Multivariate Behavioral Research, 1987, 22, 267305 .A Brief History of the Philosophical Foundationcs of Exploratory Factor Analysis Stanley A. Mulaik Georgia Institute of Techmollogy Exploratory factor analysis derives its key ideas from many solurces. From the Greek rationalists and atomists comes the idea that appearance is to be explained by something not observed. From Aristotle comes the idea of induction and seeking common features of things as explanations of them. From Francis Bacon comes tile idea of an automatic algorithm for inductively discovering common causes. From Descartes come the ideas of analysis and synthesis that underlie the emphasis on analysis of variables into orthogonal or linearly independent factors and focus on reproducing (synthesizing) the correlation matrix from the factors. From empiricist statisticians like Pearson and Yule comes the idea of exploratory, descriptive statistics. Also from the empiricist heritage comes the false expectation some have that factor analysis yields unique and nnambiguous knowledge without prior assumptions-the inductivist fallacy. This expectation founders on the indeterminacy of factors, even after their loadings are defined by rotation. Indeterminacy is unavoidable in the interpretation of common factors because the process of interpretation is inductive and inductive inferences are not uniquely determined by the data on which they are based. But from Kant we learn not to discard inductive inferences but to treat them as hypotheses that must be tested against additional data to establish their objectivity. And so the conclusions of exploratiory factor analyses are never complete without a subsequent confirmatory analysis with aidditional variables and new data. Factor analysis is a mathematical model of relations between variables. The model distinguishes between manifest (or measured) variables and latent (or unmeasured) variak~les.Each manifest variable is regarded as a linear function of a comnion set of latent variables (known as the common factors) and a latent variable unique to the manifest variable (known as a unique factor). Common factors are presumed to be mcorrelated with unique factors. Unique factors are mutually uncorrelated. From these assuniptions one can show that correlations between pairs of variables are due only to the common factors they have in common. Users of exploratory factor analysis seek, by an inductive procedure, to discover anti to identify the latent common factor variables, given initially only the correlations among the manifest variables. By inspecting the results of a factor analysis, which show correlations of the manifest variables with the latent common factor variables or which shlow coefficients indicating the degree to which unit changes in the latent common factor variables Correspondence in connection with this article should be sent to Stanley A. Mulaik, Georgia Institute of Technology, School of k%ychology,Atlanta, GA 30332. JULY 1987 267 lead to changes ih the manifest variables that depend on them, the users believe they will find clues as to what the hidden latent variables are. Thus what is manifest in appearance is to be explained by that which does not appear and is known only indirectly. Why has the method of factor analysis developed? Why do its users believe the explanation for the correlations among measured variables lies in some latent as yet unmeasured variables? Why do they believe that a method of analysis will yield these unmeasured variables? Why do they believe a mathematical model is appropriate? Obviously, these are questions about the fundamental, philosophical assumptions that the users of factor analysis make when they use that method. To find answers for some of these questions, we shall first look back to ancient Greece to see the origins for some of these assumptions, and then work our way forward in history to the 16th and 17th centuries to see how systematic methods for discovering knowledge were a preoccupation of natural philosophers (scientists) like Bacon and Descartes. Next we will see how the 18th century empiricists elaborated on the method of analysis and synthesis developed by Descartes, and how in the 19th Century empiricism gave rise to the idea of exploratory, descriptive statistics, of which factor analysis is an early 20th Century development. We will also see how Kant at the end of the 18th Century raised questions about empiricism's lack of a criterion for distinguishing subjective from objective knowledge in its emphasis on merely describing associations among phenomenal impressions in experience. Kant believed that one could not obtain objective knowledge without making a priori assumptions and, in the context of these, formulating and testing conceptions about objects against experience. But Kant's influence on the development of exploratory statistics in the 19th and early 20th Centuries was minimal, and our concerns fos the objectivity of these mr?thodsthat are inspired by Kant's focus on objectivity are still valid today. We wjll finally move to the present to see how a fundamental problem af common factor analysis, factor indeterminacy, reflects a fwdamental problem of inductive methods in general. In the account that follows, my main interest will be upon stressing the biatory of ideas as these relate to factor analysis. The reader should be warned, however, that at times the account will seem to move far afield from factor analysis. But such digressions will occur only to provide the reader with a fuller appreciation of the historical backdrop within whioh these key ideas originate and develop. It is my hope that the student of factor analysis will then gain from my account 268 MULTIVARIATE BEHAVIORAL RESEARCH an appreciation for the ancient and often historically contingent origins of many of the key ideas of factdr analysis and then be in a better position to go on to consider a contemporary analysis of the appropriateness of these ideas. Contributions from Greek Philosophy. The idea that what is manifest in appearance is to be explained in terms of that which is hidden from view is an ancient one. The starliest philosophers of science, the Milesians of Ionian Greece in the 6th Century B.C., sought to explain the world by showing how its many forms in appearance are but variations in degree, concentration,or configuration of some single underlying substance (hence, monism) such as (or similar to) water or slir. Following the Milesians, in the 5th Century B.C. Parmenidles took the monistic idea to its logical extreme by a rational argument that attempted to prove that the premises of the! monism1 of his time led to the cronclusion that the world of appearance is but an illusion, that the true underlying reality is a single substance which is eternal, uncreated, unchanging, and indivisible, yet spherical in form (Fiuller & McMurrin, 1955). The absurdity of Parmenides' conclusion~sdrove others t a ~adopt pluralist positions, while retaining the distinction between reality and appearance. The followers of Pythagoras held that the underlying reality was number (giving rise to matherna1;ical explanations of the world). Atomists such as Democritus in the 5th Century B.C. held that the tvorld is made up of a void occupied bly irlnlumerable tiny, invisible, eternal, uncreated, unchanging, and indivisible entities known as atoms. Change is brought about by the motions of the atoms that lead them to form different configuratio~ns~ Causality is the result of' atoms coming into contact with other atoms and raitlher imlparting motion to them or hooking up with them or driving tlheim apart. Thus tht,)re can be nlo causal action at a distance. Further~nore,the world of alppearance, of colors, of hot and cold, af sounds and smells, is but illusion, for atoms have no color, nor heat nor cold, nor sounds nor smell. A,ppearance is but the activity of the atoms of lour senses that have been set into motion by atoms, flowing from the sutrfiaces of things, colliding with them. In this respect, the atomists (echoedthe theme of rationalists like Parmenides that what is observed is not real, that what is real is not observed, that to know reality accuratelly one must rely heavily on reason. Thus from the Greek raqonalists zend atomists we have the idea that what is real is different from whi3t appears to us (Fuller & McMurrin, 1955). Needless to say, this idea is .the origin of the distinction made in factor analysis between observed and latent JULY 1987 269 Mulaik variables. Atomism, we shall see, has had an extensive influence on subsequent scientific thought. Following the atomists, Plato in the 4th Century B.C. attempted to reconcile Pythagorean and atomistic ideas by regarding the ultimate reality of the world as consisting of various kinds of atoms (or Forms), classifiable according to their geometric form. The explanation of how various complex forms in our ideas of things were configured from these elemental forms was to be demonstrated mathematically (Toulmin & Goodfield, 1962). Plato's student, Aristotle, perhaps the greatest philosopher of the ancient world, rejected the emphasis of his predecessors on a reality that is not given in appearance. He was furthermore suspicious of the claims for complete and exhaustive knowledge of reality implicit in the concept of atoms. Our approach to understanding reality must be more open-ended and schematic. Reality, he held, consists of two aspects: matter and form. Matter is that out of which a thing is made. The actuality of the thing is given by its form, which represents the way in which the matter of the thing has been configured. Matter thus is what in reality is potential, the bearer of propel-ties, and becomes actualized by taking on a given form. Change occurs by matter's undergoing change in some of its properties. Continuity in change is maintained by other properties (forms) remaining unchanged. A substance is identified by those properties that remain invariant through change. The essence of a substance is the set of properties unique to the substance that must remain unchanged if the substance is to retain its identity as the substance undergoes changes into other forms. Furthermore, reality is organized into a hierarchy of matter and form. That which on one level is actualized into a given form may itself in turn be further organized into more complex forms. Just as a brick may represent: a particular actualization (form) of clay (matter), a wall in turn may be a particular actualization, that is, configuration of a pile of bricks. Clay, on the other hand, may be a particular form made from simpler substances. (The hierarohical structure of higher order factors in common factors analysis to some extent draws upon this hierarchical view of nature envisioned by Aristotle). Aristotle's psychology held that the senses capture the forms of things but not their substance. Hence what is given to us in appearance is the formal aspect of reality. In taking this position, Aristotle rejected the atomists' contention that apart from the qualities of location and motion, those qualities, such as colors, sounds, and tastes, given to us by the senses, are not real properties of things but rather 270 MULTIVARIATE BEHAVIORAL RESEARCH the effectsof the motions of the atoms in things on our senses. Thus one can understand how Aristotle believed he could rely upon the senses to help him come to know the reality of the world. In this respect, Aristotle may be regarded as the first major empiricist to rise in opposition to rationalism and realism. The motivations for many of Aristotle's positions arose from his views as one of the world's first systematic biologists. One reason he had rejected the atomist position was because it could not account for the obvious stability of the forms of successive generations of living organisms, or the regularity of their patterns of development. A world consisting of invisible atoms that move aimlessly here and there and which clump together into objects only because of the oppositions of their motion could not conceivably produce the order or regulalrity that he observed in nature. Matter must contain within itself, he held, the tendency to develop into certain. "nat,ural,'" final forms (Toulmin & Goodfield, 1962). Hence he believed that in trying to explain something, one must demonstrate that out of which it was made (material cause), the essential features of its form (formal cause), the agent that brought about that form (efficient cause), and the end (or final form) toward which the object's form was directed (final cause). His success as a biologist in developing taxonomies for the classification of organisms led Aristotle to believe tohatthe principles'he used to discover classification schema would also work: in helping: him to understand nature in general. The fiundamental principle on which the discovery of classification schema depends is induction, that is, finding fonns or properties that are common to1 a numlber of instances of logically similar things. [There appears to be a certain circularity here which infects Aristotle's as well as subsequent accounts of induction: if we can only know universals by experience! through induction, then how do we know that a number of instances are all of the sarne kind, that is, are all instances of a universal, that is a prerequisite $or doing induction?] Aristotle believed the persistence of sense impressions in memory of numerous particulars pemil;ted the mind to build up within itself an awareness of those featiure~sthat wwe common to them of what is given in and to provide the possibility for a ~ye~temaitizing experience (cf. Bk. TI: Ch. 19, Posterior Anulytim, McKeon, 1941). Notwithstanding his enhphasis an commlon. forms as the basis for empirical knowledge, Aristotle recognized the specific and the (accidental. He distinguished between the essence of a thing, that, form without which a thing wauld not be the kind of thing ithat it is, #andthe accidental, unnecessary, or varying falxmls by which a thing of that JULY 1987 271 Mulaik kind may be observed. This distinction between the essential and the accidental, between what is common and what is specific, laid a foundation for the later development of the concepts of true values and error in measurement and of common and specific factors in factor analysis. Because reality is knowable and arranged in hierarchical fashion, Aristotle believed that one could discover additional knowledge by deduction from empirically established first principles. (This was also the idea of contemporary logical empiricism.) For this purpose he invented the method of syllogistic logic, which is a method for reasoning about hierarchically organized systems. While Aristotle's scientific method contains both inductive and deductive aspects, this was not generally appreciated during the medieval period when most of his works were unknown except for some short pieces on logic. When, through the Arabs, the rest of his works were rediscovered by Europeans in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, scientists were most attracted to the deductive aspects of his methods of science. Some, such as William of Ockham, Roger Bacon, and Richard Grosseteste, tried to revive the inductive aspect of Aristotle's approach to science as well. They even expanded on Aristotle's scientific method, requiring that, following the induction of premises and the deduction of new knowledge, the scientist must obtain experimental confirmation of the deduced consequences (Losee, 1980). But because through Thomism Aristotle had become the official philosopher of the Catholic Church, many of Aristotle's errors became enshrined as scientificcanon and the greatest emphasis on Aristotle's scientific method was placed upon the deductive aspects. The Search for Self-Authenticating Methods for Discovering Incorrigible K~ourledge.From the 16th Century to the late 19th Century a chief preoccupation of philosophers and theologians was the establishment of self-authenticating methods of obtaining incorrigible knowledge that cauld be used by anyone willing to discipline himself in their use (Laudan, 1981). The Protestant Christian, for example, rejected the expertise of a priestly class in matters of faith and morals, and relied either upon the guidance of "the Inner Light" apprehended in meditative intuition or upon a direct apprehension of the literal Word of God in the Holy Scriptures, made generally available through the new invention of printing (cf. Feyerabend, 1970). Rationalists, on the other hand, ralied on the capacity of reason and intuition to apprehend, directly and clearly, fundamental, incorrigible Tnxths. Empiricists, in contrast, emphasized the immediate intuition of incorrigible sensory 272 MULTIVARIATE BEHAVIORAL RESEARCH Truth as the basis for all sound knowledge. It was hoped that by a systematic and methodological application of the means of apprehending Truth that incorrigible knowledge could be obtained in a selfauthenticated manner; that is, the method would guarantee the validity of its product (Laudan). The Contribution of Baconianism. Francis Bacon (1561-1626) in the first quarter of the 17th Century looked upon the emphasis of his Aristotelian contemporaries on syllogistic deduction as a fruitless enterprise. The sciences of his time, he held, were replete with errors as s~cientistafter scientist deduced "truth" after "truth" from unproved premises. What was needed, he claimed, was a whole new approach to acquiring knowledge, an approach that would abandon the Aristotelian method (as Bacon conceived it) of beginning with hypotheses and deducing truths from them. And Bacon proposed in his Novum Organum a "new" method of induction that would begin without hypotheses or speculations, systematically interrogate nature, and move to ever more general truths by means of an automatic procedure or algorithm. In its details, Bacon's method first involved, in the search for the essential form underlying a phenomenal (manifest) nature of a given kind, for example heat, preparing a table of instances all agr~eeingin having the nature in question present, In looking over this table one sought those natures that were cornmori among all the instances in the table. Next a parallel table of otherwise similar instances vvas constructed in which the nature in question was absent. If a nature found to be present among each of the instances in the first table (of presences) was also found among the instances of the second itable (of absences), then that nature was to be excluded as not a part of the nature in question. Finally one constructed a table in which the nature is question varied in degree. Then one lookled for other natures that also varied in degree in unison with the variation in the nature in question. Again one excluded those natures that did not sh~owthis property. C. D. Broad (1968) and G. EI. vsn Wright 1:1951) have called Bacon's method "eliminative induction" arid have aredited Bacon with the logical insight that a h i n g instances clo not provide confirming evicience for inductive propositions, while negative instances do provide disconfirming evidence, anticipating lto some extent Popper's views on scientific method, a view about Bacon put forth recently in greater detail by Urbach (1982). But among early 19th Century interpreters of Bacon, with the possible exception of Mill (1848/1891), Mulaik few fully understood the implications of eliminative induction for scientific method, and this aspect of Bacon's method was not stressed. One problem with this method is the presumption that the observations will necessarily all represent the same common property or its absence, and that the number of underlying partially common properties that must be eliminated is finite. (Consider how similar assumptions also underlie Guttman's (1954, 1956) concept of an infinite domain of manifest variables conforming to a determinate common factor model because the manifest variables depend on a finite number of common factors.) I believe that the idea frequently attributed to Bacon of an hypothesis-free algorithm or mechanical procedure for the discovery of common properties in a given set of observations was the main inspiration for the modern development of exploratory factor analysis later on. For example, Cattell (1952, p. 21) has written, ". . . in the role of an exploratory method, factor analysis has the peculiarity, among scientific investigative tools . . . that it can be profitably used with relatively little regard to prior formulation of a hypothesis." Notice how the principle of eliminative induction on which Bacon's method rests underlies procedures recommended for determining the interpretation of a factor. That is, one must look not only at what variables are salient on a factor, but also at what variables do not load on the factor (Cattell, 1978, p. 231). Bacon's method is also the inspiration of other methods of automatic theory generation from data, such as Herbert Simon's program "Bacon" (Bradshaw, Langley, & Simon, 1983) which seeks to demonstrate that appropriately programmed computers can show artificial intelligence by discovering well-known and even new scientific theorems in empirical data given to them. The ratiomEist method of analysis and synthesis. Bacon was not the only philosopher in the 1'7thCentury to attemp* to formulate a universal method for doing science. Perhaps, in this regard, the efforts at such a formulation by the French Catholic philosopher, Rene Descartes (1596-1650) (who lived most his adult life in Protestant Holland), were much more successful and influential. Descartes was a leading figure in the rise of the mechanistic protest against the organismic philosophy of Aristotle, which grew out of a revival of atomist ideas by such philosophers as Bacon and Galileo. Nature, these mechanists argued, is not an organism but a machine. Furthemre, echoing the ancient atomists, these mechanists (especially Descartes and his follmvers) regarded the senses as a faulty source of knowledge, for what the senses present, lay themselves, is obscure and frequently illusory. Furthermore, partly 274 MULTIVARIATE BEHAVIORAL RESEARCH Mulaik echoing Bacon, Descartes held that the syllogistic logic practiced by the Aristotelians in the 17th Century was also useless because decluctive forms of logic are worthwhile only if one has true prenlisses, but tlhis the Aristotelians could not guarantee with their haphazard reliance on indudion from sensory observations, if they did so at all. And Deiscartes believed that there was more to deductive reasoning than the mere use of syllogisms. What was needed was a method that would guide the mind's use wf reason to the apprehension of truths and their nlecessary interconnections. Descartes believed that only reason held within itself the capacity to discover truths and their connections. Because every person possesses reason, every person has the capacity to apprehend truth directly. There is no need for a mediary, for an external authority to provide the truth (echoing, perhaps, Protestant themes to which 11e had been exposed in Holland). Descartes was led to his method by his study of mathematics (he was the inventor of Cartesian coordinate geometry). This study revealed to him the ancient method of anallysis and synthesis, first used by ancient Greek geometers such as Pappas. According to this method, to solve a problem, say in geometry, one first must assume what is to be proven is true, then work backward, brealring the problem down into simpler truths, until one arrives at fundamental, already-known truths such as already-proven theorems, axioms, and/or postulates. This backwards breakdown of the problem ie known as analysis or resolution. Next, one must work forward, carefully retracing one's steps, showing how the simpler truths may be combined to arrive eventually at the complex truth that is to be proven. This forwardmoving operation is known as synthesis or composition (Schouls, 1980). Now, predecessors of Descartes had applied this method occasionally outside of mathematics, but Desaartes, because of his ~reflective and introspective self-consciousness,was the first to regard this as a universal method for finding certain truths because it is (supposedly) the way the mind operates to solve problems in general (Schouls). Reason, Descartes held, has within itself t wal means of apprehending truth: intuition and deducticnn. Inhdtion is th~eanalytic operat:ion of reason. By intuition one breaks a problem down into simpler compa,nents until one is then able to see clearly and clistincitly what these compo~nents are. In other words, intuition is '"the apprehension which the mind, pure and awntive, gives us so easily and so distinctly that we are thereby freed from all doubt as to what it is that we are appreherlding'"(Descartes, 1958, p. 10). By seeing things as they are, clearly and distinctly, we see that of which they are composed in such a way that they cannot be JULY 1987 275 Mulaik decomposed further or confused with other things. In contrast, deduction is the synthetic or combining operation of reason "by which we understand all that is necessarily concluded from other certainly known data" (Descartes, 1958, p. 11). It is important to realize that for Descartes deduction was not the same as syllogistic reasoning (Schouls, 1980). "Many things are known with certainty," Descartes held, '"though not by themselves evident, but only as they are deduced from true and known primary data by a continuous and uninterrupted movement of thought in the perspicuous intuiting of the several items. This is how we are in a position to know that the last link in a long chain is connected with its &st link, even though we cannot include all the intermediate links, on which the connection depends, in one and the same intuitive glance, and instead have to survey them successively, and thereby to obtain assurance that each link, from the first to the last, connects with that which is next to it" (Descartes, 1958, pp. 11-12). As Schouls puts it, deduction is "intuition on the move" insofar as intuition is involved in the apprehension that the links in the chain of reasoning are properly formed and insofar as one goes over and over the successive links in one's mind until one is able to see clearly and distinctly the whole succession of links (if only abstractly) and how it reproduces that which is to be understood. According to Descartes, one other operation, besides intuition and deduotion, is needed to ascertain truths: doubt. If imagination gives us hypotheses about how to break things down or put them together, doubt, systematically employed, urges us to use our reasoning faculties of intuition and deduction until we clearly and distinctly grasp what is truth inspite of doubt. Doubt performs the eliminative function of the reasoning process, and in this respect Descartes' method has certain affinities to Bacon's method of eliminative induction. Descartes' method, based on analysis and synthesis, thus involved following four rules, as stated in his Discourse on Method: (a) Accept no idea that cannot be clearly and distinctly apprehended as true beyond all possible doubt; (b) analyze complex questions into simple questions so that by inhuition one may be able to apprehend clearly and distinctly the elements on which they depend; (c) order one's thoughts and ideas into a series of inferenoes from the simplest to the most complex so that the complex depend in some (perhaps hypothetical) manner on tha simpler ones before them; (dl go over the series of inferehces critically to make certain that there are no gaps or fsflse inferences in the series (Magill & McGreal, 1961). In some respects, Desoartes' emphasis on seeking truths that withstand all possible doubt soems wedded to a hopeless ideal. But 276 MULTIVARIATE BEHAVIORAL RESEARCH Descartes believed he had discovered such indubitable truths by his method. Most famous of all is his conclusion that because he thinks, he exists. This cannot be doubted, for to doubt that one thinks leads one to doubt that one doubts (a form of thinking), and this js selfcontradictory. Because one knows indubitably that helshe doubts as helshe doubts, one knows helshe exists. Intuition also yields 1;o us a clear and distinct apprehension of such apparently innate idleas as substance, existence, causality, number, and time, for other ideas depend on them, but they do not depend on any other ideals. But Descartes also recognized that in practical and scientific matters one cannot expect to achieve certain and indubitable knowledge anti so, in these matters, one must forego the relentless use of doubt. He recommended in these cases that one formulate hypcbtheses, subject them to some doubt by matching them with alternative hypotheses, and then pick the most probable hypotheses and subje4f them to experilmental test (Schouls, 1980). At this point it is appropriate to make the obvious assertion that from Descartes we get the idea of a universal lneth~odof analysis and syntl~esis.Schouls (1980)points out how Descartes' introduction of this method marks an intellectual watershed (over and beyond his contributions to reflective and subjectivistic apprloaches to phi1osoph:y). The whole character of the way in whicb knowledge was typically ought, organized, or presented was altered after IDescartes as philosophers, scien.tists, theologians, and planners began to employ the ideas of analysis and synthesis as regulative ideas in their ;activities. We must also point out that the ideas of analysis and synthesis are embodied in the idea of factor analysis. In factor analysis we seek to breakdown observed variables and their intPerrelationsinto the effects of linearly independent (distinct), latent, component variables. We first analyze the observed relations to find the distinct components of the factor model, and then, by the fundamr~ntaltheorem of factor analysis, we reproduce or synth~sierethe observed relations from these components. But to see how Bacon's idea of a.n automatic method of forming correct inductions from eMperience and Descartes' idea of a universal method based on analysis and synthesis become fustd in a statistical method such as exploratory factor analysis, we must trace ideas had on^ their further the impad; these two m~~hod,ologi;ieal philosophical successors, the British empiricists. The empiricists' pursuit of anlplysis and synthesis. The earliest British empiricists, Thomas Hobbes (:L588-1679) and John Locke (1632-1704), shared much in common with De!scartes. Like Descartes, JULY 1987 277 Mulaik Hobbes and Locke were firmly committed to mechanism in explanations of nature. If in mechanistic explanations they differed from Descartes it was with respect to mechanism's atomistic underpinnings: Descartes could not accept the existence of atoms (for he believed matter could be endlessly subdivided),whereas Hobbes and Locke, like Bacon and Galileo before them, readily could. If Hobbes and Locke differedin a major way with Descartes-and at the time it did not seem to be such a major differenceit was in not seeing how reason alone could bring us knowledge of the real. However much we may be misled by the senses (as atomism averred), the senses provide our only connection with the real world outside ourselves. Thus it was fundamentally important for the empiricists to analyze the process by which we acquire knowledge of the world through the senses so that true knowledge could be separated from error. John Locke, who admitted the influence on his thought of Descartes' writings, argued in 1690 in his An Essay Concerning Human Understanding that developmentallya person enters the world with a mind like a blank slate. There are no innate ideas. Whatever ideas that person has subsequentIy only enter his or her mind through experience, either from sensation or reflection, As ideas first enter the mind, they are simple and uncompounded, and, as such, can be neither created, decomposed, nor destroyed by the mind-in other words, the simple ideas have properties analogous to the properties of atoms and are thus elemental forms of experience. By operating on the simple ideas, the mind is able to create new ideas, which may be compounds of simple ideas (syntheses of them), joined by association or by means of comparison, or they may be abstractians (separatingfrom them all the others that accompany them). To fully understand a complex idea, one must analyze it into its component simple ideas, which m e w tracing its origins in experience. In these respects we see Locke's commitment to the use of analysis and synthqsis in his method. In the experience of objects, Locke argued, we may regard their properties as of two kinds: primary qualities-extension, solidity, figure, mobility, and number-which are accurate representations in the mind of real qualities in external objects; secondary qualitiescolor, odor, hot, and cold-which are ways our sense organs respond uniquely to the particular combinations of primary qualities in objects. The secondary qualities exist only in the mind. By this distinction between primary and secondary qualities, Locke hoped to show how we can obtain true knowledge of an external world through the senses, even though in some respects we can be misled by them. 278 MULTIVARIATE BEHAVIORAL RESEARCH Although by a process of analysis Locke had been able to trace a number of complex ideas to the simple ideas by which they originated in experience, he discovered a number of ideas he could not do this with. For example, he readily accepted the importance of the idea of substance as a bearer of properties and powers for effecting change and being changed. But he could identify no simple idea in experience from which the idea of substance arises. All that one could identify in the concept of a substance was a set of associated simple ideas. There was no simple idea in experience corresponding to the substance itself. After Locke, George Berkeley (1685-1753) and David Hume (1711-1776) were to argue that by admitting that some ideas (e.g., the secondary qualities) are not representative of reality, Locke had no way he could be certain that any of our ideas are representative of of the idea of subreality. They also regarded his reluctant ~~vowal stance as inconsistent with his empiricist commitment to acclept as intelligible only ideas whose origins are traceable to simple idleas in experience. Berkeley and Hume thus rejected Locke's idea of an external real world embodied in real substances as unnecessary for an empirical theory of knowledge. All that is real, all that exists, is that which appears in experience. This is the position ofphenomenalism. It was a position that was not immediately plopular among empi:ricists, only becoming popular among British empiricists in the latter half of the 19th Century. Even so, Locke3srealism, that is, belief in a real world behind sensory phenomena, retained adherents even into the 20th Century. In fact, Locke's view, which held that there exist real but not directly observed entities behind our experiences, is an idea implicit in the way many factor analysts regard the relation between latent and manifest variables. Nevertheless, both Berkeley and Hume remained unalterably committed to the idea of analyzing cctmplex ideas into those simple impressions in experience from which they are formed. In their thought the focus of analysis is quite distinct from that of rationalists like Descartes: Descartes used analysis to identify simple ideas on which other, complex and possibly unclear ideas depended. Berkeley and Hume analyzed ima.ges in th.oughl into almost point-like particulars, like the images of patches of color derived from sensory experience. When Hurne analyzed causality all he waid he could observe in the concept was that it .was derived from-experiences of regular successions of eimilar kinds of phenomena, but he could observe no particular phenomenal impression corresponding; to a connection between the kinds of phenomena in question (Hume 1739/1740/1969,p. 213). Similarly, when Hum~econsidered the idea of JULY 1987 279 Mulaik a familiar, enduring object, say, a table, all he could observe, he said, was a number of perceptual qualities configured to some degree in a customary way derived from repeated experiences of this configuration, but no separate impression of the subject itself that supposedly is the bearer of these phenomenal properties (Hume 1739/1740/1969, pp. 271-272). Even reflecting introspectively on the nature of his self as an agent yielded, Hume said, no impression of the self apart from a myriad of phenomenal impressions. Hume's skepticism even undermined the assumption cherished by many other empiricists that induction could form the basis of deriving incorrigible knowledge from experience. Since induction involves generalizing from past experience, Hume argued that there is no necessary reason why customary successions and conjunctions observed in the past should continue to be observed in the future. We can always imagine things succeeding and being joined in quite different ways from those to which we are accustomed. Kant's fallibilist synthesis of rationalism and empiricism. Before considering how exploratory statistics was nurtured in the empiricist tradition, we must first digress to a consideration of the philosophy of Kant, which laid the groundwork for modern criticisms of both rationalism and empiricism. On the Continent during the 17th and 18th Centuries rationalist philosophers like Descartes, Spinoza, and Leibniz had sought to derive incorrigible scientific knowledge about the world by deduction from self-evident first principles. But it was plain to Immanuel Kant at the University of Konigsburg, Prussia, in the last half of the 18th Century, that the rationalist enterprise had failed and was inferior to the system Newton founded on experience. On the other hand, while regarding the arguments of the empiricist philosophers like Locke, Berkeley, and Hume as having great merit, he was dismayed by the skeptical direction their thought had taken. He was very much unable to accept their conclusion that there is nothing to our common-sense realist belief in an objective world of things and objects, bearing properties and acting causally upon one another, exempt habits of association, of phenomena. On the contrary, he saw such a bslief in an objective world amply supported in the physics of Newton. As a matter of fact, Kdnt took the validity of Newton's physics so much for granted, that; it became a problem for Kant how objective knowledge (not just knowledge in general), such as Newton's, is possible in the first place (Brittan, 19781,Kant believed, however, that showing how objective knowledge is passible could not depend on empirical or naturalistic 280 MULTIVARIATE BEHAVIORAL RESEARCH Mulaik (psychological) explanations of the way in which we know the world, such as Hume had offered. To do so would get one into a fallacious circular argument in which empirical methods are used to justify empirical methods. Rather Kant believed the solution depended on solvilng the problem of how we can know about objects in a most general way independently of any scientific theory about objects (which an empirical psychological theory of how one object knows another object would involve). In other words, what can we know about objects in general that is logically prior to the (empiricalknowledge we gain of any particular object? This is the central problem of a metaphysics of objects. But given the inability of the rationalists as metaphysicians to converge on a metaphysical consensus and the skepticism of the empiricists toward metaphysics, the question remained for Kant, "How is metaphysics possiblle?" (Dryer, 1966). In his Critique of Pure Reason Kanit (1781/1787/1958) poirlts out that no knowledge of things can be obtained withoul; thinking. Kn this respect, formal logic presents conditions that thought must follow if it is to make a valid inference. And logic arrives at these conditions completely a priori. But logic only concerns the form of thought irrespective af its content. Kant wondered whether there is not something similar to formal logic, say, a "transcendental logic" which in an a priori way ascertains conditions with which thinking must comply to obtain knowledge of objects. If there is, then there will be a way to verify judgments that are true a priori in gen~eralof any object, and rnetaphysics will then be viable (Dryer 1966, pp. 75-76). In this respect, Kant takes for granted that he arid everyone else is concerned with obtaining knowledge of objects. But, i f one should ask whether the world "really" consists of objects, Kant would reply that therre is no way la answer that, if one means by that, a world as it is in itself, independent of the way in whioh we experience and know the ,world. (In talking this position, Kant rejected transcendenltal realism--that we can know of the world as it is apart from experience-in favoi- of an empirical realism that regards objects as .the form by which experience is represented to us.) KnoMng the world in t e r n s of objects and things is just the way or form in which we know it. Kant believed that both the rationalists and empiricists were ~ misled by their special usesee of analysis arid synthesis i n t misunderstanding the problem of how one obtains knowledge of objects. The rationalists analyzed knowledge into elementary, fundamental universal concepts, like number, causality, substance, quantity, totality, and quality, excluding anything due to sensory experience because JULY 1987 28 1 they did not trust the senses. They then believed that by means of these pure concepts alone one could derive knowledge about the world of objects by a process of synthesis or deduction. The empiricists, on the other hand, analyzed knowledge into empirical particulars, excluding anything (like the rationalists' universals) that did not appear within experielice as a particular. Kant realized that if one analyzed experience into its raw particulars, one would get elements that were completely unrelated logically to one another (as Hume contended of the impressions). But such particular elements in themselves would not constitute knowledge, for one cannot say anything about these particulars without joining them by concepts. And the problem remains, then, how and from where are we able to synthesize the particulars of experience to obtain knowledge? Empiricists like Hume resorted to the synthetic operations of association, having the mind join kinds of particulars that regularly appear conjointly or successively. But the empiricists refused to recognize explicitly that these associative principles were bona fide elements of knowledge a priori. They either were suspect or misleading, because they created the illusions of necessary connections and enduring substances. (But consider this analogy: Suppose we declare that knowledge of algebra is about the real numbers. Then suppose we analyze algebraic concepts into elements of the set of real numbers and toss away the axioms concerning the synthesizing operations of identity, addition, and multiplication on the grounds that "they are not what algebra is about, because algebra is about real numbers." We would have no algebraic knowledge of the real numbers. And if we retained the axioms, but considered them a source of illusion, we would say we only have illusory knowledge of algebra. This is similar to the way the empiricists like Hume argued against synthesizing concepts like causality and substance and regarded knowledge based on these concepts as illusory.) Kant rejected the associative principles as the basis for his synthetic operations for joining the particulars of experience into complex concepts. The associative processes of the empiricists were too passive in their operation. Kant regarded the mind's implementation of synthetic as well as analytic operations as spontaneous and independent of the intuitions of the particulars given via the senses, which were the passive, receptive organs for obtaining knowledge of objects. In short, Kant synthesized the rationalist and empiricist positidns, arguing that knowledge of objects begins with experience, but not all knowledge of objects arises out of experience. On the one hand, the 282 MULTIVARIATE BEHAVIORAL RESEARCH objects are given to us in sensuous intuition (direct and immediate apprehension without meanings) via the passively receptive se~nsibility, which then orders them according to the a priori categories of space and time; on the other hand, the understanding spontaneously provides concepts a priori for joining or synthesizing into thoughts the diverse particulars given by intuition, for the synthesis of dlistinct thoughts, and for the comparison of thoughts with sensory intuitions. But Kant distinguished his position from the ratiornalists' and empiricists' positions by declaring that thoughts or concepts without, (intuitive) content are empty; intuitions without concepts are blind. In othei- words, the senses provide the matter and the mind the farm for thoughts (Kant 1781/1787/1958, B1, B75, .AEol-refers by a common convention among philosophers to pages in first edition (A, 1781) and revised edition (By1787) of Kant'a Critique!of Pure Reason). Neither pure reason nor pure sensory intuition is alone sufficient for Iknowledge. Knowledge arises from the action of a spontaneous understanding operating with synthesizing a priori concepts on material provided by the senses. (An example of a synthesizinlj a. priori concept, which is central to the formation of concepts of objects is the subject-predicate concept. By this concept qualities-predicat~es-are joined to a subject, the latter serving as a mark or sign inthought to which the qu.alities are linked.) The understanding is also capable of analyzing complex concepts into constituent concepts and int~iitions.But standing over the understanding and the sensibility is reuson, whiich provides; regulative principles with which to guide the understanding to a unified, coherent, parsimonious, and objective conception of the objects of thought and experience. Because Kant believed the understanding operates spontaneously rather than being passively driven by the contents of sensory intuition (as tlie empiricists believed the impressions of sense drove thta associative processes to the formation of ideas), Kant had the problem of establlishing how the mind is able to formulate and verify objective knowledge about specific objeck, because the mind has no direct contact with a world of things as they are in themselves with which concepts of objects may be compared. Unfortunately, Kant's Critique of Pure Reason does not deal directly with this topic, which is central to scientific method, but rather with the metaphysical topic of how necessarily and a priori we must in general think of objects and their intenrelationships in order to obtain knowledge of them (Dryer, 1966, p. 751. Nevertheless, by reading between the lines, we can see how he would have to handle the sciendific question^. JULY 1987 283 - Kant, I believe, would say that the mind has complete freedom and spontaneity to form concepts about objects from the material given to it by the senses. The mind does this spontaneously in the understanding, which is Kant's faculty of the mind concerned with the employment of imagination and the analysis and synthesis of sensory intuitions and previously formed concepts to form objective concepts of things in experience. But saying that the mind has this freedom means (analytically) that there is more than one distinct way in which the mind might arrive at a concept of an object that unites the sensory intuitions in question. (Actually, Kant would restrict some of the mind's freedom by saying that everyone's understanding is universally limited to performing only 12 kinds of synthetic operations in the formulation of knowledge; but he would assert that the number of ways in which these operations may be concatenated in forming a concept of an object is endless in the number.) These different conceptions of the object are initially only subjectively valid for the intuitians in question, So, how does the mind judge the appropriateness and objectivity of its various conceptions? It does this first by evaluating the concepts according to regulative principles of reason. Under trZle rule to assume nature as uniform, is the concept of the object consistent with what is already known empirically about other similar or related objects? Under the rule not to use ad hoc hypotheses to explain away discrepanciesbetween experience and conception,is the conception of the object adequate. to account for all the intuitions to which it currently refers? Is the conception parsimonious? (Kant 1781/1787/1958 A643-A663, B671-691; A77hA782, B79fbB810). Next, Kant argued (Kant 178311977, p. 43) that the concept of an object, to be objective, must unite intuitions of the object obtained from different points of view according to a rule generated a priori in the understanding. Additi~nally,the objective concept of the object must be independent of one's parficular perceptual state or other subjective factors (Allison, 1983, p. 150) and thus be universally valid. Hence, any objective judgment we farm about the object must always h ~ l d good for us (with additional experience) as well as for everyone else (whom Kant presumed would be equipped with the same cognitive and conceptual capabilities). Msreover, any objectivejudgment concerning the same objed must;agree, with d l other judgments about the object (there can be no internal cantradictions in our collective conception of the object in experience), Though Want d~eh; not make it emJicit, $he last requiremqnt implies that we should be able to predict (knowing the concept of the objed and the rule that unites sensory intuitions to 284 MULTIVARIATE BEHAVIORAL RESEARCH it) how the same object might appear if observed iin a novel manner, say, from a new point of view. A test of the objectivity of the concept is made with an observation from a new point of view to see if it is actually as predicted. If it is not, we must reject the conception as objedively inadequate. For example, consider the illusion of the "Ames chair," a figure consisting of lines and planes that when viewed from one point looks like a chair, but when viewed ffrom another point is not a chair but rather a disconnectedjumble of lin~esand planes (Zinlbardo, 1985, p. 168). Although at first we think we see an objective!ly real chair, we know subsequently it is not one, when .we view it from a different point. Thus for Kant subsequent experience can be corrective in eliminating nonobjective concepts. It is important to realize that Kant's argument was directed in part against the empiricists who stressed the search for regularities in experience as the basis for inductive generalizations. The thrust of Kant's argument was that any regularity men in a set of a1read.ygiven phenomenal el~mentsrepresents a fkee imposition by the mind of an arbitrary rule onto these elements to join then1together. But the rule's objective validity is in no way established by showing that the rule is consistent with these phenomena, for any rdumber of rules may be found that are consistent with the phenomena. For example (Hempel 1945/19165),give11a set of data pointr3 (x,,yi), i = 1, . . ., n we may seek to infelr a funcltional relation that passes through them and summarizes them. But the data points do not determine a unique function that will do this unless one makes prior assumptions about the form of the function to be coinsidered and fixes, in some cases, some of its parameters, with the values of the coordinates of the data points then determining the values of the remaining parameters so that the hnction will t b n pass through the poinits. But more than one distinct function may be given a priori that in this way passes through the initially-given goint~.The test of the objbctivity of these functions then depends on haw they interpolate and extrapolate to additional data points gathemd under the prior assumption t'hat the points in question are all generated by a common fimctional relation. Most of the functions that fit the initial points will not fit the additional points. However, those that do fit the initial and,additional points may be regarded, p~ovisionally,as "objmtive" cancc3ptions d the process that generates the points (Mdaik, 1987). Nevertheless, if more than one function does pass even this test, then regtlla.tive rules of reason will impell us to seek M e r extensions of theae functions to additional data until (in the ideal limit) all but one function is eliminated. JULY 1987 285 But even Kant would have recognized that the ideal of a final single function that passes through all points gathered to test its objective adequacy is only an ideal. Reason impells us to regard experience as a whole, as complete, and as unified under a homogeneous idea, he said. This leads us to think of final solutions, final conceptions, and closed systems. But reason also impells us, Kant said, by another regulative principle to regard experience in all its diversity and detail, and this may lead us to see a diversity of processes where others see but one, and we will then seek to fit not one but several functions to different sets of points. But then a third regulative principle will regulate our use of the other two principles: as we proceed to establish diversity, do so in as gradual a way as possible, so that we may establish a continuity of forms. In conceding the impassibility of final conceptions, and regarding the formulation of objective concepts as guided by heuristic regulative principles, Kant broke with the ideal of infallibilism and finalism in knowledge pursued by the rationalists and empiricists before him. He then laid the groundwork for the pragmatisms that arose at the end of the 19th Century, although these were eclipsed for awhile by infallibilism's last attempts to establish forms of infallible knowledge: logical positivism and logical empiricism in the 20th Century. The implications of KanC's position for science were to be worked out during the 19th Century by Kantian philosophers of science like William Whewell in England during the first half of that century and by Continental scien1;ists like the Austrian Heinrich Hertz (Janik & Toulmin, 1973) toward the end of the 19th Century. William Whewell articulated the following rule for testing theories: "It is a test of true thecrries not only to account for but to predict phenomena" (1984, p. 256). This principle was not new among those, like Kant, trained in the rationalist tradition, its having been expounded by Descartes and Leibniz (Giere, 1983, p. 274). But Whewell's rule represented an advance among British philosophers in the use of theories and hypotheses conceived as free creations of thought, for prior to Whewell's stating this rule it was commonly thought adequate among those few who still used hypothetical reasoning to show that a hypothesis is merely consistent with already observed facts. But this was not thought adequate by most scientists of Whewell's time because it was generally recognized that any number of hypotheses might be formulated consistent witih a given set of facts and so hypothetical reasoning was strongly condemned as not productive of unique and certain knowledge (Laudan, 1981). Science was better served, it was 286 MULTIVARIATE BEHAVIORAL RESEARCH commonly said, by making numerous observations and noting regularities and patterns and making cautious generalizations from these. But Whewell's Kantian rule salvaged the w e of hyl~othesesby providing a criterion for eliminating nonobjective ones. The Austrian physicist, Heinrich Hertz, argued that p~hysical theories are not completely determined by experience but are freely built models or constructions in thought from whi~chpossible experiences can be derived. The objective adequacy of these models is protrisionally judged by their logical consistency, by the richness of detail with which they represent relations in experience, by the parsimony of the schema of representation, and by the models' continued coherence with experience. A crowning achievement of thns effort to al~plyKantian concepts in the physical sciences was seen at the turn of the 20th Century in Einstein's theory of relativity, which stressed identifying invariant physical relationehips that are independent of the reference frame and coordinate system in which they (are expressed. The contemporary legacy of Kant is seen in the new pragrrlatisms and empirical realisms (Aune, 1970; Hiibner, 1983; Rorty, 1982; Tuornela, 1985) and in versions o f linguistic philosophy where Kant's fixed and eternal a priori categories of the human understanding have given way to the conventional grammars of languages and related representational schemas that serve specific fomu of life (Hacker, 1972; Waismann, 1965; Wittgenstein, 1953). Implications of Kant for Factor Analysis. The implicatilons for factor analysis of Kant's emphasis on proving: objective conceptions in experience were not always recognized by those who originally developed the model of factor analysis. This is because, as we shall show, factor analysis developed mainly within a philosophical context that remained generally ignorant of, if not hostile to, the philosophy of Kant-empiricism, On the other hand, exploratory factor analysis does exemplify Kant's conception of the imposition of a priori oonceptts onto experience, which gives content to these concepts. Consider ithat in presuming to analyze data with the exploratory factor analysis methods, we make certain a priori assumptions: W'e presume $hat the data are to be united by linear functions between the observed variables and ;a set of other variables known as the common factors. Notliing in the raw data itself determines that we should unify the data in this way. The latent common factor variables thus stand analogousHy with respect to the various observed variables as Kixnt's cioncept of an object stands with respect to diverse sensory intuitions-(according to rules JULY 1987 287 Mulaik (functions). And from Kant we should realize that common factors are not so much "unobserved variables" knowable "in themselves" as they are provisional objective conceptions that serve to unite the observations of numerous variables according to rules. Because more than one formulation of the common factor model for a set of data may equally fit the same data, the question of an objective solution arises. Thurstone (1937)--drawing upon principles absorbed by the philosophy of science of his day that echo some Kantian themes-rejected principal axes and centroid solutions as final solutions because, for him, they represented statistical artifacts (subjective concepts, in Kant's terms) that would change with additions of different tests to the analyzed test battery. Thurstone then relied on the concept of a domain of tests closed on a set of common factors (Kant's a priori regulative principle of seeing things as a whole) from which samples of tests are drawn under the assumptions that (a) each test drawn depends on less than all the common factors of the domain and ideally on only one common factor (parsimony) and (b) the tests represent all the diversity of factors in the domain (Kant's regulative principle of diversity and detail) to formulate his concept of the simple structure solution (Thurstone, 1947). Objectivity was further to be established by overdetermining each common factor in the analysis by having at least four tests representative of each factor. In constructing his test batteries for analysis, Thurstone usually operated with prior conceptions about the fadors of the domain, and so constructed or dose tests to represent single factors or simple combinations of these factors, thereby allowing his analysis to be a test of these prior cgnceptions (hypotheses). Thurstone's simple structure concept was then a way of identifying objectively invariant solutions for the factors. As long as one's domain of tests contained tests representing no more than simple combinations of a fixed but nominally large set of factors of the domain, then the tests fall within hyperplanes, the intersections of which define the factors of the domain. Sampling different tests from within these same hyperplanes will not change the outcome in terms of identifying these hyperplanes and thus the corresponding objective factors of the domain. Factor analysts who do not select tests with prior hypotheses about the factjors have the problem of establishing the objectivity of their interpre0ations of the factors at the end of a factor analysis. Can they construct additional tests representative of their conceptions of the factors and include &hemwith the original tests and obtain a common factor solution that is consistent with the solution obtained 288 MULTIVARIATE BEHAVIORAL RESEARCH .., Mulaik for the original set of tests? Will the original tests have the same loadings on the respective factors in the new analysis? Mulaik and McDonald (1978) showed how this would be a way to test the objectivity a~fan interpretation of factors (although they did not refer to1 this as objectivity but rather called it validity). The rise of exploratory statistics from empiricism. At the end of the 18th Century, Kant's rational-empirical pl~ilosophywas mainly influential on the Continent, especially in Germiany, while traditional empiricism prevailed as the dominant philosophy of'science in Britain, France, and the then new United States. Nevertheless, at this time British empiricism was split into three factions: The first wa,; exemplified by the philosophies of David Hartley and James Mill. They continued in the Lockean tradition which permitted the use of liypotheses about invisible objects, like atoms, in a real world behind appearance. The second, a minority position among empiricists, reflected the phenomenalist position of Berkeley and Hume that regarded phenomena as the only reality. The third, which aggressively came into vogue at the start of the 19th Century, was exemplified by the Common Sense school of philasophjr of Tlhomas Reid (171Cl-1796) and his disciple Dugald Stewart (1753-18283. Reid, like Kant, had recoiled from the skeptical conclusions of Hunie, which seemed to Reid contrary to common sense, Reid believed1 Himme's skeptical conclusions rested on a fatal flaw: Hume's conception that the mind has, no objects, but phenomenal impressions presented to it is nothing but a hypothesis whose truth has never been demonstrated. In Reid's time arguments from unproved hypotheses were g~nerallyregarded as unconvincing: one can formulate any number of hypotheses that account for the facts. Thus over the unlimited number of hypoth~sesthat all fit the same set of fads, Reid and many of his contemporaries believed the prok~ability that any given hypothesis is true would be essentially zero. And so the use of hypotheses in empirical matters is l;o be avoided in favor of a program of making careful observations and a~curiatedescript,ions of the Cmts and inducing generalizations therefrom (Laudan 1981;Magill & McGreal 1961). To support his campaign against hypotheses, Reid drew upon the authorities of Francis Bacon im~dIsaac: Newton. Had not Bacon attacked the Aristotelians for their specious use of hypotheses and then invented a new inductive method to dis~coverCnxths from observed facts? Had not Newton claimed that he feigned no hypotheses, that all his results were deiived irldtzetively from experimelnts? In scientific method Reid's empirical method olf conducting science without hLypothesesbecame known as Baconism and was quite influential JULY 1987 289 among rank-and-file scientists in the first half of the 19th century (Daniels, 1968; Laudan, 1981; Yeo, 19851, with adherents of this view even in the 20th Century. It is in thi6 early 19th Century empiricist milieu, which denigrated hypotheses and stressed description of facts, that exploratory and descriptive statistics developed. It is important to realize that in this milieu there was a general lack of clear criteria for establishing the objectivity of conceptions formulated from observations, for Kantian views on objectivity were little known or understood. I shall argue that a major failing of exploratory and descriptive statistics is its general lack of criteria of objectivity which frequently renders its users incapable of distinguishing mathematical artifact from an objective representation. Because the use of exploratory factor analysis is patterned after the use of other exploratory statistical methods, this use often fails to consider questions of objectivity for factor analytic results. I have already written an account of the rise of exploratory statistics out of British empiricism (Mulaik, 1980,1985),and so I shall not repeat the details of that account here. Nevertheless, one of my key arguments in that account is that exploratory statistics developed in 'part as a mathematical emulation and extension of the British and French empiricists' conceptions of the associative processes of the mind. For example, the Belgian Royal Astronomer turned social statistician, Adolphe Quetelet (184611849 pp. 38-43), regarded the taking of the mean as a fundamental mental operation inherent in human nature for identifying what is representative of diverse objects of the same kind. Francis Galton (1908/1973),who learned much of his statistics from Quetelet via the reference cited, believed averaging was the key to the way the mind forms generic concepts. To see what the average face looked like, Galton studied compasite portrature (the superimposition of photographic images of peoples' faces on one to the other). Xn maqy respects Galton's views on this matter echoed Aristotlq's views on how the induction of generic concepts takes place. Subsequently, Pearson (1892/1911), well versed in the views of both Quetelet and Galton, but influenced by the instrumentalist views of the Auprian physicist Ernst Mach, saw the antirealist implicatio~$of their views: Our concepts are not about an independent reality but rather are "ideal limits" created by the mind by averaging expe~ieace. And so, scientific laws are but summaries of average results. But Pearsop sidestepped the question of the objectivity of these laws by 290 MULTIVARIATE BEHAVIORAL RESEARCH Mulaik regarding them as but fictions, justified by their usefu1ness.l F'earson believed one could use statistical procedures such as curve fitting, which represents fitting a curve to a locus of means, to summarize or resume trends in data (Hogben, 1957; Pearson, 1911). The pervasiveness of the influence on subsequent multivariate statistics of Pearson's idea of averaging to generate conceptual entities must not be underestimated. It turns up in Lord and Novick's (11978) concept of tlhe true score, in modified form in the idea of principal components (invented by Pearson (1901)), in Guttman's (1953) image concept, and most recently, in Bartholemew's (1981, 1984, 1985) components that serve as proxies for the latent common factors in the modell of factor analysis. Galton (1878) invented the idea of the correlation coeificient, which is but a mathematical emulation of the idea of association in British empiricist psychology. Pearson (18921191I), inspired by the empiricist works of Berkeley, Hume, and Mill, later took associaltion or correlation to be the essence of causality!,claiming that earlier views of causality were outmoded in the probabilistic world he envisaged. Pearson then developed a maximum likelihood estimator of the correlation coefficient, which bears his name. Iaearson also took Galton's idea of regression and turned it into a statistical method, Galton had regarded regression as evidence supporting his view that inheritance of characters is transmitted by numerous latent particles. But Karl Pearson (1903), influenced by Mach's view that scientific theories are but summaries and resumes of observakion~s,attributed no biological significance to regression, regarding it ,asl ~ u at way of summ;zizing relationships between variables. Subsequently, Pearson's demonstrator, Udney Yule (1909,1911)conflated ragmssictn and correlation with the older method of least squares, and because of Yule's influence as a textbook writer, the method of leasb squares entered the new statistics as "regression.'But in the procesis, many of the caveats that 19th Century physical scientists like William Whewell (184711966) placed on the use of least squares to insure abjective results were forgotten as regression became an exploratory or Bacorlian technique fiar the discovery of causal (associative) rdaticms be tween variables. Yule 'Pearson, as well as Mach, did not grasp the point, that if you call something "fictioii,"you must call som&h& else "noqfiction."But for Mach and Pearscn there were no ways of synthesizing or summariziag experience that wexe not fictions, and so the tern "fiction"lost, in their usage, any dietinctiveness. However, I think their intent was to reject the notion that our concepts are about things as they are in iithemselves and to say, as Kant would, that our conceptions of things are conshcted from our experiences and fvrthermore are not final but can change with additional expernence. It is a pity that they failed to grasp Kant's distinction between "subjective"m d "objective" syntheses of experience. JULY 1987 291 (1909) was also responsible for developing the now standard notation for the study of partial and multiple correlation. Many subsequent developments in exploratory statistics represent extensions, elaborations, and modifications of the simple concepts of the mean, correlation, and curve fitting, developed by the end of the 19th Century. Artifact and Objectivity in Statistics. To understand how empiricism's lack of criteria for objective relations led developers of exploratory statistics to confuse what is artifactual with what is objective, we will consider how some questionable interpretations given to the use of means arose in the 19th Century and then show how analogous interpretations later were attached to the factors of factor analysis. One important feature of taking means, argued William Augustus Guy, professor of forensic medicine at Kings College, London in 2839, is ". . . that the extreme quantitative differences existing between the several things observed, compensate one another, and leave a mean result which accurately expresses the value of the greater number of the things so observed. . . ." (Guy, 1839, p. 32). The mean, which is a quantity completely determined by the raw data, simply distills the common value among a set of quantitative observations. On such common or representative values, Guy and others believed, one could build an empirical, inductive science. To those, like the British empiricists, who were willing to let their minds be passively driven by their sensory experiences in the pursuit of the secrets of Nature, such accounts as Guy's of the virtues of the new descriptive statistics were quite acceptable. One simply let the data d~terminestatistical quantities via statistical technique applied to the data. This was particularly so if you could not envisage alterndtive forms of summary desdription for the same sense data. But for those who actively wrestled with their sensory experiencesseeking to impose first this concept and then another onto thqse experiences, until he or she found one that was not only coherent with past expe;riencesbut with new ones as well-using descriptive statistics, after the fashion of Guy and others, was just not adequate. Thus we find in the la$t half of the 19th Century Claude Bernard, the founder of madern medical physiology, arguing that physiology should be pursued as a theoretically driven experimental science and ridicwling the mindless appiication of descriptive statistics in medicine and physiologSs. He cited this particularly absurd use of the mean: If we collect a man's wine during twentyfour hours and mix all this urine to analyze the average, we get an analysis of a urine which simply does not exist; for urine, 292 MULTIVARIATE BEHAVIORAL RESEARCH Mulaik when fasting, is different from urine during digestion. A startling instance of this kind was invented by a physiologist who took urine firom a railroad station urinal where people of all nations passed, and who believed he could thus present an analysis of average European urine! (Bernard 1865119271195'7,pp. 134-135). Bernard's claim that the daily average urine is a urine that simply does not exist raises the question of when a mean can be said to represent something that does exist. Herinard argued that science should seek objective rather than subjective truths. So, when does the mean (or any other statistical quantity) represent something objective as opposed to something "subjective" or artifactual? This was not an issue that many 19th Century statisticians operating in the British and l?rench empiricist traditions were prepared to solve, for they had no clear concept of objectivity. Queblet (184611849, pp. 42-43) tried to identify the conditions under which it was appropriate to regard a1 mean value as representative of a real value in nature and nat an artifact. He believed that only when one takes the average of a normally (distributed set of observations, does the mean represent a real common value, common to ea~chobservation, with deviations from the mean in individual observations the result of adding unsystematic, ex1;raneous errors of nature or observation to this common value. He wals led to this view from his acquaintance in astronomical th.eory (taught him lby the French mathematician and probabilist,, Laplace) with the normal distribution, which in his day was called "the distribution of error." In astronomical measurements, errors wercc presumed added to the true value to be estimated and were normally distribuhd with a mlean of zero. One averaged numerous numerical observations taken under certain uniform conditions to cancel as much as posisible the efl'ects of errors in the observations to get a value more representative of a "true" value comrnon to all the ~crbsexvatiuns(Laplace 1796/1951:1. Thus when Quetelet discovered a data set consisting of the chest girths of Scottish soldiers measured to outfit them in uniforms for the war against Napoleon, he was astonished when a pllot of ithe distribution of these scores was essentially normal. He was lied to believe, them, that the mean of these scores representerd the value af the chest girth of the average man, a human prototype, common within each individual man, to which extranrcrous errors d nature are added to produce the individual's measurements (see also Porter, 1985). But what Qustelet did not consider was that, given a noirmally distributed set of scores, they may have been generated in a way other than by adding a set of normally di~tributederrors with a mean of zero to some value common to all the obaemations. By the central limit JULY 1987 293 theorem we know that many random variables can be generated having distributions that closely approximate the normal distribution by adding together numerous random variables and dividing the sum by the number of variables entering the total. And these numerous random variables may all represent objectively real processes that combine to produce each individually observed value. For example, a physical characteristic measured may be the result of the combined quantitative effects of numerous genes or their respective alleles, all of which are real causes of the characteristic measured. In other words, the variation in individual values may reflect intrinsic and not extraneous variation. There may be no or only negligible extraneous influences on the values observed. Thus the fact that a distribution of scores conforms to the normal distribution cannot be used as a sufficient indicator that the distribution's mean has an objective interpretation as a constant value common to each observation. We shall call the reification or objectivization of a mean value, when it is a statistical artifact having no objective referent, the average man fallacy, after Quetelet's regarding the mean measurement as representative of the value of a real average man to be found in each individual man. This fallacy generalizes to all cases where a statistical (or mathematical) artifact is uncritically treated as if it were representative of a real attribute of some entity. It is the experimentalists who came to identify the conditions under which it is appropriate to regard the mean of some scores in some experimental condition as representative of an objective effect common to them, that is, the value of an attribute common to them. First, all of the experimental units under an experimental treatment condition must be exposed to the same causal influence. Second, a given experimental treatment should (plausibly) produce a unique effect; variation in observed values must be due exclusively to the effects of extraneous causal variables that vary independently of variation in the independent variable of the experiment and combiee additively with the effecC of the cause in question, In other words, thqre must not be some equally plausible alternative hypothesis under consideration in the scientific community that would account for tbe same outcomes, for example, the value of the fixed causal condition produces multiple effects by interacting differently with each of the values of several other causal variables that in turn combine to produce the effect observed in the individual experimental unit. Variation in this second case is then intrinsic and not extrinsic. If there are competing alternative hypotheses about the mean, 294 MULTIVARIATE BEHAVIORAL RESEARCH Mulaik then one must take steps to rule out all but on~eof them. For example, to rule out the second hypothesis wherein variation is intrinsic aind not extrinsic, one might consider possible intrinsic causal variables, measure the experimental units on these, and then group the experimental units into groups homogeneous in values on these potentially intrinsic causal variables and study the effect of the experime~italtreatment on means and variances within these groups. If the means of these homogeneous subgroups differ significantly, then this suggests that variation between individual observations is intrinsic and not just extraneous, and the mean is an artifact if regarded ;ss an attribute of an individual observation and not simply of the group of scores as a whole. In general, tests for the objectivity of a statistic depeind on establishing its invariance when observed under conditions presumed to be critical in determining a unique value! for the statistiic but varying in other irrelevant ways. But testing hyotheses and pre,sumptions was foreign to Baconian, 19th Century science which stiressed description and cautious inductive inferences from data. At this point we may seem to havce drifted fscr afield froim the subject of factar analysis. However, we who usle factor analysis are all familiar with how Spearman (1904)put forth the hypothesis of a single common factor among measures ofintellecltu,alability. Thomson ((1916, 1919) challenged Spearman's contention th;at his data confirmed the objective reality of a single common factor (amongmeasures of intellectual ability. Thomson's argument was analogous to the argument used by Bernard and others to expose the average man fallacy in many researchers' uncritical interpretation of means: the way nature 4,renerates the data on which the mean is basled ]may not conform to one's concept of how the data was generated. Thomson similarly showed how one could generate variables that mrould have the pattern of intercorrelations consistent with a single common factor and yet not be generated by adding a common variable to each of several uncorrelated variables respectively. Thomson argued that these variables could be generated by, first, extracting, in a particular way with replacement from a very large set of uncorrelated variables, various par*tially overlapping samples of variables, without any subset of variables being common to these samples, and then, second, adding the variables in these respective samples together to produce the manifest variables. Spearman was vulnerable to this criticism because he had not committed himself as to what he expected to be common among the variables when he hypothesized they had a single common factor: JULY 1987 295 Mulaik Spearman offered no manifest sign of something common to the variables (as we analogously offer a manifest sign of something common among scores in an experiment when we link them all to a common experimental treatment) to lend plausibility to his hypothesis. (It would have taken an analysis like Guttman (1965) provided with his faceted definition of intelligence to come up with a clear identifier of Spearman's general ability: analytic or rule-inferring ability.) Perhaps the moral is clear: without a prior conception of what we model in Nature with a particular statistical model, we fail to take the steps necessary to guarantee the plausibility of the interpretation we give the results against criticisms of artifactuality. But one is hardly likely to take such steps if one conducts science according to the rules of 19th Century British empiricism that eschew substantive hypotheses and active direction of the observational process (because that would "prejudice" the results). The common factor model was first formulated at the turn of the 20th Century in Britain in the statistical milieu at the University of London which was dominated by the last of the great 19th Century British empiricists, Karl Pearson. Pearson rarely formulated substantive hypotheses and then tested them. He was simply content to describe, discover, and summarize. It is understandable then that British scientists, who took up the correlational statistics invented by Pearson and his students and who elaborated them into factor analysis, would proceed in the same exploratory way. But it was a way constantly vulnerable to the criticism of artifactuality. Factor ln&terminacy. The next development in exploratory facitor analysis that has philosophical implications is factor indeterminqcy, which was first eqosed by E. B. Wilsan (1928) in a review of Spearman's The Abilities of Man. Wilson's contention was that there could be no unique interpretation or definition of g given within Spearman's methodology. This is becavse the g variable is pot uniquely determined by the observed variables. All that we know from a factor analysis are the correlations of the observed variables with $he g variable, and, mathematically, it is possible that a number of distifict variables might be found that have the same pattern of correlatibns with the observed variables as does the g factor. So, if interpreting the g factor implies stating which variable in Nature it corresponds to, we cannot do so uniquely from just the information given by a faqtor analysis. Staiger and Schonemann (1978) and Steiger (1979)have written a thorough history of the factor indeterminacy issue. They show how the 296 MULTIVARIATE BEHAVIORAL RESEARCH Mulaik problem of factor indeterminacy was wrestled with by British psychologists up until the middle 19307s,but the problem was not fully resolved, partly because it was not fully understood. Then, as ,subsequent developments of factor analytic methodology shifted i;o the United States under Thurstone and his students, this topilc was forgotten. It was through the efforts of Guttman (1955) that this topic was I-esurrected. Although focusing on the indeterminacy of factor scores in his article, Guttman (1955)also pointed out the implication of factor indeterminacy for the interpretation of factorzr. OLWinterpretations are based upon the factor loadings produced by the factor analysis. But these are not sufficient to determine uniquely the variables corresponding to the factors. With respect to each common factor, we can construct more than one distinct variable that relates to the manifest variables in the same way as the fatstor of the factor analysis, as revealed by its correlations with the manifest variables. In fact, since we are able to compute the multiple correlation p for predicting the common factor from the manifest variables, wre can determine that two distinct constructions for the same common factor can be as minimally correlated as 2p2-1. For examplLe,if the multiple correlation for predicting a factor is ,707, then two distinct constructions of the factor could be as minimally correlated as zero; and if the squared multiple correlation is less than ,707 (a not infrequent finding), they could be negatively correlated. TIDGuttman the fact that two distinct but legitimate interpretation~sof a factor could correspond to variables that were partially opposed to one another was albsurd. Something, he believed, was fundamentally wrong with the model of common factor analysis. He urged factor analysts to look at models that were free of indeterminacy, such as his imag~eanalysis model (Guttman 1953). Although his image analysis model received clonsiderable interest, his comments on the implicatiolns of indetermina~cyfor the interpretations of common factors went largely ignored, perhaps because they were embedded in a paper I N ~ O Smathematics ~ were difficult for many to follow. Nearly n decade! aad a half passed lbefore another attempt was made to resurrect the factor indeterminacy issue. A successful resurrection of the factor indeternninacy issue was carried out by Schonemann (1971) ;and his students (SchBnemann & Wang, 1972; Steiger & Sohonemann, 1978; and Steiger, 1979). Like Guttman, Schonemann and his students have regarded the factor indeterminacy problem as a serious problem for the common factor model and have recommended (Schonernann & Steiger, 197611that researchers use some determinate variant of the common factor nnodel, JULY 1987 297 a component analysis model, instead of common factor analysis. This approach to resolving the indeterminacy issue has also been echoed recently by Bartholomew (1981, 1984, 19851, although on somewhat different grounds. In contrast, Mulaik and McDonald (1978) and McDonald and Mulaik (1979), while accepting the indeterminacy of factor interpretation in exploratory common factor analysis, have not regarded this as a fatal flaw requiring the abandonment of the common factor model in favor of component analysis models. I should like to amplify on their position here: Factor indeterminacy is just a special case of a more general form of indeterminacy commonly encountered in science, known to philosophers of science as the empirical underdetermination of theory-Data by themselves are never sufficient to determine uniquely theories for generalizing inductively beyond the data (Garrison, 1986). Inductive methods of generating theory always have an indeterminate element in them. Those who fail to recognize the indeterminacy of induction frequently do so because they are victims of the "inductivist fallacy" (Chomsky & Fodor, 1980),the belief that one can make inductive inferences uniquely and unambiguously from data without making prior assumptions. This was the fallacy of John Stuart Mill's excessive claims for his inductive, empirical methods for discovering causes (Copi, 1968). And it is the fallacy behind the way many users of exploratory common factor analysis have expected the method to provide them with unambiguous results. In actuality, given any set of data, there is an unlimited number of possible inferences we might form as to how the data is to be generalized. For example, we have already considered the indeterminacy of fitting a function to a discrete set of data points in our discussion of Kant's concept of objectivity. Recall that whatever choice we make for the function that supposedly generates a set of data points will be arbitrary as far as the data itself is concerned (Hempel, 194511965).We can commit ourselves to certain assumptions that lead us to pick one of infinitely many generalizing functions, but we will never know whether these assumptions are not simply artifactual unless we find a way to put them to the test with additional data. A test of the objectivity of the function chosen will then be the extent to which it extrapolates and interpolates to additional data points with new values for x, under the presumption that the additional data are generatd according to the same rule. The point is not that induction is a flawed method that must be abandoned, but rather that whatever inferences we do form from data with inductive methods (and the prior 298 MULTIVARIATE BEHAVIORAL RESEARCH assumptions required for their use) must be evaluated with addlitional data. In other words, if induction is to have any kind of empirical merit, it must be seen as a hypothesis-generating method and not as a method that produces unambiguous, int:srrigible results. With these comments on the empirical mderdetennination of theory in mind, let us now consider the drawback of abandoning the aommon factor model in favor of component analysis models because their factors are determinate. Component factors are artifacts alnd do not strictly represent inductive generalizationsbeyond the data. If we do use component factors inductively it is by treating them as approximations of, say, common factors. We have already seen in our discussion of Kant's distinction between the subjective and the objective how Thiurstone (1937) rejected principal axes and centroid factars bwause he suspected they were arbitrary and artifactual. Thustone was supported iin these conc~rnsfor the artifactual status of principal components and centroid factors by Wilson and Worcester (1939) wlho asked, "Why should there be any particular significance psychologically to that vector of thle mind which has the property that the sum of sqpares of the projections of a set of unit vectors (tests) along it be ma~imurn?"(p. 136). We might generalize this criticism by asking "Why ishould there be any pai-ticular psychological significance to any specific kixnear comlbination of the observed variables that optimizes . . .?"--the question to be completed by stating some a priori mathematical function of the observed variables. Perhaps in rebuttal of this criticism one urould argue that a. latent variable has no "real" existence, and so, vcre are free to define latent variables in any convenient way that a1l.ows us to explain the covariation between, and the $cores on, the observ~ed variabl~es (cf. Bartholomew 1981, p. 95).But do detenninate components provide an adequate explanation? The strategy follovved by using determinate component factors would generate a diaerent set of components for each different set of variables analyzed. This is because component factors are not invariant under varying soledions of variables analyzed except in very stringent and unrealistic cases. If w~ augmented the original set of variables with additional "real-warld" variables and reanalyzed with the same method, we would not get the same component factors. Are explanatory constmcb then1 ad hoe, only good for a specific set of variables? If so, then one has violated the principle of parsimony in explanation, for one needs a dliairent set of explanatory constructs for each distinct set of variab~les, Because component factors are, b h e d as linear combinations of the observed variables, they necessarily occupy the space spanned by JULY 1987 299 the observed variables. But why should our explanatory constructs necessarily occupy the space of some specific set of variables whose covariances are to be explained? Most scientific concepts carry surplus meanings beyond those invoked in explaining certain properties of objects in specific situations. But the strict meaning of component factors is exhausted by their relationship to the observed variables that define them. It is strange that an explanatory construct is defined by what it is to explain, as if the explanation is explained by what it explains. This brings us to the fact that component factors are not consistent with the grammar of causal concepts. The components are defined as specific linear combinations of the effect variables (the components are supposed to explain), but causes generally are not strictly determinate from effects but rather must be distinct from what they explain (cf. Mulaik, 1987. Thus component factors could not be regarded as causes of the observed variables. However, as Mulaik and McDonald (1978) pointed out, common factor models show invariance of loadings for original variables when these variables are included with additional variables generated by a conformable common factor model. Hence, one can use this fact as a basis for a test of one's interpretation of the common factors based on an analysis of the original set of variables. If the original common factor rnodel defined on the original variables is not conformable with the common factor model for an augmented set of variables that includes the original variables and additional variables, presumed generated by the same common factors, then one's interpretation of these factors is faulty, On the other hand, passing such a test is no guarantee that the original set and the additional set of variables were generated by the same factors. The test only determines whether one's interpretation of the factors, manifested in the rule by which the additional variables are generated, is a viable interpretation. There is no way to eliminate the indeterminacy of the factors for the original set of variables by adding variablas to the original set of variables. Although the degree of indeterminacy for the augmented set of variables is reduced &am that of the original set of variables, it is nevertheless relative only to the augmented set of variables. Nothing I have said so far precludes the possibility (established in Mulaik & McDonald, 1978) that two researchers may each form different interpretations or hypotheses about the common factors for the original variables and procead to add variables to the original set of variables according ta these hypothesas and in each of their respective cases discover that thsir augmented sets of variables con300 MULTIVARIATE BEHAVIORAL RESEARCH tinue to obey a common factor model conformable with the common factor model of the original variables. And yet, were they to get together and pool all their variables together in one grand factor analysis, they would discover that jointly their two sets of'variables do not conform to the original common factor model. This would be the sign that they have defined the factors differently, thereby emb~edding the original variables in different factor domains. At this point we should see that the indeterminacy of an inductive procedure like exploratory common factor analysis confronts us with a decision each time we use the procedure: we must decide what the results of the procedure shall mean for us beyond the data at h,and. In other words, inductive procedures do not automatically give us meanings. It is we who create meanings for things in deciding how they are to be used. Thus we should see the folly of supposing that exploratory factor analysis will teach us what intelligence is, or what personality is. At some point, we have to define for ourselves, in ways that seem interesting and promising for us, what we shall mean by these terms and do so in ways that others will find interesting and objectively determinable. But we don't always need the results of an exploratory factor analysis to do this. There me many ways to arrive at a definition. By this I am not advocating the old idea of operi3tional defin.itions, because operational definitions are ordinarily ad hoe and not very interesting or useful beyond the situations in which they are given. It takes quite some skill to select a concept and to define it objectively so that it is capable of inteaatsingand synthesizing in a useful way numerous experiences beyond just those in the initial defining situation. Thus if exploratory factor analysis cannot tell us what something is, perhaps we can consider other forms of factor a~~alysis that, begin with well-defined concepts and then seek to study the relations of these concepts with others in a way where we can decide objectively that they apply. And one way I know how to do this atnd still do factor analysis is with confirmatory factor analysis. But confirmatory factor analysis is only one of many ways, and perhaps a relatively restricted way at that, of studying relations between co~icepts. Conclusion In closing, we see how the idea af common factor analysis draws upon a rich philosophical heritage. From the idea of the Greek JULY 1987 301 atomists that appearance is to be explained by something not observed, from the emphasis on analysis and synthesis of Descartes, from the ideal of an automatic algorithm for discovering knowledge of Francis Bacon, and from the idea of correlational exploratory statistics as an inductive method developed by empiricist statisticians like Karl Pearson and Udney Yule, exploratory common factor analysis derived its fundamental ideas. From this same heritage users of exploratory common factor analysis also derived false expectations, that the method could yield unique and unambiguous knowledge about the fundamental causes of a domain of variables without prior assumptions-the inductivist fallacy. This expectation founders on the indeterminacy of common factors. 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