant as well. The verb burn, for instance, allows for both burnt and burned in the preterite and in the past participle. If this is the case, there is usually a clear preference for one alternative or the other (Biber et al., 1999). This will be further discussed in the following section. The possible reasons for regularisation are multiple. One reason for regularisation could be found in the combination of “laziness” and imitation (Mencken, 2009: 277). It might appear rather paradoxical that laziness could account for change, while this is tantamount to the wish to take well-worn paths rather than inventing something new. However, Kroch (2001: 700) states that language change is inevitably “a failure in the transmission across time of linguistic features”. This basically means that adult native speakers of a language replace a particular linguistic feature by another feature for some reason, which is the case when newly coined terms replace old ones. However, the situation is somewhat different for syntactic features: syntactic language 18 change seems to be the result of hiccups in language acquisition. The reason for these hiccups must be sought either in some change in the character of the attainable evidence to the learners or in some change in the learners themselves (Kroch, 2001). In addition, research has shown that high-frequency patterns are learnt more easily than low-frequency irregular patterns (Seidenberg and McClelland, 1989 cited in Hare and Elman, 1995). In other words: it is possible that at some point, the transfer of the past tense of a particular irregular verb to a learner has gone awry for some reason. As a result, the learner resorts to what he already knows and forms the past tense of the verb in analogy to the better known, regular verbs. Regularisation is, after all, inherently a form of simplification; in other words, it makes the language less complicated (Mencken, 2009). I will now turn to the situation in the two main varieties of English: British English and American English. 2.2.2 British vs. American English On the phonological, lexical and pragmatic level, the British-American differences have been widely observed and described, while the grammatical differences have been pushed to one side. Possible reasons for this are the insufficient amount of data for a contrastive study and the view that there are hardly any grammatical differences to describe at all (Rhodenburg and Schlüter, 2009). In theory, three types of grammatical variation between national varieties can be distinguished (Hundt, 2001): (i) absolute differences in basic rules; (ii) statistical tendencies (structures used more or less in a particular variety); (iii) authentic national collocations or idioms. The last type rarely occurs and there has never even been an actual example of the first type. It is the second type that accounts for the major part of grammatical variation and it is this type that is also of interest for the present dissertation (ibid.). I will particularly discuss the morphological variation by looking into the -t/-ed variation in the preterite. As mentioned in the previous section, some verbs that are irregular in the past tense, allow for the regular variant as well; and when they do, there is usually a preference for either one ending or the other (Biber et al., 1999). It has been observed that BrE has a preference for the irregular -t 19 ending, while AmE displays a clear preference for the regular -ed ending (Tottie, 2002)2. Linguists researching this field do not always agree about the extent to which the irregular forms are used in these two varieties, but most scholars agree that AmE is far more advanced in the regularisation of irregular verbs than BrE. As AmE initiates many grammatical changes, it might be expected that BrE will follow the American example and will display an increased use of the -ed form in the future3 (Levin, 2009). Moreover, the expected trend is towards an increased use of the regular -ed ending, and it could therefore be expected that AmE will be more advanced than BrE in this respect (Biber et al., 1999). Research has also shown that there is variation in both varieties, but that AmE displays much less variation than BrE. The expected trend for BrE is that it will hold on to its irregulars, as the irregular form is deeply embedded in this variety (Levin, 2009). However, it would be erroneous to assume that BrE has never embraced the regular past form for its irregular verbs. Diachronic research has shown that the regularisation process was already well in operation in BrE before it spread to AmE, but in the second half of the twentieth century the irregular forms gained popularity once more in BrE. The current British preference for the irregular past forms may be due a conservative strategy implying that the regular forms are morphological Americanisms and therefore to be avoided. In any event, although AmE was initially lagging behind in the ongoing process of regularisation, it is now without doubt in the lead regarding the regularisation of irregular verbs in the preterite and past participle (Hundt, 2009). In the following section, I will examine a case study displaying the situation in Indian English (IE), as IE is also a variety located in Kachru’s Outer Circle. 2 It is noteworthy, however, to remark that the differences between British and American grammar are rarely categorical. After all, both speakers generally use the same grammar; it is the variation between the varieties in the use of the rules that is of interest (Tottie, 2009). 3 Caution must be exercised when putting forward such an assumption, since there are also preserving forces at work. Indeed, the different past endings represent a different function: the irregular form is used more frequently “with punctual action, in the past participle, in the passive and in adjectival uses”. Therefore, these specific functions ascertain that the irregular past form is not (yet) discarded (Levin, 2009: 82). 20 2.2.3 World Englishes: a case study In De Clerck and Van Opstal (2014) it was examined whether IE is also subject to the forces of regularisation and, if so, to what extent. The study attempts to account for internal variation exploring the impact of frequency and vowel change. Thirteen verbs were selected, i.e. burn, dream, dwell, kneel, lean, leap, learn, light, smell, speed, spell, spill and spoil, and it was examined to what extent these verbs prefer the regular -ed or the irregular -t ending in IE with respect to BrE and AmE. For the synchronic analysis, data from the GloWbe (see section 3.1) corpus was extracted. It was apparent from this research that all three varieties prefer the regular -ed ending, but that there seems to be a difference concerning the preterite and the past participle: the -ed forms are first established in the preterite and then in the past participle. This process also evolves at a different pace in AmE, BrE and IE. Furthermore, most verbs prefer the -ed ending, but some verbs display a clear preference for the -t ending. It was also observed that AmE clearly displays the most pronounced preferences. In BrE, fewer verbs displaying a clear preference could be distinguished. In general, the verbs that show a strong preference for the -t ending in BrE are the same verbs that show a strong preference for the -t ending in AmE, except for leap. IE shows both analogies and differences in this respect. Only six verbs show a strong preference for either the -t or -ed ending, which is the same as in BrE and unlike AmE. The verbs displaying a clear preference for the -t ending are again dwell, kneel, speed and light, but unlike BrE, spill and lean show a strong preference for the -ed ending. IE also displays an exception when compared with BrE and AmE: IE displays a central tendency (45% up to 55%) for the -t ending in dream. Spoil, on the other hand, displays a stronger preference for the -ed ending than it does in BrE. In conclusion, some of the general trends reappear in IE, such as the resolute preference for the -t ending that some verbs display and the milder preference for the -ed ending like in BrE, but unlike AmE. However, exceptions have been observed too, like the preference of dream for the -t ending, which is unlike BrE and AmE, and the preference of spoil for the -ed ending like AmE, and unlike BrE. In addition, no link was established between the frequency and the preference for the -t ending. However, vowel change could possibly account for the internal variation, as the data showed that 21 there is indeed a tendency towards a stronger preference for the -t ending in verbs with vowel change, although it should be noted that this is not more than a trend (De Clerck and Van Opstal, 2014). 2.3 HYPOTHESES On the basis of this systematic review, four hypotheses were formulated regarding the expected outcome of the comparative study of selected varieties PhE, MyE, SgE and HKE. H1 Regularisation of irregular verbs ending in -t in the preterite and the participle form has been observed in both BrE and AmE (Biber, 1999; Tottie, 2002; Levin, 2009). Regularisation will therefore also be observed in the past tense for this type of verbs in PhE, MyE, SgE and HKE, as these varieties originate from BrE and AmE. H2 Variation between the varieties will be observed. In addition, it is expected that the results from MyE, SgE and HKE will be relatively comparable to the results from BrE, as these varieties have British roots according to Strevens’s Map. It is expected that the results from PhE will be relatively comparable to those of AmE, as PhE has American roots according to Strevens’s map. H3 Internal variation will be observed in the selected varieties, as it has been observed in IE in De Clerck and Van Opstal (2014) and in Levin (2009). H4 The selected verbs will behave in a similar way across the different varieties, as it has also been observed in De Clerck and Van Opstal (2014) and in Levin (2009). 22 3 DATA AND METHODS 3.1 GLOWBE: CORPUS OF GLOBAL WEB-BASED ENGLISH The data used for this study was retrieved from the Corpus of Global Web-Based English (GloWbe). The Corpus was created by Mark Davies of Brigham Young University, situated in Provo, Utah, USA, and was released in 2013. It is composed of 1.9 billion words from 1.8 billion web pages extracted from 340, 000 websites in 20 English-speaking countries. With its 1.9 billion words of text, the GloWbe Corpus is more than four times larger than the COCA Corpus (Corpus of Contemporary American English), and nearly twenty times larger than the BNC (British National Corpus). The size is therefore an advantage for this research, since it offers a richness that the other corpora could not have provided (Davies, 2013). However, quantity does not necessarily mean quality. GlowBe data is representative for web data, but this does not necessarily mean that it is representative for the varieties. However, the real strength of this corpus is the possibility to provide data on differences between varieties of English, as it contains data of 20 different English-speaking countries4. In this way, it is possible to compare the frequency of a word, phrase or grammatical construction, which makes it suited for this study. Kirkpatrick (2007: 133) describes the major advantage of researches using large corpora containing different varieties of the language in question: “[…] as it allows researchers to analyse the use of specific features across a wide range of varieties of English and allows researchers to identify which features are shared across several varieties and which may be specific to just one”. One last advantage of GloWbe is the material of which the data is constituted, i.e. web pages. These reflect the current linguistic situation in the varieties rather well, as web pages are a very agile and current genre, and therefore likely to quickly adopt any changes. 4 At present, following countries are included: the United States, Canada, Great Britain, Ireland, Australia, New Zealand, India, Sri Lanka, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Singapore, Malaysia, Philippines, Hong Kong, South Africa, Nigeria, Ghana, Kenia, Tanzania and Jamaica. 23 3.2 DATA SELECTION This study concerns the following varieties: AmE, BrE, PhE, MyE, SgE and HKE. The varieties have been selected on the basis of a number of practical reasons. First of all: AmE and BrE, being the two main varieties of English, serve as a benchmark of comparison for the other varieties, whose English is deduced from either AmE or BrE (see section 2.1). The selected varieties from Kachru’s Outer Circle (see section 2.1), i.e. PhE, MyE, SgE and HKE, are chosen on the basis of their geographical proximity. McArthur’s Circle of World English (see Figure 3) classified the selected varieties under the heading “East Asian Standardizing English” (Mesthrie and Bhatt, 2008). These varieties are also incorporated in GloWbe, and can therefore be compared with one another on the basis of the data in this corpus. Lastly, the varieties also have a different colonial history, as PhE has been colonised by the Americans, and MyE, SgE and HKE have been colonised by Britain (see section 5.1). This could possibly lead to interesting observations concerning the variation between the varieties. Figure 3: McArthur's circle of World English The verbs have been selected on the basis of their past form. The verbs that end in -t in the preterite and the past participle, but also allow for the regular -ed ending, have been selected5. Subsequently the following twelve verbs were chosen for this study: burn, bless, lean, learn, 5 According to the list of irregular verbs featuring in the Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English (2003). 24 spill, spell, smell, spoil, dream, leap, dwell and kneel in written AmE, BrE, PhE, MyE, SgE and HKE. 3.3 METHODOLOGY I will only focus on the preterite as accuracy testing of part-of-speech tags (based on random samples of 100 instances for a selection of verbs) for preterite and past participle uses turned out to be near perfect for preterites, but an error rate of 10% was attested for past participles (see De Clerck and Van Opstal, 2014). For the selection of the preterites, I made use of the PoS list on GloWbe and inserted for each verb the following PoS tag: [v?d*]. For instance for burn: burned.[v?d*] to find its preterites ending in -ed, and burnt.[v?*d] to find its preterites ending in -t6. When the frequencies of the -t forms and the -ed forms for the selected verbs of the selected varieties were obtained, the total frequencies for both the -t ending and the -ed ending were accumulated per variety. Then the total frequencies of each verb were calculated per ending by accumulating the frequencies of the selected varieties. Subsequently, a combination of these two elements was calculated, resulting in the frequencies of the -t and -ed ending for each verb per selected variety. The proportions were calculated for each of the acquired results, in order to provide a clearer display of the results. Furthermore, the results were submitted to statistical analysis through the chi-square test to test the significance of distribution of the -t and the -ed ending7. If the p-value is lower than the predetermined significance level of 0.05, the differences are found to be statistically significant. I made a distinction between two significance levels, i.e. 0.05 and 0.01. A highly significant difference, i.e. lower than 0.01, is denoted by three asterisks (***), whereas a significant difference, i.e. lower than the 0.05, is denoted by one asterisk (*). Not significant differences do not receive any asterisks. I rounded the results of the p-value to three decimal places. 6 7 The accuracy of the PoS tagging appeared to be very high when the keywords in context were verified. The statistical tests were carried out online via the website http://www.quantpsy.org/chisq/chisq.htm. 25 4 COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS 4.1 General observations 4.1.1 Regularisation across varieties I will first analyse whether the selected varieties prefer -t or -ed endings in general, and what stance they assume towards British and American English. Table 1 provides an overview of the proportions of the -t and -ed uses in each of the selected varieties for all twelve verbs, in order of decreasing -ed preference8. AmE -t -ed .08 .92 -t .10 PhE -ed .90 -t .27 HKE -ed .73 -t .32 BrE -ed .68 MyE -t -ed .34 .66 -t .36 SgE -ed .64 Table 1: General overview -t/-ed proportion across the varieties in decreasing -ed preference A number of observations can be made on the basis of this table. First of all, it shows that all six varieties prefer the regular -ed ending. AmE indeed displays the clearest preference for the -ed ending, as was expected from the systematic review (see Chapter 2). PhE shows a strong preference (75% or more) for the -ed ending as well. These two varieties clearly show the most notorious preference for the regular -ed ending, with AmE displaying a 92% preference and PhE displaying a 90% preference. The other varieties display a milder preference for the -ed ending regarding the former two varieties, yet it is still clear that the regular past form is well preferred over the irregular past form. HKE displays a 73% preference for the regular -ed ending; apparently, it displays a stronger preference for the regular form than BrE, which shows a preference of 68% for the -ed ending. Out of the selected varieties, MyE and SgE display the mildest preference for the -ed ending: respectively 66% and 64 %. Overall, it can be said that the regular past forms are clearly preferred in any of the examined varieties, with AmE and PhE displaying a very pronounced preference for the -ed ending, followed by HKE. BrE, MyE and SgE are all closely positioned to one another, with a respective majority for the -ed ending of 68%, 66% and 64%. In order to examine whether the distribution of the -t and -ed ending for all varieties taken together is statistically significant, the chi-square was calculated. A contingency row was built with two rows (representing the values for the -t and -ed ending) and six columns (representing 8 For a full overview of the absolute figures, Appendix I can be consulted. 26 the varieties). The chi-square test showed a p-value lower than 0.01, which means that the difference is highly significant (see Table 2). All varieties -t 13171 -ed 54260 Total 67431 Statistical significance 0.000*** (χ²= 6346.338) Table 2: Figures for the chi-square test on the general overview for all varieties This goes for the results of the chi-square test per variety as well (see Table 3): every test showed a p-value lower than 0.01, which means that the differences are all highly significant. For this table, the chi-square goodness of fit test was used, which means that the expected frequencies were inserted. The expected frequency for each group is the average frequency of the -t and -ed frequencies taken together. BrE AmE PhE MyE SgE HKE -t -ed Statistical significance Observed 7467 14734 0000*** Expected 11100.5 11100.5 (χ²= 2378.69) Observed 2393 29550 0.000*** Expected 15971.5 15971.5 (χ²= 23088.083) Observed 426 3878 0.000*** Expected 2152 2152 (χ²= 2768.658) Observed 919 1789 0.000*** Expected 1354 1354 (χ²= 279.505) Observed 1095 1981 0.000*** Expected 1538 1538 (χ²= 255.2) Observed 871 2328 0.000*** Expected 1599,5 1599,5 (χ²= 663.598) Table 3: Figures for the chi-square test per variety However, the frequency of the verbs has a major impact on the general preference for either -t or -ed. A high-frequency verb that prefers mostly the -ed ending, will increase the proportion towards the -ed ending; hence the importance of examining the selected verbs individually. 27 4.2 Regularisation across verbs The individual behaviour of the selected verbs will be examined on the basis of the data provided in Table 4. Bless Burn Lean Learn Spill Spell Smell Spoil Dream Leap Dwell Kneel -t .01 .12 .13 .15 .19 .21 .23 .26 .34 .65 .76 .88 -ed .99 .88 .87 .85 .81 .79 .77 .74 .66 .35 .24 .12 Table 4: General overview -t/-ed proportion across 12 verbs in order of decreasing -ed preference Table 4 clearly illustrates that there is variation between these verbs concerning their preference for either the -t or the -ed ending. Some verbs display an obvious preference for the -t ending, while others follow the regular pattern and prefer the -ed ending. In this research, three out of twelve verbs prefer the irregular -t ending, i.e. dwell, kneel and leap, while the other nine verbs favour the regular -ed ending, i.e. burn, bless, dream, lean, learn, smell, spell, spill and spoil. The extent to which these verbs prefer one ending or the other also differs. In ten out of twelve cases, the verbs show a strong inclination towards either one ending or the other, with nine out of twelve verbs showing a 75% or more preference (spoil shows a 74% preference for the -ed ending). For dream, which prefers the regular past ending, and for leap, which prefers the irregular past ending, however, the distinction is not that obvious with an average 65% -t/ 35% ed ratio for the latter and vice versa for the former. However, these verbs still display a rather outspoken preference for either -t or -ed, but not as outspoken as the other verbs. From this data it is also obvious that bless is rarely used in the irregular form given the 1% -t/ 99% -ed ratio. Overall, it may be concluded that most verbs clearly prefer the regular -ed ending, but that there are a few verbs, i.e. dwell, kneel and leap, that display a notorious preference for the irregular -t ending. It can also be concluded that the preferences are generally very outspoken, as nearly ten out of twelve verbs display a 75% or more preference towards one ending or the other. The chisquare test was calculated again based on these figures (see Table 5). 28 Burn Bless Dream Dwell Kneel Lean Leap Learn Smell Spell Spill Spoil Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected -t 592 2442 13 774 1287 1891 381 251.5 896 510 457 1721 1427 1106 6557 21585 556 1227.5 409 975 238 627.5 380 717.5 -ed 4292 2442 1535 774 2495 1891 122 251.5 124 510 2985 1721 785 1106 36613 21585 1899 1227.5 1541 975 1017 627.5 1055 717.5 Statistical significance 0.000*** (χ²= 2803.03) 0.000*** (χ²= 1496.437) 0.000*** (χ²= 385.845) 0.000*** (χ²= 133.362) 0.000*** (χ²= 584.298) 0.000*** (χ²= 1856.707) 0.000*** (χ²= 186.331) 0.000*** (χ²= 20925.715) 0.000*** (χ²= 734.684) 0.000*** (χ²= 657.141) 0.000*** (χ²= 483.539) 0.000*** (χ²= 317.509) Table 5: Figures for the chi-square test per verb Again, the results appeared to be highly significant, as the p-value did not surpass 0.01 in any of the tests. It should be noted, however, that these are just general tendencies. These figures may still conceal much variation across the selected varieties. Therefore, I will discuss the frequencies of the -t/-ed variation per verb across the selected varieties in the following section. 4.2 In-depth analysis Table 3 provides an overview of the -t/-ed variation between the selected verbs across the six selected varieties. First, variation between the varieties will be discussed, followed by a discussion on internal variation. 29 Burn Bless Dream Dwell Kneel Lean Leap Learn Smell Spell Spill Spoil -t .18 .02 .41 .69 .90 .25 .78 .30 .41 .42 .30 .44 BrE -ed .82 .98 .59 .31 .10 .75 .22 .70 .59 .58 .70 .56 -t .07 .01 .24 .79 .86 .03 .50 .03 .08 .06 .09 .04 AmE -ed .93 .99 .76 .21 .14 .97 .50 .97 .92 .94 .91 .96 -t .09 .01 .40 .85 .86 .12 .25 .04 .11 .07 .05 .05 PhE -ed .91 .99 .60 .15 .14 .88 .75 .96 .89 .93 .95 .95 -t .26 .01 .50 .63 .88 .06 .72 .32 .31 .32 .32 .51 MyE -ed .74 .99 .50 .37 .11 .94 .28 .68 .69 .68 .68 .49 -t .21 0 .46 .44 .76 .07 .61 .38 .17 .35 .19 .46 SgE -ed .79 1 .54 .56 .24 .93 .39 .62 .83 .65 .81 .54 -t .15 0 .31 .71 .97 .20 .50 .25 .28 .32 .17 .37 HKE -ed .85 1 .69 .29 .03 .80 .50 .75 .72 .68 .83 .63 Table 6: -t/-ed proportion of the 12 verbs across the varieties From Table 6 can be deduced that in BrE, nine out of twelve verbs prefer the regular -ed ending, i.e. burn, bless, dream, lean, learn, smell, spell, spill and spoil; only dwell, kneel and leap prefer the irregular past form. However, the preferences are not as outspoken as was shown in the previous sections. Dream, smell, spell and spoil display a preference ratio of about 50% to 60% for the regular -ed ending. Only five verbs, i.e. burn, bless and lean (preferring the -ed ending), and kneel and leap (preferring the -t ending), show a strong preference of 75% or more. In AmE, nine out of twelve verbs prefer the regular -ed ending, i.e. burn, bless, dream, lean, learn, smell, spell, spill and spoil. Leap displays a 50%-50% ratio, and dwell and kneel prefer the irregular -t ending. It is clear that in AmE preferences are more outspoken than in BrE: eleven out of twelve verbs show a strong preference of 75% or more for either one or the other ending. Only leap appears to be a case of doubt displaying a 50%-50% ratio. In BrE, this verb preferred the -t ending displaying an outspoken 78% preference. PhE appears to show an even clearer preference for the regular -ed ending than AmE: ten out of twelve verbs prefer the -ed ending, i.e. burn, bless, dream, lean, leap, learn, smell, spell, spill, spoil. Only dwell and kneel prefer the irregular -t ending. Moreover, the -ed preferences are also more outspoken than in AmE. Leap, which is the one verb that does not show a strong preference in AmE displaying a 50% preference, shows a 75% -ed preference in PhE. The one verb that does not show a strong preference in PhE, i.e. dream, still displays a 60% -ed preference. In total, eleven out of twelve verbs show a strong preference of 75% or more, like in AmE. 30 In MyE, only seven out of twelve verbs prefer the regular -ed ending, i.e. burn, bless, lean, learn, smell, spell and spill. Dwell, kneel, leap and spoil prefer the irregular -t ending, and dream displays a 50%-50% ratio. The preferences are not very outspoken compared with AmE and PhE, and seem to be more in line with BrE. Only three out of twelve verbs display a strong preference of 75% or more towards either one or the other ending, i.e. bless, lean (preferring the regular -ed) and kneel (preferring the irregular -t). BrE displayed five verbs with a strong preference, AmE and PhE eleven. However, burn (preferring the -ed ending) and leap (preferring the -t ending) display a preference between 70% and 75%, which could still be considered to be substantial. Dwell (preferring the -t ending), learn, smell, spell, spill (preferring the -ed ending) show a preference ranging from 63% up to 69%. Only spoil (preferring the -t ending) shows a mild preference of 51%. In SgE, ten out of twelve verbs prefer the regular -ed ending, i.e. burn, bless, dream, dwell, lean, learn, smell, spell, spill and spoil. Consequently, SgE and PhE display the most verbs preferring the -ed ending in this study. Only leap and kneel prefer the irregular -t ending (in PhE only dwell and kneel preferred the -t ending). However, the preferences for one ending or the other are not very outspoken: only five out of twelve verbs show a strong preference of 75% or more, i.e. burn, bless, lean, smell (preferring the regular -ed) and kneel (preferring the irregular -t). In SgE, it is notable that many of the selected verbs display a relatively mild preference: six out of twelve verbs show a preference ratio of 54% (dream and spoil) up to 65% (spell). In addition, there are no cases of bless with the -t ending. In HKE, nine out of twelve verbs prefer the regular -ed ending, i.e. burn, bless, dream, lean, learn, smell, spell, spill and spoil. This is the same number as in BrE and AmE. Dwell and kneel are the only verbs that prefer the irregular -t ending; which is like in AmE and PhE. Consequently, one verb displays a 50%-50% ratio, which is leap. Six out of twelve verbs show a strong preference of 75% or more, i.e. burn, bless, kneel, lean, learn and spill. However, the remaining verbs (except for leap) show a preference ratio between 63% and 72%, which can still be considered to be relatively substantial. In HKE, too, there are no cases of bless in the irregular past form. In conclusion, PhE clearly displays the most notorious preference for the regular -ed ending owing to the combination of both ten out of twelve verbs preferring the -ed ending and the 31 strongest preferences, with eleven out of twelve verbs displaying of preference of 75% or more. However, AmE displays a clear preference for the -ed ending as well, with nine out of twelve verbs preferring the -ed ending, and one verb displaying a 50%-50% ratio. Furthermore, AmE shows very outspoken preferences as well: eleven out of twelve verbs prefer display a preference of 75% or more, which is the same as in PhE. In SgE, ten out of twelve verbs prefer the -ed ending, which is the same figure as in PhE, but it does not display many verbs with a strong preference: only five out of twelve verbs display a strong preference. HKE, then, displays nine out of twelve verbs preferring the -ed ending, with one verb displaying a 50%-50% ratio. Six out of twelve verbs show a strong preference of 75% or more towards one ending or the other. Furthermore, BrE also displays nine out of twelve verbs preferring the -ed ending, but only five verbs showing a strong preference of 75% or more. Lastly, the regular -ed ending is used the least in MyE: only seven out of twelve verbs prefer the -ed ending, with one verb displaying a 50%50% ratio. Four verbs prefer the irregular -t in MyE, which is the highest number in this research. In terms of preference, it may be concluded from Table 7 that PhE seems to follow the same patterns as AmE, displaying the same amount of verbs preferring the -ed ending with 75% or more. Although SgE displays as many verbs preferring the -ed as PhE, which is the highest number compared with the rest of the selected varieties, the number of verbs showing a strong preference for the -ed ending is rather small and more in the line with BrE, MyE and HKE. -ed -ed (75% or more) BrE 9 3 AmE 9 9 PhE 10 9 MyE 7 2 SgE 10 4 HKE 9 4 Table 7: Number of verbs per variety preferring -ed and preferring -ed with 75% or more As for the internal variation, it may be concluded that in all six varieties the following verbs are distinctly preferred with the regular -ed ending: burn, bless, lean, learn, smell, spell and spill. Dream is also always preferred with the -ed ending, except in MyE, where this verb displays a 50%-50% ratio. Dwell is always preferred with the -t ending, except in SgE. Kneel is the only 32 verb that is always preferred in the irregular past form. Leap is preferred in the irregular form in half of the selected varieties, i.e. in BrE, MyE and SgE. Leap shows a 50%-50% ratio in AmE and HKE, and is only preferred in PhE with the regular -ed ending. Spoil is generally preferred in the regular past form, except in MyE, but SgE and BrE prefer it only by a narrow majority, respectively 54% and 56%. After this general overview, a few points deserve attention: (i) it is remarkable that SgE displays ten out of twelve verbs preferring the regular -ed ending, while MyE displays only seven verbs preferring the -ed ending. Moreover, only two of these verbs prefer the -ed ending with 75% or more. These varieties have a long mutual colonial history (see section 5.1), and it would be expected that these varieties develop in the same direction, which is not the case; (ii) while every variety shows a general preference for the -ed ending, the amount of verbs displaying an -ed preference per variety does not immediately display the varieties that notoriously prefer the -ed ending, but the amount of verbs showing a strong preference does; (iii) BrE and AmE do not display such different patterns as would be expected from the literature; (iv) the varieties of Kachru’s Outer Circle do not seem to behave quite accordingly to their linguistic roots (see section 2.1); indeed, PhE follows the same rough patterns as AmE, but SgE and HKE seem to follow a pattern somewhat divergent from BrE; (v) the selected verbs do not always display the same preference across the selected varieties: eight out of twelve verbs always prefer the same ending across the varieties, but this is not the case for four verbs, i.e. dream, leap, spoil and dwell; (vi) the general overview across the varieties generally appeared to be a rather good prognosticator for the variation of the selected verbs across the selected varieties, except for MyE and SgE. According to Table 1, SgE displays the least verbs preferring the regular past form, followed by MyE. According to Table 6, however, this is not the case. MyE displays the least verbs preferring the -ed ending of all the selected varieties, while SgE shows the most verbs preferring the -ed ending (together with PhE); 33 (vii) the same goes for the general overview across the verbs: dwell, kneel and leap were indeed the verbs most frequently preferred with the -t ending, as was observed in Table 4. I will now examine the verbs per variety after the results of the chi-square goodness of fit test9. The chi-square tests on the selected verbs in BrE (see Table 20) showed verb a p-value below 0.01 for each verb, which means that the difference between the -t ending and the -ed ending was found to be statistically highly significant. The chi-square test on the selected verbs in AmE (see Table 21) provided for all verbs, except for leap, a p-value below 0.01, which means that they are all highly significant. For leap, the result was not significant, as it displayed a p-value higher than 0.05. In PhE (see Table 22), the results were all highly significant as well. In MyE (see Table 23), however, three out of twelve results proved to be not significant, i.e. dream, dwell and spoil, whereas the rest of the results were highly significant. In SgE (see Table 24), dream, dwell, spoil and leap were not significant, whereas spell was significant and the other seven verbs highly significant. In HKE (see Table 25), the results for two verbs were not significant, i.e. leap and spoil. The results for the other verbs were all statistically highly significant. Burn Bless Dream Dwell Kneel Lean Leap Learn Smell Spell Spill Spoil -t .18 .02 .41 .69 .90 .25 .78 .30 .41 .42 .30 .44 BrE -ed .82 .98 .59 .31 .10 .75 .22 .70 .59 .58 .70 .56 AmE -t -ed .07 .93 .01 .99 .24 .76 .79 .21 .86 .14 .03 .97 .50 .50 .03 .97 .08 .92 .06 .94 .09 .91 .04 .96 PhE -t -ed .09 .91 .01 .99 .40 .60 .85 .15 .86 .14 .12 .88 .25 .75 .04 .96 .11 .89 .07 .93 .05 .95 .05 .95 MyE -t -ed .26 .74 .01 .99 .50 .50 .63 .37 .88 .11 .06 .94 .72 .28 .32 .68 .31 .69 .32 .68 .32 .68 .51 .49 SgE -t -ed .21 .79 0 1 .46 .54 .44 .56 .76 .24 .07 .93 .61 .39 .38 .62 .17 .83 .35 .65 .19 .81 .46 .54 HKE -t -ed .15 .85 0 1 .31 .69 .71 .29 .97 .03 .20 .80 .50 .50 .25 .75 .28 .72 .32 .68 .17 .83 .37 .63 Table 8: -t/-ed proportion of the 12 verbs across the varieties shadowing the verbs for which the results were not significant In short, BrE and PhE displayed all highly significant results. In AmE, leap was the only verb whose chi-square test was not significant, while in MyE, the results for dream, dwell and spoil 9 These tables are to be found in Appendix II. As the figures would not fit into the automatic chi-square calculator used on the other tables, because this calculator allows maximum ten conditions and ten groups, the chi-square has been calculated per national variety, but this meant creating six rather large tables. Hence the decision to place these tables in a second Appendix. 34 were not significant. In SgE, the results for dream, dwell, spoil and leap were not significant. Lastly, in HKE the results for spoil and leap were statistically not significant (see Table 8). This means that it is not possible for these verbs (for which the results were not statistically significant) to statistically state whether they prefer the -t or the -ed ending, since the statistical difference between the two inflections is not significant in this study. Subsequently, some new remarks can be added: (i) after the first examination, it was assumed that MyE preferred the irregular -t ending the most out of the selected varieties, displaying four verbs that prefer the -t ending. However, only two results for the verbs that prefer the -t ending are statistically significant; (ii) moreover, it was assumed after the first examination that MyE and SgE displayed rather contrastive results, despite their mutual colonial history. The statistical study, however, showed that the results for three verbs where the two varieties had a different outcome, are not significant. They display the same preferences for the remaining verbs; consequently, it may be concluded that MyE and SgE do not display such different patterns as was first assumed; (iii) kneel is the only verb preferring the irregular -t ending whose results from the chisquare are statistically significant in every variety; (iv) from the first study is was assumed that eight out of twelve verbs show a clear preference for one ending or the other throughout the varieties. Four verbs did not show an obvious preference throughout the varieties, i.e. dream, leap, spoil and dwell. After the statistical tests, it is clear that these verbs are also the verbs for which the results from the chi-square test are not significant in some varieties; After this comparative analysis, the hypotheses formulated at the end of Chapter 2 can already be addressed. The first hypothesis assumed that regularisation would also be observed in the World Englishes selected for this study. The comparative analysis confirms that this is indeed the case, as all varieties displayed a majority of the verbs preferring the -ed ending. The second hypothesis assumed that variation between the different varieties would be observed; this is also the case, as both the general overview as the in-depth analysis displayed variation between the varieties. 35 However, the varieties were also expected to behave accordingly to their linguistic roots, and this is not entirely the case. PhE indeed roughly follows the same patterns as AmE, but the attested patterns from SgE and HKE seem to be somewhat divergent from the BrE patterns angling towards the AmE pattern. The third hypothesis, then, assumed that internal variation would be observed. This was the case as the verbs displayed a divergent preference both in the general overview as in the in-depth analysis. Finally, the last hypothesis assumed that the verbs would behave in a similar way across the varieties. This hypothesis cannot whole-heartedly be confirmed, as I did observe some divergent behaviour between the verbs across the varieties. For instance, leap displayed a different behaviour in all the varieties. However, these are generally no more than exceptions, and on the whole it can indeed be confirmed that the verbs roughly attain the same patterns across the different varieties. In the following Chapter, I will attempt to explain some of these tendencies. I attempt to provide a clarification for the differences between the varieties through Schneider’s (2007) Dynamic Model. As for the internal variation, I will attempt to provide an explanation through the impact of frequency on the attested patterns. Naturally these are just a few of the many variables that have an impact on the preferred patterns discussed in this study. Rather than attempting an exhaustive explanation, this study will merely explore two of the possible causes for variation. 36 5 ACCOUNTING FOR THE DATA 5.1 ACCOUNTING FOR VARIATION BETWEEN THE VARIETIES 5.1.1 Schneider’s (2007) Dynamic model 5.1.1.1 Introduction Schneider’s (2007) “Dynamic Model of the Evolution of Postcolonial Englishes” provides a theoretical framework against which the evolution of postcolonial Englishes (PCEs) may be positioned. The Model claims that “there is a shared underlying process which drives their [i.e. the PCEs] formation, accounts for many similarities between them, and appears to operate whenever a language is transplanted” (Schneider, 2007: 29). The model provides a developmental cycle applied to different varieties of English, presenting the history of the PCEs as a diachronic succession of five phases, i.e. Foundation, Exonormative stabilization, Nativisation, Endonormative stabilization, and Differentiation (Schneider, 2007: 5). Furthermore, Schneider points out four parameters for each of these phases in order to further clarify them. Each parameter causes the next parameter to emerge (Schneider, 2007: 30-31): (i) sociopolitial background: extralinguistic factors which lead to; (ii) identity constructions: particular identity issues on both sides of the parties involved, i.e. the settlers and the indigenous population, which lead to; (iii) sociolinguistic conditions: sociolinguistic adaptations which cause; (iv) linguistic effects: profound structural changes regarding the language varieties involved. In section 5.1.2, I will examine whether the attested differences between the selected varieties may be linked to different positions on this evolutionary cline. First, however, a description of the main features of the model will be provided, followed by a discussion concerning the position of the selected varieties on the model. 37 5.1.1.2 The Dynamic Model Schneider (2007: 29) describes the main feature of his model as follows: Fundamentally, the evolution of PCEs is understood as a sequence of characteristic stages of identity rewriting and associated linguistic changes affecting the parties involved in a colonial-contact setting. This process implies a tug-of-war between two parties: the settlers and the indigenous population. Both are trying to reconstruct their identity; a struggle characterised by sociolinguistic and linguistic processes. At first, the settlers consider themselves essentially an extension from their home country and quite different from the natives. In the course of time, however, both parties grow accustomed to one another and the mutual dissension somewhat diminishes. It is through this process of intervention, negotiation and, eventually, acceptance, that a new identity is constructed along with the emergence of new language varieties. In short: it is argued that the emergence of new PCEs is firmly associated with the construction of identity (Schneider, 2007). In the first phase, the Foundation, the settlers bring English to the new colony where the indigenous population had never spoken English before. At this stage, both parties are just becoming aware of each other’s existence, and perceive the other group as quite different. The language-contact at this point consists of two different types of ecologies: on one hand, there is the language difference among the settlers themselves. These settlers all originate from different regions and consequently speak a different dialect. On the other hand, there is the language ecology that emerges from the contact between the settlers and the indigenous population. This second type of language-contact ignites the process of language variation. At this stage, the only language-contact between both parties is purely functional, e.g. for trading and negotiating. Whenever interlocution between the settlers and the indigenous population was necessary, the former assigned someone from the latter group to be trained as an interpreter, albeit not always voluntarily (Schneider, 2007). The second phase of the cycle is the Exonormative stabilization. The name is derived from the fact that the norm originates from outside the territory where is it spoken (Kirkpatrick, 2007). In this phase colonies are established. English is now regularly spoken and often installed as the language of official instances, such as administration and education. The natives now have regular contacts with the settlers and as a consequence, more profound cross-cultural contact 38 between the settlers and the natives emerges and entails more fundamental changes concerning the linguistic system. Initially, this process will manifest especially on the lexical level, but later on it will affect the syntactical and morphological structures as well (Schneider, 2007). Schneider considers the third phase, Nativisation, to be the most important one, as it is “the central phase of both cultural and linguistic transformation” (2007: 40). In this phase, the indigenous population is striving towards independence, and may well achieve it by now. Linguistically, modifications are most obvious on the level of vocabulary, involving especially loan words from the indigenous languages, but there are also morphological and syntactic changes. At this stage, natives start to build their own variety of English. English no longer serves as a second language, but gradually becomes a first-language blended with the indigenous language (Schneider, 2007). In the fourth phase of the cycle, Endonormative stabilization, further developments in the variety emerge locally (Kirkpatrick, 2007). The immigrants now consider themselves as inhabitants of a newly founded nation, quite freestanding from the original home country. This newly adopted identity implies a step-by-step acceptance of local English varieties as an instrument to express the new identity. The new government also accepts this new form of English as a linguistic norm. By this time, a new language variety has developed, which is observably different from the language that was originally brought to the territory. It is remarkable that this new variety is rather homogenous. This is partly due to the koinéization process in the early stages of the cycle, which favours simplified language use in order to promote the mutual understanding between the settlers and the natives. Koinéization cannot, however, completely account for this phenomenon: the new nation wants to demonstrate unity by unifying their language as well. This is thought to strengthen the mental sense of belonging to the same nation. Naturally, this new language variety still displays some variation, but it is deemphasized in favour of the national unity (Schneider, 2007). Codification is an important feature of acceptance for a new language variety. In order to achieve official recognition, a language variety must be established in an accepted reference work, such as a dictionary or grammar work. Grammar works usually come later, since the number of grammatical differences is more confined than the number of newly emerged local words. Dictionaries, however, are a more obvious illustration of codification and therefore of official 39 acceptance. Codification also initiates a mutual supporting process: the newly adopted identity triggers an awareness of the existence of new language varieties, and this awareness in turn results into the publishing of dictionaries which reinforces the national and linguistic identity (Schneider, 2007). The final phase is the Differentiation phase. The new nation, once dependent on the mother country in one way or another, is now politically and culturally completely self-reliant, regulating its own norms. At this point, new varieties of what used to be a new variety of English emerge, i.e. regional and social dialects (Schneider, 2007). In conclusion, Schneider (2007: 53) summarises the state of the new variety in this phase as follows: The emergence of a new variety of English as a part and consequence of this process trails off, and is almost a thing of the past, recorded and remembered in recent history but largely completed, no longer a prominent, disputed issue. In his study Schneider also positions different varieties of English on his model through an evolutionary account. I will have a closer look at the PCEs discussed in this dissertation: PhE, MyE, SgE and HKE. The overview is structured according to the phases of the model. At the end of every account, a number of hypotheses will be formulated regarding the features of the varieties on the model and the results obtained in Chapter 4. 5.1.1.3 Position of the selected varieties on the Dynamic Model a The Philippines Unlike many other varieties of English, PhE is not the result of English colonisation, but of American colonisation. Nowadays, English plays a less important role in the Philippines, due to a policy promoting the indigenous language as the official state language (Schneider, 2007). The first two phases (Foundation and Exonormative Stabilization) succeeded each other quite rapidly. The reason for this quick succession of the first and second phase is the fact that the Americans, who were given authority over the Philippines after more than three centuries of Spanish reign, perceived their own language preferable to that of the indigenous people. English was now the official language, and the Americans lost no time in teaching the natives English. 40 AmE spread extremely quickly, thanks to the effective approach of the Americans and the fact that the acquisition of this language constituted a means of climbing the social ladder (Schneider, 2007). Schneider assumes that the third phase, Nativisation, began in 1937. The Philippines had until then been semi-independent having received limited sovereignty, but in that year the government made Tagalog, a lingua franca spoken in the south of Luzon10, a national language. During the Second World War, however, English gained more prominence, as it became the language of resistance against the Japanese occupation. After the war, the government accepted both English and Tagalog, now renamed Filipino, as official languages. The Philippines, sporting a bilingual education system, had embraced English as an official language, which explains to a large extent the persistent strong role English plays in the country. However, Philippine English has not proceeded into the fourth phase for a number of reasons. For the most part, this stagnation can be ascribed to political turmoil because the then government was more in favour of the local traditions than the Western traditions. Both English and Filipino are established as official languages, but Filipino is more widely accepted, especially in the lower classes. English is still used in official instances, however, and continues to be held in high regard by the higher classes (Schneider, 2007). Hypotheses H1 As the Philippines were colonised by the Americans, their attested patterns could be expected to show the same tendencies as AmE. H2 As PhE is still in phase three, their attested patterns could be expected to be lie relatively closely to those of the original coloniser, i.e. the US. b Malaysia Malaysia was colonised by the British at the end of the eighteenth century. The British first took over the city of Penang, which is situated on the east shore of what is now northern Malaysia, and eventually all the important southern settlements, comprising Melaka and Singapore. They were 10 Luzon is the largest island of the Philippines. 41 called the Straits Settlements. The influence of the settlers remained rather limited due to the restricted interference of the colonisers into the daily habits of the natives (Schneider, 2007). British influence gradually diffused throughout the country: the coastal cities and the early establishments reached the second phase much earlier than the non-Federated States. During this period, a great number of migrations took place, especially Chinese and Indian workers. By then, Britain had gained a stable colonial status, entailing the need for an English language education system. Christian missions and the government joined forces to establish English schools in the early nineteenth century. The purpose of this education was, however, purely pragmatic as it only sought to serve the British: they wanted to train some locals to fulfil the administrative functions (Schneider, 2007). Malaysia achieved independence in 1957, which limited the English status. It was preserved as a co-official language, but it was really the intention of the government to install Malay as the sole national language, which happened officially in 1976. Since then, Malaysia has given proof of conflicting tendencies, making it very difficult to predict the effect of their language policies. However, despite these disagreements, Schneider (2007: 148) claims that “Malaysian English has proceeded substantially into phase 3: nativisation”. Malaysia still maintains a certain bond with Britain, albeit not as strong as it once was, as it is still a member of the Commonwealth. On the sociolinguistic level, English is especially used as a means of communication between different ethnic populations. The amount of Malaysian-born who speak English as a mother tongue remains relatively low. Nevertheless, Schneider (2007: 150) states that “in many social contexts an informal register of Malaysian English has clearly become an unmarked language of everyday informal communication”. However, it is too early to say that Malaysian English has proceeded into phase four, but there are some aspects discernible of this next phase, e.g. its future codification is discussed and literary creativity in this variety is documented and analysed (Schneider, 2007). Hypotheses H1 As Singapore was colonised by the British, their attested patterns could be expected to show the same tendencies as BrE. 42 H2 As Singapore is still in phase three, it could be expected that their attested patterns still lie relatively close to those of the original coloniser, i.e. Britain. c Singapore In the beginning of the 19th century, Singapore became part of the Straits Settlement together with Penang and Melaka. Because of its excellent location, Singapore soon attracted a high number of immigrants, originating predominantly from China and India. These populations with different ethnic backgrounds tended to remain separated from one another, an inclination that is still present in today’s educational policy (Schneider, 2007). The transition to the second phase can be connected to the year of 1867, when Singapore became a crown colony. During the following years, Singapore expanded as a trading centre and developed an Asian elite who adopted many aspects of the British culture. Singapore became a cultural blend of European and Asian traits. In terms of linguistic development, bilingualism was promoted, but English remained a privilege for the elite. In this period, MyE had a very strong influence on SgE. This situation remained stable until the Second World War (Schneider, 2007). After three years of Japanese occupation, the colonial heritage had been interrupted, causing an uprising against the colonisers. As a result, Singapore gained independence in 1965. This development announced the third phase. Although Singapore seemed to be heading towards a bleak future, having no thriving economy and struggling with ethnic fragmentation, it soon proved the sceptics wrong thanks to a substantial economic growth and its language policy. The population considered itself primarily Singaporeans, and SgE has become their language. These evolutions introduced the fourth phase (Schneider, 2007). A vernacular commonly spoken by the Singaporeans is Singlish, or Colloquial Singaporean English. Singlish developed in the late 1970s and is probably the result of the second generation English speakers in Singapore. It is very popular with the Singaporean population, although some do raise the question of falling standards of English. Some believe that British English should still be norm to be strived to, while others call for a Singaporean Standard. Some would even go as far as to argue that Singaporean English is moving into Kachru’s Inner Circle. Either way, it 43 cannot be denied that Singaporean English has well moved into the fourth phase, with the flourishing literature, the emergence of dialects and the establishment of codification (Schneider, 2007). Hypotheses H1 As Singapore was colonised by the British, their attested patterns could be expected to show the same tendencies as BrE. H2 As Singapore is already in phase four, this variety could be expected to show less adherence to the variety of its original coloniser (i.e. Britain) than the other three varieties, who are still in phase three. d Hong Kong English was brought to Hong Kong in the seventeenth century through activities by the British East India Company. The first phase is said to have started in 1841 – 1842, when Hong Kong Island was occupied by Britain and became a colony after the first Opium War. Missionary activities had started as well, which brought English education to Hong Kong. The first phase lasted all throughout the nineteenth century. As elsewhere, the missionary activities encouraged the spread of English, and as there was only a small amount of European residents in Hong Kong, there was hardly any dialect mixture (Schneider, 2007). The second phase started with the Treaty of 1898. This Treaty implemented Britain’s hold on Hong Kong by leasing the New Territories for ninety-nine years, and it provided stability to the whole territory for the twentieth century. Economy thrived and Hong Kong became an important centre of trade between Britain and Southern China. Hong Kong enjoyed a politically stable status of British crown colony in Asia, which is a typical feature of the second phase. Bilingualism also kept spreading, but there was a distinct elitist quality about it, as only a small fraction of the indigenous people had access to education (Schneider, 2007). The start of the third phase can be dated towards the end of the lease, i.e. in the 1960s. Negotiations about the future status of Hong Kong eventually led to Joint Sino-British 44 Declaration of 1984, which entailed the status of Hong Kong as a part of the People’s Republic of China. In this way, Hong Kong did not experience the typical nativisation process, as it did not gain independence but was assigned to another power. This also led to a general weakening of the political ties between Hong Kong and Britain. As a result of the thriving economy and internationalisation, English was very positively valued. Bilingualism was also no longer an elitist privilege, but was now widely spread owing to the introduction of the Anglo-Chinese secondary schools. Another feature displaying Hong Kong’s evolution into the third phase, is the general worry of the lacking standards of both Chinese and English. The future of HKE is difficult to predict, what with the uncertain sociological, economic and political developments of both Hong Kong and China. It is remarkable, however, that despite the fact that the ties have been broken with the former coloniser, English is still clearly treasured in Hong Kong (Schneider, 2007). Hypotheses H1 As Hong Kong was colonised by the British, their attested patterns could be expected to show the same tendencies as BrE. H2 However, Hong Kong no longer has ties with Britain, so it could expected that their attested patterns will show less tendencies towards BrE than MyE, despite being still in phase three. 5.1.2 Phases and verbal behaviour compared In this section it will be examined whether the observed patterns in Chapter 4 can be linked to the colonial history of the varieties and the phase they are allocated in. Table 9 provides an overview of the reached phases of each variety, their original colonisers and the proportion of their -ed preference from the general overview of the varieties from Chapter 4. 45 Variety Coloniser Phase -ed preference BrE / / .68 AmE / / .92 PhE US 3 (Nativisation) .90 MyE GB 3 (Nativisation) .66 SgE GB 4 (Endonormative .64 stabilization) HKE GB 3 (Nativisation) .73 Table 9: Schematic representation of the reached stages of the varieties with their -ed preference On the basis of the general overview of -ed frequencies of the examined varieties, there appears to be no correlation between how far the varieties have evolved as an independent language and whether they prefer the -ed ending over the -t ending. It can be observed, however, that it is indeed so that BrE, MyE and SgE do have near enough the same frequency of -ed preferences, while PhE has about the same frequency of -ed preferences as AmE. HKE lies somewhere in between, which is not surprising either as this variety no longer has ties with its former coloniser and Malaysia and Singapore are still member of the Commonwealth (The Royal Household, s.d.). Moreover, Hong Kong is now an important business centre, and as the US is still the most important economy in the world, it is not unlikely to assume that AmE has had some influence on HKE in this respect (Economy Watch, 2013) . It was expected, however, that SgE, being the only variety to have reached phase four, would show less tendency towards BrE than MyE, which is still in phase three. Actually, SgE does show less tendency towards BrE than MyE, but in the opposite direction as it shows a smaller preference for the -ed ending than either BrE or MyE. The differences between these three varieties, however, are very small. In order to observe whether the varieties will be more inclined to follow the same attested patterns as their former coloniser, I will look at the attested patterns per verb and per variety on the basis of Table 6 (see section 4.2). Both BrE and AmE display nine verbs preferring the -ed, just like HKE. PhE displays ten verbs preferring the -ed ending, and so does SgE. In terms of verbs preferring the -ed ending, SgE here shows the most preference for the regular form together with PhE. Consequently, in this case SgE does seem to take a different stance than its former coloniser. HKE as well, but it was already mentioned that Hong Kong no longer has ties with Britain and that AmE might be more used in 46 this business centre, so this is not surprising. MyE shows the highest number of verbs preferring the irregular form, which is in line with the predictions made in the previous section, as this variety is only in phase three and Britain was its coloniser. I will now look at the strength of the preferences to see whether that tells us a different story. BrE, AmE and HKE all displayed nine verbs preferring the -ed. However, HKE and AmE do display each a moderate 50% -t preference for leap, while BrE shows a strong 78% -t preference for leap. Therefore, it may be concluded that HKE seems to angle more towards AmE, although the preferences are not as strong as in AmE. PhE shows a strong 75% preference for the -ed ending for leap, displaying a strong adherence towards the -ed ending. SgE also shows ten verbs preferring the -ed, like PhE. However, while SgE displays the most verbs preferring the regular form, along with PhE, five out of ten verbs preferring the -ed only prefer the regular form with a moderate majority, whereas PhE only displays one verb preferring the -ed with a moderate majority. MyE displays the least verbs displaying an -ed preference, but when looking at the strength of the preferences, it can be observed that one verb displays a weak preference for the irregular form of 51%. Apart from that one verb, MyE angles strongly towards BrE. It can therefore be concluded that, when looking at the strength of the preferences, the results are much less pronounced. In short, PhE is situated in the third phase and displays a very strong adherence towards the regular form in general. MyE is also situated in the third phase but favours the irregular forms in four out of twelve verbs. HKE is situated in the third phase as well, and shows an -ed preference in nine out of twelve verbs, albeit less pronounced than in AmE and PhE. SgE is the only variety in this selection that is situated in the fourth phase, and it does display ten verbs preferring the -ed ending, but in five cases it is a weak to moderate majority. Consequently, it can be concluded from this study that, while Schneider’s model is a robust classification model, it does not seem to be able to predict the preference of irregular verbs for either the -t or the -ed ending. However, it is noteworthy that HKE and SgE, which were both colonised by Britain, seem to show an inclination towards the AmE patterns. For HKE, a possible explanation has been mentioned before, but for SgE, its tendencies towards the -ed ending could indeed be linked to the fact that this variety has already moved into the fourth phase. It could be that these observations are testimony to the emergence of a new, official, independent language variety. However, this study 47 is not elaborate enough to confirm this and should be restricted to tentative assertions. The question remains then, however, as to why there is variation between these varieties. As there are many other variables exercising an influence on the varieties, each variety forms a hybrid language system. Consequently, there is no obvious answer to this question. 5.2 ACCOUNTING FOR THE INTERNAL VARIETIES I will try to account for the internal variation by exploring the impact of frequency on the attested patterns. Several studies, of which I will point out two, have observed a link between the choice to either discard or retain the irregular inflection and the frequency of the verb. I will then draw up a table displaying the frequency of the verb and its -t frequencies in the preterite. Bybee (2006: 715) introduces the notion conserving effect as an effect of token frequency that relates to the morphosyntactic structure of a sequence. The conserving effect states that highfrequency sequences are less likely to have their morphosyntactic structure modified because they are more firmly embedded in their structure, and vice versa. As a consequence, in the English language the low-frequency irregular verbs are much more likely to become regular than the high-frequency irregular verbs. Bybee suggests that the high frequency reinforces the “memory representations of words or making them easier to access whole and thus less likely to be subject to analogical reformation”. Bybee assumes that this effect applies to grammatical sequences as well. This means that high-frequency verbs uphold a more conservative structure (Bybee, 2006). Lieberman et al. (2007: 713-716), too, have observed in their research that the regularisation rate of a verb depends on the frequency of word usage. Less than 3% of modern English verbs are irregular today, nevertheless the ten most frequent verbs are irregular. The irregular verbs appear to be indeed very responsive to high frequencies of occurrence. Linguists have suggested that this phenomenon can be explained with the evolutionary hypothesis stating that infrequent irregular verbs tend to disappear more rapidly because they are more difficult to master and easier to forget. According to the study of Lieberman et al. (idem) “the half-life of an irregular verb scales as the square root of its usage frequency”, which means that a verb that is a 100 times less frequent will regularise 10 times as rapidly (Lieberman et al., 2007). 48 It may therefore be concluded that the verbs selected for this study will behave accordingly, which means that the verbs with a relatively low frequency will be more likely to adopt the regular -ed ending than those with a relatively high frequency. This equally means that the verbs with a relatively high frequency occurrence will be more likely to retain their irregular -t form. If we accept this hypothesis as true, we should notice that the verbs with a relatively low frequency occurrence display a preference for the -ed form, and that the verbs preferring the irregular ending with a relatively high frequency occurrence maintain their -t form. However, in this study every verb is relatively infrequent, so the question is more specifically: do more frequent verbs with both inflectional options prefer the -t ending more than less frequent verbs with both inflectional options? The following table shows a ranking of the verbs according to frequency (ranked in order of decreasing frequency) accompanied by a ranking of the verbs according to their preference for the -t ending (ranked in order of decreasing -t frequency). The same verbs should appear in one row. All varieties -t Learn Kneel (177,956) (.88) Burn Dwell (17,029) (.76) Bless Leap (16,197) (.65) Dream Dream (13,253) (.34) Smell Spoil (9,550) (.26) Spell Smell (7,073) (.23) Lean Spell (5,910) (.21) Dwell Spill (5,199) (.19) Spoil Learn (4,276) (.15) Spill Lean (3,777) (.13) Freq. BrE -t AmE -t PhE -t MyE -t SgE -t HKE -t Kneel (.90) Leap (.78) Dwell (.69) Spoil (.44) Spell (.42) Dream (.41) Smell (.41) Learn (.30) Spill (.30) Lean (.25) Kneel (.86) Dwell (.79) Leap (.50) Dream (.24) Burn (.11) Spill (.09) Smell (.08) Spell (.06) Spoil (.04) Lean (.03) Kneel (.86) Dwell (.85) Dream (.40) Leap (.25) Lean (.12) Smell (.11) Burn (.09) Spell (.07) Spill (.05) Spoil (.05) Kneel (.88) Leap (.72) Dwell (.63) Spoil (.51) Dream (.50) Learn (.32) Spell (.32) Spill (.32) Smell (.31) Burn (.26) Kneel (.76) Leap (.61) Dream (.46) Spoil (.46) Dwell (.44) Learn (.38) Spell (.35) Burn (.21) Spill (.19) Smell (.17) Kneel (.97) Dwell (.71) Leap (.50) Spoil (.37) Spell (.32) Dream (.31) Smell (.28) Learn (.25) Lean (.20) Spill (.17) 49 Leap (2,754) Kneel (1,058) Burn (.12) Bless (.01) Burn (.12) Bless (.02) Learn (.03) Bless (.01) Learn (.04) Bless (.01) Lean (.06) Bless (.01) Lean (.07) Bless (0) Burn (.15) Bless (0) Table 10: Order of frequency compared with the order of -t preference The table above provides an overview of the frequencies of occurrence in the GloWbe corpus; the frequencies of each verb have been accumulated per selected variety. This table also provides an overview of the -t proportions discussed in Chapter 4. On the basis of Table 10, it can therefore be verified whether the above hypothesis tallies with the observations. This table shows that there is no correspondence between the frequency of the verbs and the retention of the -t form. According to the hypothesis, relatively high-frequency verbs like learn, burn and bless should display a strong preference for the -t form, but these verbs occur only at the bottom of the ranking, which is quite contrary to the expectations. Contrariwise, the relatively low-frequency verbs like kneel and leap show a conspicuously strong preference for the -t form. In other words, it could be suggested that an opposite trend is emerging, but closer examination of the variation between the varieties revealed that the hypothesis is less obviously contradicted: spill is a relatively low-frequency verb and is in some varieties indeed regularised. In AmE en PhE, for instance, this verb hardly ever occurs in the -t form (respectively 9% and 5%). Moreover, in BrE, PhE, MyE and SgE the relatively high-frequency verb dream shows a relatively high preference for the -t form, the proportions going from 41% up to 50%, which could also confirm the hypothesis, but none of these findings are very convincing. This examination does not seem to show an obvious correspondence between the frequency of the examined verbs and their preferences for either one ending or the other. It may therefore be concluded from Table 10 that the hypothesis is not confirmed, nor that an opposite trend has been observed. 50 6 CONCLUSION The overall aim of the present study was to examine to what extent verbs ending in the irregular -t ending in the past tense, but allowing for the regular -ed ending as well, prefer the regular over the irregular ending in the preterite form in different varieties of English. In order to examine this, different research questions have been formulated: Q1 To what extent do irregular verbs with strong -t forms resort to the regularised -ed form? Q2 How does this phenomenon manifest itself in British English and American English? Q3 How does it manifest itself in Philippine English, Malaysian English, Singapore English and Hong Kong English? Q4 How do these varieties differ from one another? Q5 Is there internal variation? Q6 How can this variation be accounted for? First, a theoretical framework was established stemming from the fields of language variation and change. From Kachru’s concentric three circle model (Crystal, 2003) four varieties of English were selected, i.e. Philippine English, Malaysian English, Singapore English and Hong Kong English. Subsequently, the regularisation of irregular verbs in general was examined, followed by a probe into the situation in British English and American English. It was observed from this literature that American English seems to favour regularisation of irregular verbs more than British English (Biber, 1999; Tottie, 2002; Levin, 2009). However, from comparative analysis it was clear that these two varieties do not display that much difference as assumed from the literature. On the basis of the theoretical framework, four hypotheses were formulated: H1 Regularisation of irregular verbs ending in -t in the preterite and the participle form has been observed in both BrE and AmE. Therefore, regularisation will also be observed in the past tense for this type of verbs in PhE, MyE, SgE and HKE, as these varieties originate from BrE and AmE. 51 H2 Variation between the varieties will be observed. It is expected that the results from MyE, SgE and HKE will be relatively comparable to the results from BrE, as these varieties have British roots according to Strevens’s Map. In addition, it is also expected that the results from PhE will be relatively comparable to those of AmE, as PhE has American roots according to Strevens’s map. H3 Internal variation will be observed in the selected varieties, as it has been observed in IE in De Clerck and Van Opstal (2014) and in Levin (2009). H4 The selected verbs will behave in a similar way across the different varieties, as it has also been observed in De Clerck and Van Opstal (2014) and in Levin (2009). Through a comparative analysis these hypotheses have been investigated. After the comparative analysis, the formulated hypotheses could be addressed: the first hypothesis could be confirmed, as regularisation was indeed found in each of the varieties, and in nine out of twelve verbs. The second hypothesis could not be entirely confirmed; Philippine English did follow the same rough patterns as American English, and Malaysian English followed more or less the British patterns. However, Hong Kong English and Singapore English showed some inclination towards the American patterns, which was opposite to the expectations. The third hypothesis could also be confirmed, as well as the last. Generally, it can be said that the verbs follow the same patterns across the varieties. Therefore, regularisation or contrarily the retention of the irregular form can be said to be more verb related and less variety related. The systematic review and the comparative analysis answered five out of six research questions. An attempt was made to formulate an answer to the final question in the last chapter. I attempted to account for the variation between the varieties through Schneider’s (2007) Dynamic Model. This model positions the Postcolonial Englishes on an evolutionary cline, closely linked to identity. Philippine English, Malaysian English and Hong Kong English have moved into the third phase, Nativisation, which means that their own variety of English is emerging. Singapore English has already moved into the fourth phase, Endonormative Stabilisation, characterised by the attempts to unify their newly acquired language variety and the emergence of codification. It was examined whether the position of the varieties on the model could account for the -t/-ed distribution. However, no clear link was found between these two aspects. Subsequently, it was 52 attempted to account for the internal variation through the impact of frequency on the attested patterns. It was assumed that the relatively frequent verbs would retain the -t form more than the relatively less frequent verbs. However, this appeared to be not the case; consequently, frequency could not account for the internal variety in this study. As a final remark it should be noted that each language variety establishes a very hybrid system, influenceable by many variables. It is therefore difficult to make any assumptions based on such limited research. Furthermore, researchers who would aim to tap into this particular branch of language variation and change could, for instance, investigate the past participle form of these varieties and verbs, as only the preterite was investigated in this study. De Clerck and Van Opstal (2014) have already observed that there is a variation between these two forms regarding the preference for either the -t or -ed ending. As for the variation between the varieties, it could be useful to examine the prescriptivism per variety to see whether that aspect could influence the variation between varieties. 53 REFERENCES Bhatt, R. M. (2001). World Englishes. Annual Review of Anthropology. 30, 527-550. [Online] http://www.swetswise.com [15.04.2014]. Biber, D. et al. (1999). Longman Grammar of Spoken and Written English. London: Pearson Education ESL. Bybee, J. (2006). From usage to grammar: the mind’s response to repetition. Language. (82)4, 711-733. 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[Online] http://www.govtedu.com/wpcontent/uploads/ebooks/english/one-language-two-grammars.pdf [29.03.2014]. 55 APPENDIX I ABSOLUTE FIGURES FROM GLOWBE Total freq. -t Total freq. -ed BrE 7467 AmE 2393 PhE 426 MyE 919 SgE 1095 HKE 871 14734 29550 3878 1789 1981 2328 Table 11: General overview -t/-ed variation across the varieties Burn Bless Dream Dwell Kneel Lean Leap Learn Smell Spell Spill Spoil Total -t Total -ed Prop. -t Prop. -ed 592 13 1287 381 896 457 1427 6557 556 409 238 380 4292 1535 2495 122 124 2985 785 36613 1899 1541 1017 1055 .12 .01 .34 .76 .88 .13 .65 .15 .23 .21 .19 .26 .88 .99 .66 .24 .12 .87 .35 .85 .77 .79 .81 .74 Table 12: General overview -t/-ed variation across 12 verbs Burnt Burned Blest Blessed Dreamt Dreamed Dwelt Dwelled Knelt Kneeled Leant Leaned Leapt Leaped Learnt Learned Smelt Smelled BrE 310 1376 8 345 620 897 85 38 339 38 347 1025 858 241 3842 9170 365 534 AmE 171 2367 6 818 385 1209 230 60 352 56 51 1498 369 365 612 20249 90 982 PhE 21 202 1 195 99 151 35 6 82 13 23 167 29 85 109 2830 13 108 MyE 38 108 1 85 79 77 12 7 16 2 4 65 56 22 594 1242 34 74 SgE 28 106 0 59 67 78 4 5 41 13 10 140 44 28 800 1330 27 131 HKE 24 133 0 33 37 83 15 6 65 2 22 90 44 44 600 1792 27 70 56 Spelt Spelled Spilt Spilled Spoilt Spoiled 275 380 151 350 264 340 55 904 47 486 25 556 8 111 3 54 3 56 33 71 17 36 35 34 19 35 13 56 42 49 19 40 7 35 11 19 Table 13: Overview -t/-ed variation across the varieties and verbs Burn Bless Dream Dwell Kneel Lean Leap Learn Smell Spell Spill Spoil Total -t Total -ed Prop -t Prop -ed 310 8 620 85 339 347 858 3842 365 275 151 264 1376 345 897 38 38 1025 241 9170 534 380 350 340 .18 .02 .41 .69 .90 .25 .78 .30 .41 .42 .30 .44 .82 .98 .59 .31 .10 .75 .22 .70 .59 .58 .70 .56 Total t Total ed Prop t Prop ed 171 6 385 230 352 51 369 612 90 55 47 25 2367 818 1209 60 56 1498 365 20249 982 904 486 556 .07 .01 .24 .79 .86 .03 .50 .03 .08 .06 .09 .04 .93 .99 .76 .21 .14 .97 .50 .97 .92 .94 .91 .96 Total t Total ed Prop t Prop ed 21 1 99 35 82 23 202 195 151 6 13 167 .09 .01 .40 .85 .86 .12 .91 .99 .60 .15 .14 .88 Table 14: -t/-ed variation in BrE across 12 verbs Burn Bless Dream Dwell Kneel Lean Leap Learn Smell Spell Spill Spoil Table 15: -t/-ed variation in AmE across 12 verbs Burn Bless Dream Dwell Kneel Lean 57 Leap Learn Smell Spell Spill Spoil 29 109 13 8 3 3 85 2830 108 111 54 56 .25 .04 .11 .07 .05 .05 .75 .96 .89 .93 .95 .95 Total -t Total -ed Prop -t Prop -ed 38 1 79 12 16 4 56 594 34 33 17 35 108 85 77 7 2 65 22 1242 74 71 36 34 .26 .01 .50 .63 .88 .06 .72 .32 .31 .32 .32 .51 .74 .99 .50 .37 .11 .94 .28 .68 .69 .68 .68 .49 Total -ed 106 59 78 5 13 140 28 1330 131 35 56 49 Prop -t .21 .00 .46 .44 .76 .07 .61 .38 .17 .35 .19 .46 Prop -ed .79 1.00 .54 .56 .24 .93 .39 .62 .83 .65 .81 .54 Total -t Total -ed Prop -t Prop -ed 24 0 37 15 65 22 133 33 83 6 2 90 .15 .00 .31 .71 .97 .20 .85 1.00 .69 .29 .03 .80 Table 16: -t/-ed variation in PhE across 12 verbs Burn Bless Dream Dwell Kneel Lean Leap Learn Smell Spell Spill Spoil Table 17: -t/-ed variation in MyE across 12 verbs Burn Bless Dream Dwell Kneel Lean Leap Learn Smell Spell Spill Spoil Total -t 28 0 67 4 41 10 44 800 27 19 13 42 Table 18: -t/-ed variation in SgE across 12 verbs Burn Bless Dream Dwell Kneel Lean 58 Leap Learn Smell Spell Spill Spoil 44 600 27 19 7 11 Table 19: -t/-ed variation in HKE across 12 verbs 44 1792 70 40 35 19 .50 .25 .28 .32 .17 .37 .50 .75 .72 .68 .83 .63 59 APPENDIX II CHI-SQUARE TEST PER VARIETY PER VERB Burn Bless Dream Dwell Kneel Lean Leap Learn Smell Spell Spill Spoil Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected -t 310 843 8 176.5 620 758.5 85 61.5 339 188.5 347 686 858 549.5 3842 2227 365 449.5 275 327.5 151 250.5 264 302 -ed 1376 843 345 176.5 897 758.5 38 61.5 38 188.5 1025 686 241 549.5 9170 2227 534 449.5 380 327.5 350 250.5 340 302 Statistical significance 0.000*** (χ²= 673.995) 0.000*** (χ²= 321.725) 0.000*** (χ²= 50.579) 0.000*** (χ²= 17.959) 0.000*** (χ²= 240.321) 0.000*** (χ²= 335.047) 0.000*** (χ²= 346.396) 0.000*** (χ²= 2181.646) 0.000*** (χ²= 31.77) 0.000*** (χ²= 16.832) 0.000*** (χ²= 79.044) 0.002*** (χ²= 9.563) -t 171 1269 6 412 385 797 230 145 352 204 51 774.5 369 367 612 10430.5 -ed 2367 1269 818 412 1209 797 60 145 56 204 1498 774.5 365 367 20249 10430.5 Statistical significance 0.000*** (χ²= 1900.085) 0.000*** (χ²= 800.175) 0.000*** (χ²= 425.924) 0.000*** (χ²= 99.655) 0.000*** (χ²= 214.745) 0.000*** (χ²= 1351.717) 0.8820871 (χ²= 0.022) 0.000*** (χ²= 18484.817) Table 20: Chi-square test on 12 verbs in BrE Burn Bless Dream Dwell Kneel Lean Leap Learn Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected 60 Smell Spell Spill Spoil Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected 90 536 55 479.5 47 266.5 25 290.5 982 536 904 479.5 486 266.5 556 290.5 0.000*** (χ²= 742.224) 0.000*** (χ²= 751.617) 0.000*** (χ²= 361.578) 0.000*** (χ²= 485.303 -t 21 111.5 1 98 99 125 35 20.5 82 47.5 23 95 29 57 109 1469.5 13 60.5 8 59.5 3 28.5 3 29.5 -ed 202 111.5 195 98 151 125 6 20.5 13 47.5 167 95 85 57 2830 1469.5 108 60.5 111 59.5 54 28.5 56 29.5 Statistical significance 0.000*** (χ²= 146.91) 0.000*** (χ²= 192.02) 0.001*** (χ²= 10.816) 0.000*** (χ²= 20.512) 0.000*** (χ²= 50.116) 0.000*** (χ²= 109.137) 0.000*** (χ²= 27.509 0.000*** (χ²= 2519.17) 0.000*** (χ²= 74.587) 0.000*** (χ²= 89.151) 0.000*** (χ²= 45.632) 0.000*** (χ²= 47.61) -t 38 73 1 43 79 78 12 9.5 16 9 -ed 108 73 85 43 77 78 7 9.5 2 9 Statistical significance 0.000*** (χ²= 33.562) 0.000*** (χ²= 82.047) 0.87190032 (χ²= 0.026) 0.25131119 (χ²= 1.316) 0.001*** (χ²= 10.889) Table 21: Chi-square test on 12 verbs in AmE Burn Bless Dream Dwell Kneel Lean Leap Learn Smell Spell Spill Spoil Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Table 22: Chi-square test on 12 verbs in PhE Burn Bless Dream Dwell Kneel Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected 61 Lean Leap Learn Smell Spell Spill Spoil Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected 4 34.5 56 39 594 918 34 54 33 52 17 26.5 35 34.5 65 34.5 22 39 1242 918 74 54 71 52 36 26.5 34 34.5 0.000*** (χ²= 53.928) 0.000*** (χ²= 14.821) 0.000*** (χ²= 228.706) 0.000*** (χ²= 14.815) 0.000*** (χ²= 13.885) 0.009*** (χ²= 6.811) 0.90581285 (χ²= 0.014) -t 28 67 0 29.5 67 72.5 4 4.5 41 27 10 75 44 36 800 1065 27 79 19 27 13 34.5 42 45.5 -ed 106 67 59 29.5 78 72.5 5 4.5 13 27 140 75 28 36 1330 1065 131 79 35 27 56 34.5 49 45.5 Statistical significance 0.000*** (χ²= 45.403) 0.000*** (χ²= 59) 0.36111843 (χ²= 0.834) 0.73900851 (χ²= 0.111) 0.000*** (χ²= 14.519) 0.000*** (χ²= 112.667) 0.059 (χ²= 3.556) 0.000*** (χ²= 131.878) 0.000*** (χ²= 68.456) 0.029* (χ²= 4.741) 0.000*** (χ²= 26.797) 0.46326278 (χ²= 0.538) -t 24 78.5 0 16.5 -ed 133 78.5 33 16.5 Statistical significance 0.000*** (χ²= 75.675) 0.000*** (χ²= 33) Table 23: Chi-square test on 12 verbs in MyE Burn Bless Dream Dwell Kneel Lean Leap Learn Smell Spell Spill Spoil Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Table 24: Chi-square test on 12 verbs in SgE Burn Bless Observed Expected Observed Expected 62 Dream Dwell Kneel Lean Leap Learn Smell Spell Spill Spoil Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Observed Expected Table 25: Chi-square test on 12 verbs in HKE 37 60 15 10.5 65 33.5 22 56 44 44 600 1196 27 48.5 19 29.5 7 21 11 15 83 60 6 10.5 2 33.5 90 56 44 44 1792 1196 70 48.5 40 29.5 35 21 19 15 0.000*** (χ²= 17.633) 0.049* (χ²= 3.857) 0.000*** (χ²= 52.239) 0.000*** (χ²= 41.286) 1 (χ²= 0) 0.000*** (χ²= 594.007) 0.000*** (χ²= 19.062) 0.006*** (χ²= 7.475) 0.000*** (χ²= 18.667) 0.144 (χ²= 2.133)
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