Religious Glyptic Iconography in Attica: A Comparison with the Wider Mycenaean World Jennifer Palmer University of Birmingham Introduction Background to the Research ‘Glyptic iconography’ refers to the images engraved upon seals, rings, and their associated clay sealings. More than 10,000 of these artefacts have been discovered at sites across the Greek mainland, Crete, and the Cyclades. Figurative images first started to become common in the Aegean at the transition between the Middle and Late Bronze Age, with scenes of animals soon predominating. The human figure was depicted comparatively infrequently in the Late Bronze Age. Nonetheless, these scenes, though rare, constitute a valuable source of information regarding numerous aspects of Late Bronze Age Aegean society, including religion. The majority of the images that appear upon seals, rings, and sealings have been published in the volumes of the Corpus der minoischen und mykenischen Siegel, which provides each unique seal-type (image) with its own reference number. Many seals and rings were used to make impressions in clay, which is why the images engraved upon them are always studied in impression. My research focusses on LBA Aegean recurring glyptic motifs, particularly those that can be defined as ‘religious’. A scene can be regarded as such if it depicts one or more of the following: a deity; the interaction between deities and mortals; a ritual that can be linked to cult; and, finally, if it utilises iconography that is elsewhere connected with cult. These categories are explored in more detail in the discussion of the individual artefacts below. Just over one hundred glyptic artefacts have been discovered in Attica, most of them soft stone seals. Nearly half of these artefacts carry geometric, non-figurative designs. Another fifty comprise animal studies, the majority of which are schematic in nature. Only a handful of glyptic artefacts depict the human figure and/or carry scenes that could be regarded as religious in nature. The four key artefacts discussed below were discovered at the locations outlined on the map of Attica: a ‘matrix’ from Eleusis, the ‘Minotaur Ring’ from Athens, and two seals, one from Menidi and one from Voula. The seals both carry antithetic motifs, both of which recur in very similar form elsewhere in the Mycenaean world; these occurrences are plotted on the second map. In contrast, the scenes on the artefacts discovered at Eleusis and Athens are unique, although both include elements that appear in different contexts elsewhere in glyptic iconography. Outline and Aims The first aim of this poster is to outline and examine the four scenes of a religious nature that have been discovered in LBA Attica to date. This examination provides justification for regarding these scenes as possessing a religious nature and also outlines the contexts in which they were found. The possible date of manufacture of each artefact is discussed briefly. The probable uses of the artefacts and the potential relevance of the motifs to these uses are also addressed. The second key aim is to ascertain the extent to which the glyptic artefacts discovered in Attica correlate with the wider pattern of distribution of glyptic religious iconography. Differences are accounted for, thus elucidating the relationship between Attica and the rest of the Mycenaean mainland. Glyptic Artefacts from Attica Bearing Religious Iconography The Eleusis ‘Matrix’ Antithetic Groups Description and Interpretation of the Scenes Two seals bearing antithetic groups have been excavated in Attica: CMS XI.112 from Menidi depicts a woman flanked by lions, whereas CMS VS.3.308 from Voula shows a pillar flanked by goats. Numerous scholars, including Crowley (1989: 19-20), have demonstrated that the former motif, also known as the ‘Mistress of Animals’ or potnia theron, was imported from the Near East in the beginning of the LBA, becoming widespread in the Aegean in LM/LH IIIIIA. The woman is generally regarded as a goddess, which is suggested by: her ability to control fantastic creatures; the fact that the corresponding Near Eastern motif (from which it derived) was only used to render deities; and by her headdress. Though schematically rendered on this seal, the headdress can be identified as ‘snake frames’, which were commonly depicted above the heads of women flanked by animals in the LBA. They may be derived from the horned crowns commonly worn by Near Eastern deities. Turning to CMS VS.3308, Near Eastern influence is only manifested in the antithetic arrangement; the pillar as a central focus is uniquely Aegean. Due to its structural connotations, the pillar has frequently been regarded as a metonym for a large building, perhaps one serving a cult function, or for the home (oikos). Pillars are attested numerous times in cult contexts (as on the ‘Minotaur Ring’), both as freestanding objects and as part of larger structures. Description and Interpretation of the Scene One of the two motifs engraved upon this matrix (designated CMS V.422b) illustrates two women. That on the left leans over a structure consisting of three uprights, each topped with a lintel, and all enclosed within a line. That this is an item of cult apparatus is indicated by the fact that very similar items appear in several scenes of ritual activity, as on the famous ring from the LH IIA Vapheio tholos (CMS I.219, right). These items have been interpreted as pithoi by Marinatos (1989: 131), those on the Eleusis matrix being topped with lids. Niemeier (1989: 174-175) and Warren (1990: 195), however, point out that the element appears again on the Sellopoulo Ring (HM 1034, right), where it clearly has a line vertically bisecting it. They reasonably argue that this demonstrates that this item, and those on the artefacts referred to above, cannot be interpreted as pithoi; they alternatively identify them as elongated boulders. I thus follow Niemeier’s (1989: 167) reading of the object on CMS V.422b as a type of cult structure, perhaps an enclosure of elongated boulders. Origin Elongated boulders only appear in Neopalatial glyptic: the examples cited above can all be dated to LM I. On stylistic grounds Younger (1983: 128) dates the matrix to LM I. In this respect it is important to note that a talismanic amygdaloid was discovered in another tomb in the same cemetery at Eleusis and is likewise dated to LM I. The presence of other Minoan artefacts in the same area lends weight to the theory that CMS V.422 is of Minoan manufacture, as does the fact that the tomb in which it was found was first used in LH I. 5.9cm CMS V.422b 4.1cm Material: Metal Location: West Cemetery, Eleusis Context: LH II-III CMS I.219 (‘Vapheio Ring’) HM 1034 (‘Sellopoulo Ring’) Origins CMS XI.112 is made of hard stone; the production of seals of this material had ceased by the end of LH IIIA, giving a terminus post quem non for this seal’s manufacture. The crude rendering of the scene perhaps suggests it was engraved in LH IIIA2. In contrast, CMS VS.3.308 is made of fluorite, which was still being used to produce seals in LH IIIB, suggesting a similar date for this seal. The ‘Minotaur Ring’ Description and Interpretation of the Scene This ring has been regarded as depicting the Minotaur leading away two female captives; however, such a link with later Greek mythology should surely be rejected. The lack of a clear explanation for the man’s actions encourages a connection with cult; Younger (1992: 268-9) suggests that he could be leading the women to a cult structure. An association with ritual is further suggested by the figures’ formal attire. The item behind the standing women is perhaps a pillar, which often appears in glyptic as a marker of an urban (and perhaps cult) environment. The man carries a staff, which is elsewhere associated with figures of high, and sometimes divine, status. It is possible that the man is a god; the women’s literal binding to him could symbolise their devotion to him. Origin The only possible parallel for the scene upon this ring is an LM I sealing impressed by a ring discovered at Khania on Crete, which depicts a man, again holding a staff, leading at least one male figure by a rope. The close correspondence between the two scenes perhaps suggests that CMS V.173 was inspired by Minoan iconography, which may suggest a date in LH I-II for its manufacture. Eleusis CMS XI.112 Material: Agate Location: Menidi tholos Context: LH IIIB Menidi Athens Map 1. Areas in Attica at which glyptic artefacts bearing scenes of a religious nature have been discovered. CMS VS.3.308 Material: Fluorite Location: Tomb VI, Voula Context: LH IIIA2-B1 Voula Map 2. Areas of the mainland beyond Attica at which motifs attested in Attica have been discovered. CMS I.98 CMS VS.1B.116 CMS I.145 Aidonia Mycenae Prosymna CMS V.173 CMS VS.1A.133 from Khania Material: Gold Location: Agora (Grave VIII), Athens Context: LH IIIA1-2 CMS I.218 CMS I.319 The Different Uses of the Above Artefacts Manufacturing The matrix from Eleusis is one of the few examples of this class of artefact that have been discovered in the LBA Aegean. It was not used to cast rings; in contrast, sheets of gold foil would have been pressed down over the designs on the matrix (Younger, 1983: 128). The resulting image would have been used to decorate bezel cores made of a cheaper material (Krzyszkowska, 2005: 246). This would have allowed individuals unable to purchase gold rings to give the impression of wealth and status. It is possible that the person with whom the matrix was buried was a craftsman who had used this matrix in life; perhaps he had travelled to Eleusis from Crete. Apotropaic Almost all Aegean seals were bored through so that they could be worn on strings on bracelets or necklaces. It is possible that seals carrying the potnia theron motif were worn as talismans. In the Near East, from where the motif derived, seals depicting gods or goddesses flanked by animals were sometimes worn for protection; it is therefore likely that this function also transferred to the Aegean (Barclay, 2001: 378). Moreover, the iconography of the motif is consistent with an apotropaic use; one could imagine that the dominance possessed by the central figure could be transferred to the owner. The theory that this motif had a special function would also explain why it has a wide geographical distribution (see Map 2). Status and Display It is possible that CMS VS.3.308 could likewise have had apotropaic One of the main purposes of the gold ring CMS V.173 was surely as an properties; if the pillar referred to the oikos, one could hypothesise item of conspicuous display that was worn upon the finger. The hoop that the motif reflected the owner’s wish for the continued stability diameter is only 1.4cm, but this is well within the normal range for of their household. LBA Aegean rings; it is possible that it was worn by a woman, whose fingers would have been more slender than those of a man. That the Sphragistic ring was owned by a person of status is indicated by its find context An important function of glyptic artefacts was to make impressions in in one of the rich graves near the Agora. The interpretation of the clay in administrative contexts, for example to mark goods that were motif suggested above is consistent with this conclusion; the owner being transported between different settlements. However, no could have been a priestess who wished to display both her devotion sealings have yet been discovered in Attica. to her god and also her wealth. Pylos CMS I.379 Vapheio CMS I.233b Comparisons with the Wider Mainland Attica has yielded significantly less glyptic evidence than comparably sized areas such as the Argolid and Boeotia and only a small proportion of these artefacts bear scenes that can be connected with cult. A large proportion of the seals discovered in Attica carry scenes belonging to John Younger’s ‘Mainland Popular Group’ (Younger, 1987). This is a stylistic group of mostly soft stone lentoids that carry schematic depictions of animals and, rarely, humans. This group flourished in LH IIIA–B and is attested across the mainland. In contrast to the recurring motifs outlined above, these scenes are very rarely attested sphragistically and their soft, cheap material (usually steatite) precludes their use as indicators of high status. Some of these seals may have been manufactured to serve as grave goods, which correlates with the contexts in which they have been found in Attica. Others were deposited at sanctuaries, as at Methana, despite carrying images unrelated to cult. Regarding some of the key uses of glyptic artefacts, as summarised on the left, it is perhaps unsurprising that few of these artefacts have thus far been discovered in Attica. No administrative centres have yet been located in Attica, explaining the lack of sealings, which would also have reduced the demand for seals and rings. Moreover, Laurion would have provided the people of Attica with ready access to copper, silver, and lead, which may have fulfilled requirements for elite display without the need for the manufacture of hard stone seals and gold rings. Finally, by LH IIIC, when large sites in Attica such as Perati were flourishing, glyptic art had largely disappeared from the mainland. To summarise, the people of LBA Attica appeared to primarily have been interested in seals that could serve as cheap personal possessions and/or grave goods; religious iconography did not fulfil this need. Abbreviations and References CMS = Corpus der minoischen und mykenischen Siegel (1964-2009, Berlin/Mainz, various editors). HM = Heraklion Museum LBA = Late Bronze Age the Aegean, Egypt and the Near East in the Bronze Age. Gothenburg. KRZYSZKOWSKA, O. 2005. Aegean Seals: An Introduction. London. MARINATOS, N. 1989. ‘The Tree as a Focus of Ritual Action in Minoan Glyptic Art’, in I. Pini (ed.), Fragen und All black and white pictures courtesy of the CMS at Heidelberg. Colour photographs taken by the author. Probleme dur bronzezeitlichen ägäischen Glyptik (CMS Beiheft 3), Berlin, 127-143. BARCLAY, A.E. 2001. ‘The Potnia Theron: Adaptation of a Near Eastern Image’, in R. Laffineur & R. Hägg (eds.), NIEMEIER, W-D. 1989. ‘Zur Ikonographie von Gottheiten und Adoranten in den Kultszenen auf minoischen und mykenischen Siegeln’, in I. Pini (ed.), Fragen und Probleme dur bronzezeitlichen ägäischen Glyptik (CMS Beiheft POTNIA. Deities and Religion in the Aegean Bronze Age (AEGAEUM 22), Liège, 373-386. 3), 163-186. CROWLEY, J.L. 1989a. The Aegean and the East: An Investigation into the Transference of Artistic Motifs between WARREN, P. 1990. ‘Of Baetyls’, Opuscula Atheniensia 18, 193-206. YOUNGER, J.G. 1983. ‘Aegean Seals of the Late Bronze Age: Masters and Workshops, II. The First-Generation Minoan Masters’, Kadmos 22, 109-136. 1987. ‘Aegean Seals of the Late Bronze Age: Stylistic Groups, VI. Fourteenth-Century Mainland and Later Fourteenth-Century Cretan Workshops’, Kadmos 26, 44-73. 1992. ‘Representations of Minoan-Mycenaean Jewelry’, in R. Laffineur & J.L. Crowley (eds.), EIKΩN. Aegean Bronze Age Iconography: Shaping a Methodology (AEGAEUM 8), Liège, 257-293.
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