^American Influence in Ireland,
1760 to 1800
p until the time of the American Revolution, British expansion had largely been concerned with the American colonies
and Ireland. These two possessions differed greatly in two
respects—namely, geography and the length of time each had been
under English control. As Ireland was geographically a part of the
British Isles, distance in no way lessened supervision of the English
over this neighboring island. On the other hand, the American
colonies were separated from the homeland by a wide expanse of
ocean which increased the difficulty of any close direction of activities. As for the length of time each had been under, or considered
under, English jurisdiction, Ireland had been regarded as a possession
of Great Britain more than four times as long as the oldest of the
American plantations.
In spite of these two differences, there were many similarities in the
positions held by Ireland and America during the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries. Both were considered as markets for English
manufactured goods and as sources of raw materials and products of
which there was a shortage in England. Neither was permitted economic development except in so far as it could be co-ordinated with
English plans. The Acts of Navigation, Acts of Trade, and other
legislation applied equally to both. Both countries were thought of as
colonies or plantations; in each the administrative personnel was
English appointed. Legislative bodies were elected to handle domestic matters, but they met at the desire of the governors who had been
named by the*British. Neither country had representation in the
British parliament, and thus had no voice in matters of taxation.
In the case of both countries England expressly reserved the right
to legislate for her dependencies.1
U
1 The reservation of the right to legislate is contained in 6 Geo. I, c. 5, "An Act for the
better securing the Dependency of the Kingdom of Ireland upon the Crown of Great Britain,"
and 6 Geo. Ill, c. 12, "An Act for the securing the Dependency of his Majesty's Dominions
in America upon the Crown and Parliament of Great Britain."
103
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HOMER L. CALKIN
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Before the American Revolution there seems to have been little
actual attempt by either Ireland or America actively to champion the
cause of the other. However, the two countries had a common basis
for friendship. Their relative positions in the British Empire were so
nearly alike that whatever might be done in regard to one might very
well be expected for the other. With the development of opposition
in America toward England, an increasing interest arose in Ireland
regarding American events. In the latter part of the eighteenth
century, Ireland, influenced by these American attempts, was to try
to better her own position under England.
The American Revolution and the events occurring from 1765 to
the end of the century affected Ireland both materially and ideologically. As is usually the case, the materialistic impacts were evident
much sooner and at the same time more quickly forgotten than were
the ideas which were developed by the colonists and accepted by
many of the Irish. The tangible phases felt in Ireland as the war
progressed centered chiefly around trade and the raising of Irish
troops to participate in battles across the Atlantic or as home defenses against both external and internal enemies. Economics and
man power usually play the obvious roles in international conflict;
political and philosophical ideas must of necessity take secondary
places for a while, and it is only eventually that they exert their full
force.
Ireland early felt the brunt of the American Revolution commercially. The chief exports of Ireland were linen goods, wool,
glass, hops and provisions such as cattle, beef, hogs, butter and
cheese. A great amount of linen was sent to America while foodstuffs
were exported to Continental countries. The chief imports from
America consisted of pearl, potash, flaxseed, oil of turpentine, rice,
tobacco, wood, staves and cotton wool.2 Newspaper accounts, which
gave the number of ships arriving from, or sailing to? Ireland in the
ports of New York and Philadelphia, listed 576 ships from 1771 to
1774.3 In 1773, at a single time, seven "North American ships, laden
with wheat and flour, were arrived at Dublin/'4 Nor were the north2 Edward Wakefield, An Account of Ireland, Statistical and Political (London, 1812), II
3O-3I3 M. J. O'Brien, Hidden Phase of American History (New York, 1921), 287.
4 Newport (Rhode Island) Mercury, No. 765, May 3, 1773.
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AMERICAN INFLUENCE IN IRELAND, I 7 6 0 TO l8oO
IO5
ern and middle colonies the only ones to carry on trade with Ireland.
Silas Deane, in a memoir written in 1776, said that "Virginia &
Maryland export One Hundred Thousand Hogshead of this Article
[tobacco] annually, of this about Twenty Thousand are consumed in
Great Britain & Ireland."5 Manufacturing in Ulster, as well as the
number of Irish imports and exports, had been on the increase during
the middle of the eighteenth century. As a result, trade and prosperity in general had swung upward.
The American colonies, becoming more and more antagonistic to
English measures, decided in 1774 t o P u t restrictions on British
goods, including Irish products. Benjamin Franklin was apprehensive
of the harm that non-importation and non-exportation would do to
Ireland. He wrote to his son, William Franklin,
I should be sorry if Ireland is included in your agreement, because that country
is much our friend, and the want of flax-seed may distress them exceedingly, but
your merchants can best judge. It can only be meant against England, to insure a
change of measures, and not to hurt Ireland, with whom we have no quarrel.6
However, this was of no immediate avail. On September 17, 1774,
the Suffolk Resolves were read before the Continental Congress. One
of the points which formed the basis of the program was:
That until our rights are fully restored to us, we will, to the utmost of our power,
and we recommend the same to the other counties, to withhold all commercial
intercourse with Great Britain, Ireland, and the West-Indies, and abstain from the
consumption of British merchandise and manufactures.7
In February, 1775, the merchants, linen drapers, and principal
inhabitants of Belfast petitioned Great Britain, saying they were
apprehensive of the results which would come from the differences
between Great Britain and the American colonies. If the colonists'
demands were not met, the Irish were certain to suffer. The nonimportation agreement excluded Irish linen; if linen manufacturing
decayed, emigration would increase, the value of lands would go
down, and all trade would lessen. Non-exportation from America
5 Silas Deane's Memoir, Aug. 15, 1776. Contained in Benjamin Franklin Stevens, B. F.
Stevens* facsimiles of manuscripts in European Archives relating to America, 1773-1783 (London,
1889-1895), No. 577.
6 Benjamin Franklin, Writings, Smyth Ed. (New York, 1907), X, 274.
7 Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774-178% edited by W. C. Ford and others (Washington, 1904-37), I, 35-
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HOMER L. CALKIN
April
would deprive Ireland of flaxseed, lumber, wheat and flour and likewise be destructive to Irish landed property.8
However, it was the colonies rather than Great Britain who made
the first move to eliminate these restrictions. Even then it was not
until the fall of 1775 that the Committee of Trade of the Continental
Congress acted to alleviate the hardships which the Association of
1774 exerted on Ireland. At that time they reported that the distress
in Ireland, caused by the non-importation and non-exportation restrictions set up by the Americans, was great; they urged that the
Irish be permitted to have American flaxseed in return for whatever
military stores and wool they might bring to America.9
America was not the only country to place restrictions on Irish
trade. England also restrained the shipping of products from Irish
ports. An order in council in 1776 placed an embargo on vessels that
were loaded with cattle, hogs, beef, pork, butter and cheese.10 Various
ports in America were also closed by the British so that goods could
be neither exported nor imported by Ireland or any other country.
In 1778, with France entering the war on the American side, trade
between Ireland and France was also prohibited.
As a result, Irish export trade fell to a low point during the war.
Ireland became dependent upon some other source than France and
the colonies in North America. With a decrease in trade, there came
a decrease in manufacturing. Living conditions, finances, the state
debt—all became worse as the war proceeded.
Although the adoption of non-importation and non-exportation
agreements by the American colonies caused a curtailment of Irish
trade, there was little indication of a rising antagonism toward the
Americans on the part of the Irish. Only in a single instance did a
member of the Irish Parliament stress this factor as an argument in
the debates on raising troops to send to America. Captain Jephson
said that:
We have no reason to be so tender to the Americans, who had treated us ill; they
had resolved in their Congress to receive no commodities from, nor have any commerce with Ireland; and this declaration not only set us at defiance, but fully proves
they do not think us so infatuated as to take their parts.11
8 American Archives, edited by Peter Force (Washington, 1837-46), ser. 4, II, 1631.
9 Journals of Continental Congress, III, 269.
!0 American Archives, ser. 5, II, 1233-1234.
U/#</., ser. 4, III, 1645.
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AMERICAN INFLUENCE IN IRELAND, Ij6o
TO I 8OO
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Instead, there is evidence of the feeling of fellow sufferers under
British domination. Great Britain was blamed for placing unjust
burdens on the colonists. For instance, the Belfast merchants, in
their petition, previously mentioned, went to the British to settle the
question. Likewise, the Commons of Dublin petitioned the King of
England in part as follows:
Your Majesty will be pleased to consider how much our trade, credit and manufactures are connected with peace in America, and that we cannot but feel the most
lively distress and apprehension at a continuance of a war which must necessarily
involve in ruin our staple commodity, almost the only source of wealth to your
faithful subjects of Ireland.
Permit us to apply to your Majesty's wisdom and virtue and to implore your
parental inter-position in promoting such means as will at once quiet the fears of
your subjects in America, and preserve the constitutional rights of your Majesty
and the British Legislature.12
There is considerable evidence of friendly feeling between America
and Ireland over trade relations. In 1775 the Guild of Merchants of
Dublin voted thanks to the Earl of Effingham for refusing to join the
army against "the lives and liberties of his fellow subjects in America."13 Such action would hardly be taken by the merchants of any
city if they were at all opposed to the cause of the country in question. In 1776 Beaumarchais had a "project of engaging a Company
of Traders at Corke to supply the French and Spanish Fleets with
Salt Beef Pork and Butter. "14 The following year, Captain Salter,
when arriving at New London, Connecticut, said that "the American
privateer which put into Newry . . . shipped a number of hands
there, and that the Irish are universally in favour of the Americans."15 All classes of the Irish, except the landlords, their agents,
and those in government service, were believed to favor the
Americans, and to be rendering them real aid, at a time when such
aid was considered treasonable by Great Britain.16
The American Revolution marked the beginning of relaxation of
England's commercial hold over Ireland. In 1778 an act to "permit
12 7**7/., i 7 9 .
IS Ibid., II, 1672; Newport Mercury, No. 898, Nov. 20, 1775.
14 Lord Stormont to Lord Weymouth, Dec. 11, 1776. Stevens, Facsimiles, No. 1387.
15 Pennsylvania Gazette (Philadelphia, Pennsylvania), March 5, 1777. Quoted in O'Brien,
Hidden Phase, 67.
16 O'Brien, Hidden Phase, 63.
IO8
HOMER L. CALKIN
April
the exportation of Goods directly from Ireland'' was passed.17 In the
following year it was "agreed that Lord North do propose to Parliament to grant to Ireland the Exportation of Woolen Manufactures,
Glass and Hops, and to open the Trade of Ireland to and from the
British Colonies in America and Settlements in Africa/'18
Another matter of importance in Ireland from the very beginning
of the American Revolution was that of furnishing troops for
American use. As early as 1773 it was reported from Dublin that
"orders are come over here from London for some land forces to be
embarked from this kingdom immediately for New-England."19 In
May of 1774 six regiments were to be ready to leave on a week's
notice; four more were to hold themselves ready to be sent to Boston
in August.20 Lord Harcourt had been informed by Rochford of the
urgent need of troops to be sent to America.21
On November 23, 1775, the Irish Parliament was called upon to
vote the necessary troops to be sent to America and Sir John
Blaquiere presented a message from Harcourt, Lord Lieutenant, to
the Irish House of Commons. This message stated that it was necessary to send more troops to America: "He [Harcourt] had the firmest
reliance on the loyalty of his faithful Commons of Ireland, to admit
his sending abroad a number of the Troops of this establishment, not
exceeding four thousand men." They were to be in the pay of Great
Britain; furthermore, the British would replace them with four
thousand foreign Protestants, also in the pay of Great Britain.22
On November 25, two resolutions were presented to the House of
Commons to carry out the desires of Harcourt. To the first of these,
which provided for the recruiting and payment of the troops, Sir
Archibald Acheson moved that the House agree. Colonel Ross, who
seconded the motion, said it would save Ireland £85,000 a year.
Ponsonby opposed the measure: "To take a part against America
would be contrary to prudence; for if we assist to punish them for
17 Stevens, Facsimiles, No. 527.
18 George III, The Correspondence of King George the Third from 1780 to December 1783,
edited by Sir John Fortescue (London, 1928), IV, 509.
19 Newport Mercury, No. 763, April 19, 1773.
20 Ibid., No. 818 and No. 834, May 9 and Aug. 29, 1774.
21 Rochford to Harcourt, Aug. 1, 1775. Calendar of Home Office Papers of the Reign of
George HI (London, 1878-1899), IV, 379.
22
American Archives, ser. 4, III, 1641-1642.
1,947
AMERICAN INFLUENCE IN IRELAND, Ij6o
TO 18OO
IO9
resisting being taxed by the British parliament, we furnish a precedent against ourselves, if ever the like occasion should happen."
Fitzgibbon said that Ireland had no reason for being a party of the
war that seemed to him unjust. Sir Edward Newenham said "the
sending of our troops to the butchery of our fellow-subjects in
America, or bringing over foreign mercenaries, equally militated
against true reason and sound policy." Yelverton, Gardiner, and
Burgh likewise opposed the measure, thinking that it was foolish to
leave Ireland defenseless. There was always the possibility of insurrections by the Whiteboys and Steelboys, or an invasion by France.
After extensive debating, the measure was passed, 121 to y6.23 However, this was an indication that there was in the Irish Parliament a
strong opposition to English domination. The whip hand that the
British had been exerting was not so potent as formerly. Already the
possibility of an increasing defiance toward English policies was
apparent.
There was resistance not only in Parliament, but through the
country as well. The Newport Mercury of 1775 declared that "the
people of Ireland in general, we hear, are extremely out of temper,
and displeased with the Court on many accounts; but no one so much
as the arming of 5000 Irish Papists, for the purpose of subduing their
fellow Protestant subjects in America." The same issue, under a
heading from Dublin, reported almost complete lack of success in
recruiting for the fighting in America; indeed, it was thought that in
all Ireland not more than twenty men would be willing to enlist.24
"An Occasional Remarker" wrote in Hugh Gaine's paper in New
York that "the service is so disagreeable to the people of Ireland, in
general, that few of the recruiting officers can prevail upon a man to
enlist and fight against their American brethren."25 The Roman
Catholics used the opportunity to seek a repeal of the penal laws.
Several important Catholic landlords were actively negotiating with
the government for this revocation in return for troops for America.26 England, pressed for troops, considered the measure and sent
Mlbid., 1641-1648.
24
Newport Mercury, No. 899, Nov. 27, 1775.
25 American Archives, ser. 4, III, 1553.
26 Marq. de Noailles to Count Vergennes, Dec. 12, 1777. Stevens, Facsimilesy No. 1772.
IIO
HOMER L. CALKIN
April
Lord Hervey to Rome to discuss the matter of oaths to be taken by
the bishops and officers.27
In spite of opposition, troops were finally raised and sent to
America. It is interesting to note the method of recruiting employed by Major Boyle Roche, M.P. for Tralee. Upon reaching a
town he would form a procession, leading it himself with a large
purse of gold. Then followed "an elegant Band of Musick, consisting
of French Hautboys, Clarionets, and Bassoons, playing 'God save
the King.'" This was followed by a large brewer's dray with five
barrels of beer to serve to the public. Recruiting sergeants, soldiers,
recruits and spectators made up the remainder of the procession.
Following the parade Roche made a speech:
His Majesty's deluded subjects in America are in open rebellion, and like unnatural children, would destroy their over indulgent parent, forgetting the torrents
of blood spilt, and heaps of treasure expended for their preservation.
His sacred Majesty now calls us, and our fidelity obliges us, and I hope your
inclinations prompt you to obey the dictates of so good and lenient a master. Let
us, then, my brave and loyal countrymen, join hearts and hands, and cheerfully step
forth in the glorious cause of our Creator, our King, and our Country. We have it
in our power, by unanimity and inexhaustible resources, to reduce those Rebels to a
due obedience to their Sovereign, and submission to the laws of their Country,
which will give a fresh conviction to all Europe that Hibernian laurels have not
faded by time, but, on the contrary, are increasing in bloom and verdure.28
The troops which were recruited in Ireland were not always loyal
to the British cause. Upon reaching America they often deserted.
Joseph Galloway gives an account of 649 Irish soldiers and galleymen deserting and coming to Philadelphia to take the oath of
allegiance to America.29
The question of replacements was vital to Ireland. As has been
mentioned, a resolution was presented in Parliament to accept foreign
troops paid by British money. The measure was supported in debate
by Attorney General Tisdall, General Cunningham, Mr. Forster,
Colonel Burton and Barry Bary. They argued it would save £85,000
per year. The Hessian and Brunswick forces were composed of
industrious, docile men, many of whom would probably settle in
Ireland and add to the Protestant strength. Opposing the measure
were Redmond Morres, Vice-Treasurer Henry Flood, Hussey Burgh,
27 Vergennes to de Noailles, Dec. 20, 1777. Ibid.y No. 1778.
28 American Archives^ ser. 4, III, 148.
29 Stevens, Facsimiles, No. 2094.
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A M E R I C A N I N F L U E N C E I N I R E L A N D , Ij6o
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Yelverton, Bushe, Boyle Roche and George Ogle. It was thought
that foreign troops were dangerous, "pregnant with ruin to the
liberty of this country." To offset the argument of the saving of
money, it was stated that the money for 12,000 troops was already
voted. The government, even with its placemen and close adherents,
was unable to carry the bill, which was rejected 68 to 106.30
As the American Revolution proceeded, the need for a military
force in Ireland became more apparent. In 1775 "insurrections of a
very alarming and dangerous nature are dreaded in Ireland in the
course of the ensuing spring, if troops be not sent over from this
country [England] to replace the Irish regiments serving in America."31 An unsuccessful attempt was made to raise a militia of two
hundred men per county in Ireland.
In 1777 de Noailles wrote to Vergennes that Ireland had no more
than three thousand men for defense.32 Lafayette thought that
French forces returning home from Newfoundland would find a
chance to alarm the coasts of Ireland.33 With the definite coalition of
France and the American colonies, it became more evident that
steps must be taken to provide a defensive force for Ireland. In 1778
and 1779, under the leadership of such men as Charlemont and the
Duke of Leinster, a volunteer force was started, which, as its numbers increased, was armed by government appropriation. Belfast and
Wexford set the example and others soon followed. Before long more
than 40,000 men were armed.34 "This domestic force felt proud of the
confidence reposed in them to an unlimited degree, and the national
vanity was gratified by the splendour of their costume, and the
martial precision of their evolution."35
How the materialistic aspects of the American Revolution—
namely, problems of trade and man power—affected Ireland and the
Irish people has already been indicated. More important was the reaction of various classes in Ireland to the American Revolution as a
whole. For any nation to be able to form opinions of a conflict and the
30 American Archives, ser. 4, III, 1648-1649.
31 Pennsylvania Gazette, Nov. 15, 1775. Quoted in O'Brien, Hidden Phase•, 9.
32 Marq. de Noailles to Vergennes, Nov. 21, 1777. Stevens, Facsimiles, No. 860.
33 Lafayette to Vergennes, July 18, 1779. Ibid., No. 1609.
34 Thomas Reynolds, The Life of Thomas Reynolds (London, 1839), I, 21-22.
35 Warden Flood, Memoirs of the Life and Correspondence of the Right Hon. Henry Flood,
M.P. (Dublin, 1838), 150.
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HOMER L. CALKIN
April
ideological progress in another country, knowledge of what is going
on is a requisite.
The Irish of the eighteenth century were not too well informed
concerning events in America. Newspapers were high-priced and
limited in circulation. In this way, the common people were kept
from a knowledge of public affairs. "They knew nothing but what
the great people please to let them.'' In the newspapers that were
circulated during the period of the Revolution itself there was "not a
word of anything spirited on your [America's] part, so that our [the
Irish] people are altogether ignorant of the true state of affairs."36
Although the general mass of Irishmen were not always aware of
what was happening in America, the leaders in political thought were
in a position to know. A number of revolutionary pamphlets—such
as Dr. Price's Observations on Civil /liberty?1 John Dickinson's
jQetters from a farmer in 'Pennsylvania?* and Plain Fruth?9—were
reprinted in Dublin. These and other pamphlets were important
for presenting the arguments favoring separation of the colonies
from Great Britain.
Connections between Irish leaders and English leaders who supported the American cause helped to keep the liberal Irish politicians
informed concerning American politics. Furthermore, newspapers
advocating Irish independence during the latter part of the century
improved their reporting of American events. One of the aims of the
Northern Star of Belfast, when founded, was to print the "proceedings of the American Congress."40 This it did at all times; one
number—that for September, 1792—summarized the complete
American system and discussed Congress, representation, the Constitution and other phases of American government.
References were also made to the financial system in America. The
Northern Star stated that the estimates for governmental services in
one year, 1791, in the United States were $740,232.15, or £166,555
36 American Archives, ser. 4, III, 619-620.
37 Dr. Richard Price, Observations on the Nature of Civil Liberty, the Principles of Government, and the Justice and Policy of the War with America (Dublin, 1776).
38 John Dickinson, Letters from a farmer in Pennsylvania, to the inhabitants of the British
Colonies (Dublin, 1768).
39 Plain Truth: Addressed to the Inhabitants of America (Dublin, 1776).
40 Northern Star (Belfast, Ireland), No. 1, Jan. 4, 1792.
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AMERICAN INFLUENCE IN IRELAND, Ij6o
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113
4s. 8d. "Compare this with the estimate for the Irish Government"41
State governments were likewise mentioned. For example, the fact
that Pennsylvania was out of debt spurred Wolfe Tone with the idea
that a similar system would be ideal for Ireland.42 Through these
allusions, the Irish were kept aware of what was happening across
the sea.
The attitude of the merchant class has already been discussed in
connection with the curtailment of Irish trade. There are other
indications of how the general populace viewed the conflict. For
instance, the repeal of the Stamp Act was received with great rejoicing in Dublin. "These glad Tidings spread a general Joy all over
the City, our Bells were set a ringing, at Night Bonfires were lighted
and the Evening was spent most agreeably by the Inhabitants."43
Other sections of Ireland likewise rejoiced.
The many toasts offered to Americans at meetings of the Volunteers, the Merchant Guild, and at other gatherings further indicated
the feeling toward America. Typical of these toasts are the following:
"Lasting Freedom and prosperity to the United States of America."
"President Washington."
"The memory of Dr. Franklin."
"AMERICA—The Asylum of Liberty."44
During the last half of the eighteenth century, a number of members of the Irish House of Commons who were anxious to secure
greater rights for Ireland took a very favorable attitude toward the
colonists. Some of them opposed the raising of troops for the use of
Great Britain in putting down the rebellion. Other friendly opinions
were expressed in the Irish Parliament as early as 1775 when the
Parliament met to consider a message from the Earl of Harcourt. In
the address to the King a portion was included to express abhorrence
and indignation toward the American rebellion. Immediately, a
number of the members voiced disapproval. Hussey Burgh stated if
41 Ibid., No. 27, Mar. 30-April 4, 1792.
42 Theobald Wolfe Tone, The Letters of Wolfe Tone, edited by Bulmer Hobson (Dublin,
1920), 48.
43 New York Mercury, April 21, 1766. Quoted in M. J. O'Brien, Hercules Mulligan (New
York, 1937), 30.
44 Northern Star, passim.
114
HOMER L. CALKIN
April
the Americans were brought to their knees, "they [the Irish] could
expect nothing but slavery." Yelverton believed that the ministry
"had cut off the rights of thirteen or fourteen colonies at once;
Ireland would be next, and then when liberty had but one neck, that
too would be lopped off at one stroke." He also thought that "no
slavery can be more perfect than to be taxed where men are not
represented."45
Perhaps one of the best ways of determining the importance of
this Irish sympathy is to note British opinion on the matter. Some
Englishmen were well aware of the necessity of handling the Irish
question carefully even before the end of the war, although, at first,
there was no great apprehension of danger. In 1775 a letter from
Ireland said, "it is the prevailing opinion, especially among the
friends of Government (so-called), that you will be at last frightened
into submission to ministerial measures."46 However, the next year,
"it is to be feared that Ireland will follow in the steps of America."47
Alexander Wedderburn, Solicitor General, in his instructions to the
American Commission, wrote, "It becomes the interest of Gt.
Britain to promote their industry their trade or their population
instead of retarding their progress in any of these respects." He went
on to say that "tho' the right of Gt. Brit, to tax Ireld. is the same in
Theory as to tax America, yet habit has fixed the minds of all Men in
a decisive opinion ag1 the exercise of that Right, the ability of an
established & fixed advantage in the proposition born by Ireld of
gen1, expense in the most ample and permanent Security to the Irish
against any Innovation." Hewondered if "it not be adviseableto keep
clear in the Instructions of naming Ireland; for as this . . . must
probably come before Parl*. it will be used as a handle to inflame &
to prove that Ireland had a common cause."48
Amherst, in his History of Catholic Emancipation, declared that
during this period Lord North was especially anxious to foster good
feelings with the Irish in order that a united attack might be made
on the American problem.49 Burke realized that the revolt of the
45 American Archives, ser. 4, I I I , 993-1001.
46 Ibid., 619.
47 Beaumarchais, in a letter to Vergennes, speaking of a conversation with Rochford,
April 16, 1776. Stevens, Facsimiles, No. 1322.
&Ibid., March, 1778, No. 382.
49 52. Quoted in O'Brien, Hidden Phase, 54-55.
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AMERICAN INFLUENCE IN IRELAND, I 7 6 0 TO I 8OO
115
American colonies had accustomed English statesmen to the possible
loss of Ireland—indeed, to the possible breakdown of the empire.50
Fox was another British statesman aware of the results that might
be expected. In November, 1779, while discussing the address on the
King's speech on the opening of the House of Commons, he said:
England must resist altogether the demands of Ireland, or she must grant them
in part or in the whole. . . . He desired administration would draw from it this
lesson, not to adopt the same little line of conduct that they had pursued with
respect to America, and not deny in one session what they offer with additions the
year following, yet still continuing to make little bargains, until they had nothing
left to bargain for. . . . What stripped Ireland of her troops? . . . Was it not the
American war? What gave Ireland the opportunity of establishing a powerful and
illegal army? Certainly the American war. 51
Others expressed similar ideas. Lord Camden wrote to Charlemont
that "America had been lost by bad governors, and the fate of
Ireland might be the same."52 Conyngham thought the request of the
Volunteers should not be ignored. "Think of the consequences of that
kind of treatment of the American petitions!"53
It is impossible to state conclusively how many of the Irish were
in favor of America's stand against Great Britain. A number of
claims have been made, but these are most certainly exaggerations.
For example, Lord Chatham said, "Ireland is with them to a man."54
Governor Johnstone thought that "three to one in Ireland are on
their side."55 John Mitchel, in his History of Ireland, claimed that as
many as "nine-tenths of the people of Ireland . . . regarded the
American cause to be Ireland's own cause."56
The people of Ireland may be grouped into a number of classes:
(a) those who sanctioned the American Revolution outright; (b)
50 William Cobbett, The Parliamentary History of England from the earliest period to the
year 1803 (London, 1807-1820), XXI, 1292-1293.
51 Charles James Fox, The Speeches of the Right Honourable Charles James Fox in the House
of Commons (London, 1815), I, 211-212.
52 Henry Grattan, Memoirs of the Life and Times of the Rt. Hon. Henry Grattan (London,
1839-1846), II, 30.
53 Burton Conyngham to John Beresford, Jan. 13, 1784. John Beresford, The Correspondence of the Right Hon. John Beresford, Illustrative of the last thirty years of the Irish Parliament, edited by William Beresford (London, 1854), I, 247-248.
54 Pennsylvania Gazette, April 12, 1775.
55 American Archives, ser. 4, VI, 31.
56 112. Quoted in O'Brien, Hidden Phase, 63.
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those who favored it, but took no active part in helping; (c) those
who were in sympathy with the mother country and expressed her
viewpoints in the Irish Parliament; (d) those who quietly opposed
rebellion on the part of the colonies; and (e) the large group who
knew too little to be able to take sides. What percentage would be
found in each class cannot be said.
However, Irish society, considered from different aspects—social,
economic, religious and political—offered numerous examples of
groups which favored or opposed the conflict. Those people who
suffered most from the existing rule of Great Britain could naturally
be expected to think kindly of the rebelling colonists and to hope for
independence for themselves. Included were the struggling manufacturing class who were held down by English trade restrictions and the
small land operators who suffered from absenteeism. This would include a large majority of those in the lower and middle classes.
Among religious groups a large number of the Catholics and dissenting Presbyterians endorsed the American Revolution. They had
undergone severe hardships since only the established Anglican
church was recognized. Many politicians, who were becoming more
liberal and who were seeking privileges for the Irish, were, as might
be expected, also critical toward England.
On the other hand, the large landowning group, the English appointed officialdom, the Anglicans and any others who were personally profiting under existing conditions were likely to justify
Great Britain's measures against the thirteen colonies.
The Americans were ready to cultivate these feelings of kinship
which were apparent among the Irish. Benjamin Franklin, the
versatile ambassador-at-large of the eighteenth century, made personal visits to Ireland in 1769 and 1771. During his second trip he
was desirous of seeing some of the important Irish patriots. Considering the possible mutual advantages of Irish-American co-operation,
he encouraged the Irish in their disposition to be friendly to America.57
In 1778 Franklin, taking advantage of this attitude, wrote "An
Address to the Good People of Ireland on behalf of America," which
began by remarking upon American concern over Irish misery and
distress. He explained that America was fighting for commercial
57 Benjamin Franklin, Works, Sparks Ed. (Boston, 1836-1840), VII, 556-558.
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freedom as well as for constitutional liberty. He showed the analogy
between Ireland and America. He went on to say:
But as for you, our dear and good friends of Ireland, we must cordially recommend to you to continue peaceable and quiet in every possible situation of your
affairs, and endeavour by mutual good will to supply the defects of administration.
But if the government, whom you at this time acknowledge, does not, in conformity
to her own true interest, take off and remove every restraint on your trade, commerce and manufactures, I am charged to assure you, that means will be found to
establish your freedom in this respect, in the fullest and amplest manner.58
The Continental Congress appointed a committee of correspondence composed of Benjamin Harrison, Benjamin Franklin, William
Samuel Johnson, John Dickinson and John Jay; among other places,
they were to correspond with Ireland.59 Earlier in the year, James
Duane, Will Livingston, Samuel Adams and John Adams had been
appointed to draw up an address to the people of Ireland.60 This
document thanked the Irish for their friendly attitude, recognized
their grievances, and spoke hopefully of a more relaxed English
policy.61
After the close of the war, the new American states continued to
take an interest in Irish trade. Benjamin Franklin wrote to Thomas
Mifflin that the Volunteers of Ireland seemed to want a separate
commercial treaty between their country and America.62 Very
shortly after the establishment of the federal Union, it was considered of importance to send consuls to Dublin and Cork to look
after American interests there and to develop the connections between the two countries.
The best indication of the great impact these events of the American Revolutionary period had in Ireland may be found in the various
attempts by the Irish to secure greater political and economic independence for their own country. Spokesmen of the Irish first demanded that Great Britain lessen the trade restrictions that had been
imposed on them. Consequently, Lord North in 1779 introduced
resolutions in connection with the budget to repeal the restrictions
58 Published in Hibernian Journal, Nov. 2-4,1778. Quoted in O'Brien, Hidden Phase, 30-31.
58 Secret Journals of the Acts and Proceedings of Congress (Boston, 1820-1821), II, 5.
60 Journal of the Continental Congress, I I , 79-80.
61 American Archives, ser. 4, I I , 1894-1897.
62 Franklin, Writings, Smyth Ed., IX, 130.
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HOMER L. CALKIN
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placed on the export of glass and woolens.63 Although these resolutions, subsequently passed, were of little material importance to
Ireland, they marked the first step in following the example of the
American colonists.
An irritating British act, passed in 1720 for "the better government of Ireland," stipulated that the British Parliament had full
power and authority to make laws of sufficient force to bind the
Irish. A number of Irish leaders were coming to the fore in an
attempt to change this situation. Among these were Henry Grattan
and Henry Flood who argued repeatedly for redress. In 1782 an act
which theoretically gave Ireland the right to legislate as she saw fit
was passed by the Irish and the English Parliaments. No longer
could the British Parliament dictate directly what measures should
be passed in Ireland. In discussion of the act, both before and after
its passage, there were many references to freedom and the rights of
men, parliamentary reform, and other terms common to the American Revolution.
The "independence" gained by the Irish in 1782 was such only
in name. Great Britain continued to exercise considerable control
over Irish affairs. Irish leaders like Grattan and Flood felt that the
situation did not give the Irish all the freedom they should have;
they favored complete separation from Great Britain.
During the remainder of the eighteenth century, various attempts
were made to increase the rights of the Irish. In addition to the
inspiration offered by the American Revolution there were the
similar ideas developed during the French Revolution. Many organizations, such as the United Irishmen, were formed to act against
British restrictions. Resistance reached its height during 1798 with a
full-sized insurrection. As events in Ireland seemed to be approaching
an extremely dangerous condition, British officials began to work for
a union of Great Britain and Ireland under a single Parliament
instead of the divided control adopted in 1782.
From 1798 to 1800 in the discussion of the proposed legislation
many references were made to conditions in the United States.
Pamphleteers, parliamentary orators and newspaper writers drew
repeatedly on America for illustrations with which to bolster their
63 Allan to Beresford, Dec. 9, 1779. Beresford, Correspondence, I, n o ; George Tomline,
Memoirs of the life of the Right Honourable William Pitt (London, 1821), I, 460.
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arguments. However, in spite of all efforts of Irish liberals and their
friends in the British Parliament, the Act of Union was passed in
1800. This form of government, to be used until Irish home rule was
finally secured in the twentieth century, was never accepted by the
Irish as a satisfactory arrangement.
The influence on Ireland of events in America during the latter
part of the eighteenth century may be divided into three groups:
first, the result on relationships between Ireland and America;
second, the effect within Ireland itself; third, developments in
British-Irish connections.
The first development in the connection between Ireland and
America was to provide a feeling of kinship against Great Britain.
As has been pointed out, the two possessions had a number of things
in common in regard to their relative positions in the British Empire.
Therefore, they were drawn closer together in political and philosophical thinking as the Irish proceeded to adopt for their own the
ideas which played such a prominent part in the American Revolution. This bond was not confined to the eighteenth century but saw
its fruition during the nineteenth century. Increased emigration to
the United States during the middle of the century became common,
and the Irish looked to America for the expression of the rights and
privileges they had been unable to gain for themselves.
Independence, the rights of man, and other revolutionary ideas
received a warm reception among the Irish. During the French
Revolution, fresh impetus was given to these same ideas. As a
result, under the leadership of Grattan and others, Ireland was ready
to have a revolution of her own. These liberals hoped to apply the
principles advanced in the American and French Revolutions to
their own problems. For a while it appeared likely that the Irish
Revolution might succeed, but the British became apprehensive and
started what may properly be called a "counterrevolutionary movement." Not even the insurrection of 1798 and the aid which seemed
forthcoming from the French were enough to complete the revolutionary movement. Instead, as has been indicated, British opposition
was so strengthened that the Irish Revolution proved to be only an
abortive attempt. Because of this failure the Irish were to be
deprived for more than a century of many rights they desired. As is
apparent now, any chance for amicable relationships between Great
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Britain and Ireland was removed. Friction and constant bickering
over desired reforms was the outcome. As a result, the bitterness
became more acute and has been ever present.
To understand Irish-American friendship and the failure of the
British and Irish to get along during the nineteenth and twentieth
centuries, the history of Ireland from 1780 to 1800 must be considered
as the history of a revolution, with English reactionaries doing all
they could to prevent the fulfillment of a desire for greater freedom.
With this background in mind it is easier to comprehend, at least
from Ireland's viewpoint, her present-day position.
^Arlington, Virginia
HOMER L. CALKIN