WEEKLY TRANSMISSION N°49
THURSDAY 8th DECEMBER 2016
1870, BIRTH OF PHOTOMONTAGE :
TRIAL OF GUSTAVE FLOURENS
contents:
Victor Noir, Famous for the Manner of his Death
Prince Bonaparte and the Shooting, 10 January 1870
Gustave Flourens (Captain Nemo) and Beaury’s Terrorist Attack
The Ems Telegram, 13 July 1870
Ernest Appert’s Photomontage of the Audience at Blois Trial
Aftermath and Some New York Times Article
WWW.PLANTUREUX.FR
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“Victor Noir, (1848-1870) was a French journalist who is famous for the manner of his death and
its political consequences during the year 1870. His tomb in the Père Lachaise Cemetery in Paris
later became a fertility symbol. The sculpture has a very noticeable protuberance in Noir's trousers.
This has made it one of the most popular memorials to visit in the famous cemetery. As a result,
some particular components of the otherwise grey-green oxidized bronze statue are rather wellworn and shiny.” (Wikipedia)
The e-bulletin presents articles as well as selections of books, albums, photographs
and documents as they have been handed down to the actual owners
by their creators and by amateurs from past generations.
The physical descriptions, attributions, origins, and printing dates
of the books and photographs have been carefully ascertained by collations
and through close analysis of comparable works.
When items are for sale, the prices are in Euros, and Paypal is accepted.
N°49 : INVENTION OF PHOTOMONTAGE, 1870
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Disderi Prince Bonaparte (archive)
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Prince Pierre-Napoléon Bonaparte (1815-1881) was born in Rome, Italy, the son of Prince
Lucien Bonaparte and his second wife Alexandrine de Bleschamp. He was a nephew of
Napoleon I of France, Joseph , Elisa , Louis , Pauline , Caroline and Jérôme Bonaparte.
He began his life of adventure at the age of fifteen, joining the insurrectionary bands in the
Romagna (1830); was then in the United States, where he went to join his uncle Joseph (1831),
and in Colombia with Francisco de Paula Santander (1832). Returning to Rome he was taken
prisoner by order of Pope Gregory XVI (1835–1836). He finally took refuge in the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland.
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At the revolution of 1848 he returned to France and was elected deputy for Corsica to the
Constituent Assembly. He declared himself an out-and-out republican and voted even with
the Socialists. He pronounced himself in favour of the national workshops. His attitude
contributed greatly to give popular confidence to his cousin Louis Napoleon (Napoleon III of
France), of whose coup d'état on 2 December 1851 he disapproved; but he was soon
reconciled to the Emperor, and accepted the title of Prince. The republicans at once
abandoned him. From that time on he led a debauched life, and lost all political importance.
Background to shooting: In December 1869, a dispute broke out between two Corsican
newspapers, the radical La Revanche, inspired from afar by Paschal Grousset and the loyalist
L'Avenir de la Corse, edited by an agent of the Ministry of Interior. The invective of la Revanche
concentrated on Napoleon I.
On 30 December, L'Avenir published a letter sent to its editor by Prince Pierre Bonaparte,
who castigated the staff of La Revanche as cowards and traitors. The letter made its way from
Bastia to Paris. Grousset, the editor of the newspaper La Marseillaise, took offense, and
demanded satisfaction. In the meantime, La Marseillaise lent strong support to the cause of La
Revanche.
On 9 January 1870, Prince Bonaparte
wrote a letter to Henri Rochefort, the
founder of La Marseillaise, claiming to
uphold the good name of his family:
"After having outraged each of my
relations, you insult me with the pen
of one of your menials. My turn had
to come. Only I have an advantage
over others of my name, of being a
private individual, while being a
Bonaparte... I therefore ask you
whether your inkpot is guaranteed by
your breast... I live, not in a palace,
but at 59, rue d'Auteuil. I promise to
you that if you present yourself, you
will not be told that I left."
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10 January 1870: Shooting and Death of Victor Noir
On the following day, Grousset sent Victor Noir and Ulrich de Fonvielle as his seconds to fix
the terms of a duel with Pierre Bonaparte. Contrary to custom, they presented themselves to
Prince Bonaparte instead of contacting his seconds. Each of them carried a revolver in his
pocket. Noir and de Fonvieille presented Prince Bonaparte with a letter signed by Grousset.
But the prince declined the challenge, asserting his willingness to fight his fellow nobleman
Rochefort, but not his "menials" (ses manœuvres). In response, Noir asserted his solidarity
with his friends. According to Fonvieille, Prince Bonaparte then slapped his face and shot
Noir dead. According to the Prince, it was Noir who took umbrage at the epithet and struck
him first, whereupon he drew his revolver and fired at his aggressor. That was the version
eventually accepted by the court.
12 January 1870: Funerals of Victor Noir
A public outcry followed and on 12 January, led by political activist Auguste Blanqui, more
than 100,000 people joined Noir's funeral procession to a cemetery in Neuilly. Attendance
in this procession was regarded as a civic duty for republicans. When Sadi Carnot endorsed
later electoral candidates, he often identified them as such attendees. ("Il a été au convoi de
Victor Noir.") At a time when the emperor was already unpopular, Prince Bonaparte's acquittal
caused enormous public outrage that erupted into a number of violent demonstrations.
7 February 1870: The Bellevile Uprising
A large crowd attending a club meeting in Belleville, at the Salle de la Marseillaise, 51 rue de
Flandres, learns the arrest of Rochefort (director of the Marseillaise). Gustave Flourens takes
out his revolver and his sword, tells the present policeman that he is his prisoner — and
proclaims the Republic. Rue du Faubourg-du-Temple, a barricade is erected. Two omnibuses,
some cobblestones, the gates of a shop. Then comes the police forces led by Justin Lombard.
The policemen hit hard, they load with swords and puzzles, there are many wounded.
Flourens fled to Brussels where the police suspect him of preparing the assassination of the
Emperor with a man named Baury. This plot will be the subject of the BLOIS TRIAL.
30 April 1870: General Arrest of all French Members of First International
The International Workingmen's Association (IWA, 1864–1876), often called the First
International, was an international organization, uniting socialist, communist and anarchist
political groups. The French members were arrested and brought to the BLOIS TRIAL.
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20 April 1870: Gustave Flourens (Captain Nemo) implicated in Beaury Terrorist Attack
It was argued in the Sunday Times of 5 March 1978 that Jules
Verne’s character of Captain Nemo is based on Gustave
Flourens (1838-1871), a French revolutionary, supporter of the
1866 Cretan revolt, and close friend of Mrs Karl and Miss Jenny
Marx. Further investigation shows that Flourens fought also in
the Polish Insurrection (1863), supported the Irish nationalists,
lived in exile in London and Belgium, and wrote distinguished
volumes, like Histoire de l’homme (1863) and Science de
l’homme (1865), as well as political works. He was very much
in view in France as Twenty Thousand Leagues Under the Sea
was being completed, for he was first imprisoned for holding
a political meeting on 25 March 1869.
Flourens also fought a duel for defamation on 5 August, declared the totalitarist government
illegal on 7 February 1870 (belleville), and was implicated after Beaury’s arrest on 20 April
1870. He was not present even if he was the central figure of the BLOIS TRIAL.
Similarities clearly exist with Nemo’s scientific and revolutionary activities, and with his
romantic rebellion, but would perhaps not be conclusive on their own. However, a vital clue
is provided by Paris in the Twentieth Century, which describes the hero in 1960 as “pass[ingj
in front of the Sorbonne where M. Flourens was still giving his lectures with the greatest
success, still keen, still young” (he occupied a chair at the Natural History Museum at the age
of 25). Nemo is there fore probably based on Flourens.
8 May 1870: The Plebiscitum
A plebiscite was held in France on 8 May 1870 over a new more democratic constitution, the
political power being transfered back to the parliament. This was approved by a large majority
(7 358 000 “oui” against 1 538 000 “non”), with the notable exception of Paris who voted
“non” under the influence of more radical ideas inspired by Leon Gambetta — who read in
this occasion his most famous speech on the return to a Republican constitution.
Flourens and other political activists were suspected to prepare a massive bomb attack on the
day of the plebiscitum and the supposed conspirators brought to the BLOIS TRIAL. More
persons were condemned for stating that the rumor of the plot was an invention of the
Government to influence the voting.
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13 July 1870: The Ems Telegram
The causes of the Franco-Prussian War are considered as deeply rooted in the events
surrounding the unification of Germany. In the aftermath of the Austro-Prussian War of 1866,
Prussia had annexed numerous territories and formed the North German Confederation. This
new power destabilized the European balance of power established by the Congress of Vienna
in 1815. Napoleon III demanded compensations in Belgium and on the left bank of the Rhine
to secure France's strategic position, which the Prussian chancellor, Otto von Bismarck, flatly
refused. Prussia then turned its attention towards the south of Germany, where it sought to
incorporate the southern German kingdoms, Bavaria, Württemberg, Baden and HesseDarmstadt, into a unified Prussia-dominated Germany.
In Prussia, some officials considered a war against France both inevitable and necessary to
arouse German nationalism in those states as epitomized by Prussian Chancellor Otto von
Bismarck: "I did not doubt that a Franco-German war must take place before the construction
of a United Germany could be realised. » Bismarck also knew that France should be the
aggressor in the conflict to bring the southern German states to side with Prussia.
The immediate cause of the war resided in the candidacy of Leopold of HohenzollernSigmaringen, a Prussian prince, to the throne of Spain. France feared an historical
encirclement by an alliance between Prussia and Spain. The Hohenzollern prince's candidacy
was withdrawn under French diplomatic pressure, but Otto von Bismarck goaded the French
into declaring war by altering a telegram sent by William I. Releasing the Ems Dispatch to the
public, Bismarck made it sound as if the king had treated the French envoy in a demeaning
fashion, which inflamed public opinion in France.
Some historians also argue that Napoleon III wanted a war to resolve growing domestic
political problems, on a dangerous scale since the death of Victor Noir.
The Ems telegram had exactly the effect on French public opinion that Bismarck had intended.
"This text produced the effect of a red flag on the Gallic bull", Bismarck later wrote. Gramont,
the French foreign minister, declared that he felt "he had just received a slap". The leader of
the monarchists in Parliament, Adolphe Thiers, spoke for moderation, arguing that France had
won the diplomatic battle and there was no reason for war, but he was drowned out by cries
that he was a traitor and a Prussian...
19 July 1870: French Declaration of War sent to the Prussian government
The southern German states immediately sided with Prussia. BLOIS TRIAL starts.
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ERNEST APPERT (1831-1890). Haute Cour Spéciale de Justice, Blois, 18 July 1870.
Albumen print, 170x260 mm, printed caption on mount. Photomontage (detail).
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ERNEST APPERT (1831-1890). Haute Cour de Justice, Blois, 18 July 1870. Albumen
print, 170x260 mm, printed caption on mount. Photomontage (detail).
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ERNEST APPERT (1831-1890). Haute Cour de Justice, Blois, 18 July 1870. Albumen
print, 170x260 mm, printed caption on mount. Photomontage (detail).
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ERNEST APPERT (1831-1890). Haute Cour de Justice, Blois, 18 July 1870. Albumen
print, 170x260 mm, printed caption on mount. Photomontage (detail).
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Ernest Appert’s photomontage in Blois, July 1870 is considered the first shooting campaign
carried out in a judicial framework in France. (Cf. Stéphanie Sotteau Soualle, Appert, un
précurseur d’Alphonse Bertillon ? Crimino Corpus, 2011.
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Ernest Appert created his photomontage in Blois, July 1870, using duplications and repetitions
of attending characters up to three or four times.
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4 September 1870: Aftermath
Returning to Paris on the downfall of Napoleon, Flourens placed himself at the head of a body
of 500 sharpshooters. Because of his insurrectionary proceedings (he was one of the organizers
of the 31 October 1870 riot against the provisional government's moderate resistance to the
German Occupation) he was taken prisoner at Créteil, near Vincennes, and confined at Mazas
on 7 December 1870, but was released by his men on the night of 21–22 January.
On 18 March 1871 Flourens joined the population's uprising, was elected a member of the
revolutionary Commune, and was named general. Gustave Flourens was one of the most
active leaders of the insurrection, and after a sortie against the Versailles troops in the morning
of 3 April, he fled into an inn near the bridge that separates Chatou and Rueil. There, after he
was disarmed by the Gendarmerie, he was murdered by Captain Jean-Marc Démaret. In his
last book “Paris Livré”, Flourens recognized his implication in the Beaury tyrannicide plot.
Online ressource : https://cdnc.ucr.edu/cgi-bin/cdnc?a=d&d=DAC18700529.2.51.21
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"Nous sommes dans une bien moins mauvaise situation que n'étaient le Mexique et l'Espagne.
Nous avons tout un grand pays qui est resté intact, toute une France, celle du midi où l’ennemi
n’a point pénétré. Nous ne sommes pas moins braves que les Mexicains et les Espagnols mais
nous sommes plus corrompus.
Ou plutôt, la bourgeoisie, classe dominante parmi nous, qui a en main le pouvoir et le capital,
est plus corrompue. Parvenue à la toute-puissance en 1789, par sa victoire sur la noblesse,
elle s'est aussitôt dépravée, et elle en meurt. Ainsi mouraient de corruption, avant leur 30e
année, tous les rois mérovingiens, ces barbares subitement entrés dans la civilisation romaine.
Ne voulant point partager les fruits de la victoire avec le peuple, comme l'exigeait la justice,
elle a cherché une arme contre les légitimes réclamations populaires.
Elle a trouvé cette arme dans le jésuitisme. Alliance entre les fils de Voltaire et les fils de Loyola.
Ce monstrueux embrassement la tue.
Elle y a perdu toute virilité, toute rectitude de jugement, toute élévation de sentiments.
Elle y a perdu le sens de l’utile, le sens politique. Elle ne songe qu’à se donner un maître,
jamais à se donner des institutions. Elle ne songe qu’à faire des restaurations monarchiques;
dynasties qui avortent à peine nées; trônes qui durent quinze ou vingt ans, puis sont brisés.
Avant-hier Louis-Philippe, hier Louis Bonaparte, aujourd’hui le comte de Paris, demain peutêtre le fils de Bonaparte !
Elle y a perdu le sens du juste, le sens moral. Sa devise, e'est le mot de Guizot, coryphée du
parti : « Enrichissez-vous. » Pourvu quelle put s’enrichir, acheter coupons de rente, maisons,
actions de chemin de fer, elle acceptait la pourriture impériale, méme elle aimait cette
pourriture. Tant que Bonaparte a été debout, elle lui a servilement voté tous ses plébiscites;
elle a traité de fous et d’ennemis publics ceux qui osaient l’attaquer. Elle ne l’exècre
aujourd'hui que parce qu’en tombant il a fait tomber la rente.
Elle y a perdu le sens du vrai et du beau, elle a aimé "l’art pour l’art" qui envahit tout, beauxarts et littérature. Ecrivains, artistes se conforment à son goût, ne lui peignent plus que
jouissances et triomphe de la matière. Nulle inspiration grande, nul sentiment élevé.
Sénile et niaise infatuation de soi, chauvinisme, dédain stupide des autres peuples, dont la
plupart valent mieux que nous.
Si quelque heureuse convulsion ne vient enlever le pouvoir à la bourgeoisie, nous ne serons
bientôt plus qu’une nation de baladins et de mandarins, de proxénètes et de vendus,
d’agioteurs et de repus, de rhéteurs et de grammairiens.
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Pour l’observateur superficiel, la France est finie aujourd’hui. Ce n’est pourtant que la fin d’un
système politique et d’une caste.
Au siècle dernier, quand l’Europe voyait la lâcheté des généraux de Louis XV, la trahison de
ses ministres, la sottise de ses diplomates , et la frivolité de la nation qui chansonnait ses
défaites, l’Europe disait : Nation finie.
Pourtant la France vivait encore et vivait très-bien par la bourgeoisie. Politiquement, le tiers
état n’était rien : il payait ses nobles maîtres et obéissait. Par la vitalité du génie, il était tout.
Nourri de la forte moelle des encyclopédistes, élève des grands penseurs, de Rousseau, de
Montesquieu, de Voltaire, il fit la révolution de 1789. Ses principes étaient incomplets, mais
vrais, puisqu’ils sont devenus féconds
Aujourd’hui, la France vit encore, et vit très-bien par le peuple. La bourgeoisie, héritière de la
noblesse, a commis la même faute qu’elle, et en meurt. Elle a tout pris pour soi, n'a rien laissé
au peuple. Elle a seulement changé le privilège du sang en privilège de l’argent.
Ses fils commandent seuls. Pour commander dans l'armée de terre ou dans la marine, il faut
être fils d’épicier enrichi ou d’usurier j il faut avoir payé pension aux Ecoles militaires Le sousofficier, fils du peuple, brave et sachant bien son métier, ne commandera jamais, parce que
son père n’a eu ni négoce ni boutique, n’a pu vendre de la cassonade mauvaise, voler ses
clients, amasser des gros sous. Ce sont les fils de la bourgeoisie, officiers par droit d'argent,
qui viennent de nous faire battre duns toute cette lugubre campagne, comme les fils de la
noblesse, officiers par droit de naissance, faisaient battre la France à Rosbach.•
Dans cette lutte contre la Prusse l'essor du peuple a été constamment réprimé par ses maîtres.
IL n’a pu rien faire que se faire tuer obscurément et inutilement.
Qu’un étranger, Américain ou Anglais, juge impartial des partis français examine la conduite
du parti démocratique pendant le Siège de Paris. Il n'y verra que sérieux et réel patriotisme,
négation, courage. Il se dira — là, il y a des hommes, là, il y a de la vitalité, de l'avenir.
Il faut à l’Europe, si elle ne veut finir bientôt comme le Bas-Empire Romain un principe
nouveau qui la sauve du bourbier monarchique.
Un principe qui l'affranchira de ce perpétuel brigandage des rois, de cette vieille politique de
rapine, conduisant tour à tour le Prussien à piller la France et le Français à piller la Prusse.
Un principe fécond en institutions capables d'assurer la sécurité des peuples, de prévenir à
tout jamais le retour de ces antiques fléaux de l’humanité, l'absolutisme monarchique, les
castes, la théocratie, les luttes internationales.
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Ce principe, le peuple l’a ; il l’aime ; il le défend de toutes ses forces ; il veut le faire triompher
à tout prix.
Ce principe n'a jamais été appliqué politiquement dans le monde. Il y a seulement été prêché
au point de vue sentimental et religieux.
Et pourtant, il peut seul sauver l’humanité, parce qu'il est la justice. Il peut seul fonder l’ordre
et la liberté, déshabituer du brigandage les nations et les individus, résorber la bourgeoisie
dans le peuple, réformer l’individu par l’éducation , procurer à chacun le bonheur véritable,
qui consiste, non dans la rapine, niais dans l'accomplissement de tous les devoirs, dans la
jouissance de tous les droits du citoyen, créer enlin un nouveau momie, une jeune Europe
toute différente de l’ancienne.
Ce principe, c’est l’égalité! »
(Gustave Flourens, Paris livré, mars 1871)
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ERNEST APPERT (1831-1890). L’Empereur et son ministère, Paris, c. 1870. Albumen print,
61x95 mm, printed caption on cdv mount. Photomontage.
“Ernest Appert, peintre, photographe de la présidence de la République, du comte de Paris,
du duc d’Aumale*, du duc de Nemours, du grand duc Constantin, expert près le tribunal de
la Seine. Il photographie la Commune de Paris et propose un photomontage de cet événement
(1871). Associé de Pigelet* dit Defonds et Bousseton* en 1860, il participe à l’exposition
universelle de 1878, oùil présente des photographies dans un cadre de trois mètres de largeur
sur un mètre cinquante de hauteur. Adresses successives : 21, rue Louis-le-Grand (1860-1867)
; 24, rue Taitbout (1868-1890).”
Eugène Appert (born 1830) is his brother. (Cf. Marc Durand, De l’Image fixe ... Dictionnaire)
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