THE MISSING ATTRIBUTES OF THE NEW VERNACULAR: A BRAZILIAN EXAMPLE
Doris C.C.K. Kowaltowski *
Lucila C. Labaki *
Self-built houses of urban settlements in developing countries are frequently termed the new
vernacular. Brazilian regional self-built houses are analyzed, through a survey, with regard
to construction and design attributes considered essential in the definition of a vernacular
architecture. Factors of building process and technology, function, aesthetic and
environmental comfort are shown to be specific to the self-building activity in the region of
the city of Campinas. This local new vernacular is influenced by the evolution of the
traditional colonial Brazilian house, middle class values, building codes as well as economic
limitations. Some important quality attributes are found to be missing, especially
effectiveness of response to climate. For the new vernacular to attain lasting value, specific
attributes must be added. This architectural quality can be acquired through deliberate aid
mechanisms which increase design awareness.
Vernacular, meaning home made or home born in Latin1 can be applied in building design
studies to traditional dwellings and the self-built houses around growing cities in which
economic and social disparities exist. This phenomenon has been discussed under the term: a
new vernacular. In the last twenty years, authors like Turner2, Rapoport3, Kellet and Napier4
and others advocate research of these houses.
Self-built houses are presently the predominant mode of urban habitation production of low
income populations in Brazil and in much of Latin America5. Considering that 70% of Brazil’s
population6 is urban today and around 65% of urban housing is self-built7, one can estimate that
12 million families are living in spontaneous settlements8 today in the country. The traditional
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vernacular, according to some estimates, houses only between eight and nine million families in
the world9.
Characterizing the New Vernacular through Attributes
Traditional vernacular architecture is mostly seen as positive in the literature10. Self-built
settlements are on the contrary often regarded as unsightly and having low living standards11. Many
discussions exist which propose to study the vernacular through methodological scrutiny12, specially
for future reference and application to new designs13. These works attribute several main
characteristics to traditional architecture. Some of these characteristics are: regional identity;
enduring values of the builders of houses; specific processes which become norms14, design
according to the lay of the land, the availability of materials and for life’s irreducible essentials15.
Simplicity, honesty, authenticity, utility and rationality of construction are used to describe the
vernacular around the world16.
The classification of the vernacular is seen as a search for specific positive elements in design. Here
environmental quality factors such as rational response to nature and climate appropriateness are
stressed17. Aesthetic elements based on the articulation of the plan of a house and the use of a good
leitmotif without reverting to stylistic fashions are seen as essential18. Traditional Japanese and
Turkish houses can be mentioned as good examples of vernacular design, appropriate to a humid
climate through their use of large roof overhangs, lightweight structure, floors raised above the
ground and careful siting in garden settings. Design around a key element like the raised window
seat is the leitmotif in the Turkish example19.
2
An important approach to analyze a specific form of building as to its classification of vernacular or
traditional design has been devised by Rapoport20. The collection of attributes of traditionality and
product and process characteristics of the vernacular are seen here as useful for the analysis of selfbuilt settlements in a specific local and their traditional predecessors. The lessons to be learned for
design application can be based on data from such analyses. The first set of Rapoport’s attributes is
primarily concerned with the definition of traditionality, where many statements are not applicable
to our example. The local case is a western development. Ritualistic elements and strong
symbolisms are not present in local architecture. What can be singled out for a valid discussion of
both the traditional Brazilian house and the new self-building development are: small scale; reliance
on social conventions; informal controls; little individual selection or expression; acceptance of
things (especially well-being; status and technology); schemata and models; working by example;
non-reflectiveness; a self-evident or natural way of doing things; accepting the past; rejecting or
ignoring modernism; conservatism; repetition; slow change; low novelty; little variability; limited
material resources; not wholly economically rational; not essentially technological; with diffuse
knowledge and skills and low work or activity specialization. Attributes which do not apply to the
Brazilian vernacular in its traditional form and the new urban evolution are: grass-roots; high level
of local authority; strong constraints (other than economic and physical lot conditions); group
oriented; low conflict; not market oriented and land seen as in terms of social relations21. The above
characteristics and attributes describe the local phenomena in general terms. A detailed description
should uncover existing and missing attributes of the local urban vernacular.
Traditional Brazilian Urban Vernacular
The traditional Brazilian house is linked to colonization. Models of urban 16th century Portuguese
houses are built over the settled territory. There is no indigenous evolution present22. The new
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colonial cities adopt a narrow and long lot shape. Houses are built without setbacks from lot limits
including the street. Freestanding houses are rare. The shared party walls induces the adoption of
similar models especially in relation to height. Both one and up to four story row-houses are used.
Only the front and back spaces have natural light and ventilation. Unlit and unventilated internal
rooms serve as private sleeping quarters23 (Fig.1). Plan configuration of these houses is rectangular
in shape. An internal, often central corridor is used as a transition zone of street to private rooms.
Room sizes are generous, due to sparse furnishing. Internal sleeping alcoves however have a
minuscule area. Service spaces such as kitchens are not part of the main house, but located in the
back of the lot24. Windows and doors use a symmetrical arrangement of arched openings of almost
standardized one meter width. The triple arch arrangement is favored on the façade. Since ceilings
are high, openings are long and narrow. Double hung windows are used which permit control of half
the opening area for ventilation purposes. The roof is inclined towards the street, with a small
overhang in early examples and later hidden behind a street front parapet. A small, roofless balcony
is occasionally added to the upper floor on the front of the house. On corner sites a variation of the
urban colonial house permits light and ventilation from three sides. Mud wall constructions,
sometimes reinforced by sticks and bricks often substitute the original Portuguese stone walls, since
clay is an abundant material over most of the territory of Brazil. Finishing elements are mostly
imported for houses with superior quality. The urban colonial settlement is compact and lacks
vegetation as a design complement (Fig. 2). Streets and public squares have few trees and private
gardens are small25.
Simple houses have had a continuous evolution of the vernacular shown above, influenced as well
by non-Portuguese immigration. The simple compact urban house is maintained, with few changes
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to the plan, but housing standards have decreased, due to population growth, urbanization and
increasing poverty.
A Survey of Self-Built Houses
A survey 26 was undertaken in several suburbs of the city of Campinas, in the state of São Paulo, to
study the proliferation of a particular self-built housing phenomenon. The survey comprised a total
of 524 questionnaires27 consisting of questions on house construction, satisfaction, preferences and
habits. 159 houses were analyzed in detail with measured drawings, observations as to opening
location, room and window sizes, furniture, finishing and comfort conditions as well as ownerbuilder know-how. Survey dimensioning was according to the population of the city and the total
number of suburbs with self-building characteristics. Subdivisions in the western region have
characteristics of settlements studied here, as attested by the last census of 199128. This region
houses 30% of the total urban population in an income group of one to ten minimum salaries29.
The city of Campinas has approximately one million inhabitants and is located at a distance of one
hundred kilometers from the largest city in Brazil, São Paulo. Industrialization trends influence the
region. Most self-built settlements are located on land considered unfavorable for large scale urban
development, which ironically creates conditions for large scale low income developments, through
land devaluation. Subdivisions are for the most part legally registered, giving security of tenure to
self-builders. A gridiron street pattern is used independently of topography. Lot shape is rectangular
with a narrow street front common to both low income and middle-class suburbs. These self-built
settlements lack adequate service infrastructure giving rise to haphazard commercial enterprises
amongst small houses (Fig. 3). Buildings such as churches rarely occupy places of importance.
Visual poverty of setting in new developments is due to lack of diversity, gridiron streets, poor
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landscaping and haphazardly distributed commercial enterprises. A mix of urban and rural aspects
exists, caused by distance from downtown and large open areas between subdivisions. Older
communities show that most outskirts gain in urbanization with time and gradually become fairly
comfortable suburbs. This has been true for smaller and medium sized cities of Brazil, like
Campinas, but not equally true for larger metropolitan areas such as São Paulo30.
Descriptive Aspects of Self-Built Houses
Three house types can be distinguished in the local self-building phenomenon: the compact four
room plan house, the back of the lot house and a variation of this sited lengthwise (Fig. 4). The first
two types are an evolution of the traditional colonial house described above. The first type derives
from the compact central corridor house, historically the most commonly used plan. The back of the
lot house stems from the service buildings of the colonial house, with very simple construction
detailing.
Survey results show a predominant occurrence (58%) and preference (28%) of the plan of the
compact four room house, at the front of the lot. The preferred plan is composed of a livingroom,
kitchen, bathroom and two bedrooms. The colonial internal corridor has disappeared. This typical
plan gives the house a cubic volume and there is a strong congruence among the sample houses of:
area, volume, roof type (in simple gable form), fenestration, traditional building materials and lot
implantation. Room area is generous when compared to public housing projects and speculative
residences on the local market. Function determines room sizes: livingroom - 14 m2, bedrooms - 12
m2, kitchens - 13 m2 and bathroom - 4 m2. The total house area averages 65 m2.
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Room type distribution is fixed in relation to the front of the lot. The typical four room plan is
sometimes modified by a garage or verandah (Fig.5), although these additions are more common in
larger houses of middle class suburbs. A side setback substitutes the traditional internal corridor for
outside access to the backyard. This enables the front door to be placed to the side of the house,
which is a preferred pattern.
In Campinas traditional building materials, ceramic brick and roof tiles, are used. Outer and room
division walls are built with equal thickness (15 cm). A ceiling slab is used, constructed with
prefabricated ceramic block and concrete beams. The roof structure uses wood and traditional red
ceramic tiles are used for covering. Roof overhangs are sparing. Later additions and modifications
are frequent. Demolitions and reconstructions, which are unplanned, occur in 70% of cases. In 50%
of cases carports are added. 20% of houses have a second bathroom and 40% a third bedroom. The
desire for a specific eating nook creates an attachment to 20% of kitchens. Extra houses are also
added on the lot31. These additional dwellings, built using the back of the lot plan, are primarily for
relatives or married children, and in 14% of the cases for rental purposes. In relation to window
detailing and dimensioning, three types of windows are used. Livingrooms are for the most part
adorned with decorative windows, predominantly in the triple arch form, with narrow louvered
openings. Bedrooms have small shuttered windows. Kitchens and bathrooms are poorly lit and
ventilated by utilitarian louvered windows. Houses have at least two doors, the livingroom and
kitchen doors. Verandahs as protective elements of walls and openings are present in only 14% of
cases. However 70% of houses have specific spaces for laundry activities which are mostly in the
form of a small backporch.
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Only half of the houses surveyed are finished externally. The unfinished houses are the color of their
ceramic building materials or a gray tone from the rough first coat of cement mortar. Finished
houses are painted in light colors of green, blue and pink. Brick veneer is a favored finishing
solution for the front. Internally 63% of dwellings are finished including paintwork.
The second most found dwelling type is the house built at the back of a suburban lot, using three
limits as outer walls and the variation sited lengthwise on very narrow lots. These houses are
smaller in area and volume representing 33% of the total house production, but with only a 7%
expressed preference. The functional program of these houses is fixed according to the width of the
lot. Only one small kitchen, livingroom and bedroom can be fitted across a typical 10 m width lot,
with a minuscule internal bathroom. The lean-to roof is the simple solution for shelter. As an
economic measure many of these houses do not have a ceiling slab and are covered by thin asbestoscement sheet roofing, gray in color. Asphaltic paint is frequently applied to the three outer, lot limit
walls without a roof overhang to prevent moisture penetration. Construction techniques, building
materials and finishing of these small houses are similar to the first type discussed above but often
inferior in quality. All back of the lot houses showed some signs of modifications, since they are
inadequate in size. Examples of such modifications show that additions are poorly planned solutions
for more functional space, interfering with original parts of the house (Fig. 6).
The Practice of Building
The process characteristics of the traditional Brazilian house are closely related to practices in
Portugal at the time of colonization with adaptations due to availability of materials and lack of
skilled labor32. Continuing colonial bonds with the mother country avoid social isolation. A reduced
independent architectural evolution occurs. Local strong administrative autonomy induces
unplanned land division. Urban design is based on free and haphazard siting of buildings. Strong
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constraints in the traditional vernacular are limited to the commonly shared house model described
above.
Houses rarely have elements that give identity of designers or show their intentions and purposes
clearly. Distinction of status is expressed through a choice of building a one or multi-story house.
The reliance on a model with some variation is strong. This model has an underlying nature of
schemata related to plan configuration and aesthetic front façade composition. There is only a
relatively good type relationship among models used in different situations and adaptations of the
compact model to specific problems (a steep street for instance) are rudimentary33 (Fig. 7).
A sharing of knowledge about design and construction exists, based on homogeneity in layout,
materials and finishing. Changes in the model are not open-ended, since additions or subtractions
are rare. The compact plan configuration hinders modification to the schemata. The formal qualities
of the colonial houses are primarily based on the solid-void relation of fenestration patterns.
Complexity of architectural elements is not accentuated, nor massing and volumes. Variety at
settlement scale is present and related to place specificity. This complexity is enhanced by level
changes and siting without geometric rules. Open spaces between the individual dwelling units as
well as the strategic siting of important constructions such as churches and administrative buildings
create effects of light and shade.
What is missing in the local colonial vernacular is a good congruence between environment and
culture. When imported models are used, affinity with local landscape and nature has to be
established over time, through adapted lifestyles and ways of building.
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Much of local present day house building practices, whether self-built or not, follow traditional
construction techniques and use clay materials. Few innovations have found their way into the basic
building trade. This conservatism is less a sign of valuing and respecting the past but a reflection of
the lack of industrialization in some sectors of the building industry. Construction is not essentially
technological. This is particularly true for the basic components of buildings, the outer envelop of a
house, foundations and the roof. On the other hand the self-builder is quick to adopt new ideas when
they facilitate construction. These new ideas must not interfere with shared consolidated practices
however. As an example self-builders use continuous often high wall footings made of bricks34 to
level the site with earth-infill. A simpler method would be to use a slab on grade with integral
bearing wall footings which would however require extensive and costly site leveling work to be
executed before building can begin. On the innovative side ceilings no longer are wooden, but a
lightweight prefabricated slab is used. There is a distrust of changing basic foundation practices (the
solid base of a house), but easier and faster ways of covering are accepted. This dichotomy
permeates the present building practice. The basic structure of the house uses traditional methods of
construction, but new ideas in installations and finishing are quickly adopted, where
industrialization has taken place and the market offers novelty. The new vernacular is thus market
orientated and not immune to stylistic gadgetry. Traditions and beliefs are primarily tied to
economic conditions and rapidly abandoned when poverty gets worse as already cited for the case of
the city of São Paulo.
Although economy is the driving force in the evolution of self-built dwellings they lack the
ingredient of efficient use of resources, an important attribute of the vernacular. This inefficiency is
related to the slow building process35. The large occurrence of rebuilding parts of the house is due to
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a lack of finishing, weathering, and changes over time in circumstances, social pressures and
functional necessities.
The self-builder constructs very much on his own. There is no planned community spirit or
collective effort in building houses. The builder-owner may require assistance from the extended
family or hired help for some heavier construction activities. Knowledge sharing and working by
example occurs between neighbors.
Many conflicts exist. Rights over lot limits36 and drainage of sewage and rain water are the main
causes of such conflicts. Temporary appropriation of public spaces is common in these
communities. Building material may be stock piled, construction debris disposed and vehicles
parked or repaired on public areas reserved for parks and playgrounds. This conflict situation is
coupled to attitudes of accepting things and a distrust of administrative authority. Discomfort is thus
often present and tolerated.
Local building codes have a transforming influence on traditional ways of building. Codes are
respected only to a certain degree and are often incorrectly interpreted to conform to public rules.
The impact of codes is primarily urban. Equal setbacks, lot defining walls and building height
impose uniform land uses and restrict complexity and articulation of urban spaces. Spontaneity of
creating intricate urban spaces through individual acts of construction is not apparent. So-called
spontaneous settlements, based on imposed subdivisions and code regulations, have monotony of
equally sized lots. Complexity and variety are increased over time only on the individual dwelling
scale, primarily through varying stages of house finishing, additions and care of gardens.
Functional Attributes
11
The colonial house, through its ample spaces, corresponds well to its functional necessities.
Activities are physically separated in the two houses on the lot. The missing bathroom is a
precarious later addition to all houses. Relation between street and functional spaces is expressed
through transition zones: corridor, elevation of private spaces on the second floor, conjugation of
family life with productive spaces, such as shops, and extreme isolation and privacy in the sleeping
alcoves. Detailing through the use of internal shutters and wooden lattice filters37 emphasized the
desired separation of community and family life.
Form and function are related through adequate room dimensioning in the majority of self-built
houses, as was the case in the traditional colonial vernacular, when the compact plan is used. The
self-builder has a better sense of space than many professionals working for local housing
authorities, whose designs are 35% smaller in area.
The design of houses is attributed by 45% of self-builders to the family. The remaining self-builders
designed their houses based on influences of neighbors and houses previously lived in, without
seeking available help from local planning authorities. Functional needs are not the driving force
behind plan configuration. Large (from 6 to 10 members) and small families use the same typology
with ironically larger families building smaller homes. Frequently, these families also choose to
build the back of the lot houses, poorer in construction detailing and difficult to expand. This type
of house is declared not to be desired. It is built as a means of quick and cheap shelter. The dream of
a proper house at the front of the lot persists, but is rarely realized. Unplanned lot occupation occurs
over time through precarious additions to the small shelter. Economic constraints lead to the
building of undesired houses, with deficient functional space programs, by 30% of the population. A
desire for a two story house with a possible separation of social and private rooms is expressed by
36% of self-builders. Only 3% of the population however venture to build such projects in
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Campinas. The congruence of choice model and its choice criteria (function) is not directly related
to shared ideals of users. Undesired models are built and desired models avoided. The basis of
design in the vernacular is said to be life’s irreducible essentials. In the self-building context this
attribute is not as of yet properly adjusted. The suburban lot does not impose strong constraints on
the house model. The repetitive use of a specific model is thus not a logical functional consequence
but an expression of attitudes, the attributes of non-reflectiveness, non-critical design and lack of
rationality. These attitudes also influence a poor relation to landscape and site.
The adherence to past beliefs and value systems needs critical analysis. Changes in behavioral
patterns and social pressures exist. The fixed relation of functional spaces to the street is
questionable in a society with few active community links. The lot is no longer seen in terms of
social relations, but purely as a means of achieving habitation. Two meter high walls enclose
residential lots in 80% of cases, obstructing visual contact with neighbors and the street. High crime
rates in the society and acquired habits of social life around the television set have changed the
relation to the street. Noisy activities are also common to the modern lifestyle38. Acoustic detailing
of houses is poor and conflict is not solved through the walled enclosure of the lot. The narrow lot
and house proximity with pervious construction detailing are not an ideal setting for today’s
lifestyle.
The kitchen is no longer the principal place for family activities. Eating is often transferred to the
livingroom due to the location of the television set. Open-planning with integrated kitchenlivingroom spaces is however rejected by the population. With regard to bedrooms, specificity of
spaces is strong. Transition zones between private, social and service functions have almost
completely disappeared. Many activities are temporarily transferred to a back porch to avoid
multipurpose use of indoor space. On the whole the modern compact plan is not a perfect setting for
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the new lifestyle of self-builders. The plan shows primary preoccupation for construction economy.
A reduction of internal house privacy and an increase for security expresses to some extent a change
of cultural feelings.
Complexity due to variation over time is not related to changes to the model, a characteristic of
traditional design. Additions to the model are introduced. These additions reflect the pressures of
the growth of possessions in contemporary dwellings, the need for more storage and security and the
greater specialization of functional spaces of houses39. Pressure is put on the compact four room
plan, transformed into a new model predominant in middle class houses of richer suburbs (Fig. 8)
14% of self-builder have already followed this aspiration model. Slow obsolescence, an important
attribute of the vernacular, is missing in the new houses, constantly modified through
transformations and additions. The addition of extra houses completes the traditional setup of front
main-house and back service rooms of colonial times. Self-builders who commence their building
activity in the back of the lot however do not reach this final setup in these cases.
The front garden, not available in the traditional house, is a four meter code enforced strip which in
30% of cases is cemented. Details such as the side placement of the front door, lack of a front
verandah and window typology hinder an adequate indoor-outdoor relationship. Backyards are used
for service activities with little attention given to leisure or visual beauty through landscaping. The
backporch, present in 70% of houses, is the most used outdoor space of houses. Although some
plants are found in most yards, use of vegetation has no specific formal qualities.
Aesthetic aspects
14
The aesthetics of the traditional houses is primarily based on the façade. Symmetry is the strongest
feature, with equal solid-void distribution of large arched windows. Uniform aesthetics is achieved
through the use of specific materials, textures and colors on houses of similar proportions. Massing
of volumes of individual dwellings is weak. Colonial settings have a finished look. Architectural
language is uniform and communality is expressed. Important buildings and public spaces are
purposefully integrated between dwelling units. The total aesthetic aspect is positive.
A discussion of the aesthetics of self-built houses by low-income populations, must touch on
feelings and desires of owners as well as formal architectural elements of beauty. With only half of
houses completed with stucco, paintwork or brick veneer, beauty is associated predominantly to a
finished house. Formal qualities of complexity, solid-void relation, massing of volumes and
articulation, level changes and the use of light and shade as aesthetic elements of a house are not
mentioned by the population. Symmetrically arranged arched windows with pronounced framing on
the front of the house, decorated flowery security bars, brick veneer, flower pots, the “colonial
house”, a verandah and a visible garage are mentioned by self-builders as desired specific beauty
element. The “colonial house” desire is expressed through a predominant use of arched windows.
Small precast curvilinear railing pilasters and ornate security bars are other favored elements for
beautification of the house. The narrow arched windows create the colonial image of the house, but
at diminished size. The preferred façade (Fig. 8) of 36% of the population represents a predominant
middle-class style of richer suburbs of Campinas. The façade arrangement is based on the traditional
house with changed proportions, detailing and finishing. Brick veneer substitutes the painted or tiles
fronts of the vernacular. Group identity is thus weak and the self-builder seeks status40 through
beautification and visible consumer attitudes. The local market, offering desired aesthetic elements
ready-made, encourages the aspiration style. Veneration of past values is present in the new
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vernacular considered a pastiche however by many researchers41. The value of traditional elements
is part of conservatism of popular design and the preference for curvilinear forms can be linked to
kitsch tendencies42. The house model of this urban vernacular thus lacks an authentic development
as with most spontaneous settlements43.
On the settlement scale the self-built suburbs lack any strong link to place. The repetitive schemata
of narrow equal rectangular lots, small houses and walled fronts lack complexity. Blind streets are
given interest through continuous building activities, car repair and children playing in the public
realm. The scene has an unfinished look. This open-endedness creates an unsettled image, where
purpose and intention seem to be missing.
Environmental Comfort Attributes
Environmental comfort in design must relate to lifestyle and material means of achieving
construction quality. Social sanctions and conventions affect acceptable acoustic conditions.
Climate and activity patterns are primary factors affecting thermal and luminous comfort.
Discussions of vernacular design frequently stress the repetition of good custom versus innovation
in relation to environmental comfort44. Assertions of vernacular design correctness are often
however devoid of a discussion of necessities and conveniences of sanitation, lighting, heating,
cooling and activity interferences.
Effectiveness of response to climate is an emphasized attribute of the vernacular, sustained by
bioclimatic design. Strategies of design depend on accurate climate definition. The local climate can
be divided into three types: hot and humid, hot and without precipitation, and cool and relatively
dry. During the cool months solar radiation can elevate daytime temperatures to 30°C with cold
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nights. This climate has no strong features, like a specifically directed and timed sea-breeze, which
may induce design with climate response. The climate definition will then ask for specific design
strategies: orientation and siting on the lot to avoid overexposure to sun and to capture favorable
winds for envelope cooling, location and size of openings to favor cross ventilation, definition of
wall thickness and choice of construction materials to increase thermal resistance, light colored
exterior wall and roof surfaces for reflection of solar radiation, introduction of shading through
landscaping and awnings over openings, exterior ground treatment through grassed areas to reduce
longwave radiation and adoption of attic ventilation in roof construction detailing.
Although effectiveness of response to climate is not a strong attribute of the traditional Brazilian
house, this vernacular has several bioclimatic elements. Building materials of clay are used and
thick walls are predominantly white washed. Opening sizes are generous in relation to room area
and permit hot air to escape from high windows. On the negative side the vernacular is not
specifically conscious of climate. Orientation is random, cross ventilation, available only through
the corridor, is not a specific design element. The internal alcoves for sleeping have no ventilation
which causes summer discomfort. Shading is largely ignored. Lack of a projecting roof ignores the
tropical precipitation patterns, characterized by short but violent rain storms. In the urban scene
landscaping is not used to its full comfort potential. The local vernacular thus does not opt for
strong climate conscious design as is common in other cultures with appropriate rooms for specific
seasons such as the summer and winter rooms of Oman for instance45. Occupancy patterns of hot
and cold seasons have been few, although summer houses in mountain areas were part of a pattern
of living for the wealthy in Rio de Janeiro. These arrangements have fallen into disuse with
declining wealth and social and cultural changes.
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For self-built houses in the region of Campinas street orientation is also at random. Repetitive use of
a simplistic model is a non-reflective attitude towards comfort and shows that natural positive ways
of doing things are largely ignored by self-builders. The fixed relation of plan to lot front can
adversely affect control of solar radiation over specific rooms. Ventilation conditions both for
envelope cooling and internal air movement are without control in relation to wind direction. These
conditions are further affected by a lack of conscious inclusion of setbacks around the home and
walled lot perimeters which create wind barriers.
Window placement and size in relation to room configuration does not create favorable ventilation
conditions. Cross ventilation is only achieved with open room doors. The openings of most
windows are below code requirements of one fifth of the floor area, due to the fact that the most
economic standardized market available components are used. When adding the size of doors to
window openings, code requirements for minimum illumination and ventilation are met for kitchens
and livingrooms.
The self-builder’s choice of construction materials contributes towards a design with relatively good
thermal resistance in Campinas. The local mild climate is however not an inducement to specific
adjustments of choices of materials, wall thickness and external finishing and color. White-washing
is not a custom, even for finished houses. The ceiling slab is an important construction feature
which greatly contributes towards thermal comfort46. Attic ventilation is completely ignored and
looked at with reserve for security reasons. Even though the population is aware of the positive
aspects of shade trees, this information is poorly applied to the house and its setting. The verandah,
as an inside-outside interface which can contribute greatly to thermal comfort in a hot climate by
protecting walls and openings, is rarely present. Continuous changes applied to houses cause
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obstruction of openings with diminishment of light and ventilation conditions. Transformations of
and additions to houses are negative acts in relation to comfort and often interfere with function.
The back of the lot house is a particularly uncomfortable construction due to its single-sided
openings, lack of choice of orientation, black-painted walls and absence of overhangs. Wisdom and
experience has not been accumulated in relation to summer comfort and these small houses continue
to be built.
House owner knowledge of thermal comfort detailing is limited to simplistic and some erroneous
construction elements. 18% of self-builders claim not to know of any means of improving comfort
in summer and 32% are ignorant of winter comfort detailing. Expectations, by the local population,
concerning thermal comfort are still not high since experience of living or working in well tempered
or totally air-conditioned environments is rare. Expectations and knowledge do not exert strong
needs for improving house design for thermal comfort. Social and economic conditions as well
restrict access to better ways of building.
Towards a New Urban Vernacular
Both the old and new urban vernacular use a compact plan which restricts variety, plan articulation,
volume and massing in architectural conception. The application of a fixed model in the colonial
setup is able to create a common language and harmony of urban setting. The new vernacular lost
these positive aspects through the repetitiveness of a subdivision model and the lack of social
integration of individual constructions. The proportions of the traditional façade now transported to
the small suburban house have lost formal quality. Both the old and new local house examples have
poor effectiveness of response to climate and are not conceived around an authentic, simple,
utilitarian important leitmotif. The new self-built houses lack other important characteristics of the
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vernacular: efficiency of use of resources, open-endedness allowing changes, elements of transition
and interface, good relationship to landscape and nature, slow obsolescence and congruence to
lifestyle. The process of building is devoid of: collective control, low conflict, accumulated wisdom
and experience, continuous search for improvement47, emphasis of continuity and rationality.
Aspects of working by example, use of strongly shared model, conservatism and non individualism
cause problems in the new urban vernacular.
From this evaluation lessons can be learned. Although owner expressed satisfaction is high in
relation to the self-built houses, adjustments to design are necessary to elevate the new vernacular to
adequate standards of physical setting. Lifestyle, environmental comfort and formal positive
elements of architectural and urban design must be considered within the existing economic
constraints. Simple strategies of design are available especially through the principles of bioclimatic
design. The back of the lot house should be discouraged. As an extra house it needs proper detailing
to improve comfort. The compact plan can be reorganized to separate social and private zones,
improve orientation and facilitate level changes (Fig. 9). Formal architectural qualities can be added
through: rational level changes, relative plan articulation and complexity, the use of light and shade
with verandah additions, deliberate solid-void relations through specific fenestration for luminous
and thermal comfort and the appropriate use of vegetation. House construction, performed in stages,
needs planned growth. Good use of the lot can be achieved with an increased front setback for
indoor-outdoor relationship, introduction of verandahs for transition and protection of openings as
well as space reserved for socially important possessions like the car. The intelligent use of the
obligatory setback should be encouraged. The local middle class is open to stylistic and house plan
configuration changes supported by successful marketing efforts. Since middle-class innovations
20
serve as examples, aversion to front kitchens may disappear and aesthetic preferences may change
in popular design.
Design awareness is possible to be developed due to good plan reading capacity of self-builders.
This ability should be enhanced by instilling climate awareness with concern for air, sunlight and
greenery. The articulation of the plan to fit specific land or functional necessities must have
professional assistance, since technical problems are involved (roof configuration, level changes).
Assistance must take into account economic limitations and the slow and individualized building
process. Lack of strong group identity creates barriers of communication. Working by example can
however be the instigator of change. Active professional involvement is necessary to attend to the
dimension of the phenomenon.
Improvement of vernacular values in self-built settlements is not solely based on the individual
house. Urban design created by subdivision norms must be changed. Minimum standards create
monotony and conflict. Repetitive solutions over varying conditions do not create a search for
continuous improvement. Communality is reduced due to acceptance of norms and fear of crime.
Official attention given to self-building manifestations must increase. Public recognition of the
phenomenon, support of professional involvement and an educational process are important.
Conclusion
Descriptions of colonial houses in Brazil and self-building manifestation in the city of Campinas are
used to discuss architectural quality of the urban vernacular. Rapoport’s attributes of “tradition” are
applied to factors of construction process, building technology, function, aesthetics and
environmental comfort. The missing attributes of the new vernacular are investigated. Elevating the
21
local self-building phenomenon to a vernacular level involves attention given to the individual
house and the settlement. Bioclimatic architecture and an improved fit of site and design must be
encouraged. New social pressures must be incorporated into the house and its setting. The large
dimension of the production of self-built houses asks for active professional involvement and
official support.
Reference Notes
*
School of Civil Engineering, University of Campinas, UNICAMP, Brazil
**
Our thanks to Evandro Ziggiatti Monteiro, Architect, for the freehand drawings.
1.
Websters Unabridged Third International Dictionary, Encyclopaedia Britannica Inc., (Chicago, 1966), p.
2544.
2.
J. Turner, Housing by People: towards autonomy in building environments, Marion Boyars, (London 1976)
and J. Turner, “Dwelling Resources in Latin America”, Architectural Design 33, Aug. (1963).
A. Rapoport, “Spontaneous Settlements as Vernacular Design”. Spontaneous Shelter: International
3.
Perspectives and Prospects, Temple University Press (1988).
4.
P. Kellett and M. Napier, “Squatter Architecture? A Critical Examination of Vernacular Theory and
Spontaneous Settlement with Respect to South America and South Africa”, in Traditional Dwellings and Settlements
Review, Vol. VI, No. II (Spring 1995), pp.7-24.
5.
Ibid., p.8 and N. Hamdi, Housing without Houses: Participation, Flexibility, Enablement, Van Nostrand
Reinhold, (New York, 1991), pp. 3-26.
6.
The total population of Brazil is estimated in 150 million people with an average of 4.8 persons per family.
7.
Based on reports of cement consumption in Brazilian urban areas as found in A. Gois, “Cimento para os
Pobres”, Veja, 1 440, (17.04.1996), p. 45 and in earlier records 70% as in C. A.C. Lemos, Alvenaria Burguesa, Nobel,
(São Paulo, 1985), p. 18.
8.
These settlements should not to be confused with favelas, the local shanti towns.
9.
JP. Bourdier and N. Alsayyad, “Dwelling, Settlements and Tradition: A Prologue”, in JP. Bourdier and N.
Alsayyad, eds., Dwellings, Settlements and Tradition: Cross-cultural Perspectives, University Press of America,
(Lanham, 1989), p.5.
10.
B.Rudofsky, Architects without Architects: A Short Introduction to Non-Pedigreed Architecture, Academy
Editions, (London, 1964).
11.
F. Viviescas, “Myth of Self-Build as Popular Architecture : the Case of Low-Income Housing in Colombian
Cities”. Open House International, 4, (1985), pp. 44-48.
12.
JP. Bourdier and N. Alsayyad, eds., Dwellings, Settlements and Tradition: Cross-cultural Perspectives,
University Press of America, (Lanham, 1989) and P. Kellett and M. Napier, “Squatter Architecture? A Critical
Examination of Vernacular Theory and Spontaneous Settlement with Respect to South America and South Africa”, in
Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review, Vol. VI, No. II (Spring 1995), pp.7-24.
13.
Particularly in relation to the dimension of the self-building phenomenon and the needs of these settlements as
stated in P. Rowe, Modernity and Housing, MIT Press, (Cambridge, Mass, 1993), p.280, and N. Hamdi, Housing
without Houses: Participation, Flexibility, Enablement, Van Nostrand Reinhold, (New York, 1991).
14.
JP. Bourdier and N. Alsayyad, “Dwelling, Settlements and Tradition: A Prologue”, in JP. Bourdier and N.
Alsayyad, eds., Dwellings, Settlements and Tradition: Cross-cultural Perspectives, University Press of America,
(Lanham, 1989), p. 6.
15.
Ibid. p. 10.
16.
B. Taut, “Turk Evi, Sinan, Ankara”, Her Ay, (Istanbul, 1938), pp. 93-98 as quoted in S. Bozdogan,
“Vernacular Architecture and Identity Politics: The Case of the “Turkish House””, in Traditional Dwellings and
Settlements Review, Vol. VII, No. II (Spring 1996), pp. 7-18.
17.
A. Rapoport, “On the Attributes of Tradition” in JP. Bourdier and N. Alsayyad, eds., Dwellings, Settlements
and Tradition: Cross-cultural Perspectives, University Press of America, (Lanham, 1989),. p.87.
22
18.
S. Bozdogan, “Vernacular Architecture and Identity Politics: The Case of the “Turkish House””, in Traditional
Dwellings and Settlements Review, Vol. VII, No. II (Spring 1996), p.11.
19.
Ibid, p. 9.
20.
A. Rapoport, “On the Attributes of Tradition” in JP. Bourdier and N. Alsayyad, eds., Dwellings, Settlements
and Tradition: Cross-cultural Perspectives, University Press of America, (Lanham, 1989),.pp.77-105.
21.
Ibid, p. 83.
22.
The local indigenous Indian population excluded.
23.
N. G. Reis, Quadro da Arquitetura no Brasil, Ed. Perspectiva, (São Paulo, 1970), pp. 27-32.
24.
With slave labor used for all cleaning activities, bathrooms did not exist in these houses.
25.
N. G. Reis, Quadro da Arquitetura no Brasil, Ed. Perspectiva, (São Paulo, 1970), pp. 24.
26.
The findings described here are the result of a study which had the support of the Fundação de Amparo à
Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo, FAPESP, Processo: no. 92/4525-2.
27.
For statistical dimensioning the research had the support of the Laboratório de Estatística of the Instituto de
Matemática, Estatística e Ciência da Computação (IMECC) of UNICAMP (Universidade Estadual de Campanis. SP).
The number of questionnaires was primarily based on the number of variables researched and the total population in the
region. The survey included three public housing projects for related testing of preferences, habits and transformation of
houses. Simple statistical percentages and averages were used. Variables were correlated using software like “foxpro”.
28.
Prefeitura Municipal de Campinas, População: Região de Campinas, Sumário de Dados, No. 1 (Campinas,
1993).
29.
The minimum monthly salary today is approximately equivalent to 115 US$ per family, with a buying power of
only the minimum month food supply.
30.
M. Roméro, A. Cruz and S. W. Ornstein, “Avaliação dos Aspectos Construtivos de Habitações
Autoconstruídas: O caso do Município de São Paulo”, in Proceedings of the Seminário Nacional sobre
Desenvolvimento Tecnológico dos Pré-Moldados e Autoconstrução, (1995), pp 6-57.
31.
35% of cases had two houses on the lot.
32.
N. G. Reis, Quadro da Arquitetura no Brasil, Ed. Perspectiva, (São Paulo, 1970), pp. 25-26.
33.
This is a typical design problem with compact plans where level changes are difficult to achieve since they
cannot be broken up in logical parts.
34.
With the increased manufacture of bricks, stone wall footings were abandoned.
35.
The survey showed that houses can take more than twenty years to be built without finishing.
36.
Most houses have at least one party wall with a neighboring lot. The survey showed that row houses are the
most rejected type of house. Although the traditional house is based on row houses, this strong aversion must be due
today to acoustic and rain water penetration problems between houses caused by poor construction
37.
In some colonial examples wooden façade projections (muxarabiê) common to the Arabic world vernacular
were used, as seen in E. Corona and C. A. C. Lemos, Dicionário da Arquitetura Brasileira, Edart Livraria Editora
Ltda.,( São Paulo, 1972), pp. 331-332.
38.
Constant radio listening and activities using powered equipment are common around the home in these suburbs.
39.
The survey showed that houses had a large number and variety of domestic appliances and furniture. The
general trend is shown in A. Rapoport, “On the Attributes of Tradition” in JP. Bourdier and N. Alsayyad, eds.,
Dwellings, Settlements and Tradition: Cross-cultural Perspectives, University Press of America, (Lanham, 1989),.pp.
93.
40.
P. Rowe, Modernity and Housing, MIT Press, (Cambridge, Mass.), 1993, p.280.
41.
F. Viviescas, “Myth of Self-Build as Popular Architecture : the Case of Low-Income Housing in Colombian
Cities”. Open House International, 4, (1985), p. 45.
42.
A. Moles, Psychologie du Kitsch, Lárt du Bonheur, Maison Mame, (Paris, 1971).
43.
P. Kellett and M. Napier, “Squatter Architecture? A Critical Examination of Vernacular Theory and
Spontaneous Settlement with Respect to South America dnd South Africa”, in Traditional Dwellings and Settlements
Review, Vol. VI, No. II (Spring 1995), p. 18.
44.
A. Rapoport, “On the Attributes of Tradition” in JP. Bourdier and N. Alsayyad, eds., Dwellings, Settlements
and Tradition: Cross-cultural Perspectives, University Press of America, (Lanham, 1989),.pp.82-83.
45.
H. Al-Hinai, W. J. Batty and S. D. Probert, “Vernacular Architecture of Oman: Features that enhance Thermal
Comfort achieved within Buildings”, Applied Energy 44, (1993), pp. 233-258.
46.
Self-builders do not show specific awareness of this.
47.
Large occurrence of house modifications may be seen as an expression of the attribute, not rationally solved.
23
Figure 1. Schematic drawings of the traditional urban Brazilian vernacular
24
Figure 2 Impression of a traditional urban setting
25
Figure 3. Impression of a self-built settlement in Campinas
26
Figure 4. Three self-built house plan types as tested for preferences and their front views
27
Figure 5. Survey sample example (four room compact plan house) with an additional carport
28
Figure 6. Survey sample example of (back of the lot type) house modifications. The hatched part of
the plans are the original houses.
29
Figure 7. Rudimentary solution to siting of compact plan on a steep street
30
Figure 8. Survey sample example house using the “middle-class” plan and preferred front
31
Figure 9. Suggested house design for self-building in Campinas
32