NAD
Research report
NAD
Away with tobacco? On the early understandings of
tobacco as a problem and the associated attempts at
political regulation of tobacco in Norway 1900–1930
GUNNAR SÆBØ
ABSTRACT
BACKGROUND – In the early 1900s, the industrialization of cigarette production rapidly created
the first major expansion in tobacco consumption in modern times. AIMS – This article focuses on
the “tobacco problem” as it was understood, debated and sought governed in Norway around the
time of the First World War. I identify various attempts to define tobacco as a problem, including
arguments put forward by the anti-tobacco movement, the medical profession and politicians.
How were health, moral-aesthetic and economic conditions articulated and integrated in these
arguments? What (if any) addictive elements of smoking were in focus? I also discuss the association between perceptions of the tobacco problem and political attempts to regulate it. There were
repeated calls for a state tobacco monopoly to be introduced and municipal licensing system for
the sale of cigarettes. DATA – The data are sourced from the journals Tobakskampen (The Tobacco
Fight), the journal of the norwegian medical association and parliamentary documents. FINDINGS
– The findings suggest that a) to the extent tobacco was perceived as a social problem, it was a
moral one (vice), not a behavioural and dependency problem, which alcohol was perceived to be
at the time; b) proposals to establish a tobacco monopoly were based on economic arguments
only, and lacked any firm connection to social issues, health and morality; and c) the anti-tobacco
movement was socially marginal and their commitment to the municipal licensing idea resulted
in large regional variations in public support, too large in fact for the idea to be effective. Although
the government did not introduce regulations in the 1920s, the industrialization of cigarettes and
subsequent developments in advertising caused a “moral panic” among tobacco opponents and
created the modern climate of opinion regarding tobacco.
KEYWORDS – smoking, anti-tobacco movement, moral health, tobacco monopoly, Norway
Submitted 25.04.2014
Final version accepted 21.10.2014
Introduction
By the early 1960s, the correlation scien-
smoking and serious illnesses such as lung
tists had already documented between
cancer, chronic obstructive pulmonary
Acknowledgements
The research leading to these results or outcomes has received funding from the European
Union’s Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007-2013), under Grant Agreement nº 266813
– Addictions and Lifestyle in Contemporary Europe – Reframing Addictions Project (ALICE
RAP – www.alicerap.eu). Participant organisations in ALICE RAP can be seen at http://www.
alicerap.eu/about-alice-rap/partner-institutions.html. The views expressed here reflect those
of the authors only and the European Union is not liable for any use that may be made of the
information contained therein.
10.2478/nsad-2014-0041
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NORDIC STUDIES ON ALCOHOL AND DRUGS
443
disease and heart/vascular diseases, was
of tobacco and smoking as a problem (esp.
widely accepted as causal in nature. At the
related to addiction and their addictive
time, the Norwegian anti-tobacco journal
qualities). The paper’s subsidiary aim is to
Tobakken og vi (formerly Tobakskampen)
show why these definitions and mindsets
wrote in a leader column that we now
failed to bring about political intervention
find ourselves in a “transitional period”,
in Norway. Even if tobacco was widely un-
whose portrayal “future historians will
derstood to be a problem in large parts of
find extremely interesting” (Tobakken og
Europe and the US at the time, there were
vi, 1963, no.4, p.1). As effective basis, the
also local particularities that I shall ad-
editor goes on, “they may well look to the
dress by juxtaposing certain elements of
conditions before and around the turn of
the “Norwegian case” with Swedish and
the century, to explain the incredible folly
American experiences. These aims require
it was to let tobacco loose on the popula-
an awareness (if not a formal theory) of
tion by the increasingly industrialized na-
the relationships between discourse and
ture of its manufacture” (ibid.).
politics. I have relied to an extent on the
This “transitional” period of the 1960s
model suggested by Hilton & Nightingale
has been described and analysed by many
(1998), which emphasizes a chronologi-
scholars with an interest in the history of
cal and holistic approach to historical de-
tobacco control (see for instance Brandt,
scription while advising caution regarding
2007; Sæbø, 2012). In 1964 the U.S. Sur-
conclusions as to causation.
geon General published the first of what
became a hugely influential series of
Data
“knowledge summaries” (USPHS, 1964),
The data to be analysed are: a) the first
the political and scientific credentials
14 volumes of the journal Tobakskampen
of which were sufficiently powerful to
[Battle Against Tobacco], published by the
change tobacco control policy at the in-
organization Bort med tobakken [Away
ternational level. Indeed, modern public
with Tobacco] from its formation in 1916.
policies on tobacco have been informed
I have studied every one of these volumes;
by the summaries on the harmful effects
b) accounts mentioning “tobacco” and/or
of passive smoking, issued in 1986 (US-
“nicotine” and/or “cigarettes” in Tidsskrift
DHHS, 1986), and on the “addictive”
for norsk lægeforening [Journal of the Nor-
character of nicotine, which was not fully
wegian Medical Association], 1900–1930,
documented until 1988 (USDHHS, 1988).
identified by searching the main available
The original state of affairs around the
registers, from 1903 and 1939 respectively.
turn of the century, to which the leader
This approach may have missed some rele-
referred, has attracted less scholarly at-
vant articles if the title was not sufficiently
tention, however. In this article, I want
specific; c) all parliamentary documents/
to discuss the social definition of tobacco
reports in which tobacco was discussed
around the time of the First World War, a
apart from the annual tax and duty reports
time of great transition. The primary aim
in the same period (1900–1930). I used
of the paper is to identify and describe dis-
the search function at www.stortinget.no
cursive elements of efforts to define the use
to locate these documents. These sources
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illustrate how anti-tobacco activists, the
In Norway, smoking had attracted pub-
medical profession and politicians were
lic concern on and off since tobacco came
leading actors in the debate.
to the country in 1612 (Skretting, Lund &
Bye, 2013, pp. 59–62). In 1632, the abso-
The smoking phenomenon at the
time of the First World War
lutist monarch banned tobacco altogether
The rise of the cigarette industry
under 21 were not allowed to smoke. In
for seven years, and from 1741 people
The industrialization of cigarette produc-
the 19th century, smoking became known
tion started immediately before the First
as a popular stimulant, which boosted
World War and changed the tobacco in-
its economic significance; indeed, some
dustry and markets forever, locally and in-
people in Western Norway were inspired
ternationally. The cigarette machine – the
to try their hand at growing tobacco com-
first machine to automate the production
mercially between 1882 and 1920 (Munks-
of cigarettes at an industrial scale – was
gaard, 1978). The rise of cigarette smoking
introduced in the US in 1881. By immedi-
by children was causing concern, how-
ately taking hold of this invention, the to-
ever. A so-called enabling act, designed to
bacco producer James Duke was in control
prevent the sale of tobacco to minors (un-
of 90 per cent of the American cigarette
der 15), was adopted in 1899, but failed to
market as early as 1890 (Tate, 1999, p. 16).
slow the increase in cigarette smoking in
In Norway, the cigarette machine was
this age group.
not used in production until 1906 but
The issue of “trust” was raised in rela-
came as a godsend to a national tobacco in-
tion to cigarette smoking as well. As is
dustry facing a stalling market for chewing
well known, the aforementioned Duke,
tobacco, cigars, pipes and snuff (Hodne,
the first US cigarette manufacturer, was
1978; Nordvik, 1978). The annual growth
also adept at public relations, and got the
rate of manufactured cigarettes in Norway
cigarette machine manufacturer to agree
between 1909 and 1916 was, on the other
not to sell them to competitors (Tate,
hand, a staggering 32.3 per cent (Lund,
1999, p. 15). His aggressive business prac-
1996, p. 192). Cheaper and increasingly ef-
tices, which bordered on the illegal, were
ficient production plants boosted produc-
commercially successful but considered
tivity and reduced the price of cigarettes
highly questionable by certain politicians,
relative to other tobacco products (which
economists and anti-tobacco activists. In
remained unchanged). In the international
establishing the American Tobacco Com-
context, the First World War led to a dra-
pany, the first trade association in the
matic rise in the number of new smokers
United States, with himself as president,
both in the US and Europe. Cigarettes from
he effectively took control of most of the
surplus stocks were handed out to the sol-
industry (Tate, 1999, p. 16) and quickly
diers free of charge, effectively creating a
started looking to international markets
new generation of cigarette dependents
for further expansion.
(Gately, 2002, pp. 231–236). Taken togeth-
The Duke-led international trust BATCO
er, these developments revived interest in
was established in Norway in 1905 and
smoking as a social problem.
concentrated on cigarettes only, whose
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NORDIC STUDIES ON ALCOHOL AND DRUGS
445
share of the marked at the time was mar-
conference was held in Copenhagen in
ginal (Lund, 1996, p. 193). In 1914, how-
1920 and delegates from the Nordic coun-
ever, BATCO introduced other tobacco
tries and Germany (along with a few from
products on the Norwegian market. The
other European countries) continued to
local Norwegian tobacco industry was pro-
meet annually throughout the 1920s.
voked into lowering prices and investing
The European movement was inspired
in advertising; they also boycotted the trust
by its sister organisations in the US. De-
and all who supported it. The Norwegian
spite the low US market share of ciga-
industry did not advertise in newspapers
rettes in the late 1800s, relative to other
which carried ads for BATCO products, for
tobacco products, they were nevertheless
example. Tobacco thus turned into a sym-
attracting the attention of the Woman’s
bol of political independence and national
Christian Temperance Union (Tate, 1999,
identity (Lund, 1996, pp. 193–195).
Ch. 2). As early as 1892, this organization
had lobbied the Senate to “outlaw their
The anti-tobacco response
sale, manufacture, and importation” (Tate,
Such was the industrial and economic con-
1999, p. 13). At the federal level, however,
text in which the Anti-Tobacco Movement
the Senate could do little more than pre-
was founded in Norway. Closely related
vent imports; the manufacture and sale of
to the teetotalist circles of the temper-
cigarettes could only be banned by state
ance movement, its founding principles
legislators. By 1900, four states had in fact
were taken from the Good Templar Order
banned cigarettes, a move which obvious-
(IOGT). The organisation also adopted the
ly had strong popular support (Tate, 1999,
pledge taken by under-age members of
p. 46).
IOGT to neither smoke nor drink. There
Interestingly, anti-cigarette campaigners
had been anti-smoking campaigns since
in the US were frequently partial to other
the early 1800s, but activities were prepar-
forms of tobacco. The anti-tobacco cam-
ing themselves for a showdown. This was
paign principally targeted the cigarette, as
not only because of the amount of public
was reflected in the name of The Anti-Cig-
concern (as described above), but because
arette League of America, established in
the temperance movement was about to
1899 (and modelled on The Anti-Saloon
achieve its first success: prohibition. And
League that campaigned against drink). No
like the temperance movement, the anti-
other tobacco product had met with such
tobacco movement was both Nordic and
resistance. Initially, campaigners targeted
international in scope. The Swedish as-
trusts, but were also negative towards im-
sociation Riksforbundet mot tobaken was
migrants and, in a sense, modernity itself,
founded as early as 1886 (Tobakskampen,
as the cigarette soon came to epitomise
1917, no. 1, p. 4), the Danish, Bort med
the rapid socio-cultural developments
tobakken, in 1905, while the Norwegian
related to industrialization, economic
(which had the same name as the Danish
prosperity and urbanization. In a sense,
organisation) was founded in the summer
immigration brought the “cigarette habit”
of 1916 – in the midst of the First World
to the United States, especially immigra-
War. The first international anti-tobacco
tion from countries where cigarettes were
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already popular, such as Italy, Spain, and
sequently, politically at the time? In the
Russia.1 Cigarettes thus came to be associ-
following, I will address this problem by
ated with morally suspect people from the
conducting close empirical readings of the
east coast, and with “strangers” and “the
arguments put forward by the anti-tobacco
unknown” (Tate, 1999, p. 18).
movement and medical profession in their
The mass spread of tobacco and other
drugs was in fact a marker of early mo-
respective periodicals, and by the government and members of parliament.
dernity (Courtwright & Hickman, 2011).
Colonial powers and merchants reaped
The Norwegian anti-tobacco movement
enormous profits from the trade in psy-
In an article entitled “Why women should
cho-actives, and nation-states used fiscal
hate tobacco!” Tobakskampen (henceforth
mechanisms to strengthen their economic
TK) explained why tobacco was a problem
situation. However, as drugs and drink in
(TK, 1916, no. 11–12, pp. 6–7). It was an
particular caused serious and destructive
affront to cleanliness, health and economy
behavioral problems, it was soon called
(in that order). These keywords epito-
for political and judicial action to regulate
mised the journal’s definition of the tobac-
distribution and use. Without such restric-
co problem throughout the period studied
tions, modernity might destroy itself from
here. I shall use the three dimensions to
within. The anti-tobacco movement did
inform the analysis that follows, albeit in
what it could to have tobacco use defined
reverse order.
as a behavioral problem, and their ideological answer to the challenge of psycho-
Economic arguments
actives was precisely to emphasize the
The economic arguments against tobacco
highly modern conception of individual
were quite similar to those against alcohol.
choice: say no to drugs and stay abstinent,
“Thousands of women hardly have food
be strong in will and no slave. However,
for themselves and their children, and
the increasing popularity of cigarettes
what they have is frequently sub-standard
among the soldiers of the First World War
in all respects, while the fathers waste
made it difficult to criticise the cigarette
large amounts on tobacco” (TK, 1916, no.
without also criticising “our boys”. Lat-
11–12, p. 7). The expense of tobacco con-
er, the “roaring 20s” paved the way for a
sumption was illustrated in the story of a
new and highly modern symbolic content
child who learned to calculate how much
of the cigarette related to independence,
lifetime smoking costs. He could have
pleasure, and a way of overcoming the
“smoked up an entire farm” if became
stress of war. The anti-tobacco campaign-
a daily smoker the rest of his life (TK,
ers had a new set of culturally positive no-
1923, non-paginated Christmas issue). It
tions to fight (Brandt, 2007).
was madness to spend so much money
on a non-essential goods and in light of
Reactions to the cigarette expansion: Problem understandings
the widespread poverty at the time, the
How did Norway react the rising popu-
(especially at the level of the household).
larity of cigarettes discursively and, con-
Whatever sense they made, however, they
arguments made sound economic sense
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attracted little support outside the anti-
As with the economic arguments, it is
tobacco movement. This might have been
looked to arguments applied in the field of
because cigarettes were cheaper than other
alcohol when cigarette smoking is viewed
tobacco products.
in terms of its impact on health. But, they
National statistics was brought in to il-
also claimed, there is a direct link between
lustrate the depths of the problem, with
tobacco and alcohol – one considered to
comments expressed in the agitational
be fatal, as “smoking leads to drinking
style that was typical of the journal. Ac-
and drinking leads to the devil”. This par-
cording to the article “What Ola Nord-
ticular approach was the hallmark of the
mann [the “Average Joe”] is blowing away
Women’s Christian Temperance Union
in tobacco smoke” (TK, 1921, no. 2, p. 5),
(Tate, 1999, p. 28). Their medical source
Norwegians are spending “the small sum”
was Benjamin Rush, a physician who in
(irony obviously intended) of 84 million
the late 1700s argued that because tobacco
kroner on cigarettes “at a time when peo-
made the mouth feel dry, it led to an un-
ple is complaining about the cost of living,
natural craving for alcohol. At first sight,
society is being undermined and revolu-
this may look like an actual physiologi-
tion is in the air”. The price of tobacco
cal “mechanism”, but the idea was not
was quite high, mostly because it was
widely supported by scientists at the time.
taxed harder than most other goods (ac-
Nevertheless, it had a major influence on
cording to the same article, tax accounted
teetotalists, and was one of the reasons
for about a fifth of the retail price). And
the industrial manufacture of cigarettes
higher prices hit the individual smoker
in the US and UK caused such a moral
who had to waste even more money on the
panic. It was commonly rehearsed in To-
habit. Taxation as a means of making mon-
bakskampen as well: “intoxicating liquor
ey available to the state to spend on other
and tobacco act in combination on their
worthy causes, such as social reform or the
helpless victims. Tobacco is used to quell
fight against tobacco, is seldom discussed.
the desire for drink but because it makes
On the few occasions it is mentioned, the
them thirsty, they resort to drink again”
argument meets with very little sympathy.
(TK, 1916, no. 11–12, p. 13). This is also
The argument of the anti-smoking lobby
the underlying explanation of the misery
tend to be more moralistic than economic
of the abandoned alcoholic depicted in the
or pragmatic – e.g. even the thought of
Christmas story “The Lonely Christmas
making a profit from tobacco is ridiculous.
Eve” (TK, 1916, no. 11–12, pp. 9–10).
Health arguments
to lie in substances in tobacco containing
From the very beginning, the anti-tobacco
nicotine, which is a poison. Nicotine was
movement took great care in communicat-
viewed as one of the most toxic (and thus
ing scientific findings, or rather in produc-
dangerous) of all poisons. Clearly, any poi-
ing scientifically informed messages that
son is dangerous, they reasoned, because
might serve to strengthen their case. Then
they are all physiologically unnecessary
(as now) this basically meant referring to
and unnatural. Any clean or “pure” body
findings in the field of medicine.
should avoid not only alcohol, but also
The health risk was believed by writers
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tobacco – and even coffee – cf. the mem-
stimulating effect is only apparent. Tobac-
bership motto: “I hate coffee very much,
co numbs the nerves and dulls the desire
tobacco even more and drink most of all”
for activity. Those who indulge are more
(TK, 1922, no.1, p. 3).2 Furthermore, nico-
or less slaves to their habit” (italics add-
tine is described as one of most toxic poi-
ed). And habits like this create a disposi-
sons. An article entitled “How toxic are to-
tion to use ever higher doses of the stimu-
bacco and pure nicotine?”, TK (1919, no.3,
lant, making it even more hard to quit (TK,
p. 11) refers to several sources (but not
1921, no. 6, p. 24).
explicit studies), including a Danish phar-
There is a telling similarity between
macist who estimated, using a scale where
this depiction of tobacco use and narcotic
the toxicity of arsenic was set to 1, cocaine
drugs. The anti-tobacco campaigners op-
to 0.15 and morphine to 0.20 levels of tox-
posed the then popular view of tobacco
icity, nicotine was 10 times higher (only
as a stimulant: “scientists have shown
exceeded by hydrocyanic acid, which was
that smoking tobacco numbs [the sens-
20 times more toxic).
es]; it does not stimulate and when the
Scientific observations of physical dam-
smoker feels refreshed and invigorated
age apparently caused by smoking were
by smoking, there is a sense deception”
reported in Tobakskampen on several
(TK, 1923, no 4–5, p. 6). In other words,
occasions throughout the period. They
any perceived stimulating effect of smok-
included tobacco’s harmful effects on the
ing is false and illusory, the opposite of
eyesight and deafness. The former was de-
the actual effect. The numbing effect also
scribed as visual impairment and a minor
explains why smoking is considered im-
kind of harm, with symptoms reminiscent
moral: it impairs the intellectual abilities
of conjunctivitis (TK, 1917, no.1, pp. 5–6)
of the smoker. Consequently, the smoker’s
while symptoms of deafness addressed in
capacity for self-criticism, sympathy, af-
an experimental study were not cured by
fection and self-sacrifice is seriously un-
medication, only by total abstinence from
dermined. This way of arguing about the
tobacco (TK, 1925, no. 3–4, p. 5). There
health hazards of smoking is in line with
was also mention of tobacco causing can-
what we today might call “moral health”.
cer of the tongue (TK, 1925, no. 5–6, p. 7)
It was a popular approach to moral well-
and lips (TK, 1927, no. 4–5, p. 1).
being a hundred years ago, with medical
Understanding of the addictive ele-
and moral-religious concerns tightly inter-
ments of nicotine and tobacco was poor
woven also in medical discourse (Hilton
at the time though, in all sections of so-
& Nightingale, 1998). This is quite differ-
ciety. In Tobakskampen, however, there
ent from the emphasis on medical dam-
were hints, ideas about how tobacco was
age, which has informed tobacco control
supposed to hook its “victims”. Under the
efforts since the early 1960s.
headline “Tobacco enjoyment and health”
Tobakskampen
also
carried
articles
(TK, 1920, no. 5, p. 18), a Danish doctor
about passive smoking, where part of the
suggested the possible action of an addic-
focus was on health: “A mother should
tive component of tobacco: “Tobacco adds
not allow smoking in the children’s rooms;
no vitality or refreshment to the body. The
there is compelling evidence that [smoke
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449
makes] a child restless and strange, lose
recruitment of cigarette smokers is highest
sleep and suffer from the unhealthy air”
among young people under 22, who are de-
(TK, 1916, no. 11–12, p.7). The aforemen-
veloping faster, both physically and spir-
tioned article, “How toxic is tobacco and
itually. This view also reflected a recent
pure nicotine?”, also refers to passive
shift in the conceptualization of “problem-
smoking in its conclusion:
atic youths”. Around 1880, young people’s
criminal and antisocial behavior was still
Do we not have good reason to ask to
primarily associated with poverty. By the
be spared these poisonous odours in
end of the First World War, however, “ado-
meeting rooms and dining halls where
lescence” was being conceived as a stage
“friends” unintentionally (?) pollute
in life during which all youngsters of any
the air for the rest of us who are not
social background were potentially sus-
used to the poison.... Putting a little ar-
ceptible to misbehave or get involved in
senic in a “friend’s” food is considered
anti-social activities (Gillis, 1975, pp. 96–
a crime, but distributing a poison that
97; Hilton & Nightingale, 1998, pp.54–60).
is up to 10 times stronger and blow-
To shelter youth from temptation, it was
ing smoke in his face, that is taken as
important to organize them in associations
a mark of “good breeding” (TK, 1920,
under adult guidance, such as IOGT.
This argument illustrates how the per-
no. 1, p. 3).
spective of “moral health” reflected a
This article illustrates how easily medical
commonly drawn integration between the
and moralist arguments are combined by
physical and the moral at the time (Lukes,
proponents of the “moral health” perspec-
1992). But in unifying the health and mor-
tive. Starting with a detailed description of
als of adults, the anti-tobacco activists dif-
the characteristics of nicotine, the effects
fered not only from public opinion, which
of passive smoking are dealt with before
saw tobacco as a legitimate pleasure, but
the rhetorical punch line: nicotine is freely
also in rejecting even a moderate con-
available, arsenic is not.
sumption of tobacco as an acceptable ex-
Even if Tobakskampen is clearly against
pression of an Aristotelian virtue. A physi-
tobacco in all its forms, the most hazard-
cian who had written about the history of
ous is cigarette smoking. “A drunkard
tobacco is corrected by the editors for his
can be cured, a tobacco chewer and cigar
“puzzling ending to an excellent article”.
smoker weaned off their habit, but a ciga-
He had concluded, in accordance with
rette smoker, never” (TK, 1920, no. 9, pp.
medical knowledge at the time (more on
34–35). Exactly how and why cigarettes
this later), that “moderate use of tobacco
are more dangerous than other types of
is not dangerous to adults” and that there
tobacco is not explained anywhere in the
was “reason to consider tobacco as a suit-
journal in its first 14 volumes, but again
able stimulant for the mature of age” (TK,
it is reasonable to see this stance in light
1921, no. 9–10, p. 40, italics added). Be-
of the notion of “moral health”: Tobacco is
cause it refused to contemplate any notion
most harmful to the young, still develop-
of tobacco as a legitimate pleasure, the
ing body (TK, 1920, no. 8, p. 30), and the
anti-tobacco movement probably seemed
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not only out of touch, but consumed with
may also explain their overtly moralistic
hatred against tobacco, tendencies not un-
approach to tobacco (and indeed to all
known in the field of tobacco control even
forms of indulgence), and how they chose
today.
to define vice and virtue.
In an article entitled “Nicotinism”,
There are many examples in Tobaks­
smoking is considered a “race vice”, some-
kampen of the word “vice” (which is a
thing Europeans caught from the Indians
moral term) being used to describe smok-
(TK, 1921, no. 2, p. 6) . It is a strange way
ing and smokers as “slaves” (which com-
of enjoying life, the author argues, to in-
bines victimhood and addiction). For in-
gest poisonous substances that destroy the
stance, an opinion of a prominent health
body, heart, digestion, nervous system and
reformer Dr. J.H. Kellogg was titled “Smok-
breathing. “If the 70 men who decided to
ing and vice” (TK, 1923, no. 2–3, p. 3, ital-
initiate the Great War had had a sense of
ics added). Elsewhere the magazine writes
conscience and feelings not affected by al-
of “larger and larger crowds of adolescents
cohol and tobacco, the war might not have
and children [becoming] slaves of tobac-
broken out.” No editorial comments were
co” (TK, 1919, No 2, p. 1, italics added).
added or corrections made to such asser-
A third article even divides tobacco slaves
tions.
into three types: those who can’t resist
3
smoking when other people smoke; those
Moral-aesthetic and religious arguments
who become short-tempered and a scourge
Some of the tobacco opponents writing in
to themselves and others when they’re not
Tobakskampen were physicians and some
smoking; and those who simply fall ill
were clergy, but the most active (and cer-
when they attempt to quit (TK, 1927, no.
tainly the most influential in the organised
6–7, p. 5). Smokers as slaves to an addic-
movement) were teachers or people in-
tion is illustrated in an interesting way by
volved in education (TK, 1920, no. 3, p.
a chief physician in a piece on “The de-
10). In their columns, the writers often re-
bilitating characteristics of nicotine”. “It is
ferred to membership or experience of the
my experience that tobacco unfortunately
Good Templar Order (IOGT). Just like anti-
makes people as much a slave as alcohol
tobacco activists in the US (Tate, 1999, pp.
does and I find it easier to get people to
48–51), their worldview was essentially
refrain from drinking than smoking” (TK,
a Lutheran form of Protestantism. Some
1921, no. 7–8, p. 26).
supported a pure form of the Norwegian
Another moral problem to do with
language and the membership lists suggest
smoking is its effect on non-smokers. Anti-
that a majority came from the “counter-
tobacco activists had often encountered
cultural” regions of Norway – the south-
inconsiderate smokers in non-smoking
west, the Norwegian counterpart of the
compartments on railway and tram jour-
American Bible belt (Rokkan, 1967).4 Their
neys. The repeated story about inconsider-
concern with what they perceived as the
ate smokers on trains illustrates the per-
disintegration of the intellectual and mor-
ception of tobacco not only as a personal
al fibre of the young was not surprising.
nuisance, but an anti-social problem. Spit-
Sociologically, their educating missions
ting was also considered a nuisance (TK,
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NORDIC STUDIES ON ALCOHOL AND DRUGS
451
1928, no. 3–4, p. 2), though complainants
it, it was not clean enough for them” (TK,
referred more often to the mess and “im-
1916, no. 11–12, p. 6). She then concludes:
moral” aspect of spitting than its medical
“as tobacco is unclean, it also causes un-
risks.
cleanliness. Those who enjoy it are un-
Interestingly, religious arguments related
to sin, hell and salvation do not feature in
clean.” Finally, she says, a smoking priest
would be “an unclean Christian” (ibid.)
the journal to any extent at this time. This
This way of attributing to smokers a
may reflect the secularization of moderni-
kind of moral defect via uncleanness (and
ty in the international tobacco discourse.5
stoke moral uproar) is also found in arti-
It may also reflect a “pragmatic” Protestant
cles depicting the rise in the number of
approach, which, in contrast to the early
women smokers. An observation of three
Low Church origins of the temperance
young “city ladies” having a smoke re-
movement in the US, toned down mention
minds the male writer of his fascination
of sin and hell. To wage an effective war
with tinkers (“tatere”) as a youth because
against tobacco, the Norwegian anti-tobac-
the women “all” smoked (TK, 1919, no. 3,
co campaigners used “modern” strategies
pp. 10–11): “It was precisely this univer-
(highlighting the irrationality of spending
sal [habit of] smoking that distinguished
too much on an unnecessary product; ra-
these tinkers from decent people, who
tionalist calls to raise knowledge about the
never smoked.” Now, however, even fine
health risks), rather than evoking pictures
ladies smoke cigarettes: “What 20 years
of “burning in hell” etc. All the same, their
ago was restricted to tinkers is now the
arguments are strongly moralistic, in the
custom of very fine ladies”. The writer
sense that economic, medical and health
wonders whether these ladies “recognise
arguments tend to be presented as part of
the odour of tinkers in the cigarettes, or do
a wider moral framework. For example, in
they have tinkers among their circle of ac-
an article explaining why women should
quaintances?” The observation of modern
abhor tobacco, the author writes: “a man
English women seen using snuff caused
poisoned by nicotine should not bring a
no diatribe from the author, though, just
child into the world, [this is something]
surprise (TK, 1919, no. 2, p. 8).
any mother should realise” (TK, 1916, no.
Cigarette smoking among young people
11–12, p. 6). And it was no different for
and children, which especially fed into
women: “women who smoke are certainly
the movement’s self-image as educators,
inferior as mothers” (TK, 1922, no. 7–8, p.
caused understandable moral outrage,
27).
even from today’s point of view (TK, 1920,
Also, moral notions of cleanliness are
no.3, p. 1). In this context, the journal was
indirectly related to religion – given that
also provoked by its criminality. Referring
clean/unclean signify moral/immoral and
to the 1899 act – which, they claim, is a
thus righteous/unrighteous (cf. Genesis).
“paper order” – “it does not seem to have
A telling example is this: Noting on her
occurred to adults that it is a crime to let
journeys in the US the “awful stink” from
children smoke” (TK, 1920, no. 9, p. 35).
fields of tobacco, the author says “animals
never touched tobacco, they wouldn’t eat
452
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The enemy within? Alcohol versus tobac-
lished in 1905) has a complaint: “Where
co in the temperance movement
you initially would expect to find under-
Tellingly, the journal “took a breather” in
standing and acceptance, that is among
1919 (TK, 1919, no. 2, p. 1) in the midst of
people who have said no to alcohol and
the fight for prohibition. The nationwide
oppose it, there you often find the most
referendum in which the public were
persistent resistance and the most devoted
asked to decide whether to ban the sale
slaves of the tobacco pleasure” (TK, 1916,
of spirits and fortified wine resulted in an
no. 11–12, p. 11).
overwhelming majority in favour: 62 per
It was indeed a moral issue and related
cent. The clear response of the Norwegian
to what was the most moral behaviour:
people Tobakskampen wrote, “shows the
“Temperance people are often partial to
overwhelming majority do not live to in-
tobacco – but I would not call them tem-
dulge themselves, but have both the sense
perance people of the highest order if they
and the willingness to renounce pleasures
do nothing to avoid a stimulant that can
that are harmful to thousands” (TK, 1919,
be avoided” (TK, 1919, no.1, p.1). There
no. 2, p. 1). What was not so obvious, how-
is little if any opposition to this view in
ever, was that most people linked prohibi-
the columns of the journal, suggesting
tion to the fight against tobacco. We know
a readership composed most likely of a
little about the views of the majority of the
sect-like parish of teetotallers; the anti-
temperance movement – the people who
tobacco movement might have been try-
worked for and succeeded in their fight for
ing to spread information and to agitate
prohibition – on the tobacco issue. Many
for a nicotine-free society among all those
of them probably sympathized with the
sympathetic to the temperance movement,
anti-tobacco movement, but prioritized
but ended up in effect “preaching” to the
the drink problem.
already converted “tobacco haters”. To
Others may simply have disagreed. To-
them, theirs is a logical stance, in keep-
bakskampen sheds some light on these
ing with the Child Templar vow and thus
disagreements. To put it simply, the debate
righteous. It is also a naturalised ideologi-
concerned what we may term the “proper
cal stance; it seems self-evident to them,
temperance temperament”. In 1916, the
they are right. Tobacco is even “hampering
secretary of the newly established Nor-
temperance work”, clearly in breach of the
wegian association made his sentiments
Children Templar vow (TK, 1920, no. 4, p.
known in no uncertain terms: “a truly
13). “Why save our youth from the ravages
glowing hatred burns at my heart’s altar
of alcohol while letting them poison them-
towards alcohol and nicotine, mankind’s
selves with nicotine, destroying new blood
most villainous enemies [concealed be-
and devastating our kind?”. The same at-
hind] the mask of friendship”. Many writ-
titude characterises a critique of cigarette
ers in the journal see alcohol and tobacco
advertisements in the temperance press
as “brothers” that must be fought simul-
(TK, 1922, no. 6, p. 21). Towards the end of
taneously. Reviewing the achievements
the 1920s, several internal discussions in
of the Danish fight in 1916, however, the
the IOGT concerning a recurring proposal
leader of the Danish association (estab-
to omit tobacco from the Children Templar
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NORDIC STUDIES ON ALCOHOL AND DRUGS
453
vow are reported in the magazine (e.g. TK,
aged youth, even if the explicit evidence
1929, no 3–4, p. 1). Naturally, the journal
seemed scarce. Doctors simply assumed
is against the idea. While the anti-tobacco
that a body that was developing would
activists emphasised the similarities be-
suffer from smoking (Hilton & Nightingale,
tween tobacco, alcohol and other drugs,
1998:56). (They had made similar claims
the majority of the temperance movement
in the consultations on the 1899 act too).
tended to emphasise the differences – and
In 1921, the Medical Association journal
gave priority to the drinking problem (cf.
published an unsigned letter that can be
Courtwright, 2005).
read as support of the policy. The anonymous author refers to an international
The medical profession
study whose conclusion is that “heavy to-
The medical dangers of smoking were
bacco smoking damages intense intellec-
summarised in a 1909 article in The Jour-
tual work” (p. 538). However, there is no
nal of the Norwegian Medical Association
medical evidence for a mechanism (in the
(Schou, 1909). It describes cardiovascular
scientific sense) by which smoking leads
disease as the most serious consequence
to alcoholism (and the social and econom-
of smoking (Schou, 1909, pp. 507–508).
ic problems associated with it), nor was
It also mentions symptoms of visual im-
the matter covered in the journal in the
pairment and deafness (these were also
period studied here.
reported in Tobakskampen). It is stressed,
The doctors and medical profession
however, that much is yet not known of
were not independent actors in the fight
the harm tobacco can inflict, and “hard
against tobacco at this time. Tellingly,
work is still required to get to the bottom
physicians were never elected as leaders
of the issue, which in terms of public hy-
of the anti-tobacco movement until 1963,
giene possibly may soon be as important as
after the causal link between smoking and
the alcohol question”. It is to nicotine, the
lung cancer had been established (Lund,
article concludes – wrongly, as it happens
1996, pp. 216–217). Yet, as we saw in the
– “we must attribute the harmful effects of
previous section, some doctors were sym-
tobacco smoke” (Schou, 1909, p. 511).
pathetic to the anti-tobacco movement,
There is little mention of addiction-like
arguing and writing against tobacco with
properties (i.e. “dependence” or smoking
all the authority their social position gave
as a “vice”) in the article. The closest we
them.
get is a medical conception of “chronic
nicotine poisoning”, which translates as
The response of Norwegian politicians
“heavy daily smoking” (p. 506). The ef-
Norway’s parliament had been preoccu-
fect of smoking on children, “particularly
pied with tobacco ever since parliament
on the development of their mental facul-
was established in 1814. This preoccupa-
ties” (p. 511) is mentioned, but only to ex-
tion was basically expressed in the form
plain why several countries have banned
of duties and taxes, which parliament
the sale of tobacco to children. The anti-
imposed with a view to increasing state
tobacco
scientific
revenues. In this context, tobacco was sel-
grounds for claiming that smoking dam-
dom considered a problem in itself, and
454
activists
thus
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the money made available by taxation was
consumption of the substance.
used to solve other social problems. The
Five years later, the tobacco monopoly
only major exception had been the afore-
was mooted again, essentially to raise
mentioned law prohibiting the sale of to-
more money for the treasury. It “would
bacco to minors (in 1899).
facilitate the social reforms desired by a
What politicians did see as a problem,
large number of members of this assembly,
however, was the stagnating markets of the
but which are delayed because of lack of
national tobacco industry, which coincid-
money” (St.tid. 1904/1905, p. 776). To-
ed with a stalling national economy. To-
bacco and liquor are both considered as
bacco was not providing as much revenue
suitable taxable items (St.tid. 1904/1905,
to the state as the politicians would like.
p. 780). Several politicians spoke of the
This made the idea of a tobacco monopoly
benefits of a monopoly. It would facilitate
very interesting to many politicians. By
more equal distribution of the tax burden
then, several countries had introduced to-
(St.tid. 1904/1905, p. 782). Tobacco duty
bacco monopolies, either total monopolies
at the time was calculated according to
on import, production and sale, or partial
weight, so that fine and coarse goods were
monopolies in one or two of these do-
taxed more or less equally. In consequence,
mains. The issue was widely debated by
cheap tobacco was taxed relatively heav-
the Norwegian public during the period
ily, while the price of fine cigars and fine
under study here. Parliament debated it
cigarettes was low. A monopoly, it was
in 1898 (St. tid. 1898) and 1904 (St. tid.
said, would “undo the screaming injustice
1904/1905) in conjunction with other is-
of the present duty on tobacco products”
sues, and again in 1906–07 (Dok. nr. 73
(St.tid. 1906/1907, p. 3353).
1906/1907, Indst. S. nr. 155 1906/1907,
This way of arguing was countered by
St. tid. 1906/1907) and 1919–21 (Indst. S
those who opposed the idea of a monopoly
XXXXIX 1919, St.tid. 1919, St.med. nr. 13
(and of any possible raising of prices) on
1921, St.tid. 1921) as a formal request to
the grounds that smokers would simply
examine and report on partial and full mo-
quit rather than pay more: “Our nation is
nopoly options.
remarkably proficient at renouncing highly taxed items, as indeed the tax on liquor
Tobacco monopoly: Preliminary skirmish-
has demonstrated.” And if people stop us-
es (1898–1907)
ing tobacco, there is thus little reason to
“If the government is fearful of losing rev-
expect increased revenues to the treasury
enue on tobacco cultivation in Sogn, it
(St.tid. 1904/1905, p. 782). That smokers
should consider [a] monopoly.” This was
may chose to quit if they perceive ciga-
uttered in a discussion of taxes on malt
rette prices as too high was a valid argu-
and strong liquor production, according to
ment then (the argument is still applied to
the Storting records of 1898 (St.tid. 1898,
legitimate high tobacco charges to encour-
p. 1105). In this discussion about alcohol,
age lower consumption). Those who used
a connection was established also to tobac-
the argument did not consider, however,
co, but tellingly, it is related to economic
whether the logic of tobacco dependency
factors in the production rather than the
might in fact work against it.
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455
This is pointed out by some representa-
said, and had now entered the Norwegian
tives whose reasoning touches on how
market (St.tid. 1906/1907, pp. 3351–3352).
tobacco at the time was considered addic-
From 1903, social democrats were rep-
tive: “I think my honourable friend should
resented in the Storting. They favoured
familiarize himself with the circumstanc-
a tobacco monopoly because the state
es of the less privileged in society. The last
would benefit from the profits that had
time we increased duty on tobacco, I know
previously gone to the private sector (St.
that many people reacted with dismay and
tid. 1906/1907, p. 3355). They also made
resentment. Certainly, it must be regarded
an attempt to legitimise a tobacco monop-
as a luxury, but we also know, however,
oly by pointing to the experience of people
how difficult it is for many long-term us-
with the monopoly on alcohol sales, and
ers to do without” (St.tid. 1904/1905,
juxtaposed alcohol and tobacco:
pp.780–781, italics added). Tobacco use
was clearly seen as a habit that was hard to
We have just about completed work on
kick. This understanding of habituation,
introducing a state monopoly on liquor
which was generally accepted at the time,
sales. It is not fully implemented yet,
remained the prevailing conception until
but when the liquor trade is complete-
the notion of “tobacco addiction” made
ly under the control of the “samlag” [a
headway in the late 1980s (USDHHS,
cooperative trading partnership with
1988). While stakeholders in this discus-
an exclusive right to sell alcohol in a
sion do make a tenuous connection be-
municipality], we will have achieved
tween a tobacco monopoly and addiction
a state monopoly in that way. Liquor
(or habituation), there is no mention in
is considered a luxury, and a harmful
the parliamentary debates of morally lad-
luxury at that, to put it mildly. The
en terms like “vice” or tobacco “slaves”,
same is true of tobacco. You have here
which, as we have seen, were commonly
two kinds of goods, which I believe
used by anti-tobacco activists. Many poli-
can and should be equated; also from
ticians were also smokers at the time, and
this point of view, it is quite natural to
may therefore have preferred a more mod-
turn both the manufacture of and trade
erate language (St.tid. 1904/1905, p. 781;
in tobacco into a monopoly. (St.tid.
St.tid. 1906-07, p. 3354, 3359).
1906/1907, p. 3360)
Looming in the background was also the
fear of trusts and what many saw as a solu-
This view, however, is not the dominant
tion to the problem of trusts – socialism
view in parliament. As mentioned, tobac-
and state ownership of private businesses.
co was not considered to be a particularly
The threat posed by trusts was considered
lucrative business and “comparing the rea-
by some politicians as “reason to hasten
sons that moved the government to take
the implementation of [a monopoly] as
[control of] the sale of liquor and is ready
soon as possible.” One of the largest tobac-
to do the same with tobacco, I do not un-
co trusts in the world, the British-Ameri-
derstand their reasoning; my honourable
can Tobacco Company, had subjugated the
friend needs to understand that this is an
tobacco trade in several countries, the MP
entirely different question than that raised
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here today” (St.tid. 1906/1907, p. 3362).
ministers) were opposed to all forms of in-
It was considered too self-evident to even
direct taxation as a matter of principle, but
explain.
would prefer to tax those with the great-
Ideological opposition to the idea of
est ability to pay. Yet, they admit, “tobacco
a monopoly is also voiced. A monopoly
is one of those goods whose use we can
could result in sub-standard commodities,
tolerate given certain restrictions and for
because the buyers have no personal inter-
that reason is better suited to indirect taxa-
est in obtaining quality goods. The tobac-
tion than, e.g. sugar and other necessities.
co trade is already one of the worst busi-
In a society always on the lookout for new
nesses and its products are already heav-
things to tax, tobacco and alcohol are both
ily taxed: “If one accepts that tobacco is an
eligible in that sense” (Indst. S XXXXIX
evil and should be restricted as much as
1919, p. 2).
possible, be as expensive as possible and
Parliament now saw the trusts as a real
the poorest quality, then one should sup-
problem. Not satisfied with lobbying the
port a state monopoly. But you must not
authorities, Tobaksfabrikantenes Lands-
count on added revenue to the treasury“
forening (National Association of Tobac-
(St.tid. 1906/1907, p. 3358).
co Manufacturers, founded in 1901) also
The passage of the Bill came to a tem-
sought to safeguard the interests of the
porary halt in the Ministry of Finance in
industry by means of competitive regula-
1907, which failed to explore what a state
tory agreements, such as minimum prices,
monopoly on the manufacture and sale of
packaging regulations, etc. (Skretting et
tobacco would entail, as parliament had
al., 2014, p. 158). These self-regulatory ar-
asked the government to do.
rangements had gone too far, politicians
felt. “The tobacco industry has already
An elucidation of full tobacco monopoly
become a sort of state within the state – a
(1919–1921)
state organism in which free price forma-
In 1919 – after World War I and the Rus-
tion has ended. Even if domestic cartels
sian Revolution and after the Swedes had
are currently acting against a foreign trust,
adopted a tobacco monopoly in 1915 –
it does not change the character of the
the conditions favouring a monopoly had
cartel” (Indst. S XXXXIX 1919, p. 2). Ac-
changed significantly. The Social Demo-
cording to the prime minister “the govern-
crats had many more members of parlia-
ment authorities must monitor them with
ment and would soon take over the reins
greater diligence, and ask not only in their
of political power in Norway. The sociali-
own interest but in the interest of consum-
zation argument is unearthed and the mo-
ers whether it would not be in the general
nopoly question is on the political agenda
interest and that of the state for the state to
again after the adoption of a ‘stamp duty’
appropriate and operate such an industry”
on tobacco products in 1919 (Indst. S
(St.tid. 1919, p. 1219–1220). The liberal
XXXXIX 1919). The Social Democrats on
prime minister considered this as a nec-
the Finance Committee who wanted the
essary step to protect free enterprise, one
monopoly option examined (Hornsrud
of the foundations of society, and prevent
and Nygaardsvold – both coming prime
the kind of class struggle in which some
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NORDIC STUDIES ON ALCOHOL AND DRUGS
457
privileged groups seized benefits by abol-
a cartel or trust evokes fear, the conse-
ishing free enterprise. The prime minister
quences to the national economy would be
and the Social Democrats agreed on this
grave.” (St.med. nr. 13 1921, p. 31).
point, although in the opinion of the So-
The idea of a ​​
tobacco monopoly as a
cial Democrats it was about more than just
regulative instruments is thus banished
business. It was a matter of principle and
from Norwegian politics. The politicians
ideology with social and democratic as-
adhere to the ‘economist view’ (which is
pects (St.tid. 1919, p. 1221).
in itself ideological), and a monopoly is
Yet what happens is that the resulting
never close to being adopted. Most impor-
white paper where the proposal on im-
tantly, in the context of this article, no one
port, production and sale is explained (an
argued for a monopoly because of its so-
whose preparation was being referred to as
cial or health-related benefits (as had hap-
early as 1898) claimed that the economic
pened in the field of alcohol). Even while
benefits of a monopoly would be so small
the alcohol monopoly was being rolled
that not even the Social Democrats would
out, very few parliamentarians connected
bother to pursue the matter any further (St.
tobacco and alcohol in their discussions in
tid. 1921; Hodne, 1978). Although the idea
parliament.
had matured politically, the economists
In the upshot, the Norwegian tobac-
at the Treasury Department supported the
co industry was left to its own devices.
contention that the economic benefits of a
The industry chose to focus on advertis-
monopoly would be small – even after the
ing and attracting new smokers, policies
turmoil of the First World War.
that would soon prove successful (Lund,
The white paper describes the tobacco
“problem” as follows:
1996). They retain market shares, increase
profitability and eventually also win the
“trust battle” against BATCO in Norway
As is well known, tobacco is a com-
(which is acquired and taken over by JL
monly used stimulant, which used
Tiedemann’s Tobacco Factory in 1933). At
sparingly under certain conditions
least the threat posed by foreign cartels
apparently may seem to benefit the
had been neutralized.
organism, but which otherwise has no
beneficial impact, and used to excess
Municipal license
even may seem very harmful. The in-
In relation to the issue of municipal license
dividual who has become accustomed
to sell tobacco, however, economic, health
to the use of tobacco also tends to find
and moral arguments were connected. In
it difficult to go without or even reduce
June 1921, Away With Tobacco (AWT)
consumption and the consumption of
sent a circular to all local councils in the
the good is not to any extent depend-
country (TK 1921, no. 9–10, pp. 34–36),
ent on the state of the market. (St.med.
about 700 in all.6 Here, they urged the au-
nr. 13 1921, p. 2, italics added)
thorities to regulate the “sale of cigarettes
in the country, to prevent children and
And the Ministry concludes: “were the
youth from succumbing to this dangerous
state to call for a monopoly every time
habit” [italics added]. Again, it is argued,
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cigarettes “decrease and slow the child’s
approximately 400 councils that failed to
spiritual and physical growth and soften
respond, but most of them probably op-
the will and urge to work, the driving force
posed the proposal). AWT representatives
in their spiritual and moral growth. While
had met with the Minister of Justice, who
the good in children is thus impaired, the
acknowledged the problem, but pointed
bad may gain the upper hand. Therefore,
out that any such legislation might be in
the habit of smoking among children and
breach of an international treaty, regard-
young people may easily lead to an im-
ing the difficulty of excluding imported
moral life.” The association also considers
goods. He therefore advised the associa-
the economic waste. It encourages young
tion to consult with the Ministry of Com-
people to save their money rather than
merce, which they did. The results of
“blow it away on tobacco smoke”. Finally,
these consultations are not known, but in
tobacco regulations in other countries are
September 1923, the association sent their
mentioned, not the least in the US where
proposal to Ministry of Justice (TK, 1925,
five states had already banned cigarettes by
no. 8–9, p. 2).
1907, and Japan had introduced a smoking
Nothing is reported until August/September 1925. According to Tobakskampen
age limit of 20 years in 1900.
On these grounds, AWT makes no secret
the issue had stalled in the Ministry of
about their aim to achieve a nationwide
Social Affairs. Their bureaucrats had been
ban on all tobacco products. To achieve
unable to justify a law enabling local coun-
this, they have to get public opinion on
cils to licence vendors to sell cigarettes, as
their side. Their strategy was to make use
they could for vendors of alcohol and beer.
of what since 1837 had been an important
No arguments were offered in the letter
channel of political influence in Norway, to
from the Ministry, which was published in
go through local councils, emblems of self-
its entirety (TK, 1925, no. 8–9, p. 2). The
government in Norway. The jurisdiction of
most plausible explanation is that there
local councils had first to be extended. At
was too little public and political support
present they were able to refuse the sale of
– no one felt that the tobacco trade needed
food and coffee, but not cigarettes. “After
further regulation. Instead, the Minister of
consultation with the Department of Justice
Social Affairs pointed to the existing law
the national association AWT will soon ask
(passed in 1899), and asked the associa-
the government to propose a Bill making
tion to go back to the Department of Jus-
the retail of cigarettes subject to municipal
tice, which was responsible for the current
license” (TK 1921, no. 9–10, p. 35) .
legislation, to get the age limit decreased
By November 1922, about 300 councils
to under 15 years.
had responded, about a half of the coun-
Two parliamentarians were reported to
try’s municipalities. Of these, 286 were
have promised a private member’s Bill,
positively inclined to the proposal (TK,
though a year later, nothing had come of
1922, no. 10, p. 38). In addition, the largest
it. AWT then decided to ask more institu-
NGOs in the “social, cultural and religious
tions to support their proposal. Nothing
fields” were also massively in favour.
came of this either. The campaign simply
(Nothing is known about the views of the
withered away and the association never
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NORDIC STUDIES ON ALCOHOL AND DRUGS
459
achieved its goals in the 1920s. But the
access to alcohol, anti-tobacco campaign-
idea did not disappear completely. A Bill
ers could benefit from the slipstream. The
empowering local councils to require re-
national association against tobacco, Away
tailers to obtain a license to sell tobacco,
with Tobacco, was established in 1916 and
justified as a tobacco control measure, be-
sought – concurrently with the Norwegian
came national policy in Norway in 2013
ban on liquor (in 1917) and prohibition in
– only to be withdrawn by the new govern-
the US (in 1920) – to win support for tight-
ment in 2014.
er legislation (municipal licensing system)
throughout the 1920s. They wanted strict-
Discussion
er control of what they saw as the main
Applying a historical approach, I have in
problem of the large complex of problems
this article identified various early attempts
caused by tobacco use and smoking: cor-
at defining tobacco as a problem. I have
ruption of the youth.
shown that the anti-tobacco movement
framed tobacco, cigarettes and smoking as
The relative failure of the anti-tobacco
a question of morals and subsumed both
movement
economy and health under a moral frame-
Although many members of the temper-
work in their argumentation. The arguments
ance movement were against alcohol, to-
stemming from the medical profession
bacco – and even dancing – on religious
were scientifically based, while the politi-
grounds,
cians tended to argue in economic terms. I
movement embraced a much broader plat-
have focused on what in hindsight might be
form than church/low church movements.
described as an emerging perception of to-
Actually, liberals and the labour move-
bacco as a problem, when its uses – and in-
ment supported the fight against alcohol
creasing popularity – became a public con-
the most. It was mirrored in the proverb
cern in a way that it had never been before.
“abstinence promotes prosperity and hap-
More people were smoking more and more
piness”, which was mass produced and
cigarettes, over-production during the First
hung on many walls in working class
World War created problems, elements of
homes. The most puritanical segments of
the temperance movement fanned a sense
the temperance movement were not only
of moral panic regarding cigarette smoking
involved in the fight against alcohol, they
by minors. Monopolies and licensing ar-
were equally concerned about smoking.
rangements were debated.
However, the public did not see the rela-
the
Norwegian
temperance
Although none of the policy propos-
tionship between tobacco and alcohol as
als were adopted, it is fair to say that the
simply as it was painted by the teetotalists.
time around World War I was formative.
Even if smoking was culturally associated
Parliament had returned to the idea of a
with drink, few outside the anti-tobacco
tobacco monopoly multiple times since
movement considered smoking to be dev-
1898 and it enjoyed cross-party support
ilish. There seems to have been tepid sup-
(Hodne, 1978). Based on the growth of the
port for the anti-tobacco movement inter-
temperance movement and its successful
nally in the most influential sections of
lobbying in several countries to restrict
the temperance movement. Neither was
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NORDIC STUDIES ON ALCOHOL AND DRUGS
V O L . 31. 2 0 1 4 . 5–6
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there much support among the large group
efforts to tighten the legislation. First, the
of pro-temperance parliamentarians, who
idea of a municipal licensing system was
also favoured tight alcohol regulations and
geographically uneven and not represent-
in fact enjoyed a parliamentary majority
ative of the whole country. Second, the
(NOU 1995: 24 – Alkoholpolitikken i en-
anti-tobacco activists were marginal in the
dring?). Judged by the contents of Tobak-
grand scheme of things, not least in terms
skampen, there was also little anti-smok-
of membership numbers. In Denmark, the
ing support among the working class, a
association Away with Tobacco, estab-
leader in the fight against alcohol.
lished as early as 1905, by 1919 had no
There are many indications in the first
more than 700 member. Its Norwegian sis-
volumes of Tobakskampen of tobacco op-
ter organization never had more than 700
ponents feeling ridiculed by the public and
members even in its heyday in the 1920s.8
seen as marginal extremists. Anti-tobacco
By comparison, support for the temper-
“fighters” were well aware that they were
ance movement peaked between 1910 and
indeed a fighting minority. They refer to
1920. In 1919, 257,000 people were mem-
hatred and ridicule in the popular press –
bers of the movement, of a Norwegian
but also seem to gain strength from facing
population of 2.6 million (NOU 1995: 24 –
the contempt of non-believers. Tellingly,
Alkoholpolitikken i endring?) While many
they cite Thomas Carlyle, “Every noble
of these people probably sympathized
work is at first impossible” (TK, 1919, no.3,
with the anti-tobacco movement, tobacco
p. 11), which, with the benefit of hindsight,
was not a priority.
may seem almost prophetic given what tobacco control would later achieve.
Third, and associated with the first
two points, the anti-tobacco movement
This “extremism” may explain why the
was against tobacco use of any kind, not
movement never managed to generate an
only among children. This missionary
institutional environment in which the
approach to the compound evils of all to-
tobacco issue could be handled, because
bacco products probably found less reso-
the only people preaching against tobacco
nance in public opinion than if they had
were the moralists. With the degeneration
focused more exclusively on the problem
perspective clearly on the wane, there
of children who smoked (like The Anti-
was in fact no health or political reason to
Cigarette League in USA). Tobacco was
stiffen tobacco regulations any further. An
neither a social nor a public nuance – to
important rationale for the anti-tobacco
most people, smoke in railway compart-
movement in general and the proposal to
ments was simply not a problem, and it
introduce a municipal licensing system in
was thanks to cigarettes that rid the world
particular, seems to have been the wish
of the spittoon – which in the minds of
to get their message across and make it a
some was probably a real public disgrace.
criminal offence to sell cigarettes to mi-
Also, medical science had a poor under-
nors – as indeed happened with the adop-
standing of nicotine dependence, and the
tion of the 1899 act.7
notion that heavy smokers were unwill-
There are several possible reasons why
ing “slaves” to tobacco was widespread.
the anti-tobacco movement failed in their
As the medical community saw moderate
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NORDIC STUDIES ON ALCOHOL AND DRUGS
461
tobacco consumption as acceptable (and
nant in the late 1800s, it was in effect the
many doctors were smokers themselves),
latter that prevailed (NOU 1995:24, Hor-
heavy smoking was simply seen as a “bad
verak, 2001).9 There had been no similar
habit”. This was true even among politi-
discussion regarding tobacco, at least not
cians (many of whom were smokers too).
according to the sources at our disposal.
However, to describe tobacco as enslaving
This might be due to the reflexive level of
and as a bad habit might – as a political
the debate, which lacked a capacity for tac-
(and moral) argument – not be very differ-
tical nuance, but probably it was because a
ent from describing nicotine as addictive.
total ban on tobacco was unrealistic, more
At this time though, the biggest problem
of a “vision”. And even if a total ban was
with nicotine was not that is was addic-
obviously the goal, the strategy to achieve
tive, the problem was its toxicity. Neither
it was unclear – except that it involved ap-
was the use of nicotine associated with
peals to moral rearmament and tightening
drug induced problem behaviour, unlike
of existing legislation. The argument to
binge drinking and alcoholism. This ba-
restrict the availability to tobacco by mo-
sic difference between tobacco and alco-
nopolising the retail market to achieve this
hol was also reflected in the arguments
goal did not occur to anyone.
for the alcohol and tobacco monopolies.
With regard to alcohol, the regulative ar-
Lack of integration of health, moral and
rangement was the local Samlaget (allow-
economic factors
ing better control over who got to buy) and
Neither morality nor health was men-
a licensing system like the “Gothenburg
tioned in connection with calls for a to-
system” (Horverak, 2001). When the first
bacco monopoly. Economic factors alone
“Samlag” was established in 1871, it was
informed the proposals. When the eco-
a council-controlled liquor outlet, aimed
nomic argument in favour of monopoly
at eliminating private economic interests.
ultimately failed, the foundation of the
There was no desire to legitimize the prof-
monopoly idea failed with it. If supports
its made by some individuals on the basis
of the idea of a monopoly had linked their
of others who succumbed to alcohol abuse.
concerns to social issues and morals, as
It is therefore understandable if the anti-
was largely done with respect to alcohol
tobacco movement wanted similar legisla-
(making money on a morally dubious com-
tive mechanisms for tobacco. To achieve
modity was itself morally suspect), the
this, tobacco opponents adopted the same
argument might have gained more trac-
approach as the temperance movement:
tion. But neither social concerns, health
phasing out of the sale of the product by
issues nor the moral opposition to smok-
persuading public opinion and holding lo-
ing were sufficiently compelling political
cal referendums. Regarding the regulation
arguments. As we have seen, tobacco’s
of alcohol, there were two partially com-
risk to health was not developed, and in
peting policies in the temperance move-
the age of Spanish flu and tuberculosis, it
ment: phasing out liquor at the local level
is easy to understand why tobacco was not
(as indicated above) and national prohibi-
considered an important health problem.
tion. Although the former had been domi-
Interestingly, advocates of a tobacco mo-
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NORDIC STUDIES ON ALCOHOL AND DRUGS
V O L . 31. 2 0 1 4 . 5–6
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nopoly avoided all mention of tobacco as a
ate what we now recognise as the modern
problem. Tobacco was a “luxury” that the
climate of opinion towards tobacco. The
state could tax because it not was an es-
current fronts in the tobacco field (indus-
sential commodity. It was no different in
trial/commercial interests, consumer in-
Sweden, where a tobacco monopoly in fact
terests, tobacco opponents) were formed
was established (in 1915) on the grounds
at this time, as were in fact many of the
that a Swedish monopoly would increase
anti-tobacco movement’s arguments and
government revenues more than was the
strategies to gain acceptance. Only when
case in Norway (Karlsson, 2008, p. 53).
more extensive medical evidence on ill-
There was thus no real “coordination”
ness and death caused by smoking be-
between monopoly and municipal licens-
came known in the early 1960s did the
ing advocates, and both fielded completely
anti-tobacco movement’s early moral argu-
different justifications. This lack of integra-
ments achieve sufficient force to be trans-
tion may be explained by the fact that the
lated into policy. Yet the survival of ideas
notion of tobacco abuse was unheard of at
in the anti-tobacco movement’s armoury
the time – beyond the inner circle of teeto-
against smoking in general is striking and
talists, that is. (Consequently, there was no
their stability over time is expressed both
need to think in terms of treating abusers
in terms of the moral nuisance of passive
of tobacco). And the “moral health” view
smoking, the economic waste associated
associated with the anti-tobacco move-
with an unnecessary product, the belief
ment (and the teachers and doctors that
in municipal licence as a measure and the
sympathised with it) found little resonance
visionary goal of a future tobacco free so-
among politicians and senior government
ciety. The movement was also early in ad-
officials in the capital. The latter were
dressing health as a lifestyle feature of mo-
more concerned with the state of the na-
dernity, which later came to be important
tional economy and getting the tobacco in-
to the working class (physical fostering)
dustry to follow the rules of the liberal free
and even more so to the middle class (the
market. They also tended to sympathise
healthy body as indicator of self-control).
with a notion of legitimate and moderate
tobacco use. The only exception was the
Conclusion
1899 act, which also tellingly was as “evi-
Tobacco was not defined as a social prob-
dence based” as it could be at the time. The
lem beyond the anti-tobacco movement
harm inflicted by smoking on the physical,
and thus, no further regulation (not to
mental and moral abilities of young people
speak of treatment) was necessary beyond
was a popular argument internationally as
the already existing age limit.
well (Keirle, 2012, p. 3) and similar legislation existed in several countries.
Even if no regulations were passed in
1920s, the industrialization of cigarette
manufacture and developments in advertising fuelled a sense of “moral panic”
among tobacco opponents and helped cre-
Declaration of interest None.
Gunnar Sæbø, researcher
Norwegian Institute for Alcohol and Drug
Research (SIRUS)
E-mail: [email protected]
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NORDIC STUDIES ON ALCOHOL AND DRUGS
463
notes
1 In Europe, the cigarette had started as a
sort of poor man’s tobacco – as hand-rolled
cigarettes made of remnants of cigars and
chewing tobacco.
2 This view illustrates how addiction was
conceived in the general «inebriety» paradigm. This paradigm had been influential
in the late 1800s, but was being challenged
by the devolvement of modernity and associated separation of tobacco (but also, in a
way, alcohol) from drug addiction (Courtwright, 2005). Among those who held on to
the inebriety idea was The Keeley Institute,
the treatment of which required abstention from any stimulants likely to trigger
relapse, “even caffeinated beverages” (ibid.
108). In short, vice tended to be seen as
a “package” and any addiction (however
small) was considered problematic.
3 The argument that smoking was an expression of “race vice” derived from the
concept of progressive hereditary degeneration of psychological disorders, a dominant
view in medicine in the second half of the
1800s (Byman, 1934). It also involved a
general argument about addiction, although
drink was usually mentioned in this connection. Excessive use of a drug damaged
people’s physical and mental health. The
damage would be passed on to the person’s
offspring affecting them physically or mentally, and the process was self-reinforcing
from generation to generation. Deviations
from what was considered normal conduct would thus cause the human race to
“deteriorate progressively towards extinction” (Bynum, 1984:61). There were some
medical data, amassed since the 1850s, that
supported this conclusion. Medics active in
the temperance movement relied on these
scientific data in support of their views
on social and racial hygiene. However,
by the time of the First World War, the
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NORDIC STUDIES ON ALCOHOL AND DRUGS
4
5
6
7
8
9
V O L . 31. 2 0 1 4 . 5–6
degeneration thesis was under attack from
the social Darwinists (Bynum, 1984:66ff.).
Racial resistance to certain diseases was
found to be the evolutionary result of the
fight for survival, where the fittest (i.e. most
resistant) individuals came out on top. This
suggested that humans had built up an efficient evolutionary resistance to degeneration.
All new members had their name, gender,
social standing and hometown published
in the journal.
When the founding mother of The Anti-Cigarette League of America Lucy Page Gaston
sought to make her organisation international in 1920, she described the League’s
journal “Smokeless day” as “no preaching
but rather presentation of scientific and
sociological facts” (TK, 1920, no. 4, p. 16).
This illustrates how the anti-tobacco activists in the US had come a long way since
its low churchly beginnings half a decade earlier, having reached a level where
strategic social communication mattered
profoundly.
In the local elections in 1922, there were
711 municipals in Norway (SSB, 1923).
In Denmark, the national association of
anti-tobacco activists had in fact been
founded in protest of the Danish politicians’ neglect to pass a similar law regulation of age limits (TK, 1916, no. 11–12,
p.11).
Similar membership figures have been
documented in the UK (Hilton & Nightingale, 1998, p. 54).
The wine monopoly selling table wines was
established as a private limited company
under state control in November 1922. The
purpose was to take social concerns, survey
availability and ensure equal assortment all
over the country.
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PARLIAMENTARY DOCUMENTS ON
TOBACCO MONOPOLY
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St.tid. 1904/1905 (15/12-04), p.776–85
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