1
LIFE AND TIMES
OF
WILLIAM DECATUR
KARTCHNER
1820-1892
Prepared by:
Ron Freeman
291 N. 2620 W
Hurricane, UT 84737
435-414-5153
[email protected]
2
Index
Introduction.................................................................................................
p. 3
Early life→ marriage (1820-1844)...............................................................
p. 4
Emmett Company Experience (1844-1846)..................................................
p. 20
Pueblo, Colorado (1846-47)..................................................................
p. 30
Utah: 1847-51...........................................................................................
p. 37
San Bernardino 1851-1858......................................................................
p. 45
Beaver 1858-1865......................................................................................
p. 56
"The Muddy" 1865-1871............................................................................
p. 60
Panguitch. 1871-1877 ...............................................................................
p. 67
Snowflake 1878-1892.................................................................................
p. 72
Appendix
A.
Stories W. D. Kartchner heard in his life and jotted down......
p. 103
B.
Thumbnail sketches of the Kartchner children...............................
p.107
3
Introduction
Of all the early Freeman-Paul ancestors, only William Huntington and William Decatur
Kartchner1 penned their life stories in detail. Huntington's was more in the form of daily
entries, while Kartchner sat down in the early 1880s to write a fairly lengthy history of his life
and westward movement--as he remembered it. At times his autobiography is a little off in
terms of dates, but it contains a wealth of information, allowing us as readers to appreciate the
many challenges and changes that occurred in his life.
This current project has the goal of utilizing all of William's autobiography, together with other
materials that help understand the Kartchner document in its historical context. Several
sources have been used in the compilation of this biography/life sketch. The internet is a
wonderful advancement in the dissemination of information and it has been extremely useful in
researching background data regarding the people Kartchner knew and the places he lived. In
addition, I owe a great debt of gratitude to Sarah Collinwood whom I visited some thirty years
ago when she was visiting in Hanford, California. She graciously gave me a copy of a book on
the Kartchner family that she had spent many months and years preparing. I was slow to act on
the information she made available to me that day. Perhaps this present volume might be my
way of saying thanks to her and of acknowledging her commitment to family history.
This sketch will endeavor to chronicle William D. Kartchner's life from birth to death. It is
hoped that the result will be a greater understanding and appreciation of him and the sacrifices
he made. Despite several physical impediments, Kartchner accepted all the calls to colonize
that were issued to him. He raised two large families, the descendants of whom now number
in the tens of thousands. We would do well to remember his faith, his commitment and his
willingness to serve.
1
I am a great-great grandson of William Decatur Kartchner (Ron Freeman → LeRoy Collins Freeman → Emma
Flake Freeman → Prudence Jane Kartchner Flake → William Decatur Kartchner.
4
William's ancestry and early life: 1820-1844
William D. Kartchner is of Germanic ancestry.2 According to his autobiography, William's
grandfather was Adam Kirchner, who was married to Sarah Weberin.3 To that marriage was
born Christoph Johann "John" Kirchner—who later went by the Americanized name of
Christopher John Kartchner4. William wrote:
About the year 1700, Mr. Kartchner [Adam Kirchner], then a boy of ten
summers, arrived in Philadelphia from Germany, grew to manhood and became
acquainted with a lovely German girl [Sarah Weberin] and married. They would
occasionally speak to each other in German, but used English language for common
talk. But little was recorded of his deeds, he being a private citizen. They resided in
Philadelphia in comfortable circumstances and their son, John Christopher was born
29 Aug. 1784.5
( Memoirs of William D. Kartchner, BYU Special Collections, 1954,
typewritten transcript, p. 2)
Extensive genealogical research by Sarah Collinwood and others has not revealed other children
as having been born to Adam and Sarah Kirchner [Kartchner]. No death dates or places have yet
been found for Adam and Sarah either.
John Christopher Kartchner eventually married and became the father to our William Decatur
Kartchner. Little is known of John C., but fortunately in his autobiography William D. included a
few recollections of his father:
John C. was very fond of sailing and loved to build little boats and let them
adrift in the Delaware. He became a very interesting boy for his dexterity and
activity. He would go to the top of the hills where groves of hickory saplings lay
beneath and climb one, bending down to the tops of others and changing trees,
passing with such force as to carry him with great speed which he called "flying
science."
2
The Kartchner name has been spelled in various ways on historic documents: Kartchner, Karchner, Kirtchner,
Kirchner, Castner, etc.
3
Sarah P. Collinwood, The Kartchner Family, privately printed, n.d., p. 4a. Sarah includes a copy of the actual
marriage record from the Old Zion's German Lutheran Church of Philadelphia: "Adam Kirchner mit Sarah
Weberin."
4
For more information on William’s father, see FamilySearch, Family Tree: John Christopher Kartchner
5
Additional research by Collinwood shows John C. Kartchner was born in 1788, not 1784. (Collinwood, pp. 9-10)
This child's name is usually written in one of two ways: Christoph Johann Kirchner, or John Christopher Kartchner.
5
At that date boxing schools were considered to be the foremost part of a
young man's education and after receiving his lessons, he [John C.] would practice
with his play fellows and became second to none. Soon he became a dread to his
enemies in consequence of his ability in "fistcuffing." He was a boy of few words and
never quarreled with his fellows but took special pleasure in punishing offenders. The
first appearance of his indignation was made known by a blow well-aimed and could
only have comparison to the kick of a mule. That blow was followed up with such
quick successive blows that a man was whipped before he could have time to recover
himself.
He saw an inducement to learn the paper-making trade and went as an
apprentice to Mr. Wilcox and soon gained the admiration of his master by his
promptness and firmness. Fear had no place within him and if a hard trip or dangerous
exploit came up, it was well known to all that John C. was able for it.
On returning home he would many times pick up black snakes and place them
in his bosom and let them make their appearance at pleasure. He once caught one of
these reptiles unobserved, and, placing it in his bosom, he went from the mill to the
house for dinner. It lay still in his warm bosom until they were all seated at the table
eating dinner. The serpent, smelling the "vittles", was induced to stretch forth his
head--to the consternation of all the company. With one accord all jumped back,
falling pell-mell to extricate themselves from the approaching danger. Meanwhile, the
whole scene was enjoyed by John C., smiling quietly.
(Memoirs, pp 2-3)
Courtship and Marriage of William's father.
The gentleman for whom John C. apprenticed, Mr. Wilcox, had six children: William, James,
John, Prudence, Sarah, Ann and Mary--three boys in succession, followed by four girls. The
Wilcox sons later became famous in the paper-making business. John C. "became much
attached to Miss Prudence who was born Dec. 6, 1787. Having been almost raised
together, they became familiar and attached to each other and were married in about
1804-05."6
(Memoirs, p. 3)
6
Again William D. errs in dates. Collinwood has confirmed that Christian Kirchner and Prudence Wilcoks/Wilcox
were married 6 Oct. 1809 in the St. John's Lutheran Church, Northern Liberties, Philadelphia. That makes sense
since their first child, Caroline, was born 11 Oct 1810 and she is shown in the same record as the "dau. of
Christopher & Prudence Kartchner." (Collinwood, p. 9)
6
The union of John C. and Prudence ultimately produced several children. The first, Caroline,
was born 11 Oct 1810. Unfortunately, she lived only about eighteen months. She died 27 Apr
1814.7
John C.'s military service.
In 1812 the United States was forced into another war with England. John C. Kartchner
volunteered to serve:
. . . the war broke out and Prudence's husband John Christopher volunteered
and went on shipboard and landed at Mobile, from thence to New Orleans,
immediately under General Jackson's command. During his absence [another child]
Peter Wolliver [Wallover Kartchner] was born, 29 August 1812. On John
Christopher's arrival home he was greatly rejoiced over his warrior, as he called him.
In the Battle of New Orleans they were commanded to wait until they could
see the whites of the eyes of their English intruders before they fired. After passing
through these bloody scenes it seemed to beget within them a general hatred toward
the Englishmen, and many were abused under the influence of this antipathy. Their
children were traditioned to meet the English boys for battle and often, two to one,
these pitch battles would generally result in bloody faces on both sides, the American
boys thinking they had the best of it. (Memoirs, pp 3-4)
As we have seen previously, certain bits of information William D. gives in his autobiography
seem to be in error. This seems to be the case also as it relates to William's father's military
service. William states that his brother, Peter Wallover, was born in August 1812 while his
father was in the army. However, Collinwood has researched John C.'s military record in the
War of 1812 Archives, PA., and found that the Capt Stearns Company of the Roxborough
Volunteers--of which John C. was a member-- commenced service on 12 Sep 1814 and was
discharged on 2 Jan 1815. (Collinwood, pp. 16-17) In other words, it appears that Peter W. was
born well before his father joined up. In addition, John C. served only four months in the army.
Another apparent conflict arises from the discrepancy between the date when John C.
mustered out, 2 Jan 1815, and the actual date of the Battle of New Orleans, which was 8 Jan
1815-- about a week after John C. had been discharged. However, John may have participated
in the December 23, 1814 battle that was preliminary to the final, major one.
Much later, in 1861, John's widow wrote an interesting letter that affirmed her husband's dates
of service, but also gave clear information about where the family was living in 1815:
7
This is the date given in the Family Bible once owned by Sarah Ann Kartchner Pigg.
7
Photocopy of document
attesting to John C.
Kartchner's military
service. It says:
"Christopher Kartchner
served in Captain
Joseph Stern's Company
P a/y Militia from the
11 Sep 1814 until the 2
January 1815"
"June 27, 1861
Newten, Jasper County, Iowa.
Colonel Gleason, F. Lewis.
Sir, your papers stild [?] the old soldiers Advocate fell promiscuously into my
hands. I see in it that soldiers or their widows can receive A warrant of A pension for
the war of 1812. My husband went out in 1814 in September and stayed till peace was
declared and got his Discharge. His name was Christopher Kartchner. The Colonel's
name was John Conrad. His Captain's name was Starn and we lived in Pennsylvania 7
miles north of Philadelphia 1 mile from Germantown.
Return to civilian life, paper making business, more children,
It is probably safe to say that John Kartchner returned to Pennsylvania in 1815; whereupon he
took up his earlier profession as a paper maker:
He went to work for himself papermaking and soon became the proprietor of a
mill. Business being brisk he hired hands and took apprentices, finally taking a
partner in the business by the name of William Wolliver [Wallover], his wife's cousin,
who kept a book and paper store in Philadelphia, who received the paper and sold and
bought rags, vitriol and material for the mill.
Thus it ran along for some years, apparently prospering. [However,] and at a
time John C. sent by the regular teamster for money and goods to pay hands, Mr.
Wollover pronounced the firm broke. Well known to John C. to the contrary, not
withstanding, went immediately to Philadelphia to the store, but books and things were
so arranged as to be impossible to save himself. He returned home, much downcountenanced, but resolved to go ahead, but the news was circulated soon that
Kartchner-Wollover Co., were broke and soon the mill was attached and sold for
debts. This mill was situated eight miles west of Philadelphia on Mill Creek.
8
This course of things so discouraged John C. that he took to drink to drown
trouble and would resent the least appearance of insult until it became a common thing
for him to fight for not only his own wrongs, but would fight for his supposed friends.
(Memoirs p. 4)
Meanwhile, John and Prudence's family was increasing in size. Carolyn had been born and died
before John served in the War of 1812. Peter W. was born, apparently, about two years before
John enlisted. The other five children known to have been born into the Kartchner family were:
Margaret (Margaretta) Kartchner
John Christopher Kartchner
Mark Kartchner
William Decatur Kartchner
Sarah Ann Kartchner
b. 9 Jul 1814
b. 13 Nov 1816, Mill Creek, Lower Merion Twp, PA
b. 18 Apr 1819 Merion Twp.
d. 23 Apr 18198
b. 4 May 1820, Harford Twp. Montg. PA
b. 7 Sep 1823 Merion Twp.
A quick perusal of the birthplaces of the seven children indicates they were all born in the same
geographic locality, namely in Montgomery County, Pennsylvania, and in the townships of
Lower Merion and Harford or Haverford. Lower Merion Township still exists. In the 2000
Census it had a population of nearly 60,000. Its most famous inhabitant is probably the NBA
superstar, Kobe Bryant, who attended Lower Merion High School and led its team to the 1996
State Championship.
In summary, it is reasonably certain that John and Prudence lived within 6-8 miles of
Philadelphia during the entire time they were producing children. In his Memoirs, Wm. D.
mentions each child's birth and gives a brief comment as to what happened to that child in later
life:
Prudence Kartchner had seven children; Caroline, Peter Wolliver, Margaret,
Mark, John C., William and Sarah Ann. Caroline was born 11 Oct 1810 . . .
Peter Wooliver was born Aug 29, 1812
8
William states in his Memoirs p. 4, "Mark was Born 18 April 1818 and died 23 Apr 1818."
9
Margaret was born 9 July 1814. She married James Webb, a Yorkshireman
and blacksmith, contrary to the wishes of her father's family.
Another son was born 13 November 1816, called after himself, John
Christopher Jr. About this time he [John C. Senior] decided to emigrate to the
west of Ohio but his wife, Prudence objected. He now worked journey-work from one
mill to another and finally went to the Catskills Mts. and worked most of the part of
one year, drinking hard and fighting often. It began to tell on him. He came home a sick
man and was nursed up again and went to work nearer home. He thought of entering
suit against Mr. Wilcox for his wife's part of an estate in Philadelphia left to his
children by Mr. Wilcox, but he was drinking too much to save up a beginning.
Another son was born 18 Apr 1818 and died 23 Apr 1818. They called him
Mark.
(Memoirs, p. 3-4)
William D.'s birth
Of his own birth William D. Kartchner wrote:
Another son was born, 4 May 1820 at Hartford town, Montgomery Co.,
Penn. 9 He [William's father] wanted to name the boy Decatur after Commodore
Decatur. Prudence wished to call him William after her mother's father, William
Walton, so they called the boy William Decatur. This boy became the writer of this
history.
(Memoirs, p 5)
After writing about the birth of most of his siblings, William returned to the story of his father:
John Christopher became much careworn from the once happy business
agent paper maker down to what they called journeyman worker. He was never known
to quarrel with a man, Mr. Lavern told me, but would fight on the least intimation of
insult. Time passed swiftly without much interest to him.
John C. was a great Jackson man. I was with him at the poles of an election
when a man cried out, "Hurrah for Clay." No sooner had he said this than John C.
9
Sarah Collinwood visited Montgomery Co. PA in 1948 and the County Clerk told her there was no such place in
Montgomery Co. as "Hartfordtown." Further research revealed that the correct name was Haverford, or Harford.
(Collinwood, p. 15)
10
confronted him, squared and struck him to the ground. Another took it up and a
second was felled to the ground and a third underwent the same punishment. The
man held to him and both fell a short encounter on the ground. I was following, crying
for my father, and by the time I could reach the spot all was over and Mr. Lavern said
three men [were] whipped.
A daughter was born 7 Sept. 1823.They called their daughter Sarah Ann
after her two aunts.
About this time John Christopher moved his family to Manayunk 10and
shortly
after, John Wilcox, my mother's youngest brother, came from Bucks Co.,
Penn. to
visit the family. He was a young man and a great musician. He had three
instruments, violin, clarinet and a flute, which was very amusing to me, and I think brightened
up the dull scenes of our home considerably.
My father worked in the Manayunk Mills and my uncle, also a paper maker,
worked with him and lived with my father. It was common for men to work by piece and
would generally complete their day's work by two or three o'clock and then amuse the
family with sweet strains of music of evenings. My mother also worked in the paper mill
in the room called the "soul" picking paper and had her baby under the bench and a
touch with her foot would keep it quiet in a kind of box cradle.
In the winter of 1825 my father took sick by excessive drink and exposure. He
had very bad rheumatic fever. All was done that
could be
thought of by the medical faculty without success. The old
school doctor was then thought to be foremost in the
healing arts. My father lingered, receiving no benefit from
anything, until April 2, 1826. He died, leaving my mother
with five children in poverty, to support. Our connections
came from Philadelphia and Bucks Co., to the funeral,
which was a large attendance of carriages. His remains were
interred in the Dutch Churchyard seven miles southwest of
Manayunk. I was sitting on my Uncle John's lap and put
my head out the window of the carriage when a sudden jolt
Prudence Wilcox Kartchner.
caused me to renew my sobs and tears.
(Memoirs, p. 14)
10
Manayunk is a neighborhood in the NW section of Philadelphia. It is located on the banks of the Schuylkill River.
Manayunk was originally a community in Roxborough Township, Philadelphia Co.
11
William's childhood
Thus, at age six, William D. lost his father. John C. left his wife a widow, with five children
ranging in age from Peter, age 13, to Sarah Ann, age 2. Of even more significance was the fact
that Prudence was left without any financial support. The first few years after John C.'s death
were very difficult for the family:
And I remained with mother at home one year, and she moved 8 miles west to
Mill Creek to Flender Mills. Peter was an apprentice; my brother John C. worked in
the mill for wages; my mother also picked paper at a low rate of pay. I was sent to
school to a Mr. Hoffman, a universaleon.11 One evening while coming from school, a
young man was imposing upon me and plagueing me. When I tried to get away from
him by running all my efforts were in vain. At last I fought with him and he punished me
severely. When we arrived at the mill, my brother, John C. Jr., saw the affair and
called him to account for his conduct. The young man answered saying he would
punish [him] the same if he interfered. They soon came together and without much
talk a severe encounter ensued in which both were punished. My brother had
knocked out of joint both thumbs and before the mill hands came to them and parted
them, they had become desperate and when parted the young man was carried home
and remained in bed some days.
(Memoirs, p. 7)
Apparently, William D. wasn't very happy as a student. He studied with Mr. Hoffman only
during that winter of 1826-27. In his Memoirs, he continued the story of his childhood:
In the spring my mother took me to Mr. McKnight's to be his cowboy. I
remained during the summer. I thought the days a week long and cried to go home, but
they were kind to me and gave me presents, but I suffered in mind very much. In the
11
William probably meant "Universalist." The first General Society of Universalism was held in
1778. In 1804, this convention changed its name to "The General Convention of Universalists in
the New England States and Others." At its peak in the 1830s, the Universalist Church is
reported to have been the 9th largest denomination in the United States. The defining theology of
Universalism is universal salvation; Universalists believe that the God of love would not create a
person knowing that that person would be destined for eternal damnation. Thus, they concluded
that all people must be destined for salvation.
12
course of autumn [1827], Mr. McKnight died of consumption and was buried in the
same yard that my father's remains were buried in the year before. Soon after Mr.
James McKnight came to administer the estate. He was very kind to me and petted
me, which I had been used to at home, and would take me with him in the old rig to the
tavern. He gave me money to pay the hostler and for the drinks. I felt quite to home
again until the business was settled. He returned to his home in Bucks Co., and I
returned to my mother. My parting with Mrs. Shoster, the lady who kept house for
the consumptive old bachelor, was tender by this time.
My Uncle John came to visit my mother to Mill Creek and took me with him to
stay one year as a lay boy as he had rented a paper mill seven miles northwest of
Manayunk. My brother, Peter was about to be whipped by Garret Hender, his
master. When he turned on him, [he] tore a large leg from a spinning wheel and went
for him. He was sued by his master for assault and battery. Soon afterward [he] ran
away and went to the Far West and then south as far as New Orleans. [He] came
back to Memphis, sick and had many warm friends.
Next spring, my Uncle John took me with the family visiting my mother. She
moved to Manayunk. I stayed with her, and went to work in woolen mill, the next winter,
at very low wages.
Next spring she sent me to school to Mr. Murphy, but I hated the schoolroom,
and learned nothing. I begged to go to the factory to work. At last she consented and
I went to work in a cotton factory, piecing rolls on a mule. I received two dollars per
week and generally fifty cents for spending money, which I bought tobacco with. The
residue I kept in a small stone jug. Commenced the use of tobacco before I was five
years old. I worked in cotton factory until I was twelve years old [1832] when my little
index finger of my right hand was caught in the cogwheel. I was laid up for six weeks
with it. I refused to return to the factory. My mother said I must either go to the
factory or learn a trade, that she could not support me.
She wanted me to learn the carpenter trade, but I chose the blacksmith trade
and was bound by indenture to Benjamin Miles for seven years and six months with a
consideration of receiving one-quarter day school and one-quarter night school. The
year before, my brother, John Christopher went apprentice to learn the coach-smith
business at ninety-six dollars per year and board.
My mother joined the old Baptist church soon after my father's death. He
was an infidel and would not allow his family to attend sectarian meetings. He and Mr.
13
Lavern once arranged a hogshead for a Methodist minister to stand on to preach and
so fixed the hoops that a hard stamp would knock the head in. In the midst of his
sermon he commenced stamping and at once dropped into the empty hogshead out of
sight of his audience, to the surprise of all but father and Mr. Lavern, who were
enjoying a hearty laugh at the expense of Acre Brown, the preacher.
In 1833, one night my mother happened to be up in the night and said the stars
were falling from the heaven and she woke the older members of the family. She was
not excited but many of the citizens were upon their knees praying and thought the
world was at an end.12
Dec. 11, 1833 mother married a Mr. Francis B. Collins, a nephew of Collins
the noted ax maker at Harper's Ferry, Virginia. They moved to Kingsington,
Philadelphia Co. (now Berks). I was then 13 years old.
During this time, I was working hard early and late, and did not have enough to
eat. Our breakfast was half a mackerel for four large boys, apprentices, a small parcel
of light bread and two cups of water stained a little with coffee. In the wintertime I
called up at three in the morning to make fires, and then call the cook. Breakfast was
eaten and [I was] ready for work at daylight. We had dinner at twelve and supper at
five p.m. and continued work until eight p.m. and the winter of 1835 we were allowed to
knock off at seven p.m. and go to night school, hours from seven to ten p.m. five nights
per week. The teacher remarked that he had not seen anybody learn faster than I
could. I, at that time, had time allowed me to go to school. I could receive an education
easier than at any other period of my life, but I was wanted in the shop and taken from
school, and was worked very hard by day and occasionally all night, until the spring of
1836. This made me sixteen.
As natural for boys to want to play, I had no other time to play except after
night and on one occasion I stayed until after nine o'clock and when I went to the
house, the doors were locked. I went to the stable and took shelter in the haymow
12
The Leonids are famous because their meteor showers, or storms, can be among the most spectacular. Because of
the superlative storm of 1833 and the recent developments in scientific thought of the time . . . the Leonids have had
a major effect on the development of the scientific study of meteors which had previously been thought to be
atmospheric phenomena. The meteor storm of 1833 was of truly superlative strength. One estimate is over one
hundred thousand meteors an hour, but another, done as the storm abated, estimated in excess of two hundred
thousand meteors an hour over the entire region of North America east of the Rocky Mountains. It was marked by
the Native Americans, abolitionists like Harriet Tubman and Frederick Douglass and slave-owners and others.
Near Independence, Missouri, it was taken as a sign to push the growing Mormon community out of the area. The
founder and first leader of Mormonism, Joseph Smith, noted in his journal that this event was a literal fulfillment of
the word of God and a sure sign that the coming of Christ is close at hand. (internet entry: meteor shower of 1833)
14
[hayloft?], the first time I had slept out of doors. I had had comfortable quarters and
in the morning I went to work as usual in the shop. (It was customary for the old boss to
stay in the house until after breakfast and have family prayers. The other hands
worked until 8 o'clock, stopped for breakfast in summer . In winter breakfast [was]
before daylight.) On the above-named morning I went with the other hands to
breakfast and to my surprise, Mr. Miles had in preparation a large tapering stick three
feet long and one inch in the butt and tapering to the size of [a] rat tail file--which he
used on my back. [He] was so unmerciful as to raise a solid scab half the length of my
back. My cries were heard by all the neighbors. I could not eat, but was required to
labor all the same.
My friend, Mr. Marewine, advised me to sue Mr. Miles, which I did at noon and
went to work as usual. Soon after, Mr. Miles came and, taking me by the hair, pulled
and slapped, first one side then the other, punishing me severely. We were notified to
attend trial and my statement, with my back made bare to sight, was not heard or seen,
and I was ordered back to work and to be a good boy. The next morning I arose early
and ran away to my mother in Philadelphia, a distance of six miles, and stayed visiting
with her for two weeks. When she required me to accompany her to Manayunk.
There a trial commenced before Mr. Murphy as before, and a kind of mock trial went
on. My mother, having no money to carry on the suit, was dismissed. I was told by the
court I was a poor orphan without money and would have to submit, but [I] was not
satisfied. I went back, but resolved in my own mind to never do good for that man
again.
(Memoirs, p. 10)
William escapes from his apprenticeship, travels west.
I had become very handy in the shop. I took opportunity of making small irons
for the neighbors. One of my friends, being a saddler, required a great many rings
and hooks for which he paid me in money. This state of things went on some six weeks
during which time my oldest brother [Peter] came from the Western country. He told
me, after hearing my grievance, he wanted me to run away and go with him, which suited
my feelings. I had by this time laid up five dollars. I told my brother the small amount of
money saved up and asked him if that was enough to bear expenses. He said "Yes"
that I could go without a cent.
15
We set the time for two weeks to start on a Sunday morning as I would have
one day start should I be pursued. Meantime, I went to Philadelphia, on the next
Sunday, to visit my little sister Sarah Ann, as my mother had married13 and moved to
Harper's Ferry, Petersburg, VA, and left me with Mr. Miles and Sarah Ann with a
cousin by the name of Byrtle Shay, who was keeping a store in Philadelphia.
When Sunday came again, I put on two shirts and two pairs of pants for a
start, for I had to go through the room the folks were sitting in, and when I had traveled
one mile and a half, I met my brother at the bridge where we had appointed to meet.
We talked matters over and found that I had left some letters in my old hat box that
would reveal my course of travel. My brother advised me to return and destroy them
and in doing so, I had to work one week more for my old boss.
The next Sunday I started again with my self clothed as before. As I arrived
at the locks, one and a half miles above town, I found a Union Packet ready to start. I
made an engagement with the captain, a fine young man, to work my passage. He left
me at the helm while he ran to the other end of the boat and found that I was able to
steer the boat. After that, he took passage on the stage by land, some twenty miles,
and left me to run the boat. As I sounded the horn to land at a town, I saw the captain
standing on the wharf, awaiting the arrival of the boat. He expressed himself well
pleased with the hands and I continued as helmsman, crossed the Susquehanna and
up the Union Canal.
As I was running into the locks of Harrisburg, I gave the horn a toot to warn
the locksman to open the chambers. My brother, Peter, hollered, "Is that you, boy?" I
answered in the affirmative. Here I met my two brothers 150 miles from home. The
good captain took them aboard.14 We traveled with him to Blairsville, from there to
Pittsburgh, [and went] 46 miles on foot. I was so tired the last five miles I walked
between my brothers, supported with locked arms. In the morning we bought a skiff
and, for a sail, hoisted a blanket.
At Wheeling we got aboard of a flatboat and helped to man it. At Cincinnati
brother John and myself soon found situations in a carriage shop. I received five
dollar, my brother eight dollars per week. Brother Peter hired to go to New Orleans.
13
Prudence married Francis B. Collins on 11 Dec 1833. She died 23 Nov 1872 and was buried at McKeever
cemetery, Colfax, Jasper County, Iowa. (Her son, John C., lived in that area as a pioneer from 1846 until his death
in 1911. Prudence undoubtedly chose to live and die in that area so as to be near her son.)
14
For a somewhat fictionalized account of this experience see “A Wicked Master and a Provident Escape,” in
FamilySearch-Family Tree: William D. Kartchner.
16
We remained until fall when, hearing nothing from Peter, we closed business and took
passage on the steamboat William Penn to Cairo, then got aboard the Mediator
bound for New Orleans, but we landed at Memphis, Tennessee.
Mr. Shaver of Lagrange was down to
purchase Luptic Springs for the firm of Col. Cress
and Shaver. [They were ] carrying on a carriage
shop at Lagrange. He had heard that there were
two boys, springmakers, from Philadelphia. He soon
LaGrange, KY
made our acquaintance and hired us to go to
Lagrange, fifty miles.15 He purchased spring steel instead of springs.
As soon as we arrived we commenced making springs. The shop was visited
by many to see the Yankee boys make springs, as they called us. We worked until the
next June [1839]. A great many were sick with fever and we feared the fever and so
settled up and went to Memphis, took a steamboat, United States, for St. Louis,
then took steamboat for the Illinois River where we found James Webb, who had
married my oldest sister, carrying on a wagon shop. We hired. I took the fire at twelve
dollars per month and John was helper at twenty-five dollars per month. I worked
two months, then demanded thirty dollars per month
which was agreed [to] at once. My brother, John, fell
out and quit and went to chopping wood and made but
little, while I became foreman of the shop. I got my own
price per day. Finally, brother Peter came to see us
and in a few weeks he and John went down the river,
leaving me at Naples, Ill., the sickliest place I have ever
been. I stayed until the fall of 1839. I was nineteen.
Brother Peter wrote to me that he had entered
land in Washington Co., Ill., and wanted me to come
and bring a set of blacksmith tools. Accordingly, I
settled up, bought the tools and a woodwork of a
wagon, iron and steel.
My brother-in-law fitted up a flat boat and put
Naples, Illinois, is situated on
the bank of the Illinois River
and is 50 miles west of
Springfield, ILL., and 86 mi.
east of St. Louis, MO.
on six wagons, bound for Alton. I put my tools, wagon
15
Kartchner probably refers to LaGrange, Kentucky. The town is close to the Ohio River and settlement was begun
in 1827--just a few years before William arrived in the area.
17
and things aboard and fastened my yawl and shoved off. He and I were captain, mate
and crew. Arriving at Alton safely, he sold out and I put my things in the yawl and
shoved off alone for Illinoistown.16 On the passage I met a large steamboat whose
waves came near sending my irons to the bottom. With a hard swing and keeping to
the bow of the wave, I saved [the tools] and landed safely. Putting my goods in a
warehouse, I then walked to my brothers. We hired a team and went after my things.
I set up shop: John, trader, Peter, farmer; thus we went into co-partnership,
but my older brothers could not agree so we held a council in which I was chosen
chairman and was chosen Chief Advisor. After that we could council [sic: counsel]
together but my word decided all cases. We prospered and gained in property very
fast. It was my motto to keep the word of the firm good. We were able to borrow
money or buy on credit and became well known in the country as a trading firm.
People wishing to exchange animals or wagons must be accommodated. If we
discommoded ourselves, we brought a great many people to the place to trade and
made business in the shop.
(Memoirs, p. 12-13)
William's introduction to Mormonism, subsequent baptism
I was disgusted with keeping batch and went to board at Thomas Nelson's,
400 yards from our place. While there was very fond of reading and called for some
history to read. Nelson handed me some Latter Day Saints works, Parley's "Voice
of Warning", etc. I read with increasing interest. Toward the last of April, 1842, my
brothers, Peter Kartchner and John Kartchner, came home from St. Louis county
where they had been at work during the winter months and I was induced by them to
go back into bachelor's quarters again. Peter was chief cook and we hastened to put
in our spring crop.
During the summer Peter was courting a Miss Lucinda Herrin, and married in
the fall. He brought her to bachelor's home and lived agreeable for some three
months. By this time, Mrs. P. Kartchner showed decided preference, favoring myself
to John, a disturbance was the consequence. My shirts were washed and ironed and
put away carefully while brother John's were left in the dirt. I told her it would cause
16
Illinoistown was located directly across the Mississippi River from St. Louis, Missouri
18
disturbance and that we would get our washing done elsewhere but she agreed to do
our washing on my account.
In the summer of 1842, Peter bought a place four miles west of the old place
and finally moved to it. Early winter John and myself took our teams and went and
helped improve, hauling timbers and nails. The spring of 1843, John and I put in our
crops at our old place and seemed well until the 7th of May. Thomas Nelson told me
there were two Mormon Elders at the free settlement [Washington County, Illinois],
ten miles below. I saddled my horse and rode down, stayed over night and was
baptized the 8th of May 1843. My brother John heard of it before I returned home
and met me at the gate and asked me if I had been baptized by them damn Mormons. I
answered in the affirmative. He dammed me and the Mormons. I tried to pacify him,
but to no purpose. This was the first disturbance between he and I, and that which
was formerly my whole delight for my future home was now loathsome. I bore it one
month, during which time my whole faculties was exercised in prayer and study, which
led me to flee to the church for peace and safety, which I did in June [1843]. I was
now twenty-three.
(Memoirs, p. 14)
William → Nauvoo, Bear Creek, then he marries.
I went straight to the Prophet's house, and had an interview, which was very
agreeable and consoling. I said, "Are you a Prophet?" He said, "I sometimes
prophesy." I worked on the
temple for some time, and was
baptized in the river for my
father and other dead relatives.
Returned home late in
the fall, stayed with John that
season and sold out to him in
November or December. I then
took my blacksmith tools in a
small wagon drawn by my
favorite mule, located on Bear
Creek, put up a hickory log
Bear Creek settlement was about 20 mi. south of
Nauvoo and a little south and west of Carthage.
William's father -in-law owned land in Nauvoo and
just outside of Nauvoo.
19
shop and worked the winter twenty miles below Nauvoo.
During the winter I became acquainted with Brother Jacob I. Casteel's family,
and became familiar with Margaret Jane Casteel, and was married to her by Elder
James B. Hamilton, on the 17th of March 1844.17 I moved my shop and lodgings to
my father-in-law's.
The mob was threatening the settlers, and I stood guard the
greater part of the winter, and
during a very wet spring my
father-in-law was called on a
mission in company with Alfred
D. Young to go to Tennessee.18
About that time my brother John
came to see me from Illinois and
visited Nauvoo. I was taken with
rheumatism, caused by exposure,
standing guard at night with a
continued rain for six weeks.
Margaret Jane Casteel and William Decatur
Kartchner, picture probably taken within a few years
of their marriage 21st Mar 1844
William lived with the Casteels in
Nauvoo for a short time--less than 6
months-- after his marriage to
Margaret.
17
Collinwood has obtained a copy of the Kartchner wedding certificate. They were married 21 Mar 1844
Jacob Casteel and others were called on special missions to explain Joseph Smith's presidential platform and to
attempt to gather support for his candidacy. In all likelihood, Joseph was martyred while Casteel was on his
mission.
18
20
Land Purchase
In July of 1844 William purchased 40 acres of land in Kaskaskia, Washington Co., Illinois.19
Actually, Kaskaskia as a city is located in the southern part of Illinois, but the Kaskaskia River
flows through Washington Co. on its 300+ miles journey to the Mississippi River. It is unclear
why William bought land in Washington Co. and it is unknown if he ever resided on that piece
of land. Actually, William’s brother, John C. lived for a time in Washington Co. and perhaps
William entertained thoughts of moving south to be in closer proximity to John. In His
Memoirs, William does not make mention of owning land in Washington Co. To the contrary,
he gives the impression that, after marrying Margaret, he lived in Nauvoo until September
when he joined up with a wagon train headed west.
On one occasion we sent express to Nauvoo. Most of the small ravines
swam the horses [?] and on the day the mob was to meet to go to Carthage an
express was sent to Nauvoo from our Co., to raise a force to go guard the jail, but
not meeting with success. The leading apostles were absent on missions and the
Temple Committee was urged to raise the force but Reynolds Cahoon
opposed the enterprise, saying that Joseph left word for them to stay at home. He
advised them to do so, and the result was that two of the best men upon the earth
were martyred. The mobbers numbered some over 150, and as soon as this horrid
deed was perpetrated, the mobbers and citizens fled, leaving Carthage in a fright.
About this time a wagon drove to Carthage from Nauvoo, and the bodies were put in
and were placed in the hall of Joseph's mansion for two days for the afflicted Saints
to gaze upon, passing in at one door and out the other.
At this time, I was helpless with rheumatism, and could not move hand or feet,
until the first of July, I was then able to be out again.
The Nauvoo Temple was rapidly progressing to completion. The sisters were
called upon to furnish the window glass. Margaret Jane, my wife, donated or gave an
offering in money for that object. I was unable to work during that summer.
(Memoirs, p 15)
William emigrates with the James Emmett Co.
The deaths of Joseph and Hyrum Smith threw the Church into a temporary turmoil. Most of the
Quorum of the Twelve were in the Eastern states, campaigning for the Prophet as a presidential
candidate. Almost immediately, certain strong-willed individuals began to assert rights to
19
Illinois Patent 1Li460___.432 Source: Dept of the Interior - Bureau of Land Management. (http://files,
usgwarchives.net/ut/state/bios/wdk.txt)
21
leadership. One faction was led away by William Smith, the Prophet's brother. Sidney Rigdon
made a concerted effort to gain the position as president and caretaker. George Miller, James
J. Strang, Lyman Wight and others claimed authority and attempted to assemble their own
group of followers.
William D. Kartchner and his wife were not exempt from such efforts. They had been married
less than four months when Joseph died, and William had valuable blacksmithing skills that
would be useful to any group leaving Nauvoo. He was approached by either Emmett or one of
his close associates who told him that he had been selected to be part of a vanguard group that
would go west and pave the way for the eventual removal of all the saints from Nauvoo.
Actually, Emmett had been selected or volunteered to scout routes in the west before Joseph
Smith died. In fact, on February 21, 1844—just four months before the prophet’s martyrdom--,
he met in council with other Church leaders and called for volunteers to explore Oregon,
California and the land west of the Rockies. Four men offered their services, James Emmett
being one of them. However, even though the idea was afloat, no concrete plans were set in
motion and after Joseph’s death other matters had a higher priority. Nevertheless, Emmett
seemed to feel that he had some kind of divine mandate to head an expedition to the west.
Consequently, on 4 September 1844 he and his company set out:
The Emmett company left Nauvoo. Isaac Russell recalled that “as near as he
could remember” they “started about the last of August. Enoch Burn “joined the
company and . . . started out on the 4th of September.” John L. Butler recalled that
“Emmett started in September to go to the Mountains and he wanted me to go in his
company, but I told him that I would not go for I was going to stop and go with
Brother Brigham.” Butler refused a second invitation but finally joined Emmett upon
encouragement from Brigham Young. The motive, however, was that he was to “go
and save them from destruction.” Word had been received in Nauvoo that indicated
Emmett and his company were stealing articles and driving off cattle that did not
belong to them.20
Another prospective member of the Emmett Co., a James Holt, told of his invitation to join with
Emmett:
He [James Emmett] said he had been appointed before Joseph's death to
choose a few families and travel among the Indians; to go on to the Rocky Mountains;
to preach to the Indians along the way and prepare them to receive the Saints in the
valley of the mountains. Bishop Miller testified to me that Emmett had been
appointed by Joseph, and said that he had the privilege of choosing whom he pleased
to accompany him. So I decided to go with him. He also chose John Butler to go. He
wished us not to reveal it to anyone, not even to our wives, where we were going, for
20
“Gerald E. Jones, “Some Forgotten Pioneers: the Emmett Company of 1844,” Sidney B. Sperry Symposium,
January 26, 1980, BYU Campus, Provo, UT, p. 194
22
everything was in such an uproar that he was afraid a great many would follow and it
would cause suffering.
John Butler had a friend by the name of (Billy) Edwards, whom he told, and this
Edwards told others. Emmett was to go by boat and I was to travel by land and meet
him at a certain place up the Iowa River, but before we met, it got rumored around to
such an extent that a white settlement on Bare [Bear] Creek joined us.21 We traveled
on up the Iowa River and all met five miles above Kitchen's Settlement, which was the
largest settlement at that time on the Iowa River. There my wife died, in October, and
was buried. The doctors gave her a dose of lobelia when her stomach was too weak
to take it, and it caused her death; . . . My wife left a child about two months old,
which William Kartchner's wife took to nurse.22 She [the child] died on the 10th of
February 1845. (Heritage Gateways, http://heritage.uen.org/companies/
We2abe8896471d.htm p. 1 of 4)
For the next two years, Emmett and those he had convinced of his mission, including William
Kartchner, his wife and in-laws, would wander all over Iowa, Missouri and even part of Illinois.
William tells his story in the following way:
An expedition was ordered by Joseph the Prophet, prior to his martyrdom for
a few families to migrate to the Missouri river and put in crops preparatory to the
church moving from Nauvoo westward under the charge of Brother James Emmett,
and John L. Butler, his councilor. I was called upon to go, being just married, as they
wanted young men mostly. I was instructed to keep it a secret as all would want to go if
word went forth that we were going west. The instruction was given us by Zachariah
D. Wilson, the presiding High Priest of Liberty Branch, situated on the head of
Bear Creek, twenty miles below Nauvoo. We were told by Brother Wilson that he
was in the highest court on the earth and were told of this council in Nauvoo to
council the company not to ask council of Brigham Young as he would see
faintheartedness and would, of course discourage those asking such advice.
Sometime in September I sent my blacksmith tools to Nauvoo to be put on a
flatbed boat. Captain Emmett, his son Simpson, William, Gardner, Potter and their
families manned it. It was towed by rope by men on shore until opposite the Iowa
River. They crossed and went up the Iowa River to Iowa City, where they sold their
boat, while those taking wagons and teams crossed at Nurlington. They made a
21
As mentioned previously, William Kartchner had property in Bear Creek. In fact, several of the Casteel children
may have been part of the "white settlement" and were persuaded to join the Emmett Co. with Wm. D. and
Margaret.
22
Holt probably means that Margaret took the child into her care. Margaret herself had no nursing children at
that time, hence it would have been difficult for her to nurse a very young child.
23
rendezvous about ten miles above Iowa City and built small log cabins where they
wintered [1845] during which time the men worked in the surrounding settlements for
provisions.
Capt. Emmett gathered from the Sisters at the camp their feather beds and
jewelry and sent them below and sold them for grain and other supposed requisites.
Meanwhile, back in Nauvoo Church leaders were receiving disturbing reports about Emmett and
his style of leadership. Therefore, in late February1845 the decision was made to send Amasa
Lyman and two others to Emmett’s encampment some 150 miles west of Nauvoo. They were
instructed to deliver to members of Emmett’s group the following letter:
To James Emmett and Company
Dear Brethren:
We, the twelve and some other of the authorities of the Church, being in
council assembled, send unto you this epistle by the hand of our beloved,
trustworthy and faithful brother Amasa M. Lyman, whom we have counseled to
visit you, and give you instruction for your good and salvation.
Though our counsel has been lightly esteemed and disregarded by Brother
Emmett, yet we verily believe there are those among you who have been honestly
and sincerely deceived by his vain pretences and misrepresentations. We labored
long and faithfully to persuade Brother Emmett to harken to the counsels of his
friends to whom were committed the power, authority and keys for the salvation of
Zion . . . but our counsel, our persuasions, our entreaties, and all our labors with
him were in vain. He still persisted in his course and has led you forth from our
midst and separated you from the body and, like a branch severed from a tree you
must and will perish together with your posterity and your progenitors unless you
are engrafted again thereon before you wither and die; . . . we feel for your
safety . . . and would feign welcome you to the bosom of our counsels and rescue
you from the vortex of ruin and destruction into which you will inevitably and
irrecoverably plunge yourselves by continuing to harken to the counsels of one who
will not regard the advice and counsel of the proper authorizes of the Kingdom of
God…23
Lyman returned to Nauvoo and gave a very negative report on conditions in the Emmett group:
“[He] found them . . . in a deplorable condition, caused chiefly by the rigid
enforcement of Emmett’s measures, he having limited their food to three gills24 of
corn each per day. The company were much distressed and in all probability many
would soon return to Nauvoo.”
23
24
Jones, pp 195-196
A “gill” equals one-fourth of a pint.
24
About a month after Lyman’s visit some thirty-five to fifty members of Emmett’s company
heeded advice given in the letter and returned to Nauvoo. However, for some unknown reason,
Kartchner stayed with Emmett for an additional 4-5 months, going as far west and north as Fort
Vermillion, South Dakota. There they remained until July 1845 at which time Kartchner finally
broke ranks and left what remained of the Emmett Company.
Kartchner wrote in detail in his journal of the period of time between Lyman’s visit in February
of 1845 and his own disassociation from Emmett in July of that same year:
Early in March 1845 we were ordered to yoke up and move up the river for
the teams were mostly oxen. At this juncture our provisions were placed in provision
wagons except two sacks of grain which were placed in my wagon and others he could
trust. We began to draw rations as our wagons were loaded heavy on the start. My
young wife and others able were compelled to walk many times in water shoe-mouth
deep for we had no road and many of us had our feet so swollen we could scarcely put
on our shoes in the morning.
Things went from bad to worse in the Emmett Co. William described his ordeal in considerable
detail:
We traveled slowly up the river to recruit the stock. Our rations were reduced
to one gill of corn to the person and at this time Bro. Hinman numbered the camp and
found it to be 130 souls, but on reducing rations caused complaints and desertions.
Capt. Emmett appropriated the property left to his own use, and discouraged others
by starving them, designing to make himself the owner of the stock left.
By the middle of May [1845] we left Iowa River. Our course was across a
large prairie toward the Sioux Indian country and many became dissatisfied, as we
were traveling to the north of Council Bluff, our supposed destination. While on the
Iowa River we found maple trees from which we made some sugar, which we used while
crossing this large prairie. At Sioux River rations were stopped for three days. We
dug Sioux roots and wild onions and [used] a little maple sugar we had saved. We
made a raft of dry cottonwood logs and by means of ropes crossed our wagons,
twenty-two in number. Emmett would tantalize us, the camp, from time to time saying
he had all he could eat and to spare, and I think it was true for I had supplied myself
with good fat pork before starting and never saw any of it after putting our provisions
into common stock. Emmett was seen cooking pork and beans many times while the
general camp lived on a gill of corn per head a day and without salt.
25
While on the Iowa River, Zachriah Wilson, formerly President of Liberty
Branch, privately told [those] that he had counseled to emigrate with this company
that Capt. Emmett was intended to go and lead the company north of the Council
Bluff, the first intended destination of our journey and advised all that he had been
the president [of], and to stop and return to Nauvoo. Capt. Emmett found out
Wilson's advising part and thus called a general meeting of the company to
investigate. His lifeguards were ordered to load their guns with powder and ball and
to be ready at a minute's warning to form a line and be prompt to execute any order by
the sergeant of the guard that would be given the signal.
We formed the line, I being one of the said guards. Capt. Emmett formed at
the head of the company with sword and two pistols belted on him and rifle in hand.
He said in an excited tone "We are called together to investigate this mutiny in camp."
He told the consequence of division, also his decision to put a stop to it by calling
these lifeguards to execute the offenders. He talked at length when about closing he
named Zachariah D. Wilson a chief offender and thought of executing him at the root
of the tree he was sitting on. Wilson sobbed out loud in bitterness of his soul,
expecting every moment to receive his death ordered. When I advanced one step and
said if Wilson was guilty of crime he could not be executed without a fair jury trial,
which every American citizen was entitled to, that I would see he had the rights.
This caused quite an excitement in the meeting and it was soon dispensed, to their
several wagons and tents. That night soon after dark, I was called upon by Simpson
Emmett, the Captain's son, and three others, and disarmed of my weapons, except
my butcher knife. I was told that I was no longer a lifeguard, and that my rations would
be reduced, which was then only one gill of corn without salt.
Billy Edward came to me the next day and slapped me on the shoulder and
said, "William, you are a true democrat and no coward," that he was going back and
wished to have me go along. I told him no, and that I would go at the end of all this.
He, Mr. Russell, his wife and two boys, Thomas Edward, Thomas Edward Jr.,
William Edwards, Chester Loveland and family, Wiley Flowers, (left his family),
Samuel Coon and family, Alex St. Marie and family, Stephen F. Casteel and his
sister Emeline, formerly wife of John Savage,25 James Hickman and family, and
25
The individuals just mentioned, Alex St. Marie and family, Stephen F. Casteel and his sister Emeline, were
William's brothers-in-law and sisters-in-law. Mary Ann Casteel had married Alex St .Marie, and Stephen and
Emeline were Margaret Casteel Kartchner's siblings.
26
others with Zachariah Wilson and wife, went back down [the] Iowa River to Iowa City.
John Flowers was so starved and reduced he couldn't walk, and undertook to go to a
house when he arrived in settlements, for food. He walked part way, and then gave out
and continued by walking on his hands and knees.
After this company had recruited two weeks, they returned with the sheriff for
his property. They looked so fat I thought they must be bloated but they told me it
was solid fat. Capt. Emmett fled in haste. The officer arrested John Butler, Lyman
Hinman, William Potter, Gardner Potter, Armstead Moffitt. And as Enock Burns
passed my tent a man hollered, "There goes another damned rascal, catch him" and he
was arrested, taken back to Iowa City and put in jail, and tried for being in with
Emmett depriving the above named of their property. After investigation they were
discharged and came back to camp. After , J.L. Butler visited Nauvoo, came back
and encouraged us to follow Emmett and we would be all right. Said he had seen an
angel in Nauvoo who had spoken favorably of our camp.
(Memoirs, p. 19)
William was a bit naive to be taken in by Butler's story. By this time, the Saints in Nauvoo had
pretty much written off the "Emmittites" as a group of apostates. William Huntington, in his
daily journal for November 24th, 1844, wrote:
[November 24, 1844] [On this day] the 13th Quorum of Seventies was
organized. All the quorums have been under a strict drill of improvement.
[They] are receiving teachings from the Twelve and the presidents of the
different quorums every week. The Church has never been in so good a
situation as at the present. The greatest union prevail, in the Church that ever
has [existed]. Purging out the Lawites, Lymanites, the Emitites and the
Rigdonites, relieves the Church of a great burden. (emphasis added)
Huntington continues:
[Mar 2, 1845]. . . All the affairs of the Church have moved on in good order and
in peace. My family in good health this 2nd of March 1845.
The affairs of the Church all move on in perfect harmony. The
different quorums are improving daily in their state of organization. President
Brigham Young has been sick this week. Amasa Lyman set out on Monday
morning with Brother Daniel Spencer to visit a party who broke off from the
Church called the Emmettites, a party led off by one [James] Emmett. Said
delegates [ Lyman and Spencer] it is said, are instructed to organize said party
[Emmetites] and have them stay where they are, as they have located
themselves on [the] Iowa River, west of white inhabitants.
[Mar 18, 1845] . . . Brother Amasa Lyman returned from the wilderness, from the
Emmett party. [He] reported on the stand Sabbath day that the brethren
27
with Emmett were in a suffering condition. [Lyman] counseled them to locate
in the region where they were. For if they come back to Nauvoo, their
inheritances were disposed of by themselves before they left [and] of course
they have nothing here.
It would appear that Butler's trip to Nauvoo did NOT earn the blessing of Church authorities.
He and Emmett seem to have been running their own show. At no time in his journal did
Kartchner give any indication that his feelings for the Church had diminished. Apparently, he
thought he was simply being obedient to counsel. To continue:
We drove out on a very large prairie
without road or trail and came to a small creek, I
thought Skunk River. Traveled on some
distance, and came to a swift river with steep
banks, I thought the DesMoines, a good rocky
ford, traveled four days and came to a deep
creek, no timber. We placed two poles across and
slid the wagons across on their axletrees.
Traveled northwest several days on the same
prairie and came to the Sioux River. Here we
made a cottonwood raft. Were three days
working hard to cross. Our women hunted Sioux
roots and wild onions to eat, as Emmett stopped
our rations while we crossed the river. First day's
travel after crossing the river a party of Sioux
Indians came to us and seemed excited at first.
Next day some Frenchmen came to us. Said
they lived at Fort Vermillion a few miles due west
and invited us to the fort. They gave us dried
buffalo meat to eat. I thought it was the best thing
I ever ate. It was very fat and our starved systems
seemed to crave grease.
Fort Vermillion was erected in
1835 at the confluence of the
Vermillion and Missouri Rivers.
Its name derives from the red
clay that makes the river run
red. It is interesting to note
that at this time, July 1845, the
Emmett party was actually a
little west and somewhat
north of what would become
Winter Quarters, in July of
1846-- a year later.
The next day we drove to the fort, camped a little above, and Emmett hunted
up and down the river for a place to cross. Failing to find one, we moved down a little,
below the fort and camped in a circle. As usual Capt. Emmett rode his horse ahead
and made the circle, turned the wagon tongues in so by placing the tongues on the
hind wheels, made a corral. The French and Indians came into camp and accused us
28
of being starved, which made Emmett mad. They pressed their hands on their cheeks
and pointed to our cheeks. I told them I wanted some meat, they brought meat and
roasting ears to my father-in-law and me26, and those who acted mad like Emmett did
without this luxury.
William and wife separate from the Emmett Co.
William probably should have left the Emmett Company earlier, when his wife's siblings made
their exit. Nevertheless, William's opportunity to slip away came while the group camped at
Fort Vermillion:
A few days passed in camp and a Mr. Henrie, a half Frenchman, told me his
wife was an Indian. She had gone to St. Paul, or Peter's Lane, three hundred miles,
and if my wife would come over and cook for him, we could board with him. We gladly
accepted his offer and took our bedding, leaving our things in camp. This caused
Emmett to feel jealous, fearing we would relate his tyrannical rule over us, but we did
not say a word further than that we were migrating to find a farm country, and had
run short of provisions.
I was insulted many times by Emmett for leaving camp. After a continued
abuse, Emmett wanted some Blacksmith work done, sent word for me to come back to
camp and go to work, or he would bring me by force. In a few days he, Emmett, and
others went to St. Peter's and left word with Vice President John L. Butler to bring
me back to camp. Butler came and talked to me to get me to come back to camp and
work in the Blacksmith shop. I told him that Emmett's abuse must be made right first,
and he let me alone a few days.
After Emmett was gone, Butler came and asked me if I was going to camp. I
told him I would consider on it. He said he would give me until the next day at 2 o'clock
p.m. and if I was not on the road or in camp by that time he would bring me by force.
This raised my combativeness bump to resist it. I told my wife I expected to resent
their forcing me back to camp, but said nothing to the Frenchman and two o'clock
came and I was sitting in the Frenchman's door when I saw them coming for me. It was
common for us to wear a belt and a knife, which was the only weapon I had to defend
26
This is the only reference I have found that suggests that Jacob I. Casteel --William Kartchner's father-in-law-was a member of the Emmett Co. It is surprising Casteel was still with the Emmett group since three of his children
had left the group previously.
29
myself in the attack. John L. Butler, Lyman Hinman and William Potter had now
come to take me to camp. Brother Hinman was a friend to everybody, and talked
kindly to me. When on a sudden Butler asked me if I was ready to go to camp, I said
I was not going. By this time I was on my feet in the yard ready for the attack. My wife
said afterward, my face wore an expression of desperation, and they put their heads
together and I expected them to spring upon me every instant, but to my surprise they
left me silently.
A steamboat had gone up the Missouri River to trade for furs. This trip
was made once a year. I determined that if I could get passage on board I would and
about the 16th of July [1845], it came down and I went aboard and secured a
passage to St. Louis. I told Mr. Henrie I was going, and the word got out, and
Butler, Holt and Potter were watching my every move. Mr. Henrie and his Indians
made up a large parflesh [par fleche] full of dried meat for us to take along. My wife
and I carried our chest to the boat landing. I went back two hundred yards for
something when I saw Potter coming toward me with a desperate look. I hastened back
to the boat and he ran after me, I believe, with bad intent. I ran on the boat. Butler and
Holt were searching my chest, and took all my valuables even my bullet moulds. I
started to see what they were doing, when my wife said, "Stay on the boat. I can bring
these. Butler accused me of stealing a pot." My wife said her mother had owned the
pot ever since she could remember. We left everything, team, wagon, and tools, and
sweet was the sacrifice compared with the starvation and oppression and abuse we
had endured for eight months past.27
We were treated very kindly by the boat men. Capt. Emmett took my wife's
feather bed and wedding gifts and trinkets, so the last search by Brother Butler left
us very destitute, no clothes except those we had on. The boatmen saw our destitute
condition and gave us shirts, pants, coats, some calico, and sheeting. A rich French
gentleman, traveling for his health, gave me two blankets and ten dollars in silver for
which I thanked him and blessed him in the name of God of Jacob.
We were invited to eat in the cabin where every luxury was furnished and two
weeks of July thus passed away and we found ourselves in St. Louis. I found my
27
For more information on the Emmett company, interested individuals should read Gerald Jones’ article,
previously cited herein, and Richard E. Bennett, “Mormon Renegade: James Emmett at the Vermillion, 1846,”
South Dakota History, (Fall 1985), pp. 217-233. (avail. as an internet download)
30
brother-in-law James Webb, and he took us to his hotel and gave us dinner, and gave
us recommend to his place ninety miles down the river, to a place called YankeeTown.
We took steamboat passage down the river and after a nine-hour ride, landed,
finding my oldest sister and her family all well, but very proud, we were beneath her
notice. In one week we were so common and unpretending,
I rented a house of a gentleman by the name of Mr. Powell, a rich Southern
farmer. My young wife took sick with intermittent fever and was very low. My sister
was alone, but seldom came to see her, but Mrs. Powell often came and gave us
medicine and administered to her wants. For the first time I
laid my hands on my wife and prayed for her recovery, with
all the faith I could muster, and the vomiting was stopped
gradually.
As soon as she was out of danger, I crossed the
river, went on foot sixty miles east to see my brother, John,
who lived in Washington County, Illinois.
He saddled two horses, and we started back
to see his sister-in-law. He brought some necessaries and
provisions and visited three days and went back after
wagon and team. He was gone one week. He came back to
the opposite side of the river, and we ferried our things over in a skiff, in the latter
part of August.
We lived with him comfortably and happy, fall and winter [1845-46]. He gave
me the farm we were living on and said that after we had lived on it for five years he
would make me a deed for it. 28
William joins the Mississippi Co. → Pueblo, Colorado
The offer John Kartchner made to his brother was actually a very generous one. Even though
they had parted in anger two years previously, as soon as John heard of Margaret's condition,
he made the trip to St. Louis to bring them back to the comfort of his home in Washington
County, Illinois. William and his wife spent a very agreeable fall and winter in close proximity to
28
It is interesting to speculate what might have been had William accepted John's offer of land. As it was, the two
brothers went their separate ways, William to Pueblo, →Utah, →California , → Utah again, and finally to Arizona.
For his part, John did not remain in Washington Co., Illinois. In 1846--just after William left--, John moved to Jasper
County, Iowa where he lived the remainder of his life. He raised a large family, was well-respected and died at age
97 in 1911.
31
John C. Kartchner. When they weren't farming, John and William hunted raccoons with some
hunting dogs. However, this brief respite from travel was a short one for William. The very
next spring, William heard about a group of Saints that were heading west to meet up with
Brigham Young:
The spring of 1846 came and I learned that some Mormons were going West
from the six mile prairie, and John Brown from the nine mile. My brother had some
bloodhounds and we did take real comfort in hunting the raccoon until this Company
was making preparations to start to the Rocky Mountains, which exercised my mind
greatly.
Finally, Brother Crow heard that I was used to camp life and came to see me
and offered me a wagon and half a team, and me to furnish the other half and haul
1,000 pounds for him, which caused my brother to trouble, fearing I was going to leave
again. I told him I would rather be a Mormon dog than to stay in that country, when my
people had been robbed, pillaged, murdered and now exterminating orders issued for
them to leave the United States.
The first days of March, 1846, we started in what was known as the
Mississippi Company, crossing at St. Louis and traveled up through Jackson
County, Mo., to Independence, and soon after, organized our company with William
Crosby, Captain.
The Mississippi Company → Pueblo
In the early 1840s a young missionary named John Brown found gracious acceptance of his
gospel message in Monroe County, Mississippi. Within a short time a congregation of two
hundred was thriving. In February, 1846, as Brigham Young exited Nauvoo, the Mississippi
Saints formed their own small company, intending to meet up with the main body of the Saints
on the trail. Led by William Crosby, some 14 families, some with slaves and servants, left
Mississippi in April of 1846. The group totaled 43 persons in 19 wagons and included John D.
Holladay Jr. and family, John Brown and others. When they reached Illinois, they added to their
number the Crow and Kartchner families.
At Independence, MO., a six-wagon party of emigrants to Oregon joined the company--without
knowing, initially, that the group was composed entirely of Mormons. (When they discovered
that fact, they quickly separated themselves and started ahead on their own. However, after a
day or two, they rejoined the Mississippi group, having decided that Mormons were better
protection against hostile Indians.)
32
When the travelers reached the Platte River, they were disappointed not to see Brigham Young
there. Moreover, news from groups returning from the west made it clear that there were no
Mormons on the trail ahead of them. They were in a quandary as to what they should do.
At that point, they met an old French trapper named John Richards (pronounced ree-shaw). He
traded a few furs with them and invited them to winter in Pueblo with him. John Brown wrote:
"We have met a company from California from which we learned that there were no
'Mormons' on the route ahead of us. There was considerable dissatisfaction in the camp and
some were in favor of turning back; however, we went on. On the 6th of July we came to
Chimney Rock. We stopped one day at Horse Creek and repaired wagons. Here an alarm of
Indians was made, but none could be found. A few miles below Laramie we met with a Mr.
John Reshaw [correct spelling: Richard]. He had some robes to trade and was camped in
Goshen Hole. He said that he had heard the 'Mormons' were going up the South Fork of the
Platte. We held a council and concluded to go no further west, but find a place for the
company to winter on the east side of the mountains. Mr. Reshaw said that the head of the
Arkansas River was the best place, as there was some corn growing there, and it was near the
Spanish country where the company could get supplies. He was going to Pueblo in a few days,
with two ox teams, and as there was no road, and as he was acquainted with the route, we
concluded to stop and go with him. Consequently, we moved over to his camp, and on the
10th of July we started for Pueblo. Mr. Reshaw proved faithful to us and rendered us all the
assistance he could on the plains and among the Indians."29
William and Margaret, of course, had experienced all the trials and triumphs on the trail to that
point. They very willingly agreed with the majority to make the 300 mile journey to the Pueblo
outpost. To continue Kartchner's recall of events:
About the middle of June 1846, we arrived at Grand Island on the Platte
River, where previous agreement had been made for President Brigham Young and
Pioneer camp to meet us. Not finding them after waiting one week we concluded to go
south west between two and three hundred miles, and wait for we were at the end of
our instructions.
When we arrived at the Pueblo30 on Arkansas River, we found small farms of
corn cultivated by Indians mostly and traders, who had Indian squaws for wives, of
29
LeRoy R. Hafen and Frank M. Young, "The Mormon Settlement at Pueblo, Colorado, During the Mexican War,"
The Colorado Magazine, Vol. IX, No. 4, July 1932, 124.
30
The journey to Pueblo must have taken about a month. Brown says they arrived at Chimney Rock on July 6th.
There, they made the decision to turn south on a 200-300 mile trek. They reached Pueblo sometime before
August 17th.
33
whom we bought corn and prepared for winter quarters, building a row of log
houses on the opposite bank of the river from Fort Pueblo.31
When we had about completed the
house, a detachment of Mormon
Battalion, composed of the sick and
disabled under the command of Capt.
James Brown and Capt. Nelson Higgins
[arrived.] Hearing of our camp on the
Arkansas, they were sent by Col. Cook
to our camp for a change of diet, as we were
traveling emigrants and would have cows
and plenty of milk, which was advised by the
Although this map is of the Mormon
Battalion, it shows Pueblo and its
relationship to Illinois, Missouri and
Utah.
army surgeon, by whom we learned the
cause of Pres. Young's delay. He having borrowed teams and wagons when about
to leave the Missouri River as pioneers to seek a home for the Saints, was called
upon for them by the owners, was thus hindered until the spring of 1847, when the
Lord opened the way.32
Allow me to retract a little and go back to camp Pueblo, when it was
determined to winter. Bro. Robert Crow, by counsel of his wife, broke his
obligation to furnish me and wife with provisions and turned us out of his wagon and
withheld provisions. I made a camp under a large cottonwood tree, to the mercy of kind
friends on an unsettled country. John Brown, a cousin of Sister Crow, gave us some
flour and bacon and blessed us, and said we should have supplies in some way.
On the 17th of August 1846, our first little angel daughter was born, under
that tree under these destitute circumstances.33 Not knowing where succor was to
31
The exact location of the Mormon Pueblo is unknown. Parkman said it was one-half mile from Fort Pueblo, and
on the opposite side of the Arkansas River. However, in a later entry, he spoke of the settlement being "half an
hour's riding" from Fort Pueblo to the Mormon settlement. (Hafen, p. 126 footnote 11.)
32
This explanation of why Brigham Young did not advance beyond Winter Quarters probably reflects accurately
what Kartchner heard in Pueblo, but it was not the real reason Brigham Young delayed until the spring of 1847.
The difficulties they had encountered crossing Iowa, the depletion of their ranks due to the Mormon Battalion, the
late date at which they arrived at the Missouri River and began building Winter Quarters all contributed to the
decision to postpone the trek to the Great Basin until the spring of 1847.
33
Margaret 's first child, a girl, was given the name of Sara Emma Kartchner. She was the first Caucasian born in
the Territory of Colorado, an honor for which, many years later, the State presented Sara Emma Kartchner Miller,
of Snowflake, Arizona, a gold medal.
34
come from to make Brother Brown's promise fulfilled, but when our baby was a week
old, a messenger was sent from Bent's Fort, 80 miles below, for a blacksmith and
the man brought a horse for me to ride. I recommended James Harmon as gunsmith,
who accompanied us. We started the next day, leaving my young wife and babe to the
kindness of Cathrine Holladay, (now relict [widow] of John Holliday Sen.). Two
days [followed] of hard ride to the fort.
Our first day out we encountered a large Grizzly bear and after a shot apiece
from J. Harmon and myself, we broke him down in the back. He run toward us,
dragging his hind parts, when Harmon drew his pistol and finished him. By this time,
Mr. Longlad's mule had taken him three hundred yards from the fun.
Our arrival at Bent's Fort was welcome by Mr. Holt, the Bushway of the fort,
or boss. I went to work and made what is known in shops by the name stake horn in
lieu of an anvil on which Bro. Harmon welded the hub bands and other small works.
While I welded the tires and set them, and did other heavy work. The work was
mostly for the U.S. Army, under command of Gen. Carney [Kearny], then under
way for the scene of action, the Mexican war.
We worked until late in the fall, most of the time at two dollars each per day.
We lay hard and slept cold, so that I had another attack of rheumatism and returned
to Pueblo, sick. with my money with which I was enabled to buy corn and an old wagon.
During my absence the part of the Mormon Battalion who was sick, under command
of Capt. James Brown and Nelson Higgins, had come to our camp and built a row
opposite our row of log cabins for winter quarters and placed over the doors signs for
sport. Over Bro. Durfee's mess door was the picture of an auger with the words,
"Foolskiller Office." On inquiry found the above instrument was used for boring for
simple barber poles and taylor and others. I found them witty and talented. The
soldiers annoyed Capt. Brown by writing and dropping near his quarters poetry
calling him, the old Linn Mall.
One night an alarm was given that five hundred Spaniards were close by
marching into camp. Tap of drums was heard from Jim Stuart's drum calling into line.
Command was given to Captain Higgins, whose voice trembled and was noticed by
all so that it furnished fun for the days to come. The company of Spaniards proved
to be a band of elk.
35
The sick soon began to mend from their blackleg disease, after eating milk
and mush for a while, for which they exchanged their pickled pork and other rations
which was a blessing to us.
It was at this place that Corporal Stephens fell from his animal and died in one
week. We buried him in a cottonwood bark coffin, in the honors of war. It was here
that William Castro deserted. Capt. Brown was intending to go himself in
pursuit, but was advised to desist. Ebenezer Hanks and John Steele were sent and
found him some forty miles. After some persuasion he returned with the men, was
court-marshaled and sentenced to haul wood for camp.
During the winter my wife went in snow knee deep many times to the grove one
hundred yards and carried a limb from the cottonwoods for fuel during my
confinement with rheumatism. (Memoirs, pp 23-25)
The impression one gathers from Kartchner's memoirs is that the fall and winter he and his wife
spent in Pueblo were difficult. Others, however, have left a much more positive account of that
sojourn. The Journal History records:
The company [Sick Detachment] continued up the stream and on the 17th [of
November 1846] re-crossed to the Mormon Pueblo on the south side.
The greetings which occurred between comrades and old friends, husbands and wives,
parent and children, when the two detachments met, was quite touching. . . .It was
immediately agreed that eighteen rooms, fourteen feet square, should be erected for the
winter quarters, and the men who were able to chop were dispatched to the woods to
procure timbers for the houses, with the understanding that the first rooms finished should be
allotted to the sick. The work of erecting the houses was pushed with all possible rapidity, but
before they were finished sufficiently to shelter the sick from the piercing winds and cold
mountain storms some had already succumbed.
Capt. Brown, with his detachment, were at that time [Nov. 24th, 1836] engaged in
building log cabins to winter in, also a log tabernacle or house of worship 20x30 feet, in which
to hold meetings. Etc.
. . . The Arkansas valley in which they were located was well adapted for winter
quarters. What snow fell soon melted and there was good grazing for the animals. ...The men
and families, too, were tolerably well supplied with food, so that none needed to suffer from
hunger.
(Hafen, pp 129-30)
The fact that the Sick Detachments were still U.S. soldiers was very fortunate. It allowed them
to draw supplies from Fort Bent and elsewhere. Of Lt. Willis it was written:
Soon after reaching the Pueblo on December 20th, Lieutenant Willis continued
on down the Arkansas to Bent's Fort, where Captain Enos, acting quartermaster,
furnished him sixty days' rations and transportation for these supplies by ox team to Pueblo.
36
. . .On January 15th the nine wagons bearing the sixty days' provisions arrived at the Mormon
Pueblo. Supplies were now comparatively abundant.
(Hafen, 132)
As Kartchner indicated, a great deal of trading went back and forth between the Mormon
soldiers with their government supplies, and the Mississippi Company. In addition, the
mountain men furnished the settlement with deer, elk, bear and other kinds of edibles.
Two outside observers visited Pueblo during that fall. The first, Francis Parkman, was not at all
impressed:
"After half an hour's riding we saw the white wagons of the Mormons drawn up
among the trees. Axes were sounding, trees were falling, and log-huts going up along the
edge of the woods and upon the adjoining meadow. As we came up the Mormons left their
work and seated themselves on the timber around us, when they began earnestly to discuss
points of theology, complain of the ill-usage they had received from the "Gentiles," and
sound a lamentation over the loss of their great temple at Nauvoo.
After remaining with them an hour we rode back to our camp, happy that the
settlements had been delivered from the presence of such blind and separate fanatics."34
A Lieutenant Ruxton gave his impressions of Mormon Pueblo, but in more favorable terms:
In the wide and well-timbered bottom of the Arkansas, the Mormons had erected a
street of log shanties, in which to pass the inclement winter. These were built of rough logs of
cottonwood, laid one above the other, the interstices filled with mud, and rendered
impervious to wind or wet. At one end of the row of shanties was built the "church" or
temple--a long building of huge logs, in which the prayer meetings and holdings-forth took
place.
The band wintering on the Arkansas were a far better class than the generality
of Mormons, and comprised many wealthy and respectable farmers from the western
[error: Southern] states, most of whom were accustomed to the life of woodmen and were
good hunters. Thus they were enabled to support their families upon the produce of their
rifles, frequently sallying out to the nearest point of mountains with a wagon, which they
would bring back loaded with buffalo, deer, and elk meat, saving the necessity of killing any of
their stock of cattle, of which but few remained.
The mountain hunters found this camp a profitable market for their meat and
deerskins with which the Mormons were now compelled to clothe themselves, and
resorted there for that purpose--to say nothing of the attraction of the many really
beautiful Missourian [error: Mississippi] girls who sported their tall graceful figures at the
frequent fandangos. Dancing and preaching go hand in hand in Mormon doctrine, and the
'temple' was generally cleared for a hop two or three times during the week, a couple of
fiddles doing the duty of orchestra.35
34
35
Francis Parkman, The Oregon Trail. Sketches of Prairie and Rocky-Mountain Life, 1847, chapter 21.
G. F. Ruxton, Life in the Far West, pp 261-72. Quoted in Hafen, p. 133-34.
37
Thus William and Margaret Kartchner and their baby, passed the winter of 1846-47. From his
work as a blacksmith, William earned sufficient money to feed his little family, obtain a log hut
for protection against the elements, and get a wagon and team to continue his trek west in the
spring.
On to Utah . . .
For William and members of the Mississippi Company and the Sick Detachments the residence
in Pueblo was always viewed as temporary. They looked forward anxiously to the time when
they could continue their journey west, to meet up with the main companies of the Saints.
Kartchner continues:
During this time [Spring 1846] we received word that Pres. Young and
Pioneers would start from Missouri River early in the spring and that we were to
intercept their company at Fort Laramie, and preparations for the journey made
business for all. I repaired my wagon, sitting on the bed before I could stand on my
feet. My wife carried the parts of the wagon to me needing repair, although kind
friends helped us get ready.
Sometime in April we were ready to start and Bro. Sebert Shelton furnished
a second yoke of oxen for me. I was yet unable to walk, and Jackson Mayfield and his
brother John Mayfield, and Lysander Woodert or Woodworth hunted my team and
yoked them day after day. In a few days I could set out of my wagon tongue and by
means of a small vise screwed to the wagon tongue, and also by the use of files I did
many jobs of blacksmithing for the brethren; also fitted up one pair of spurs I had
forged at Bents Fort.
Arriving at the Cachely Poo River, a tributary of the Platte River.
Amasa M. Lyman, one of the Twelve, and Thomas Woolsey were sent from Pioneer
camp with a message from President Young to us. He met us on the above river.
Upon meeting them Brother John Hess ran embraced, and kissed Amasa for joy.
When our camp arrived at Laramie, the main road, we were three days behind
the Pioneer Camp and traveled about that distance from the main camp until we
entered the Salt Lake Valley, except that President Young's health was bad and he,
his wife, and three or four men lingered on the road and we caught up within a few miles
of his camp.
Thomas S. Williams, of the soldier[s] of our camp, for we were all one camp,
had appropriated one of Tim Godsle's horses and made a present of it to Pres.
38
Young, tying it to Pres. Young's carriage. Tim, being present, told Pres.. Young:
"You must secure that horse or he will go to my band." "Is he yours?" "Yes sir," was
the reply. Pres. Young loosed the horse saying "That is where I want him to go."
We traveled a day or two behind the Pioneer Camp and arrived in Salt Lake
City the 27th or 28th of July 1847.36 Pres. Brigham Young and H. C. Kimball and
other men of notoriety were our escorts, and bid us welcome. We moved into Pioneer
Camp on the Temple block and soon conformed to the general rule of being baptized
for remission of sins.
My wife Margaret Jane, was sick with the mountain fever, when we went to
City Creek and was baptized by Heber C. Kimball and was confirmed with all our
former ordinations and blessings pronounced upon us.
Fall and Winter in Salt Lake Valley, 1847-48
We were directed to build a fort surrounding ten acres of land. We ploughed a
narrow strip out of the side of the line designed for the wall and turned on the water
and tramped it with the oxen. We then made adobes and built the outside wall very
thick with occasional portholes. We drew our lots or space inside to build our houses.
My house was the third house north of the west gate of Old Fort. A liberty pole was
erected in on the East Side of the middle of the fort.
William's
lodging in
the fort
was not a
"house"
but rather
a one-room
14 sq. ft.
dwelling.
36
Actually, records show that the Mississippi Saints and Sick Detachment arrived in the Valley on the 29th of July.
39
A short time after completion [of the liberty pole] , one of the Mormon
Battalion boys by the name, Dan Brown had his hands tied high to said pole; his
shirt off and had several stripes administered on his bare back for stealing a lariat.
Burr Frost was the first blacksmith who put up shop and worked. My shop
was the second in the valley which was on the east side of the fort. My tools furnished
by Thomas S. Williams who never paid me a cent for my winter's work in that shop.
The winter of 1847-48, fortunately, was very mild. As per instructions from Brigham Young, no
private residences were built during those months.37 With few exceptions, all the saints in the
Valley--approximately 2,000 in number-- lived within the confines of the fort.38 Living together
was a protection against Indians and also facilitated pooling of labor for community projects.
Margaret had another attack of what was probably Mountain Fever, but recovered in less time
than she had in St. Louis.
Food was in short supply. Even though the pioneers of the first group immediately plowed and
planted, very little had matured by the time the fall frosts came. Oliver Huntington wrote,
based on what his brother Dimick told him:
The winter was very open and propitious to their sufferings. Snow scarcely
stayed on 3 days at a time and most of the time weather like spring. Roots were dug
most of the winter for subsistence, to form a change from beef.
Late in the fall [1847] many of the discharged soldiers found their way there
from the Pacific coast, and who suffered much as they brought nothing with them, and
very few with families could spare anything. These soldier boys, as we called them
were driven to that extremity that they ate the hide, entrails and blood of cattle that
were killed for beef, and upon which cattle the crows and ravens might have thought
they had a good claim.
For the last four months before harvest, Dimick and his family tasted not of
bread, in which time his wife brought forth a daughter, which was the most hale and
hearty child I ever saw. Miserable poor salt beef, roots and fish were their diet, with
hard work all the time and seed grain for the next year laying in his house all the
time.39
37
Brigham's parting counsel was: "It is necessary that the adobe yard (the stockade) should be secured so that
Indians cannot get in. ...In the spring this fence can be removed and a trench be plowed about 20 feet from the
houses to enable the women to raise garden vegetables. WE DESIRE YOU TO LIVE IN THAT STOCKADE [FORT]
UNTIL WE COME BACK AGAIN, and raise grain next year." Orson F. Whitney, History of Utah, Salt Lake City: Geo.
Q. Cannon, 1892, p. 356.)
38
Opinion seems to be divided about whether or not some settlers lived in private homes outside the Fort. Some
argue that Brigham Young and others began construction of a few log cabins. Lyman began a cabin and Carrington
completed it and the first Salt Lake City High Council meeting was held there in the fall of 1847. However, arriving
pioneers in the fall of 1848 declared that they saw no private homes, only the Fort. (Edward L. Lyman, Amasa
Mason Lyman, Mormon Apostle and Apostate, Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 2009, p. 143
39
Oliver B. Huntington, vol.2, p. 46
40
In his History of Utah Orson F. Whitney gives valuable insight into conditions for the Saints in
the Salt Lake Valley during that first winter. From Parley P. Pratt's journal, Whitney took the
following:
...We arrived in the Valley of Great Salt Lake late in September, 1847. Here we found
a fort commenced and partly built by the Pioneers, consisting of an enclosure of a block of ten
acres with a wall, or in part of buildings of adobes or logs. ...We found also much ground
planted in late crops, which, however, did not mature, being planted late in July; although
there were obtained for seed a few small potatoes, from the size of a pea upward to that of
half an inch in diameter.
. . . January 1st 1848. The opening of the year found us and the community generally
in good comfortable, temporary log or adobe cabins, which were built in a way to enclose the
square commenced by the Pioneers, and a portion of two other blocks of the city plot.
. . . An inventory of provisions was taken in the Spring of 1849, and the people were
put upon rations. Still their breadstuffs were insufficient, and many went out with the Indians
and dug small native roots, while some, in their destitution, took the hides of animals, which
covered the roofs of their houses, and cut them up and cooked them
. . . A winter's hunt, by rival parties of one hundred men each, has destroyed about
700 wolves and foxes, 2 wolverines, 20 minx and pole cats, 500 hawks, owls and magpies and
1,000 ravens.
(Whitney, pp 51-54)
Move to Amasa's Survey.
In the spring of 1848, the Saints who had spent the winter in the Fort began to get cabin fever.
Consequently, as soon as the snows melted, some started expanding into the more choice parts
of the Valley. One member of the Mississippi Company, John Holladay, ventured some 6-8
miles southeast to a fertile area between the Big and Little Cottonwood streams. Kartchner
was among those who accompanied Holladay.40 This became the FIRST settlement to be
established after the Salt Lake City site. Kartchner describes his experience in the following
way:
Spring arrived, we were to farm as we had traveled, by tens, fifties and
hundreds. The land our ten drew was on a high bench six miles southwest of the city
and our Captain John Holladay, Sen. He asked permission from his captain for us
to locate three miles farther south at the large spring. It was granted, and soon we
moved out there, built a row of small houses and fenced a field. My rheumatism had
now settled in my ankles and feet and I stood on my knees to do the ditching, my
portion of the fence.
40
Jay M. Todd has discovered a claim by John Holladay that he began the Cottonwood settlement as early as the
fall of 1847 and "kept several men at the site throughout the winter." (Lyman, Amasa Mason Lyman, p. 159)
41
During this time, our breadstuff gave out. We had our last ox killed, an old
favorite of mine. I could not kill it myself; it would be like killing one of the family, so my
neighbor, John Sparks saw my predicament and went and killed him, saying to me
"You had better skin that ox, for he is dead." It was very poor beef, but was very good
boiled with thistle roots I gathered daily. Our last bread was of a bushel of wheat I
bought from our beloved Bro. Parley P. Pratt, Sen., who had refused a ten dollar
gold piece, and took one ton of hay of me for it. We could obtain no more for love or
money. I went to town and bought four pounds of flour at 50 cents per pound for our
little girl, our only child one lovely morning.
In March was a very pleasant spell of winter. On the tenth William Matthews
planted his corn and urged me to plant my morsel of seed, but as our next year's bread
depended upon the good use made of the few kernels of corn, I waited. A cold spell
of weather set in April, and Mr. Matthews' seed corn rotted in the ground but he had
other seed corn to supply, and planted a second time, and a third time replanted the
same patch. He was outed [affronted?] with my slow action.
In the later part of June 1848, our Captain, Brother Holladay, came to me
holding a quarter of a skillet loaf of bread on his hands, eating of it at the same time,
and said, "Brother William what under heavens are we to do for bread?"
I told him to cheer up, and pointing to a green piece of wheat, saying "There is bread."
and at that time I had not tasted bread or any substance of grain for nearly two
months. He engaged me to cut it. I often visited the patch of wheat, and as soon as
it would rub out, I had the greatest feast I ever had on any occasion. The appetite
was so sharpen for grain, or bread.
My corn ground was ploughed ready waiting one month, and on the 10th day
of May, I planted the long saved seed. It soon sprouted, and came up to a hill. It grew
finely and to my surprise began to shoot near the ground as I never before saw
Spanish corn grow, and had from six to eight ears to the hill and we had sufficient for
bread for three families.
( Memoirs, p. 27-28)
42
The area Kartchner refers to
became the gathering place for
many families who had emigrated
from the Southern States. It
eventually became known as
"Amasa's Survey--although
settlers has already begun to
settle in that location well before
This is, obviously, a map of modern Salt
Lake Valley. It does show, however, the
approximate location of Salt Lake City
and the Holladay/Cottonwood/Amasa's
Survey area.
Amasa Lyman returned to the
Valley in the fall of 1848.
Under the leadership of Apostle Amasa M. Lyman, a tract of country consisting of
about one mile square, in the vicinity of present-day 5900 South and 1300 East, between the
two Cottonwood Creeks, was surveyed and divided into 10 acre plots. This was about ten
miles southeast from Great Salt Lake City fort, and was first known as the "Amasa Survey;"
later as Cottonwood and then South Cottonwood. . . . Later the Union Fort was built about 3
miles away to the southwest.
. . . The book Between the Cottonwoods (1992) says that "The south-eastern portion of
the Salt Lake Valley was a lush grassland during the 1800s, cut by creeks and small streams
and pocked by numerous flowing springs. Birds and small animals thrived in the riparian
environments, while the grass acted as a haven for wild horses (actually Indian ponies). The
young men and boys of the area considered the catching and riding of these horses a favorite
sport during the 1850s and 1860s . . . The field north of the present South Cottonwood Ward
(5600 South and Vine Street) was used by Utes on their annual migration
. . . The field's continued use by the Utes prompted its maintenance as a campsite. It
later acted as a camp and rest stop for the teams of oxen that hauled the granite for the Salt
Lake Temple, beginning in 1853 and continuing through the 1860s and 1870s. These teams left
the mouth of Little Cottonwood Canyon and followed what is now Vine Street to the site of
the South Cottonwood Ward. The men and oxen would then camp overnight before
continuing the journey to Salt Lake City the next day. Beginning in 1874 the field became the
ward burial ground."
With the exception of the Tanners and Lymans, most of the pioneers who first settled
in South Cottonwood were part of the "Flake Company" of Saints from Mississippi, who had
crossed the plains and come into the valley in 1847 a few days after Brigham Young's party
(they had wintered in Pueblo, Colorado, and Brigham Young sent Amasa M. Lyman to meet
them and bring them into the valley).41 Some of the Southern Saints (the Flakes, Crosbys, and
Browns), were slaveholders. The original plots of the "Amasa Survey" were assigned to Amasa
M. Lyman, William Crosby, Daniel Clark, James M. Flake, John Tanner and his sons Sidney
41
This is an error on the part of the writer. James M. Flake was not part of the Mississippi Company that wintered
in Pueblo and arrived that first year. He came in the Fall of 1848 with the second influx of pioneers.
43
and Nathan, Daniel M. Thomas, and John Brown, among others."42
Most of the settlers of South Cottonwood continued to live in either tents or wagon
boxes during the fall and winter of 1848. John Brown erected the first adobe house during the
spring and summer of 1849.43 Many of the original settlers of South Cottonwood, including
several black slaves of the Southern Saints, left the Salt Lake Valley in 1851 and went with
Apostle Lyman to help settle San Bernardino, California . . . The South Cottonwood Ward
(also known as the "Mississippi Ward"), with Abraham O. Smoot as Bishop, was organized in
1852, and the Amasa Survey plots were redistributed. The ward covered an area from Big
Cottonwood Creek on the north to the Point of the Mountain on the south (approx. 13 miles),
and from the Wasatch Mountains on the east to the Jordan River on the west (approx. 7 miles).
The South Cottonwood Ward meeting house at 5600 S. Vine Street (at approximately
700 E.) was erected in 1856. 44
Family Reunion
When Margaret's parents and brothers arrived in the Valley in October of 1848, a year later,
they joined William and Margaret on the land they were farming. William and Margaret had
experienced a difficult winter during 1847-48, but the '48 summer harvest was abundant and
they had more than enough corn and wheat for themselves and their Casteel relatives. William
summarized the reunion and harvest succinctly:
In October 1848 went back on Emigration Canyon to meet father-in-law
and family. Fifteen months after my arrival in the Valley. I met them on the Big
Mountain. Soon after their arrival we all moved to Amasa's Survey. Built a twostory log house with two apartments for the two families, in the following form of
groundwork; with rooms thus; We halved my abundant crop of corn and shared equal
and had some to share with others. Next season we made a light crop of wheat and
some corn.
(Kartchner, p. 29)
Father-in-law goes; William stays.
The reunion of the Casteels with their daughter and son-in-law was short-lived, lasting only
about one year, from the fall of 1848 until about November of 1849:
The winter of 1849 the settling of San Pete Valley was agitated and fatherin-law wished to go on account of good range for his cattle. Early spring, after a hard
42
It is incorrect to say that James M. Flake traveled with the Mississippi saints via Pueblo to Salt Lake City. He
actually left Winter Quarters as part of a company headed by Amasa Lyman and arrived in the Salt Lake Valley in
late September or early October of 1847.
43
Kartchner's memoirs seem to contradict this assertion. Kartchner claims that he and others built a row of log
cabins in the spring-summer of 1848 and later, in the fall of 1848, he built a two-story cabin for himself and his inlaws.
44
http://www.rootcellar.us/tannutah.htm
44
winter and a deep snow in San Pete he came to visit us and during his stay one of his
oxen was driven to Salt Lake City by some general drive being made. Gone one
week, and was found in Pres. Young's possession. When called for, he, B. Young,
said
"What if my workmen will swear that ox has been here all winter and ate his
head off?"
It so confused father-in-law he went away and never got his ox. I urged
him to commence suit in a Bishop's court, but he feared to offend Pres. Young, and it
remains unsettled. Father-in-law went back to San Pete, afterwards called Manti and
County by the former name, Co., San Pete.
(Memoirs, p. 29)
Two more children
William and Margaret remained in Amasa's Survey or South Cottonwood for more than three
years. During the time frame of 1847-1851 William and Margaret added two more children to
their family. William Ammon Kartchner was born 30 March 1848, probably in the Old Fort in
Salt Lake City. Unfortunately, he lived less than four years and died 22 Feb 1852. A third child-second daughter--Prudence Jane Kartchner was born 15 Mar 1850 at the Kartchner home in
Amasa's Survey, or Cottonwood. (She would grow up and marry William Jordan Flake. From
that union resulted Sarah Emma Flake, who married John A. Freeman.) In short, life seemed to
be going well for William. He now had three children, a good home and well-producing farm.
He was more than content to remain where he was for a long time. Unfortunately, events were
in motion that would jolt him out of his comfortable life style.
1850 Census
William and family were counted in the 1850 Census. The information was gathered about
them in Peteetneet Creek (Payson), Salt Lake County, Utah Territory in May of 1851, just after
the Kartchners had left Cottonwood and while they were gathering in the area of modern-day
Payson with the other prospective San Bernardino volunteers. The Census provides the
following information:
William D. Kartchner....age, 31, born in Pennsylvania, Blacksmith by occupation.
Value in property: $200.
Margaret J. "
... age 25, born in Missouri
Sarah E.
"
... age 5, born in Colorado
William A. "
... age 3, born in Utah, (died 22 Feb 1852, San Bernardino, CA)
(death noted 11 Jun 1852 Deseret Weekly)
Prudence J. "
...age 1,
born in Utah45
45
Source: Dept of Commerce, Seventh US Census--Schedules for Salt Lake County, Utah Territory.
45
1851 On to California!
After Brigham Young's permanent return to the Valley in 1848 he immediately started an
outward expansion of Mormon settlements. Cottonwood, Ogden and Utah County (Provo) were
among the first. Manti followed shortly thereafter. He had, however, mixed feelings about
extending the settlements as far as Southern California. On the other hand, he wanted a corridor
to the Pacific Ocean for emigration purposes, but he also feared that the lure of California and
the gold fields might be too much of a temptation for some of the Saints46
As early as the fall of 1847, when some of the Mormon Battalion volunteers made their way to
Utah via the southern route, there was talk of acquiring a ranch in California. When Jefferson
Hunt arrived in Utah in September of 1847, he found his family is a destitute condition, where
provisions were not available. Therefore, within a short time, he and about sixteen men returned
to California. He purchased 300 head of cattle and 150 horses from the Lugo brothers and hired
some 20 Indians to help him drive the livestock to Utah. When he arrived in Utah in the spring
of 1848, he sold the valuable goods and livestock--in the process improving his financial
situation considerably. It may be that during that trip, Hunt acted as a messenger from the acting
military governor of California, who sent a message to Brigham Young, urging him to send
settlers to California. The governor assured Brigham that the colonists would be welcomed by
almost all citizens.
In the Fall of 1849 Jefferson Hunt returned to California, leading a wagon train, plus a contingent
of "Gold Mission" Mormons that included Charles Rich, Amasa Lyman and James Madison
Flake. They met with a Mr. Williams, owner of the large Rancho del Chino. He had been
anxious to sell his ranch for at least two years, since 1847. His wife had died and his heart
wasn't in the cattle business any more. Now, Williams gave Lyman and Rich a formal written
offer to sell all his land, cattle and buildings for $150,000. Since the cattle numbered in the
thousands, the sale of the beef alone could possibly cover the purchase price.
When Lyman and Rich returned to Salt Lake City and reported, Brigham's last hesitation
crumbled. One thing led to another and in February 1851 Brigham Young called and set apart a
number of men, including Rich and Lyman, to lead a company to the San Bernardino area and to
establish a settlement there. Brigham's original plan was for some twenty families to accompany
his designated agents. He was very surprised and disturbed when he learned the size of the
group volunteering to go to California. He wrote: "Elders Lyman and Rich's company,
however, had swelled to above 570 persons and 152 wagons, most of whom had become so
enamored of the California "paradise" that they had determined to try their fortune there. I
was so sick at the sight of so many of the saints running to California, chiefly after the God of
this world, and was unable to address them."47
46
Brigham's fears were somewhat justified. By 1857 San Bernardino had the second largest population of
Mormons in the United States. Only Salt Lake City was larger. (Lyman, San Bernardino..., p. 35.
47
"Mormon Colonization of San Bernardino," www.covalt.org/mormon.HTM, p 5.
46
Not all were anxious to go to California. William Kartchner was among those who were content
to stay in the Salt Lake area. However, William had blacksmithing skills that were highly
desirable, and Amasa Lyman wouldn't take "no" for an answer:48
The winter of 1850, a project was set on foot by some of the church
authorities to plant a colony in Southern California and some families were chosen
by Amasa Lyman, others by Charles C. Rich , Myself and family were chosen by
the former. I declined going. When Amasa heard it, he said if I refused to go, he
would cause me to have a worse mission, which scared me, as I had not received
endowment. I thought I would be excused on that ground, but on the 8th of Feb. I was
notified to be at the endowment house for that purpose.
On arriving was ordained into the Quorum of Seventies by Jedediah M.
Grant and afterwards placed in the 19th Quorum, and received endowments
preparatory for the mission south. I met other families of the mission in the
Endowment House.
The winter was spent in preparation to start. We started on the 13th of
March 1851, and when arriving at Pestnest [Peteneet] , afterwards called Payson,
we were organized into two companies, known as Parley's Company and Lyman and
Rich Company. It was seen a great more than were called was moving with us, and
Pres. B. Young and H. Kimball called a meeting at this place and Heber preached
and discouraged many from going.
The teams of our company were mostly oxen unshod and became footsore
when on the desert, and many were left behind sore footed and want of water.
Brother Parley's company had mostly horse and mule teams and gained a month on us
in traveling to California. In order to raise some money, two wagons of Parley's
company were sent back with light loads of groceries to Mohave to meet us, which
worked well. They raised considerable money to pay their passage to Valpariso
[Valparaiso, Chile], South America.
On the first of July we camped in Cajon Pass and was counseled to remain
there until a place could be purchased. Some few disobeyed and went to settlements.
We remained in camp until 1st of Sept., during which time I worked at blacksmithing
under a sycamore tree, setting wagon tires and as no one was making anything the
48
Edward Lyman suggests that one reason William was chosen for the Mission was in consideration of the pain he
endured in his rheumatic limbs during the cold seasons. San Bernardino, p. 37
47
brethren burned coal for this work and was charged only twelve and one half cents per
tire.
The trip to California was quite arduous. Due to its large size, the company left in groups of ten,
at hour intervals--to enable them to use more efficiently the water for themselves and grass for
the 1,100 head of livestock they took with them. They departed from Payson shortly after the
visit by Brigham and Heber C. Kimball. They arrived in mid-April at the last outpost of Mormon
colonists, the newly established Iron mission in Cedar. One historian, Edward Lyman notes:
"The 400 mile journey from southern Utah to southern California stands as one of the most
challenging in the annals of American pioneering." (Lyman, San Bernardino, p. 43) The wagon
train made its way slowly down through Mountain Meadows to Santa Clara, then veered
southwest to avoid the Virgin Gorge. They found water at Beaver Dam and then made the 80
mile trek to perhaps the most appreciated stopping point at Vegas, where good water and grass
were available.
The most difficult stretch in the trek was from Vegas to Mojave. Edward Lyman describes the
ordeal:
The terrain was rocky and
difficult for oxen, and an even greater
challenge was finding sufficient feed
and water for so many cattle, horses
and mules. . . . Although there were
several good camping locations in the
Mojave Desert, particularly the
oasis-like Resting Springs, the stretches
between good water and grass
necessitated considerable night travel
and several dry camps. Animals were
lost to thirst and exhaustion. Pratt
observed old men, women, and children
struggling along the sandy road
between Salt Springs and Bitter Springs,
west and southwest of present Baker,
California, and wrote: "It was certainly
the hardest time I ever saw." While
some 14 miles from water, they were
forced to stop for rest every few
minutes. They encountered members
of their party who had been ahead of
them, "lost in slumber--every man and
beast, by common consent, sunk in
profound slumber and probably
48
dreaming of water and feed ahead." They quietly passed by and in the cool of the
night reached the Mojave River. The pioneers had reason to be relieved since the
worst part was over. They would then take a week to travel leisurely along the 50
mile desert river extending toward the San Bernardino mountains.
(Lyman, San Bernardino, pp 44-45)
The journey lasted three months, from about March 24th, 1851 until June 10th, when the
Company reached Cajon Pass and made camp in Sycamore Grove.
Leaving the main group at the Grove--that had good water and feed for the livestock-- Lyman
and Rich hurried on to Mr. Williams and his Rancho del Chino. To their bitter disappointment,
they were told that Williams had changed his mind and was not interested in selling. Due to
the Gold Rush, the cattle business was brisk, with beef selling for $50 per head. Not defeated,
Lyman and Rich began a hurried search for a suitable piece of land that would serve the needs
of their large company. After about three months--during which time the Company remained
camped at Sycamore Grove--, Lyman and Rich entered into negotiations with the Lugo brothers
for the purchase of the San Bernardino Ranch. It was actually a much better ranch, with
timber, abundant water and approximately 37,000 acres of rich pasture and land suitable for
farming. "On February 27, 1852, the deed recording the sale of San Bernardino Rancho, for the
sum of $77,000 was entered into the local land office. By this time, the Mormons had begun to
plant their crops. A large area between the Santa Ana River and San Bernardino was fenced,
and each settler put in for as much land as he cared to operate."49
Kartchner gave his own recollection of the purchase in his Memoirs:
During this time Bros. Lyman and Rich bought a ranch known as San
Bernardino, and gave notes for the sum of $77,500.00 with fifty head of cattle
included. We moved to the ranch in Sept. The sisters had hundreds of little
chickens two-months old to move, raised in camp.
During our stay in camp, a stake was organized, with David Seeley as
President and Samuel Rolfe and Simion Andrew, councilors. Bishop William
Crosby with A. W. Collins and William Matthews, councilors so that when we moved
to the ranch was fully organized. The Sycamore tree after was known as
Conference tree while it lived. The writer passed there in March of 1861 on
a
business trip returning to Beaver, Utah, and saw the tree was dead, being burned
at the roots.
Bros. Parley and company returned from South America the winter or fall
of 1852.
49
John Brown, Jr., History of San Bernardino and Riverside Counties, Western Historical Association, 1922, p. 39.
49
In October we held the harvest feast in the meeting shed called Tabernacle,
where the different kinds of products were exhibited. Corn stalks sixteen feet long,
melons 38 pounds and the mammoth pumpkins. A public dinner and dance and a
general good time with a history of paying for San Bernardino. Please allow me to
omit, as reflection would be unprofitable.
During our seven years stay many pilgrims came from Australia, mostly on their
way to Salt Lake, Utah, the gathering place of the Saints; also a mammoth organ
came from Australia, a donation to the Saints of Salt Lake City. I gave five dollars
for freighting it. It was in the care of Bro. Ridges, freighted by Sidney Tanner.
(Memoirs, pp 30-31)
In his writings, William Kartchner does not describe in detail such things as living conditions,
and the gradual development of the community. However, Edward L. Lyman, in his
monumental San Bernardino, the Rise and Fall of a California Community, provides a very clear
picture of life in the Mormon community, its expansion and development. Initially, Lyman and
Rich gathered the colonists together and outlined the financial arrangements and
encumbrances they had made. They, the colonists, not the Church leaders in Salt Lake City, had
made the purchase and were responsible for paying off the $77,000 debt. "When the
proposition was put to the congregation, they committed to purchase individual inheritances
from the leaders." (Lyman, p. 53)
Indian threat and the Fort
In late November rumors began to fly about an
uprising of local Indians who were allegedly
planning attacks on American settlements from
the Mexican border all the way to Santa Barbara.
Hastily, The Saints began to build a fort large
William D. Kartchner and family
occupied unit #62 of the San Bernardino Fort
from 1851-1853.
Agnes Flake, widow of James Madison
Flake was in #36. Albert W. Collins, father-inlaw to John Woodruff Freeman, was in Unit
#67. Jacob Casteel was in #70.
In the spring of 1854, the settlers began
to build separate dwellings and the Fort was
dismantled and the logs used for private and
public buildings.
50
enough for their entire population. The threat of Indian hostilities soon evaporated, but the
Saints, in a manifestation of group solidarity, decided to make the fort their home until such a
time as urgent community projects were completed and the huge debt was somewhat
lessened. The result was that the Fort remained home to almost 400 people for more than 2½
years. During that time, land for a huge collective farm was cleared, planted and harvested.
Irrigation projects were begun and completed as were roads and public buildings.
Mormon and non-Mormon relationships.
In general, the Saints who settled the San Bernardino area were held in high regard by their
non-Mormon neighbors. In a way, the Mormons brought a certain amount of "civilization" to
the undeveloped area. They were also a protection from the more hostile Indian tribes. Father
Juan Caballeria observed:
"The Mormons who first came to San Bernardino Valley were ideal colonists.
They were farmers, mechanics and artisans of the various crafts. As a community they
were honest, industrious, law-abiding, peaceful citizens, and under their thrifty
management the beautiful valley blossomed into marvelous productiveness."50
Edward L. Lyman makes a very insightful remark when he states that in contrast to the previous
exclusionary tendencies of LDS believers, and in opposition to Brigham Young's isolationist
policy, Lyman and Rich deliberately cultivated good relationships with non-Mormon elements
in California--and were in turn respected for their efforts. For example, a description of the
harvest celebration of 1852 states the following:
When the colonists celebrated a successful harvest in 1852 several hundred
people gathered for singing, speeches and dancing. Tables were filled with food, and
there were so many present that they had to feast in shifts. Colony clerk Richard
Hopkins noted that various races--"white, black, and red"-- mingled without
distinction. . . . A small Jewish community came into existence in San Bernardino and
they coexisted peacefully with the Mormon majority. The new community was
ethnically diverse. In addition to the LDS pioneers of European descent, there were
African-Americans, including colony midwives Biddy Mason and Hannah Smith, who
was noted for her daring rides on horseback in the middle of the night to "catch
babies." Local Coahuila and Serrano Indians also frequented the settlement and some
worked in the fields. Former Mexican governor Pío Pico and other rancho families
attended colony celebrations. Pico recorded that he considered Elders Lyman and
Rich his personal friends."51
50
"Pioneer Days in the San Bernardino valley," (www.archive.org/stream/pioneerdaysin san0craf) p. 2
Marilyn Mills, "True Community: Latter-day Saints in San Bernardino, 1851-1857,"
http://library.lds.org/nxt/gateway.dll/Magazines/Ensign/2003.htm ) pp. 3-4 of 8.
51
51
In his Memoirs, Kartchner doesn't give a lot of detail about life for him and his family in San
Bernardino. Later, a daughter, Sarah Emma Kartchner Miller "often told about the gold nuggets
which her father would have up in the cupboard while they were there [in San Bernardino.]
Her father had a large ranch and had it almost paid for when the colonists were called back to
Utah."52
William: called to serve a mission
During the mid 1850s Southern California experienced an economic downturn. At that time,
San Bernardino had produced more wheat than the rest of southern California combined, but
the 1855 production suffered from a "wheat rust" that left little more than what was necessary
for the settlement itself. Even the sale of lumber declined precipitously. Since Lyman still owed
a sizable amount of the original Ranch loan, he called a special conference in late June, 1855,
and eighty to ninety elders were appointed to go throughout the State "gathering up the means
by loan and otherwise influencing those that were willing to invest a small amount in land to do
so." It was calculated that if each missionary could raise $500 dollars, all pressing financial
liabilities would be satisfied. Each of the emissaries carried a copy of a lengthy letter addressed
"to the saints and all friendly to the cause of truth in the state of California." The epistle
encouraged "all who may desire a home and a place to dwell, where society is at peace and the
virtues that render life prolific in happiness are cultivated," to relocate at San Bernardino.
(Lyman, San Bernardino, pp. 164-67.) William Kartchner was one of those selected for the task.
He tells of his experience in the following way:
In 1855, the crops of San Bernardino were a failure, and Bros. Lyman and
Rich, two of the Apostles held a two day's meeting and concluded to send
missionaries to all the counties and principle cities of California. 84 Elders were
called to go. I was called to go, in company with John D. Holladay, to Santa
Barbara on the Pacific Coast. We journeyed with many other Elders en route for
our fields of labor holding meetings in camp every pleasant evening enjoying much of
the Holy Spirit.
Myself and fellow-laborers were left at the city of Santa Barbara, our field of
labor. We posted notices after obtaining the use of the courthouse for next Sunday.
Our meeting was put off for Sunday. I proposed to Bro. Holladay that we spend
the five days in the upper coast of the county. Brother Holladay declined going, but
blessed me in going. I took a young man with me by the name of John Matthew. Next
day in a town called Carpenteria I found a few Spanish settlers, but I could not speak
the Spanish language sufficient at that time to preach to them.
52
Collinwood, p 47.
52
A few miles farther, I found a man from New York State, a farmer who was
having his small grain thrashed with a large threshing machine, and about fifteen men
were at work. Soon they stopped for dinner, and while resting I presented them with
the Church works to read. I waited and assisted Mr. Valandingham to unharness.
When he asked if I was an Mormon Elder I told him I was. He said when a boy he
lived at the hill where Joseph Smith found the gold plates, and wanted to know if the
Mormons increased in numbers or otherwise. When I told him that the people had
grown from a town to a territory of 240 cities and towns and an extent of 500 miles of
county, he cursed the Mormons for increasing. He asked me if Brigham Young
prophesied as did Joseph Smith. I answered "Yes, and 15,000 Elders also
prophesied that if this generation did not give heed to the warning voice of the Elders
of the Church, the Lord would come out of His hiding place and vex the nations." We
loosed the neck yoke and he drew it over my head and said he would kill a damn
Mormon any time. I remarked, looking him in the eye, "You would not hurt me." He
said "No, I believe you an honest man, but damned duped by others." He said to wait
till the second table and he took me in and gave me a good dinner with restrictions not
to speak to his woman on no occasion, with drawn fist toward me, which I was careful
to obey.
We traveled a few miles south and found very friendly feeling toward us.
Preached and left a favorable impression toward the people we represented.
Traveled toward Santa Barbara, arrived Saturday evening, finding Bro. Holladay
down-hearted and lonesome. We met affectionately.
Next day, Sunday, we preached in the Court House to a large congregation.
A very hot day in August, and we became very thirsty, and seeing one of my upper
coast converts in the congregation was favored by him with a pitcher, water and
glass. We had a great flow of the Spirit and services continued two hours. Bore a
faithful testimony and warned them of judgment to come.
Returned home in September, 1856, raised a fine crop, and paid all of our
surplus property to Lyman and C.C. Rich and Ebenezer Hanks to pay for the
ranch.53
53
(Memoirs, pp 32-33)
Ebenezer Hanks was one successful consequence of the mission by the 80+ Elders. He was from Salmon Falls, in
the center of the gold mining district, northeast of Sacramento. Hanks apparently concluded it was his mission to
dispose of his assets, move to San Bernardino, and personally assume some of the financial load ...in fact he did
eventually remove much of the burden of ranch cares from the apostles and assumed it himself, (Lyman, San
Bernardino, p. 166)
53
Tensions develop: Less-actives, the Mountain Meadow Massacre
San Bernardino grew rapidly from 1851 until 1857. It became a sort of haven for Utah
Mormons who had become a bit disenchanted either with Brigham Young or with the harsh
climate and living conditions. Still, the majority of the San Bernardino settlers regularly paid
their tithing and supported local and general Church authorities. However, the influx of lessactive Mormons delayed the paying off of the Ranch debt.
One other negative factor that dampened the golden aura surrounding the Mormons in San
Bernardino was the unforgiveable and inexcusable massacre of a non-Mormon wagon train on
September 11th, 1857, at Mountain Meadows, near Santa Clara, Utah. Through treachery and
deceit, a group of Indians and some fifty Mormons under the command of John D. Lee lured
more than 120 men, women and children, under a flag of truce, into an ambush in which all the
emigrants were killed except for a few small children. When news of the massacre reached
California, public sentiment quickly turned against Mormons in general. Lyman observed:
"Thus by November 1857 southern California antagonism toward all members of the Church
of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, as reflected by the only existing media, the newspapers,
was aroused to a peak of antagonism" (Lyman, San Bernardino, p. 367)
Utah War
The culminating event, of course, leading to the decision to abandon San Bernardino and recall
all Mormons to Utah was the threat of federal occupation of Utah by U.S. soldiers. In a
nutshell, the events leading up to the confrontation and its resolution were the following:
1850- With the Great Compromise of 1850, California becomes a state and Utah a
Territory, with Brigham Young as governor. Young serves as Governor until
1857, but a myriad of federally appointed officials and judges are sent to Utah.
Relations between them and Mormon officials are frequently less than cordial.
1857- (March) Buchanan takes office as President. Deluged with complaints from
former Utah Territorial officials, he decides to send federal troops to remove
Brigham Young as Governor--and to put down the "Utah Rebellion." (This later
became known as Buchanan's Blunder.)
((June) President Buchanan declares Utah in rebellion against the U.S.
government and mobilizes a regiment of the U.S. army.
(July 18th) Mormons on a mail run in Kansas learn of the government's plans to
send troops to Utah.
(July 23rd) Young is informed to the government's plans. Shortly thereafter, he
publicly discusses the possible succession of the Mormon theocracy from the
United States and the establishment of an independent kingdom.
(Sept. 11th) Mountain Meadow Massacre.
(Sept. 15th) Young calls up the Nauvoo Legion to harass the U.S. troops that
are en route to Utah.
54
(Oct. 5th) Lot Smith leads Legion troops in a guerrilla-style attack of provision
wagons of the U.S. army. Fifty-two wagons are destroyed with no loss of life on
either side.
(November) Col. Albert S. Johnston orders his regiment to spend the winter in
Fort Bridger, thus delaying the move to Salt Lake City until the next spring.
(December) Buchanan nominates Alfred Cumming to replace Young as Governor
of the Utah Territory.
1858- (March) Young begins to implement a scorched earth policy and faithful Saints
prepare to burn their homes and move south towards Provo. Meanwhile, efforts
continue in Washington D.C. and elsewhere to improve communication between
Buchanan and the Utah Mormons.
(April) Buchanan issues a Proclamation on the Rebellion in Utah. Grants a "free
pardon for the seditions and treasons heretofore by them committed."
(April) The U.S. Army and Cumming arrive in Salt Lake City. Young relinquishes
the title of governor to Alfred Cumming. The military removes to a compound
they build some 40-50 miles southwest of Salt Lake City at Camp Floyd. The
conflict ends.
Blame for the so-called "Utah Rebellion" lies primarily on the lack of clear and frequent
communication between individuals in Utah and officials in Washington D.C. To a certain
extent, Brigham Young exacerbated the situation with his rather isolationist, possessive and
protective attitude toward the Great Basin "Kingdom." He was probably too arrogant and
cavalier in his interaction and treatment of federal officials assigned to the new Utah Territory.
On the other hand, many of the federal appointees manifested less than sterling character.
The major errors, however, must be attributed to President Buchanan. He mishandled the
entire affair. Specifically, he
--failed to officially notify Governor Young about his replacement.
--incurred the expense of sending troops without investigating the reports on Utah's
disloyalty to the United States. In other words, he took at face value the
statements of often biased and corrupt federal officials. One historian's tonguein-cheek comment was that the only thing left out of the litany of complaints
against Mormons was "whether they habitually kicked their dogs; otherwise their
calendar of infamy in Utah was complete."
--dispatched the expedition too late in the season
--failed to provide for an adequate resupply train for the troops during the winter.
55
When the "Utah War/Rebellion" or "Buchan's Blunder" finally was resolved, the New York
Herald wrote: "Killed, none; wounded, none; fooled, everybody."54
The Exodus
Kartchner provides little detail about the decision to abandon San Bernardino and its
consequences.
Then summer of 1857 President W. J. Cox received a letter from President
Brigham Young for all Saints to come home to Utah and a general rush to sell out.
We received little or nothing for our places, and many could not endure the sacrifices
of property and remained there and died there, and all that stayed became cool in the
gospel.
(Memoirs, p. 33)
Although letters suggesting the Saints removal from San Bernardino may have begun during the
summer of 1857, the actual order to return did not arrive until the end of October. Brigham
wrote: "... [the] time appears to be near at hand, when you will either have to abandon your
faith or your present locality and escape to Utah as best you can." (Lyman, San Bernardino,
389) Consequently, on 8 Nov, at a public worship service, the statement was made that the
Saints "were now at liberty to go to Salt Lake if they wished to do so." (Lyman, 391)
At the time, San Bernardino boasted a population of approximately 3,000. Estimates vary as to
the number that returned to Utah, and those that stayed. A New York Times article, published
some ten years later, on 12 Dec 1867, stated:
"Without a murmur and with very few exceptions the entire people obeyed
the summons, and made active preparations for a general departure. Great sacrifices
were made of homes, lands, stores and personal effects. Much valuable property sold
for a song, while much was abandoned outright. Just enough stock and provisions
were taken to make the journey and sustain life; and before March 1858, the City of
San Bernardino was almost entirely deserted by the Mormons, more than nine-tenths
have made their exodus."
The Times was perhaps overstating the number of faithful. Edward L. Lyman estimates that
perhaps two-thirds, or 2,000, made the decision to return to Utah. However, as the Times
indicated, those who turned their face eastward to Utah suffered great material losses. Land
was devalued by half to two-thirds, without consideration for improvements. A fellow named
Brown purchased thirteen city lots for an average price of $50 each. One of San Bernardino's
most prosperous farmers, Daniel Starks," sold his home and 10 acres of the best district grape
54
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Utah_War
56
vineyards for six mules and a wagon, and left unsold a threshing machine and newly purchased
machinery for a gristmill and probably over a hundred acres of undeveloped farmland." (Lyman,
394)
We do not know whether Kartchner was able to dispose of his property at a fair price or not.
His father-in-law, Jacob Casteel, chose to remain in California and perhaps he either took over
William's farm, or arranged for a suitable sale. Whatever the case, William Kartchner, age 38,
his wife Margaret, 33, and children Sarah Emma, 11, Prudence, 8, John, 7, Mark ,4, and James
Peter, 2, were soon on the trail back to Utah.
→ Utah: Beaver
William says absolutely nothing in his Memoirs about the trek back to Utah. However, a brief
sketch of his wife, written years later, included the following sad experience:
The trip back to Utah was not
without its hardships. On the way,
Margaret gave birth to Alzada Sophia, her
7th child. Alzada was born 5 Jan 1858 at
"Lower Water, Mojave Desert, San
Bernardino County, California." Margaret's
joy was short- lived. The next day her two
year old son, James Peter, died while the
family was still camped. Margaret had already
lost her eldest son, William A., in San Bernardino
and the pain of losing James P. was great. She
refused to have him buried in the middle of the
desert, away from civilization and family, so
William placed the body in a large milk urn and
sealed the top. They carried the urn on the wagon
the rest of the trip and buried James P. in the urn
at their new home in Beaver, Utah.55
The question that arises at this point in the chronology of
William Decatur's life is "Why Beaver?" It should be
remembered that Salt Lake City and Cottonwood were not
options since March of 1857 was when Brigham was
preparing to implement his "scorched earth policy." In
other words, all the Saints were leaving the Salt Lake
55
Beaver, Utah, elevation 5900
feet.
"Margaret Jane Casteel," http://members.cox.net/~jameshistory/mj_casteel.html. Roberta Flake Clayton wrote
the Margaret J. Casteel bio. However, she erred in saying that James Peter was buried in Beaver. For some
unknown reason, he was buried in Parowan (Parowan City Cemetery, Parowan, Iron Co, Utah, Plot: 08-19-07.
(Source: Find a Grave)
57
Valley, not arriving. Also, St. George was not an option since it was not settled until 1861.
Nevertheless, Kartchner had several sites available from which to choose: Washington, Utah,
founded just the year previous, in 1857. Other possibilities included Cedar City, Parowan,
Paragonah, all settled six-eight years previously. Perhaps, however, the main reason William
decided to settle in Beaver was because many other returning San Bernardino families also
chose that area in which to settle.
The first settlers of Beaver arrived 5 Feb 1856. There had been a heavy snowfall the previous
day that delayed their arrival. The area was considered to be "a cold, barren and saleratus
desert land, although fairly well supplied with water, a growth of wire grass...and a fair
sprinkling of bench grass among the stunted sagebrush." The land was surveyed and divided
into sixteen ten-acre lots. A Charles C. Woodhouse arrived in the spring of 1856 and found the
settlement in turmoil. "Men were quarreling because all wanted corner lots."
The influx of returnees from San Bernardino brought a good number of solid Saints, including
Francis M. Lyman, Sidney Tanner, Jonathan and Alma Crosby, Addison Pratt, John C. Hunt,
William Flake and, of course, William D. Kartchner.56 Of his arrival and first experiences,
William wrote:
Family and myself arrived in Beaver Utah, March 1858. I drew land in the
new field and busied myself making a new farm the first year. Sent my team to move
the poor from Salt Lake City, as Johnson's Army was at Ham's Fork threatening
destruction to the Mormons. Pres. Young sent the public shop to Parowan. The
frost killed my wheat three years and I went to the public shop to work to earn bread
for my family.
Return trip to San Bernardino
William lived and struggled in Beaver for about two years, at the end of which he made a quick
trip back to California on family business:
Lived in Beaver until 1860. I heard that my father-in- law at San Bernardino
was dead, visited that place in December to settle up the estate, returning in March
1861 in company with George Wood, James Whitaker, Silas Harris, and Ezra
Strong, Sen., the last named give us much trouble as he would get lost from the
wagons.
He was opposed to Brigham Young as President of the Church and
generally directed his talk to me as I had one argument with him at San Bernardino,
56
Monuments to Courage, A History of Beaver County, Spanish Fork: 1948, Spanish Fork Press, p. 11.
58
soon after my arrival there. I found him at Sister Casteel's, my wife's mother,
preaching loudly Josephite Doctrine.57 A few questions quieted him.
On one occasion while crossing the desert, while cooking, he and Silas Harris
were frying bacon and baking pancakes. I had my meat fried and crackers steamed
and was eating out of the frying pan when Bro. Harris turned their meat on their pile
of pancakes and, placing a pancake over it, which Mr. Strong did not see, he [Mr.
Strong] became excited about the meat and pan he had set off the fire, and claimed
my pan and meat which I gave up, and received much abuse from the old man. After
the joke was matured, I asked if my name appeared on the panhandle. Bro. Harris
said it was there, plain to be seen, and uncovered the meat and said, "Mr. Strong,
here's our meat. Now after you have accused Brother Kartchner so wrongfully you
had better get down and ask his pardon," and he was about to get down when I
forbade him and after the boys had recovered from laughing, I cautioned the old man
to always be sure he was right before he accused the Mormons of things they were
not guilty of.
I returned home to Beaver, and found all well.
(Memoirs, p. 34)
57
The is a reference to the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. They rejected Brigham Young
and the practice of plural marriage. After the exodus of the Utah Mormons, missionaries from the RLDS made a
number of converts in the San Bernardino area. Those converts included Jacob Casteel, William's father-in-law,
and some members of his family.
59
William takes a second wife
In his Memoirs, William makes the following note--with little elaboration:
On the 5th of December
1862, I married Elizabeth Gale who was
born 20th of January 184558 in Australia;
the daughter of Henry and Sarah Gale.
At the time William married Elizabeth, he was 42 and
she was 17. William's first wife, Margaret, was 37.
Elizabeth wrote a brief sketch of her own life in 1920
when she was seventy-five years old. In the first part
of the sketch, she relates how her father immigrated
to Australia from England in search of gold. For our
purposes, the relevant part of her history is as
follows:
June 29, 1845 a baby girl came to their
home, now the writer of this sketch. May 8,
1852 two Mormon Elders came as
Missionaries. My parents were converted and joined the church in 1852. In the Spring
of 1853 we emigrated with the Elders for Zion in a sail ship we spend three months on
the ocean, a baby brother was born on the ship, we arrived in San Bernardino
California June 1853, we lived there for four years. In the winter of 1857 left for Utah,
a baby sister was born in Las Vegas on the wagon.
One night our team was missing the company all hunted for them and could
not find them. They were going to go on the next morning, my Mother had a dream
and saw them, she told Father he went and found them at the spot where she saw
them.
In Feb. 1858 we landed in Beaver Utah. There was only two log houses we
lived in the cellar the first winter with no roof except a wagon cover, or quilts, we
would have to shake off the snow before we could get up. My father was a farmer
me being the oldest would help him with the field in the summer we cut all our
grain with a cicle [sickle], I would cut and bind my bundles in the winter my
Brother. I would braid straw of hats & my mother would sew them. The next
summer, my father hired a man to cradle the grain and rake it in bundles for my
father to bind. I also helped to have [?] and stock[?]
58
In her own autobiography, Elizabeth says she was born June 29, 1845.
(http://Kartchner.surnames.com/histories/elizabeth_gale_life_story.htm)
60
I was married to William Decatur Kartchner we traveled to Salt Lake by team
and was married in the endowment house. We lived in Beaver until we was called by
the Presidency and the Twelve Apostles to go to the Muddy we had one little boy. 59
Elizabeth’s—she later went by the nickname “Lizzie”—father was born in England on 18 Oct
1818. When he was about nineteen years old, in the year 1837, gold was discovered in
Australia and he left England with a group to make his fortune. He didn’t like mining even
though he got a few nuggets, so he went to sheep herding. About the same time a young
woman, Sarah Wills, and her brother went to Australia from England in the hope of making
money and sending it back to their mother and the rest of the family. Unfortunately, Sarah’s
widow mother died before any money was sent. In the course of time Sarah met Henry Gale
and they married the 8th of April 1844. Eight years later, in 1852, two Mormon elders went to
Australia as missionaries. Henry Gale and his wife Sarah Will converted and joined the Church.
In the fall of that same year, Henry, his wife and four children boarded a ship with the elders
bound for America. A baby boy was born to them en route and they named him Wandell
Pacific Gale. He was named for one of the elders who brought them into the Church, Elder
Wandell. They arrived in San Bernardino, California in June of 1853.
On the Road again . . . → "The Muddy"
William and his two wives lived in Beaver for seven years. During that time, William &
Margaret added three more children to their family: Mary Marinda, b. 11 May 1860, Nowlin
Decatur, b. 24 May 1862 And Orrin, b. 20 Feb 1864. Their family was nearly complete; they
now had ten children, two of whom had died. Only one more child would be added to the
William-Margaret bond. However, William was just beginning his second family. Elizabeth
gave birth to a son, Aaron, on 24 Dec 1863. Thus when the family pulled up roots again in
1866, William had two wives, Margaret, 41 and Lizzie 2. Their children included Sarah Emma,
20, Prudence, 16, John, 15, Mark, 13, Alzada, 8, Mary Marinda, 6, Nowlin, 4, Orin, 2, and Aaron
(from Lizzie), 3. Of his departure from Beaver, William wrote:
Myself and family were called 9th of October 1865, by the First Presidency
and Twelve Apostles and sent to strengthen the southern settlements. I filled the
mission and was released and called north 1871 . . . We remained in Beaver until
1865 when Pres. George A Smith called upon me to go to the Muddy. I was on the
road in two weeks, leaving the farm unsold, leaving Sister Kartchner and children;
taking Lizzie with me. We arrived in November, put in fall wheat and in May 1866,
wife and children arrived and about every six months moved to a new town site until
the winter of 1869 when we moved to Overton, crossed the creek and took out the
water to supply the town. Set out vineyards.
59
(http://Kartchner.surnames.com/histories/elizabeth_gale_life_story.htm)
61
In the winter of 1869 wife and children visited San Bernardino to see
relatives, returning March 1870. Brought vine cuttings and trees. It now began to
look like home.
(Memoirs, p. 34-35)
A daughter marries
William neglected to mention in his Memoirs that his third child,
Prudence, made the decision to marry just as the family was leaving
Beaver. She was just sixteen years old. The story of the rapid
courtship and marriage is as follows:
Prudence never lacked for ardent admirers of the
opposite sex and had several offers of matrimony. In fact,
at the time of the episode I'm about to relate, a very fine
young man was wooing her with serious intentions. But it
was the answer to her prayers when William J. Flake
Prudence Jane
approached her and asked her to be his plural wife.
Kartchner
To marry a man with a wife and four children, who
was also eleven years her senior, was a serious consideration. William had watched
her as she was growing up in Beaver, and when he was advised, by those in authority
over him in the Church to take another wife, she was the one of his choice.
. . . [Flake almost waited too long to ask for Prudence's hand in marriage.]
Prudence's family was leaving for the Muddy, in Nevada. William, in fact, intercepted
them at the Junction, and asked Prudence this very important question. She
promised to give him her answer the next day. It is little wonder she asked for some
time to think, to pray and to decide on such a momentous question. If she chose to
cast her lot with him, she would let her family go on without her and wait for his
arrival. Prudence's father had encouraged her friendship with older men, but this was
a serious decision. As usual, there were conflicting emotions. Instead of trying to
conform her life to her companion-to-be, she had to consider and unselfishly try to
take and keep her place as second choice--and keep her affections smothered. Some
of her family, too, opposed the idea strenuously, for it seemed she was sort of a
favorite in her father's family.
But the time came for her family to move on and, true to her promise, she
bade them goodbye and waited for William's return. Aunt Lucy, William's first wife,
accompanied him and they, with Prudence, went to St. George where Prudence and
William were married in the Temple for time and for all eternity.60
60
Sarah Emma Flake Freeman, The Life of Prudence Kartchner Flake, p. 8-9. Emma errs when she says Prudence
and William were married in the St. George Temple. It wasn't completed until 1877.
In the autobiography of Lucy Hannah White Flake, To the Last Frontier, a slightly different account is
given of the courtship and marriage. "The summer passed quickly. William often brought Prudence to our home
62
Life on "The Muddy"
The Muddy River is approximately 32 miles long. It begins as a series of thermal springs in the
Moapa Valley some 10-15 miles west of modern-day Mesquite and drains into what is now
Lake Mead near the small town of Overton, Nevada. The reason the river is called the Muddy is
because as it wends its way southward, it picks up sediment and alkali changing the color of the
river water. One description of the area states:
The valley is truly an oasis in the desert, surrounded by mesas and flanked on
the north, south, and east by beautiful mountains. . . .There are three valleys, the first
being circular, two miles long and one and a half miles wide. The upper end is
covered with springs, some cold and some warm, and covered with a luxuriant growth
of grass where travelers along the "Old Spanish Trail" stopped to rest and feed their
cattle.61
What attracted Brigham's attention to the area of The Muddy was a report he read by a Lt. Ives
who had taken a small steamer 75 miles overland from the Pacific Ocean to the Colorado River.
There the steamer was reassembled and launched at Fort Yuma into the Colorado. He was able
to navigate the small vessel 275 miles up the Colorado to the point where the Muddy emptied
into the Colorado River. Brigham sent a group of twenty men to explore the river and country
adjacent to it as to its suitability for a settlement. He said: "We shall want another path to
bring home the Saints, and we want to prepare for it. The Colorado River is only a short way
from St. George, and if I lived there I would soon have steamboats passing up the river, and it
would serve as an inland station for the other communities and serve as an outpost to furnish
supplies to the immigrants bound for Salt Lake." (100 Years..., p. 22)
Within a short time Anson Call was selected to create a settlement where the Muddy emptied
into the Colorado River. "By March of 1865 a Captain Trueworthy brought his steamer up the
Colorado to Call's Landing, with 100 tons of freight. Soon two steamboats, the Esmeralda and
Tina Tilden were making the trip quite regularly from the mouth of the Colorado to Call's
so that we might get better acquainted. . . .Prudence did not give her answer at once. Her family was leaving
shortly [May 1866] for the new settlement on the Muddy in Nevada. Prudence told William that she would let
him know before they left. . . .Prudence showed her devotion to the Principle of Plural Marriage by accepting
him. The day arrived for her family to leave for Nevada; she rode with them as far as the crossroads. Then
bidding them all a tearful and affectionate goodbye, she bade them go on without her. There William found her
at the parting of the ways and I am sure that she never had cause to regret it.
The nearest place this marriage could take place was Salt Lake City, so on the first of October [1868], we
three and my baby six months old started on this trip.
On October 9, 1868, William and Prudence were married by the same Power that had sealed us for time
and eternity." Roberta Flake Clayton, To the Last Frontier, (privately published) p. 44-45.
It should be noted also that a serious discrepancy of two years exists between the year the Kartchners
definitely left Beaver in 1865-66, and the date, 9 Oct 1868 when William and Prudence were sealed in the
Endowment House. It may well be that William and Prudence were married civilly by the Beaver Ward bishop, and
then made the trek to Salt Lake City two years later.
61
Arabell Lee Hafner, One Hundred Years on the Muddy,, Springville, UT: Art City Publishing, 1967, p. 26
63
Landing, connecting with steamships plying between the mouth of the Colorado and San
Francisco." (100 Years..., p. 23)
Into that setting came William D. Kartchner and his families. He wasn't among the very first to
arrive, however. On January 8, 1865 Tomas S. Smith arrived with the first fifteen of one
hundred eighty-three settlers. They began a settlement called St. Thomas.
In May another group of colonists arrived under the
leadership of Joseph Warren Foote. This town site, called
St. Joseph, was situated 1½ miles north of present-day
Overton, and was about 9 miles north of St. Thomas. "The
city was laid out and a water ditch finished in 10 days and
the brethren proceeded to plant corn, sugar cane, and
some cotton. The valley was better for raising cotton as
the climate was hotter and had a longer growing period
than in St. George, and the soil was good. The first year
there were 5,000 pounds of ginned cotton. Preston Lamb
picked one acre of cotton six times and at each picking he
realized 200 pounds of seed." (100 Years..., p. 27-28)
Logandale became the later name of the site where St. Joseph
was rebuilt. Some pioneers settled a small area three miles
west of St. Joseph named Overton. It was so called as people
referred to going "over [to] town." During his stay on the
Muddy, William and families lived at Mill Point and Overton.
"All during the year [1865] and the forepart of 1866 missionaries kept arriving. Some felt
heartsick at the situation so went on to California. By cotton planting time there were only
forty men, a total of 129 people in St. Thomas. St. Joseph had 35 men with families totaling
167 persons. They were late in planting, but the harvest was astonishing. W.D. Kartchner,
writing to A.C. Smith in October, said, "The cotton surpasses any grown in the South."(100
Years . . . p. 28)
The Kartchners on the Muddy
The Kartchners weren't among those who quit. They were called to colonize, and colonize they
did. On the way to the Muddy, Lizzie Kartchner stopped to gather some cuttings for trees:
64
We arrived on the Muddy Oct. 1868 [error: 1865/6662.] We lived there for four
years and had three other children. It was a lovely country.
As we traveled down we camped at a place called Beaver Dam. There was
quite a grove of cottonwood trees [and] where the seed fell the young trees came up.
They were about two feet long and about as large as a pencil. I pulled up a bunch by
the roots wrapped them in wet gunny sack and tied them on the back of the wagon.
When we got located I set them out on the ditch bank. They grew so fast when we left
there my husband cut one down and made a ox yoke.
We raised cotton and corn, grain and all kind of vegetables. Our fruit trees
were just beginning to bear and our grain was about six inches high and nice and
green when we were called to come back. 63
Kartchner penned quite a bit about the years he spent on the Muddy:
In the fall of 1865 George A. Smith called me to go to the "Muddy." I was on
my way in two weeks, leaving the farm unsold. Leaving my first wife, Margaret, and
children, I took Lizzie, my second wife, and the following children, one married
daughter, Sarah Emma (Ninean Miller), Prudence, John, Mark, Alzada, Minda,
Nowlin, and Orin; also Lizzie's son, Aaron.64
We arrived on November 8, 1865, and I put in fall wheat. In May, 1866, my
first wife, Margaret, and children arrived.65 Elizabeth had a baby boy born in St.
Joseph, Rio Virgin County, May 15, 1866. [Probably the first wife arrived from
Beaver in time to help at this birth, as she did duty as a midwife a number of times.]
We named the baby Henry and he lived 15 months and died August 24, 1868, at
Mill Point, Nevada.
Margaret Jane gave birth to a beautiful little girl baby at Mill Point March
14, 1867. Her name was Euphemia Ardemona, and she lived more than a year.
(Orin, at the age of four, could remember what a sweet, lovable baby she was. He
would crawl under his mother's bed, which had a ruffled coverlet, and play peek-a-boo
62
William affirms his departure date from Beaver as November 1865. Also, Lizzie goes on to say that she gave
birth to three more children at the Muddy. Those children were born in Mill Point (St. Joseph) in 1866, 1868 and in
Overton in 1870. Margaret's last child was also born in Mill Point in 1867.
63
"Life Story of Elizabeth Gale," (http://Kartchner.surnames.com/histories/elizabeth_gale_life_story.htm)
64
These seem to be all William’s children up to that point in his life. The question remains: Did Margaret Jane live
in Beaver by herself for a year?
65
This statement contradicts a previous one in which he said he took the children with him and Lizzie. Also,
William errs in stating that his oldest child, Sarah Emma and her husband Ninian Miller accompanied him to the
Muddy in 1865. Ninian Miller and Sara Emma didn't marry until 1 June 1877 in the St. George Temple. There is a
record in New Family Search, however, of Sarah Emma having married Orrin Twitchell in 1863, in Beaver, Utah.
They divorced in 1866. (source: New Family Search)
65
with her as she sat on a folded quilt on the floor. The little one would laugh aloud in
delight, and he thought she was the sweetest baby in the world). We didn't know what
sickness came upon her, but she died April 15, 1868, at Mill Point. So the two small
graves left sorrow in the hearts of both families. Orin remembered the sadness of his
beloved mother, and how she seemed to shower her love and kindness upon him, as
she never had another. Elizabeth had another son born at Mill Point July 20, 1868,
named Culver. He was just past one month old when his brother Henry died.
We moved about every six months to
a new town site until the winter of 1869 when
we moved to Overton across the creek
and took out the water to supply the town
and set out a vineyard.
In the winter of 1869 Margaret and
children visited relatives in San Bernardino,
California. Her two sons, John and Mark,
were then 18 and 16 years old. She
returned in March 1870, bringing vine
cuttings and trees.
On the map to the right are the approximate
location of the Mormon settlements on the
Muddy. The Kartchners lived in Mill Point or
Milltown, St. Joseph and Overton.
At Overton Elizabeth had a baby girl born December 26, 1870, and named
her Minnie. She is the oldest living person born on the Muddy. [1965]"
Other Muddy settlers left interesting accounts of their experiences. Apparently, the Indians
were quite a problem. That area had been used by the Indians for some time and when the
Mormons arrived, the Indians found themselves deprived of the areas in which they used to
grow corn. One colonist wrote the following:
The Indians were among the most uncivilized in the U.S.A. The papooses wore
no clothing and the adults wore nothing but a britch clout, except when the weather was
cold. These Indians learned to farm from the whites, raised corn, squash and wheat. They
planted wheat in hills like we do corn. Their homes were teepees made of brush. ... Each
Indian would wear a bag hung from his waist in which he carried his food, consisting of birds,
66
small animals, and weed seeds; even lizards and snakes. After cooking a chipmunk in hot
coals, they would eat every part of it. . . . One day a camel wandered into town. When the
Indians saw it they thought the Great White Spirit had sent it to punish them, and they all ran
away, greatly alarmed and didn't come around for a long time.
(100 Years... p. 55)
1870 Census
The year 1870 found the Kartchner families in reasonably good condition in Overton, Nevada.
The 1870 Census included the following information:
Census place: Overton Township [Muddy Creek Mission] Pah Ute County [later Clark Co.] (Division
#16, NV)
HOUSEHOLD AGE
BIRTHPLACE
BIRTH NAME
KARTCHNER
W.D.
50
Penn
William Decatur (Occ. Farming, $1800 Property)
Marg't
45
MO
Margaret Jane Casteel
Sarah
24
CO
John
18
UT
Mark
17
UT
Alzada
12
CA
Marinda
10
CA
Mary Marinda
Noland
8
UT
Nowlin Decatur
Orin
6
UT
Orrin
KARTCHNER (Polygamist marriage -2nd wife)
Eliza
25
Australia
Elizabeth Gale
Aaron
7
UT
Culver
2
NV
Missing from the Census data are Prudence, who had married William J. Flake, and Euphemia
Ardemona, b. 1867 and d. 1868. Also a son, Henry was b. 1866 and d. 1868.
Exodus from the Muddy
The condition of the settlers late in 1870 was described by James Leithead in the following way:
"many are nearly naked for want of clothing. We can sell nothing we have for money,
and the cotton, what little there is, appears to be of little help in that direction. There
are many articles we are more in need of than cloth, such as boots and shoes and
tools of various kinds to work with."66
Brigham Young and a group of Church officials visited the settlements in March of 1870. He
was disappointed when he found conditions unfavorable for agriculture or commercial
66
www.logoi.com/notes/mormon-arizona/in-the-virgin-and-muddy-valleys.html.
67
development. On December 20, 1870 a meeting was held in St. Thomas and the following
letter from Brigham Young was read to the congregation (parts have been omitted):
St. George, December 14, 1870
...It proves that the survey of the line of Nevada places you within the
jurisdiction of that state ... Without your consent [it] imposes upon you the
onerous burden of taxation67 and license and stamp dates with which that state is
oppressed.
Your isolation from markets, the high rate at which property is assessed in
Nevada...all combine to render your continuance in developing the resources of the
Muddy a matter of grave consideration.
. . . You have done a noble work in making and sustaining that outpost of
Zion against many difficulties, amid exposures and toil. We now advise that you
gather together in your several settlements and take into consideration your future
course . . . and if the majority of the Saints in counsel determine that it is better to
leave the State whose laws and burdens are so oppressive, let it so be done.
(100 Years..., p. 80, emphasis added)
A vote was taken in the three major settlements and the result was 123 to 3 in favor of
abandoning the settlement.
Accordingly, on February 18, 1871 the
Kartchner families left the Muddy Mission.
It was two days before Orin's seventh
birthday. He remembers his brother John,
setting the house afire, as they drove away.
John didn't want the Indians to move into
the dwelling, although Orin and Aaron had
played with the Indian boys and liked them.
(100 Years... p. 44)
On the road again → Panguitch
It is unknown whether or not William
Kartchner had a specific destination in mind
when he left the Muddy. He had many
choices in southern Utah: St. George,
Washington, Cedar City, Parowan,
Paragonah, and even Beaver again.
However, at that very time, efforts were
being made to resettle Panguitch--on the
other side of Cedar Mountain.
67
The "onerous burden of taxation" refers to the fact that Nevada wanted taxes paid in gold coin, of which the
settlers of the Muddy had very little.
68
Panguitch was originally settled in 1864 when a group of 54 families led by Jens Neilson arrived
in the area from Parowan. The first winter was bitter and supplies ran out. A rescue group was
sent over the mountain. Not knowing about snowshoes, they were only able to cross the deep
snow by placing one quilt ahead of another over the snow. The quilts were able to support
their weight. The journey was arduous, cold and nearly fatal.
Spring came, but with it arose other difficulties. In 1865 the Black Hawk War commenced.
Throughout Utah marauding Indians killed more than a hundred whites and stole thousands of
head of cattle. In the summer of 1866 a historic battle was fought on Panguitch Creek, close to
the settlement. A number of people were killed up and down the river. The decision had been
made the previous May to abandon the Panguitch settlement. So after more than two years of
hard work, poverty and hardships, the settlers left their homes and crops. Curiously, the
Indians never molested either the crops or buildings of the now vacant community.
In 1870, three years after Panguitch was abandoned, Brigham Young made a trip through the
area. The Indian threat had diminished and he decided it was time to repopulate Panguitch, so
he called George W. Sevy, a resident of Harmony (near Cedar City) to lead the company.
Accordingly, the following notice appeared in the Deseret News the first of the year, 1871:
"All those who wish to go with me to resettle Panguitch Valley, will meet me at Red
Creek on the 4th day of March, 1871, and we will go over the mountain in Company to
settle that country."
The timing was perfect for William Kartchner. He had left the Muddy on February 18th of that
year, which would allow him enough time to join with the Sevy company. A daughter of Orin
Kartchner later recalled the following:
[The Kartchners decided] to return to Utah, intending to settle again in Beaver.
Bishop Geo W. Sevy met them at the old Fort, and urged them to settle in Panguitch,
which was being resettled after an Indian raid. There was land and water in good
supply, and both of Grandpa Kartchner's families prospered there. 68
William himself tells the story in a slightly different way:
About 1870 Joseph W. Young brought a letter from President Young
instructing us to take a vote of the people whether we would break up the Muddy
settlements. The vote carried to break up and we left Feb. 18th. We drove through
our wheat field, beautiful and green, via St. George and Long Valley, arriving at
68
Thalia Kartchner Butler, "The William Decatur Kartchner Family," in Pioneer Men of Arizona, ed. Roberta
Clayton, p. 257-58
69
Panguitch March 20th. 1871, where I met George W. Sevy in the old fort and was
invited to stop and settle. Our last cow died on arriving. Put in a crop of wheat but the
frost killed it, on the 1st day of August.69
Panguitch would be the home for the Kartchners for the next six years. During that time,
William held a variety of positions. In the Church he was Superintendent of the Sunday School
and in public life, he was first postmaster of Panguitch, in addition to serving as the town
blacksmith.
I was called upon to organize a Sunday school, which I did and soon had
upward of one hundred scholars and was greatly blessed in my labors. I was counseled
to petition for a mail route connection of Marysvale and Kanab, which I did and
petitioned for a post office at Panguitch. I was appointed Postmaster and Panguitch
was the head of two routes with weekly service and we received our mail matter regular
three years when semi weekly service was put on. The first day of January 1876, a
new route became a law established from Panguitch and Paragoonah with weekly
service and was much an advantage for business, both south and west. Contractor's
name was James W. Parker; carrier's name A. Lamraux.
William's home and
post office in
Panguitch, Utah.
(1871-1877)
In December 1874, the United Order was organized by Joseph A. Young.
Bishop George W. Sevy, Pres.; Brother J.H. Impay and John Norton, Vice Pres. W. D. Kartchner sect.
69
George W. Sevy
W. D. Kartchner
Jesse W. Crosby,
James H. Imaly
Joseph Knight
Ira B. Elmer,
John W. Norton W.
Edward Bunker Jr.
Alma Barney,
Panguitch is at an altitude of nearly 7,000 feet and has sub-freezing weather seven months of the year. Winters
--even late summers are always severe in that area.
70
David Shakespeare Sr.
John Reynolds
I met in Parowan in December to file our bonds and take oath of office. It
being the county seat, and paid Jesse N. Smith eighteen dollars for two hours
service; returned home next day; appointed board meetings once a week, and
sometimes oftener to adopt rules and arrange business.
At first it was agreeable and a good spirit prevailed, but soon contentions
arose. George W. Sevy manifested a bad spirit, and ordered Joseph Knight to sit
down and hush, and ordered Allen Miller out of the house. Accused Joseph Knight
of being too lazy to work, and wanted to buy a cellar of James Henry on credit for
which he was to pay seven hundred and fifty dollars. The entire board voted against
it. Then G. W. Sevy became almost mad and declared he would buy it in spite of all
the Board's opposition; said he had enough property in the Order to support him
and his families without his laboring in the Order and he presided over the Order until
the 1st. of March, 1875, without doing a day's labor. Many contentions arose
between Ira B. Elmer and Jesse W. Crosby, and abused each other and almost
came to blows many times. At one meeting Bishop Sevy admitted M. M. Steel, a
non-member, to address the board and read letters from President Brigham Young to
Red Creek Order and give his construction upon it. At the same time M. M.
Steele was not a member of the order but opposed the Order. Bishop Sevy and a
small attendance of the Board, with M. M. Steel's assistance, adopted measures
contrary to the resolutions of the board and in the next two days thirty members of
the thirty-nine withdrew. Kartchner, Knight and Hunter resigned their offices and
also withdrew from the Order this 1st day of March. When Sevy began to work with
the remainder hypocritically telling his special friend, Proctor, if he had not been
Bishop he would never have joined the Order but remained out of it.
(Memoirs, pp 35-36)
Thus Kartchner summarizes the six years he spent in Panguitch. He was obviously pleased with
his involvement in the Sunday School and Post Office. He seemed to find his duties in the
United Order onerous and less pleasant. The United Order lasted only about two years in
Panguitch--for reasons that are quite apparent from William's journal entries.
Margaret was always busy raising chickens, spinning, weaving, etc. By this time she had given
birth to six sons and five daughters. Lizzie added two more children to her growing family.
71
Brytle Gale Kartchner was born 11 May 1873 in Panguitch as was his brother, Darien, on 19 Nov
1875.
The community provided its own social entertainment. Julia Robinson wrote:
We all enjoyed ourselves as much in those days as they do now--if not so
classy. We used the log meetinghouse for everything, Sunday School, meeting, school,
dances, etc. We had plenty of good musicians. There were three fiddlers, John
Lowder, Sid Littlefield and Saul Wardle. John Hyatt and Mrs. Lowder helped. The
floor in the meeting house was a puncheon floor and real good to dance on. We had
pies of bullberries [?] and sarvice[service?] berries and the Bishop made forty gallons
of homemade beer, and molasses cake.70
Apparently, the Kartchners added a great deal of musical talent to the community. One
biography of a daughter, Alzada, states:
The Kartchner family was musical and loved to sing and dance. Alzada would
play the accordion while her father and two brothers would play the violin. Between
dances, Alzada would sing duets with her sister, Mindy.
[Alzada met] Alma Z. Palmer in 1872. Later, two of his sisters joined the
group at Panguitch and later the three Palmers were at the home of the Kartchners.
Into this family all three married, on the eleventh of May 1874, in the Endowment
House, in Salt Lake City, Utah by Daniel H. Wells; Alma Palmer married Alzada Sophia
Kartchner, John married Lydia Palmer, and Mark married Phebe Palmer. They had
their two mothers with them as they traveled to Salt Lake, and the trip was made by
team and wagon and a joyous one, having many happy times along the way by the
campfires.71
The years the Kartchners spent in Panguitch were, apparently, happy ones. As noted above,
three of the Kartchner children married during that time, leaving only four of Margaret's children
unmarried: Sarah Emma, the eldest, Mary Merinda ("Mindie"), Nowlin and Orin. Of course,
Lizzie had several children who also lived in the home and were still not of age to marry.
70
71
"Golden Nuggets of Pioneer Days," A History of Garfield County, Panguitch: Garfield Co. News, 1949, p. 19.
(Alzada S. Kartchner, http://members.cox.net/jameshistory/as_kartchner.html p. 4 of 9.)
72
1877 Another call to colonize
It was somewhat a surprise that in 1877 William was once again called upon to leave everything
and colonize a new area. At the time, William was 57 years old and Margaret was 52.
On the 23rd of March 1877, John D. Lee was executed, being shot at
Mountain Meadows, Utah.
In a general conference at St. George in 1877, W. D. Kartchner and sons
and sons-in- law were called on a mission to Arizona Territory, start in the fall and
making arrangements to go it was thought best to do work for our dead friends.
Accordingly the latter part of May we started for the St. George Temple W. D.
Kartchner and wife Margaret, Phebe, Mark's wife, Sarah Emma and her husband
Ninian Miller, and Don C. Clayton and his wife Mary Marinda, arriving in St.
George the 30th of May, 1877.
(Memoirs, p 36)
William mixes up his dates occasionally. The General Conference that was held in St. George
occurred in April and it also coincided with the dedication of the St. George Temple. Many
were called from the pulpit at that time--without advance warning. Included in the number
were the Kartchners in Panguitch, the Flakes in Beaver and John W. Freeman, who was
currently the Bishop of the Washington Ward. William also gets the cart ahead of the horse a
little in reference to his second trip to St. George in late May. He mentions two of his
daughters, Sarah Emma and Mary Marinda and their husbands. Actually, one of the purposes
of the trip was for the daughters to marry, which both of them did on 1 June 1877. Thus when
the Kartchners, Millers and Claytons started for the Temple, it was more of a wedding party
that an occasion for endowments.
The Little Colorado River Settlements
Even as Brigham Young aged, he never lost his zeal for outward expansion of Mormon towns
and hamlets. By about 1870, the more choice parts of Utah had been settled, so Brigham
turned his attention northward, into Idaho and south, toward the Arizona Territory. Between
1870 and 1873 settlements or places of residence were established at Kanab, Pipe Springs (east
of Washington/St. George) and Lee's Ferry. Thus an approach to Arizona was secured.
In December of 1872 the Arizona Exploring Company, under the leadership of Lorenzo Roundy
made a two-month exploration of the area of the Little Colorado River. They found the area to
be forbidding and inhospitable, but Roundy, in his final report, neither condemned the country
nor did he recommend in favor of colonization.72 Within a week of receiving Roundy's report,
72
Charles S. Peterson, Take up your Mission, Tucson: U. of Arizona Press, 1973, p. 7.
73
Brigham called 250 missionaries to establish settlements along the Little Colorado River.
However, as spring approached, only about 40% of those called, or a hundred men, a few
women and one child left with the group leader, Horton D. Haight. The Company crossed the
Colorado River at Lee's Ferry and proceeded south more than a hundred miles. However, they
were so discouraged by the conditions that they re-crossed the Colorado in early July, leaving
behind a terse message engraved on a rock: Arizona Mission Dead--1873.
No real effort was made to push colonization in Arizona for three years. Finally, in early 1876
another somewhat smaller group of missionaries was called. The original plan called for four
settlements of fifty families each. The four leaders called were Geo. Lake, Wm. C. Allen, Jesse O
Ballinger and Lot Smith. The Lake company was recruited from Cache, Box Elder and Weber
Counties, in Utah. The Smith Company came from Davis, Morgan, Summit and Wasatch
Counties. The Allen Co. was from Utah Co. and the Ballinger Co. was from Sanpete and Juab
Counties.
After a difficult trip, they arrived at the
Little Colorado where they established
four small settlements--and agreed to
abide by the principles of the United
Order. The four settlements were
within a 25-mile stretch and were
named Ballinger's Camp (Brigham
City), Allen's Camp (St. Joseph), Sunset
and Lake's Camp (Obed or Camp
Obed). (The names of the
settlements were changed within a
short time to those shown in
parentheses.)
Life was very challenging in each of the
four colonies. During the first year,
only Sunset produced a harvest, and it
amounted to only about 75 bushels of
grain and a few melons. Attrition of
settlers was frequent and soon it was
necessary to call additional
missionaries to fill the depleted ranks.
Those that were called in April of 1877
in the St. George Conference were
sent to these settlements on the
Lower Colorado River. William records
his experience as follows:
74
We were called to the Arizona Mission by Daniel H. Wells at the Spring
Conference and started on the 15th of November 1877, arriving at Sunset on the
22nd of Jan. 1878. Sister Kartchner was sick the entire route. John and Alma
hunted and found a place afterward called Taylor, which we moved to 22 Jan.
1878.73
The question might be raised as to why the Kartchners did not stay at Sunset, but struck out
almost immediately to find somewhere else to live. Kartchner does not explain the reason, but
perhaps it had to do with conflicts between Lot Smith, the stern, authoritarian leader of the
Sunset settlement and the Flakes and Kartchners. In his history of William J. Flake, Osmer Flake
wrote:
...On January 15th we reached the first settlement, called Ballenger's Camp, later
Brigham City. [It was located] about two and a half miles northeast of what is now the town
of Winslow. Across the river a couple of miles to the east was Smith's Camp, later Sunset; we
camped at the latter. We found the people all living in the United Order; they had all things in
common. They served meals on a long table, seats for one hundred or more. The women
took turns, week about, cooking and waiting on the tables.
William, with W. D. Kartchner, sons and sons-in-law, together, with James Gale
and Joseph Knight decided to go up the river about twenty miles, and start a settlement. They
named it Taylor. It was situated on the South side of the river, about six miles west of Allen's
Camp, now St. Joseph. It being council [sic: counsel], they formed an Order like the others.
All lived in their wagon boxes, set on the ground. They cut cottonwood trees and built two
large rooms, one for a kitchen, the other for a dining room. They then built a dam and ditches
to take out the water, and prepared the ground for farming. William was put in charge of the
cattle.74
Lucy Hannah White Flake, wife of Wm. J. Flake, wrote in her journal of the difficult conditions
under which all the settlers lived at Taylor:
When we first stopped at this location it looked like it would be an easy matter to dam
off that sluggish, slow-moving stream, but the first dam of brush, rock and clay was hardly
finished when a flood came down and washed it out. Nothing daunted, the men began again,
and again the dam washed out. This continued each month for five months. It was very
discouraging.
The water was so laden with mud that nothing we tried settled it. We would fill our
barrels with it, then put in charcoal, lye made with ashes, buttermilk, anything we ever heard
of, to settle it, but at best there would be 3-4 inches on top of the barrel after it had stood
over night. This we could dip off carefully and use for cooking . . .Our clothes became red and
murky, and after a bath I felt dirtier than before . .
I had long realized how futile it was to try to build a dam in that treacherous stream of
shifting sand. We could not raise anything and were eating up what we had brought with us.
73
74
Obviously, William makes an error in the date of his arrival at Sunset and his relocation to Taylor.
Osmer Flake, William J. Flake, Pioneer, Colonizer (privately published) pp 62-63)
75
The Spring winds filled the air with that fine sand until one couldn't see two rods
away. Our wagon covers flopped and popped. We were nearly buried in sand every morning
after a night of hard wind. We could count on three days and nights of this, then a rain, a day
or two of pleasant weather, then the three days of wind again. This lasted all through
February, March and most of April.75
Kartchner continues:
On the 24th [Jan] the company organized with John Kartchner, Pres. ; W. J.
Flake and Albert Mineraly, Couns., and began cutting timber for a United Order
House, kitchen and corral.
A conference was held at Sunset on the 3rd of February, with John W.
Young presiding and on the 4th a Stake of Zion was organized, when our place was
called Taylor and John Kartchner was appointed Bishop. He retained his
counselors. On February 15th, Lot Smith and George Lake, also Bro. Wilchin
visited Taylor and held meetings attended with some encouragement.
On the 16th., Joseph Knight Jr. fell from the water wagon and tore loose three
inches of scalp above the right ear.
On the 17th, home missionaries, Dobbin Porter and Fields gave us some
encouragement.
February 21st we dedicated the dining room and kitchen and had the first dance.
22nd., Brother West and children arrived and wished to join the Order.
26th W. D. Kartchner bought of Bro. Bushman 2 pigs for $12.00. Also sent
for the Desert News.
March 1st Brothers Brady and Chalk with families arrived and wish to join.
March 2nd., first child born to Sarah E. Miller.
March 3rd and 4th., cash called for our seed grain of M. Kartchner and Palmer for
$45.00. W. D. Kartchner $10.00, N. Miller $5.00.
6th., W. J.. Flake and James started for grain.
14th., Prudence Miller was blessed, also Bros. Copelin, Holt and W. Farnsworth
arrived.
18th, Flake arrived from St. John with 7,000 lbs. wheat.
April 8th, A. Stewart and family of ten arrived.
May 5th, Bros. Burnham, Hunt ,his wife and two daughters' visited Taylor.
75
Roberta Flake Clayton, To the Last Frontier, pp. 87-89. Also in Albert J. Levine, From Indian Trails to Jet Trails,
Snowflake: Snowflake Historical Society, 1977, p. 9
76
13th sowed the first wheat.
May 17th, W. J. Flake expressed himself dissatisfied with the Order. Water ran in
ditch through Taylor76
May 23rd, Mush ice in a pan, Conference at Sunset.
24th, Three wagons started to Conference.
25th at noon the flood washed around the dam.
28th Bishop brought Major Ladd to level another ditch four feet below the first
one.
31st commenced work on the new ditch, Three men were sent from Woodruff to
work on our ditch. St. Joseph sent four men to work.
June 8th, W. J. Flake withdrew from the Order, Sunset sent two men.
Flake's withdrawal from the Order was explained by his son, Osmer:
The settlers built five dams in the sandy river bed; then there would be a rain up the
country, a small freshet, and out went the dam. This was discouraging, but other things came
up that were more so. A traveler had an ox die near the place, and wanted something to take
its place. Father gave him a good stag for a nice Durham heifer. He would have given him the
stag if he had had nothing to trade. The man who turned in the stag made a fuss about his
[Flake] not calling a Board Meeting to get consent, and some others joined in the quarrel. He
[Flake] told them he was going to hunt a new home, that he had been sent here to settle the
Saints and build up the country, but that he could do nothing hamstrung by such people as the
ones making the trouble. He saddled his horse to start out on the trip. A. Z. Palmer [Wm. D.
Kartchner's son-in-law] felt very much as he did, and joined him; they started to explore the
country on June 20, 1878, both East and South.
(Osmer Flake, p. 64)
June 13th, W. D. Kartchner drove to Brigham City for a nurse for Sister Bates,
Brother Joseph Knight stayed two days.
15th rain came up the river and washed out the dam the second time.
17th the men became dissatisfied and discouraged at Taylor.
23rd Bishop started to Sunset with Bro. Joseph Knight and family.
27th Joseph Knight died.
28th several of us went to the funeral at Sunset.
July 13th Bros. Hamblin and Harris arrived from the Zunis.
76
William neglects to mention that on May 14th, 1878 his second wife, Lizzie, gave birth to a baby daughter who
was given the name of Elsie Kartchner.
77
14th Sunday, stopped with us to meeting, gave an account of laying on of hands on
406 Zunis in one day for smallpox, with miraculous results.
15th Lucy Flake took her things outdoor and out of the Order.
16th Charles Hall and Woodruff Freeman stayed at Brother Flake's camp, W. D.
Kartchner arrived at 8 p.m. with 3200 lbs. of salt, W. J. Flake moved from
Taylor July 18th.
This mention of Flake moving from Taylor is a reference to his purchase of the Stinson Ranch-an event that would impact greatly on the lives of the Kartchners and others. Osmer Flake
describes the situation of the Flakes while William and Kartchner's son-in-law were out
searching for a new place to settle:
In May, George, the youngest son, was taken sick and gradually grew worse, in spite of
all Mother could do. Down in those hot sand hills, living in a wagon box, there was no shade,
the water was hot, there was no ice to be had, and no light but a tallow candle (which she
never allowed to go out at night), and never a night's rest. James and Charles helped all they
could, and the other children were too small to be of much assistance. The boy's suffering
grew worse and worse. Administration and prayer seemed of no avail. Father was away; we
knew not where, and she was 500 miles from her own people, and not a sympathetic friend
nearby, except her immediate family.
Day and night she watched the suffering of her baby boy, who was so bright and
active for his years. What wonder, that on July 6th, she walked out alone behind a bush,
where she would not be seen by staring eyes, and offered a simple prayer, asking the Lord to
relieve his suffering even if it be in death. She calmly returned to the bed side. He looked up
at her with a sweet smile; the pain was gone. He closed his eyes and the spirit had taken its
flight. Her fourth boy had died. Reverently she washed the body and fixed it for burial. Just
then, the glad cry of the children told her that Father had turned the point a mile away. An
hour after the death of her son, he had her in his arms. ...On July 7th, a small group of
mourners followed the body to the cemetery at St. Joseph and carefully laid our loved one
away.
. . . When we returned from the cemetery, we gathered in and around the wagon box.
Mother asked, "What of the future?" Father said, "I do not know. We are consuming the
provisions we brought; our clothes are wearing out, and we are accomplishing nothing." He
then told us of his trip. He had gone to Sevoia, New Mexico, where his friend John Hunt had
gone last year. Found nothing suitable either there, or at Blue Water. Then they went across
by St. Johns and Eastern Arizona, as far south as Fort Apache, and back by the Showlow and
the Silver Creek. In the whole trip he saw but one place suitable for a town, or that he would
want. Mr. Stinson, the owner, asked $12,000 for that. All the horses and cattle he had would
not pay half of it. He had tried to get Thomas Greer and others who were able to take part of
it with him. No one would even consider it and they tried to discourage him. The leading men
of the towns tried to get him to stay where he was, and called him an apostate if he left the
Order and went out on his own. Even his friend, Palmer, who had stuck to him and agreed to
help him out, let his people talk him out of joining in on the purchase. He was alone, with just
his family. He had eaten dinner with Mr. Stinson on July 4th and tried to make a deal, but he
78
was unsuccessful. Mother said, "Go buy the place. I will do his washing, sewing, anything to
help pay the bill, but I can't stay here." Next morning he saddled his horse and went back to
the Silver Creek Ranch forty miles away, all alone.
(Osmer Flake, pp 65-67)
Flake made the purchase of the Stinson Ranch. However, it quickly caught the attention of
many of the other settlers at the Sunset-Taylor etc. encampments. On July 19, 1878, the
Flakes, together with the families of Jesse Brady, James Madison Flake (William J. Flake's oldest
son), Alexander Stewart and Thomas West, left the United Order settlement of Taylor. They
arrived at the Stinson Ranch two days later, on July 21st. Their joy at finding such an oasis in
the high desert was described by Lucy Flake in the following way:
As far as the eye could see, the rolling hills were covered with waving grass. One large
house and a line of small adobes nestled in a brown patch among tasseled corn and ripened
bearded barley, in the center of the valley below. A few cottonwood trees and willows
fringed the banks of the silvery stream that gave it its name.
Smelling the water, the hot, tired, thirsty horses and cattle almost stampeded getting
to it. They drank their fill, then began feeding on the luscious green grass.
We were almost as eager as they, but it took us longer to get there. Our wagons had
to wind around to get down the hill. When we reached the bottom and stopped to let our
team rest and drink, we women folk climbed out, and kneeling down on the mossy banks,
bathed our faces and drank to our hearts' content of the first clear water we had seen in
months."77
Although the Kartchners had been reluctant to share with W.J. Flake the initial purchase of the
Stinson Ranch, they quickly decided that where Flake had gone was a far better place than
where they were in Taylor. After all, son-in-law Alma Palmer had already seen the Stinson
Ranch when he made the exploratory trip with Flake. Consequently, on August 6th, just three
weeks after the Flakes left, William Kartchner and his extended family headed out for the
Stinson Ranch.78 This effectively ended the existence of Taylor as a United Order settlement.79
Of the family's move, William Kartchner wrote:
On the 6th of August, we moved from Taylor.
On the 9th met Mr. Clark. Mr. Clark found us moving and asked us five hundred
dollars more than he did in July.
Arrived at Stinson's August 10.
77
Levine, p. 13
The major reason the Kartchners delayed 3 weeks was because their 8th child, Mary Marinda (Mindie) was
expecting her first child. That child was born August 4th, and the family left 3 days later for Snowflake
(Collinwood, p. 65)
79
The United Order settlement of Taylor is sometimes referred to as "Old Taylor," to distinguish it from the new
Taylor that was settled just about 1-2 miles to the south of Snowflake. The new Taylor continues to exist.
78
79
August 11th, we bargained with W. J. Flake for one-fourth part of the Stinson place
and to be the upper part. We moved to the upper part, east side of the Creek.
On the 13th, it commenced raining and rained nearly four weeks. 80 When it cleared
up, myself, John, Orin, Mark and Palmer went to the timber for logs. Nowlin
was taken sick with chills. We made one trip for logs and were gone three
weeks. Brought remainder of logs and 1300 clapboards; sent two teams for
the remainder.
Final stop: Snowflake
Thus began life for William D. Kartchner and his family in Stinson Valley, soon to be renamed
Snowflake. He would remain in Snowflake the rest of his life. The first few months were a bit
difficult, but enthusiasm was high and the land held promise. Stinson remained in the area, as
he and Flake had arranged to share the harvest of Stinson's crop. One day, as the corn had
developed roasting ears, Flake went to Stinson and asked him to divide the crop. Stinson asked
why, as the crop wasn't fully mature. Flake told him: "These people have but little to eat. They
like corn, and when I let them go in for it, I want to use my share. They will eat it up in roasting
ears." Stinson said: "What do you take me for? Turn them loose, and if they eat it all, we will
divide the fodder." (Levine, p. 13)
Living accommodations were at a premium that first year. William J. Flake had taken
possession of the two adobe buildings in which Stinson had lived, but he was generous in
allowing others to share the dwellings. William's wife wrote that during the first winter fifteen
families lived in the two-room adobe house that came with the purchase of the ranch. The
Kartchners, however, probably have the distinction of having constructed the first log cabin
once the Mormon settlers arrived. As indicated in the previous entry from William's Memoirs,
he, his sons and sons-in-law set off immediately to cut logs for cabins. Within a short time,
Kartchner had the largest gathering place in town. It was there that Erastus Snow held the first
official meeting of the Saints in Snowflake, on September 21st. Snow's secretary, L.J. Nuttall
described Kartchner's place in the following way:
There are 5 men, 6 women, 9 boys and 5 girls, total 25. Since being here in August
last, they have cut and hauled logs and hewed them for a house 29 x 19 feet, with a kitchen
attached, 18 by 16 feet, and built the same, except four logs high to the square, also broke
several acres of land preparatory to next year's sowing and planting.81
By January of 1879 a half-dozen log cabins had been built. Before the next summer, an
additional 25-30 log cabins were constructed.
80
During the rainy spell Stinson, the former owner, is reputed as saying: "I wish the hell the Mormons had stayed
away until I had my crop gathered." Levine, p. 14
81
Levine, p. 14
80
Plot map of Snowflake, date
unknown. Shows the
location of the homes of
many of the early settlers.
Kartchner's home was just
south and west of the
Public Square where the
Church was located. His
two sons had homes in the
next block, to the west.
William Kartchner kept a careful journal for the next 3-4 years. It is extremely useful for
reconstructing events in the early history of Snowflake. For example, his entries dealing with
the September visit of Erastus Snow are revealing:
On the 17th of Sept., W. J. Flake and family started to Beaver, Utah.82
On the 23rd of Sept., Myself, Orin, Aaron went to make adobes.83 We received a
letter from Pres. Lot Smith notifying us that Apostle E. Snow and Elder
Nuttall, Jesse N. Smith, Ira Hinkley, Ed Nobel and Allaphant would preach
at Sunset Sept. 21st. My son John and wife went to meet them and return
with them.
On the 26th at 5 P. M. Elder Snow and Company held meeting at our camp.
Apostle Snow gave liberty to all who wished to withdraw from the Order, and
after supper he sat up with us at the campfire till after midnight. Said this way
of running the Order was not right, for the stock was the common stock of the
devil. Said the Lord cared no more about the way we ate our food than he did
how the squirrels ate their acorns. He answered questions freely.84
On the 27th we stayed counseling until noon and took note of those present for
John Hunt to preside as Bishop at Stinson Valley; sent the baggage wagons
82
As part of the purchase price, Flake agreed to give Stinson 235 head of Utah-grade cattle in April of 1879. In
order to procure the cattle, Flake took the wool from the sheep he had and set out for Utah on Sept 17th. He
intended to trade the wool for cattle in Utah. (Levine, p. 14)
83
Orin and Aaron were William's sons. Orin's mother was Margaret and Aaron's was Lizzie.
84
This is a reference, of course, to the way meals were eaten at Sunset and at other United Order communities. In
effect, Snow was declaring that the United Order would NOT be practiced in Snowflake. It is obvious that
Kartchner was happy with the announcement.
81
up the creek when he rode over to Stinson's in company with us and selected a
town site at Stinson's, then had us adieu on the new town site. The second
day after, he sent back name for the town site, Snowflake, and town and farm
plot, and to send for Bro. Ladd's surveying instruments;
2nd of October, Don returned with compass and on the third we commenced the
town survey;
Oct. 13th Brother Deen and Cording, as home missionaries, came to our camp and
went over to Snowflake to preach.
On the 22nd., W. D. Kartchner went over to work on the house; returned to camp on
the 28th and moved Sister Kartchner over to Snowflake.
Nov 3rd moved into the house. 85
Nov. 4th, Bishop Hunt visited Snowflake and picked his lot and contracted with N.
Miller to build him a log house.86
Nov 5th. the territorial elections. Judges of the polls, James Stinson, Bros. Bagley
and Wansley, 13 votes were polled at Snowflake.
6th. Minerley and wife, and Ina Hunt started for Utah.
17th. Lizzie moved into her house.
The Nov. 17th entry gives the impression that each of William's wives had her own home.
However, the question of living accommodations for the two families is a bit unclear. A
daughter of the second family wrote: “In Snowflake, there were two small log houses to
house the large family of children and their parents. To make life more bearable, the larger of
the two houses became the living and bedroom quarters of the family while the small one
became the kitchen area. . ..
However, Elizabeth wrote: "Nov 17, 1878. I moved into my little log house, one of the first
built here. In due time three little daughters joined our family." She gives the impression that
she had her own home, apart from Margaret's.
To continue with William's memoirs:
22nd, William McGary and half-brother took dinner with me.
23rd A Company of Negro soldiers camped here with a white captain for officer.
Traded 100 lbs. bacon for beef (black steer) to Mr. Stinson. After supper a
85
This entry and the one for Nov. 17th are confusing. This must refer to a cabin built specifically for him and
Margaret. She is the "Sister Kartchner" referred to in the 28th entry since Lizzie is mentioned later on.
86
N. Miller was Ninian Miller, William's son-in-law, married to William's oldest daughter.
82
few Negroes gathered at the U.S. Station tent and gave a volunteer Negro
concert.
Nov. 29 Brother Hunt, two boys and two girls came. On the 16th of Nov. Sister
Hunt and three girls, Bell, Nettie and Lois arrived.
December 6th. The sisters organized.
Dec. 20th Started to Sunset Mill for flour and get corn ground.
21st Met Brother Flake opposite Taylor town and offered him a twenty-dollar gold
piece for canceling my post office debt at Panguitch, Utah, of $19.05.
Arrived at the mill at night.
22nd Sunday, got my grinding and bought flour, 400 lbs. , of Lot Smith.
24th. Arrived home, also Flake arrived, finding all well. Took dinner with daughter,
Prudence J. Flake.
Kartchner mentions that Flake returned to Utah for cattle on Sept. 17, 1879. Kartchner asked a
favor of Flake, that resulted in quite a humorous story. Marshall H. Flake tells it in the
following way:
In the fall of 1878 William J. Flake planned to go back to Beaver, Utah, to get cattle to
pay Stinson for the Snowflake Valley. His father-in-law, William Decatur Kartchner, had left a
four-year old steer with a family in Utah when he first came to Arizona. He asked Bill if he
would get the steer for him and bring it back with the rest of the herd. He gave Flake a paper
authorizing him to get the steer from the person who had been taking care of the animal.
After William had arranged for the cattle in Utah and started to drive them back to
Arizona, he passed the farm of the man who had Kartchner's steer. It was nearly noon time
and, leaving the herd with his boys, he rode to the farm house to get the animal. As he rode
into the place, he noticed how poverty-stricken it appeared to be. Introducing himself to the
farmer, he presented the note Kartchner had given him and asked the man if he had the steer.
He was answered in the affirmative and the farmer suggested, as it was noon, that they eat
first and then he'd get the steer for Flake.
Recounting [the incident] Bill said that the meal proved to him just how poor the
family was, and he felt that they needed that steer for a work ox to help them survive.
However, the meal over, he said he'd have to be on his way, so if the man would have one of
his boys bring in the steer, he'd leave. The man just sat there and said not to mind. There was
a black dog lying down under the table and he told the dog to go get the cattle.
They continued to talk and a few minutes later the dog arrived, bringing in the cattle.
Brother Flake was quite impressed by the ability of the dog to carry out the command, and
feeling that the steer was vital to the farmer, offered to take the dog in trade for the ox. The
farmer replied that it wasn't a fair trade; no dog was worth as much as a steer. However,
when Flake said he would give him a receipt that he had received payment in full, the farmer
consented and the deal was closed.
On returning to Snowflake, as the herd was being driven in, Brother Kartchner was
there. He looked over the herd and remarked, "I don't see my steer." Flake pointed to the
83
dog and exclaimed: "There it is!" Then he explained to his father-in-law what he had done,
and told him to pick any steer from the herd to replace him. Upon hearing this, Kartchner
said, "Bill, you're a darn fool."
The following year Flake bought grain from Mr. Coulter of Nutrioso. He [Coulter]
asked why he [Flake] didn't buy the Nutrioso place and raise his own wheat. A deal was made
for the Nutrioso ranch and the agreed-upon price was 300 head of cattle, delivered at
Nutrioso. Flake had the cattle gathered and had his son, Osmer, herd them. The first day they
nooned at Concho Flat. Osmer and the dog were herding the cattle and Coulter and Brother
Flake were riding in a wagon. After lunch, the boy was sent back to town for some reason.
Coulter protested that the deal was that the cattle would be delivered and he couldn't see
how that could be done without the boy. However, Flake called the dog to bring on the cattle.
Coulter was amazed that a lone dog could handle the herd so well.
As they progressed towards Nutrioso, he got so he wanted that dog more than
anything. He offered to buy him, but Flake would not sell. Finally, after much urging, a trade
was made: a young milk cow and calf for the dog. After the cattle were delivered, Flake took
the cow, tied a rope on her and tied it to the rear of the wagon and proceeded to return
home. The calf, of course, followed behind.
When he arrived in Snowflake, there was William Kartchner who wanted to know
where the dog was. Flake pointed to the cow and calf, and said, "There he is." Whereupon
Kartchner said, "I knew there was one darn fool, but I didn't know there were two of them"87
The year 1879
Kartchner's Memoirs continue:
On January 17th., 1879, President Jesse M. Smith and company arrived and held
first meeting.
19th and 20th [Smith] started to St. John Valley to buy a place for his company.
24th [Smith] returned, could not buy and did not like St. John Valley.
25th bought land of Flake and took up city lots. 25th Bishop Hunt started to Savoy
[New Mexico] for flour.
26th Pres. Smith held meeting at Walker's town, three miles above.
27th very high wind, Flake started to sunset for his sheep. After some six weeks
rumors were going the rounds that Pres. Jesse N. Smith had the right to call
for and move the Church steam sawmill to the most central place for the
convenience of all the settlements. When Pres. Lot Smith proposed to furnish
the people of Snowflake Stake through President Jesse N. Smith's order
150,000 feet of lumber free, if the mill would be allowed to remain as before. I
was going to the Brigham City Grist Mill to receive 600 lbs. of flour I had
87
The Life & Time of Snowflake, Compiled by the Centennial Committee, Snowflake, 1978, pp. 94-95. For a more
fictionalized account of the incident, see FamilySearch-Family Tree: Wm. D. Kartchner “An even swap”
84
bought of Mr. Milligan, through Bro. W. J. Flake, at $6.00 per cwt. At the
same time Bp. George Lake asked $7.00 per cwt., for the same flour, and
being within forty miles to the saw mill, I and son Orin, went to the saw mill and
obtained 960 ft. and came via the flour mill and put on 600 lbs. of flour, also
Sister Knight and two little ones wished a passage with us to Snowflake. We
arrived home the 8th of March. Brother Lot Smith loaned to Snowflake
conference 180 bu. of wheat for seed, also some molasses.
Monday the 7th [April 1879] was the worst wind storm, no one could plough or sow.
All outdoor work ceased the entire day on account of wind and dust; the wind
was from the southwest.
The 10th of April a county convention was appointed at Snowflake, the County
seat. Snowflake was the first county seat of Apache County.
On May 14rh the first town ditch was surveyed.
On the 6th of June, I took sick with a pain in the bowels and dropsy developed.
On June 28th., I attended Conference and got worse, kept to my bed from for some
time.
Sept. 4th, I was able to set up a little. My neighbors and acquaintances proposed
several remedies and every one applied seemed to help me, among which was
the bitter aloes in whiskey for purgative and the wild milkweed root in whiskey, a
tablespoonful every six hours for a few days, then every morning until after I
was well, also grapevine bark ashes, a teaspoonful in a little wine every morning.
In five days seven gallons of water ran from me through the natural channel. Up
to Jan. 1880, I continued taking the milkweed root, which is the best of all
other remedies.
December 14th., 1879, W. J. Flake arrived from Utah ahead of the train.
The year 1880
Jan. 27th snowed all day and all night. The snow was eleven inches deep on the level
and turned cold. The thermometer stood at 20 degrees below zero and for
three weeks snow remained, good sleighing.
Feb. 16th., a south wind blew, the next day it continued and the weather moderated.
March 1st., commenced making a ditch on east side of the creek. Continued through
April until the 13th. A terrible wind storm stopped work at noon in
85
consequence. Wind continued bad until five hands worked on the 14th and on
the 15th Aaron only worked and became discouraged. The wind commenced
on the 12th and blew very hard a whole week. Tuesday was terrible, no work
could be done in or out of doors and clouds of dust were driven past the rate
of twenty miles per hour.
March 16th sowed ten acres of wheat.
On April 23rd., W. D. Kartchner started to the mill at Sunset with 29 bu. and 20 lbs
and several small grists for neighbors. Paid Lot Smith $52.50 tithing money
and $30.00 for Bishop Hunt for flour, Lot Smith refused to donate graham
for the poor of Snowflake. Returned home on the evening of the 29th, met
with John W. Young at Woodruff and we met with the Ward for prayer when
John W. Young gave a statement of his trip to Albuquerque to purchase
goods and his return he brought Thompson's Point, to put up his goods.
30th., John W. Young went to the crossing of Showlow for Bro. James Wood
for his clerk. Returned on the 30th., to Woodruff with Heber Perkins for
Clerk.
[May 8th] Nephi and Allen Smithson passed en route for the Gila River on the 8th
of May.
May 19th high winds moderated.
June 9th wind continued. Very high wind.
June 26th and 27th conference John W. Young represented railroad business.
July 5th Orin and Aaron started to the railroad to work for J. W. Young and Jesse
N. Smith.
July 7th a very good rain.
July 16th started in company with Nowlin to steam mill in Tom's Forest with the span
of horses, one a wild colt. When we were opposite the steam mill, he scared and
ran away into a tree top and I fell under the front wheel, Nowlin stopped them
suddenly as the front wheel reached my left arm, which saved me.
July 5th., Aaron and Orin started, in company with Pres. Jesse N. Smith, to beyond
Fort Wingate to work on John W. Young's contract on the railroad of five
miles grading, and waited three weeks for the tools and provisions, at their own
expense. Orin thought best to come home and help harvest and arrived
August 4th without clearing expenses. He cut our wheat on the 6th and the
7th.
86
August 7th., Bishop Hunt caused the trustees to start two schools with his two
daughters as teachers, one at Snowflake with thirty dollars per month, and
one at Walker with twenty five dollars per month; thus depriving the boys on
the railroad and also the boys on the farm from sharing the benefits of school
money, appropriated on our school district quota for 1880 by commencing
before fall or winter (as the funds are exhausted in September.)88 The flies
are uncommonly numerous and very annoying in the harvest fields.
Sept. 18th., Nowlin started to Globe City, Arizona, driving stock at $2.50 per day
in company with Mark.
[Sept 25th-26th ] The Southeastern Stake of Zion held at Snowflake Sept. 2526. Present of the Twelve Apostles, Erastus Snow and Brigham Young
[Jr.]. Pres. Jesse N. Smith presented a complete organization of Stake
officers, which was effected by calling and setting apart a High Council at the
time. I was a Seventy, belonging to the 19th Quorum when I was ordained a
High Priest under the hands of Bros. Erastus Snow and Brigham Young,
Brigham Young being mouth, and set apart a High Counselor. W. D.
Kartchner drawing odd No. 9, in connection with Jesse N. Perkins, Samuel
Rogers, E. W. West, Joseph Fish, Noah Brimhall, Bateman Willhelm,
Thomas Greer, Charles Shumway, Woodruff Freeman, John A. West, and
Mons Larson. It was ascertained at this Conference that the Eastern
Arizona Stake numbered officers and members 1234.89
Nov. 27th., met with High Priest Quorum. Had been very sick with dropsy.
December 5th., 1880 a petition for a post route arrived from Sunset asking the
P. O. Dept. for a route and service from Holbrook via Woodruff. Snowflake,
Taylor and Showlow to Fort Apache Camp. Postmasters recommended, for
Holbrook, Heber C. Perkins, for Snowflake, W. D. Kartchner, for Taylor,
88
It is a bit unclear how the hiring of the Hunt daughters to teach impacted on William's sons. Annie Hunt
(Kartchner) recalled: "I taught the first little school in Snowflake, in one of the adobe rooms used by Mr. Stinson
for stables. I had some trouble with unruly boys, but the parents were very kind and good to help me and I was
paid by them. Wherein they failed, Bro. Flake paid me with money obtained from selling mavericks (unclaimed
cattle.) According to a report by Rex Rogers, 'Brother Flake found six heifers. The two ranchers quarreled over
them so he put them up for auction. Nobody would buy them so he bought them and paid $60 for them. He
used this to start a school and asked Annie Hunt if she would teach for 60 days for this sum.'" (Levine, pp 21-22)
89
This number seems high. It must have included all the members living in Sunset, St. Johns, Snowflake, etc. The
population of the Snowflake Ward was only 403 in 1884--four years later.
87
Jesse N. Perkins. The above petition was read in Sunday meeting by W. D.
Kartchner and signers solicited.90
Dec. 24th, at 3 o'clock A. M. I was in bed not breathing. Don Clayton and family
were visiting with us and stayed all night. Sister Kartchner raised an alarm, and
Brother Clayton raised me up and blew in my mouth, and administered by
laying on of hands at which time I came to. Again at six o'clock. I was found to
not be breathing and was minutes again without breath when they sent for
John, my oldest son. They again administered and thus I was redeemed from
the fit.
[December 25th} Our Snowflake Conference convened on the 25th of December
and continued on 26th. Much good instruction were said to be given, but I was
not able to attend the meeting.
It is interesting to note that William reported himself as suffering from dropsy in May of 1880.
He had mentioned in his June 6th entry his dropsy condition and again in September he
detailed all the home remedies he had taken. Dropsy is now known by the medical name of
"Edema". Its symptoms are retention of water and swelling in the soft tissues of the body and
limbs. At times dropsy or edema can be attributed to congestive heart problems. It can be very
painful. The December entry seems to be more in the nature of epilepsy since he mentioned
"redeemed from the fit." William's health would continue to worsen, but he lived on for more
than a decade.
Thus ended the year 1880. Unfortunately, William was in bad health. For years he had
suffered from rheumatism, but now it seemed as if his whole body was coming apart. The 1880
Census included the following information about the Kartchner families:
1880 Census (Roll: T9-0036/ED: 37/Pg: 36B-Sheet: 14/Line: 21]
Taken before MAY 1880
Census Place: Snow Flake, Apache County, Arizona Territory.
Household
KARTCHNER
Wm. D.
Relation
Age
Birthplace
Self
59
Margaret J
Nowlin D
Wife
Son
54
17
PA (Occ: Blacksmith w/Dropsy
Parent Birthplace -Fa-PA, Mo- PA
MO [Parent birthplace- Fa: TN Mo: IL
UT
90
This petition was subsequently granted and W.D. Kartchner became Snowflake's first postmaster. His wife,
Lizzie, wrote: ” Dec. 5, 1880 we petitioned for a Post Office which was granted and my husband was Post
Master the first Post Office in Snowflake. He continued in the office until he went blind"
88
Orin
Son
15
UT
Elizabeth
Aaron
Culver
Minnie
Byrtle
Darien
Elsie
2nd W
Son
Son
Dau
Son
Son
Dau
34
16
11
9
7
5
2
AUSTRALIA [Parent birthplace Fa: ENG, Mo: IRE]
UT
UT
UT
UT
UT
AZ
The Census reveals that he and Margaret had two unmarried sons living with them. In the
other family, Lizzie had six children, ages 16-2 that she was raising. However, Lizzie was not
through having children. She and William would have three more: Etta b. 15 Jul 1881, Zina, b.
7 Dec 1883, and Melva, b. 8 Feb 1886. William was sixty-six years old when his last daughter
was born!
1881
Jan 29th, 1881 Met with High Priest [Quorum], acted as clerk.
Feb. 20th., Brother E. Snow, of the Apostles, met with us at Snowflake. Meeting
commenced at 2 o'clock p.m.. Hymn on page 147, prayer by Brother
Standiferd, Hymn on page 155, Sacrament administered by Bros. Gale and
Mineraly. Brother Snow said "By the blessings of a kind providence and of
our Heavenly Father, I am permitted to meet with you, brethren and sisters of
Snowflake, after parting with you last fall. I made my report to the presiding
Presidency. at Salt Lake City when I received a new appointment to repair
again soon to the territories of Colorado, New Mexico and Arizona and I
have been to Manassa, which is in Utah. I see a great many in that region of
country moving who have come without being called and who are in a suffering
condition. I advised them to go down the Rio Grande out of the snow and work
on the railroad. They are mixed up with rather rough associates. These
railroads are no doubt for the more speedy gathering of the Saints but our
interest is not in building railroads, but in raising grain and children to eat it.
The Rio Grande Valley is large and water plenty. It is some fifty miles wide
and 150 miles long." He counseled us to "study the scriptures for in them you
think you have eternal life and they testify of Me, but you have the more sure
word of prophecy until the day star arise in your hearts. We keep warning
men of the near approach of the Son of Man". He said "Oliver Cowdery,
89
David Whitmer and Martin Harris saw the Angel, beside a cloud of witnesses
by the Holy Ghost testify of the same". Counseled us to stay to our farms,
raise grain. "The railroad is bringing in a rough class and your boys will be
better at home. You have been defrauded in election matters. Your duty is to
forestall these wicked men and contend for your rights. It is necessary for you
to keep the Gueld. [?] "
John Allen said "I live in Colorado Territory it is cold there, the
altitude is 7,500. In traveling I find pleasant weather here and the most
desirable spot I have seen. The railroad is no doubt for a good purpose but
we better stay to our farms for with it came the toughest kind of men. We are
filling up the waste places with our brethren and children." Brother Snow
arose again and said he was glad to meet the brethren of Taylor but could not
speak with them.
Feb. 26th., met with the High Priests. The brethren spoke on the indications of the
near approach of the Son of Man and of the need of our being united.
Feb. 27th., Received a letter from my brother in Iowa who thought of coming to visit us
in Snowflake as soon as the cars ran to Holbrook. 91
March 6th., I addressed the Snowflake Sunday school on the subject of the Promise
Land and the reference in the Book of Mormon of the man who discovered
America. I preached to the people of Snowflake on the necessity of oneness
and kindness to each other in order to merit the Spirit of the Lord.92
March 20, 1881 the High Council of Eastern Arizona Stake of Zion met at
Joseph Fish's house in Snowflake with Jesse N. Smith and L.H. Hatch and
Oscar Mann, his Counselors president. Each member of the Council
present expressed themselves willing to act, four being absent, when a united
expression to sustain Pres. Smith in counseling Bp. Christofferson of Round
Valley to not give recommends to one Joseph Theyne for going to law outside
of the Church with Bro. Perkins; also Moses Cluff on fraud in selling and
moving to the Gila.
In April 1881 Bishop John Hunt came to my house and informed me that I was the
choice of him and the people to be the postmaster at Snowflake and I drew up
91
This is a reference to William's brother, John Kartchner, from whom William separated back in 1846 with hard
feelings. John eventually moved to Iowa where he lived until he died in 1911 at age 95.
92
My copy of William's Memoirs does not have this March 6th entry.
90
the petition for a post office with the name of W. D. Kartchner for
postmaster. Our petition was granted and I received my appointment June
27th., 1881, and on August 15th., I filed my bond with Bishop John Hunt,
and A. J. Stratton as bondsmen under $1,000.00.
As no service was ordered the people of Snowflake carried it one
week and Taylor people the next week, alternately volunteer service, it being
considerable labor for me to hunt carriers and make a record of the same.
Only one refused the first round.
U.S. service was commenced Sept. 5th 1882 by W.W. Wall with two
trips per week from St. Joseph via Snowflake, Taylor, Showlow to Fort
Apache and back, with side mail to Springerville via Erastus and St. Johns.
In June 1893, by W. J. Flake's counsel I resigned the office of
postmaster in favor of J. R. Hulett.
The Snowflake mail was the third route I petitioned. The first was on
the Muddy, from Calls Landing to St. Thomas via St. Joseph to Paranigat.
The second mail route was on the Sevier River from Gunnison via Monroe via
Panguitch to Kanab.
In the Snowflake office I furnished corn and meals to the
amount of $105.00. I also went security for $100.00 and he ran away between
two suns leaving me to bear the loss but Brother Ellsworth was too much a
man to push me for the debt. Brother Stratton has paid him on his hundred
dollars $50.00 in oats.
Having had several epileptic fits, I resigned the office of postmaster
July 1, 1883 in favor of J. R. Hulett, who soon after, received my mail and
kept one suit of clothes addressed to the postmaster. He acted as though he
had been the only postmaster in Snowflake. How soon he forgot the man who
promoted him.93
April 21st. Homesteaded on Section 24 of the Township 13, Gila and Salt River
Meridian Range 21 E., County of Apache.
May 28th. Met with the High Priest's Quorum
93
In addition to the epilepsy, William had other health issues. William's wife, Lizzie, explains: "He continued in the
office until he went blind. He had poor health for several years."
91
In August I was taken sick and unconscious one night and day, and my children were
called in supposing me to be dying, but the laying on of hands restored me to
consciousness. I gained slowly.
[Sept. 28th] Conference convened at Taylor Sept. 28th., continued until 29-30.
A good spirit was enjoyed by all present. I attended on Sunday and also
High Council at 5 o'clock p.m.
Margaret Jane Casteel Kartchner's passing
Margaret J. Kartchner, William's first wife, enjoyed a tranquil life in Snowflake. Unfortunately,
it was altogether too brief since it lasted only three years. Her husband described in
considerable detail the events surrounding her death and burial:
On August 5, 1881, at 8 o'clock A.M., Sister Margaret Jane Kartchner took sick
with a pain in her head, also a bad cough. She continued to get worse day
after day. All was done that could be by medical aid at hand, and gradually she
declined until the 11th at 11 o'clock she died without a struggle, with a
pleasant smile on her countenance. Her neck was blue with the effect of
mortification before death and the coffin was closed at 11 o'clock of the 12th.
The funeral services were held at Snowflake meeting house at 12 noon
and Bishop Hunt asked the people to excuse them for not opening the coffin,
as it was not wisdom to do so. The cortege started from the meeting house at
1 p.m. for the cemetery, with a large attendance of carriages and wagons filled
with people to follow the respected dead to its last resting place. There were a
great number on foot following and while on the move near Brother Fish's
residence a hard shower of rain commenced and Brother Hunt called a halt
and advised that the coffin be covered with blankets and that the people go to
their houses. When the rain had partly subsided the men only, finished the
ceremonies in a hard shower of rain.
The speakers at the meeting house were Bros. Samuel Rogers, Jesse
N. Perkins, Sen. and Bishop John Hunt gave her history. From his early
boyhood he knew her to be a true Latter -day Saint and to possess all the
qualities required of a mother, wife and sister. He had traveled in company with
her and her husband from Pueblo, Colorado to Salt Lake Valley in the spring
of 1847. She was the third daughter of Jacob Israel Casteel and Sarah
Nowlin; born 1 Sept 1825, Cooper Co. Missouri
92
A design of the Tomb for Margaret Jane and William Decatur
Kartchner. Dig off the loose dirt of her present grave and make it 4' x 7' and
line it with stone 2' high with flat stone covering the vault and dirt raised to form
two graves. Fasten up the ends so as to form a trench. Plant 8 Pretty-benight roots in the trench and send a keg of water, one in April, and one in May
to keep them growing.
Margaret had spent 34 years of her life helping colonize four of the western states. She walked
many weary miles, and had journeyed many thousands of miles over mountains and deserts,
where no roads eased the rocky way, behind slow plodding oxen, months at a time having only
a wagon for a home. During her fifty-six years of existence, she gave birth to eleven children.
Three died in infancy but the other eight lived long lives. She witnessed the marriages of six of
her children: Sarah Emma, Prudence, John, Mark, Alzada and Mary (Mindy) Unfortunately for
Margaret, she did not live to celebrate the marriages of her two youngest, Nowlin and Orin.
They married in 1882 and 1883, respectively. Margaret died at 55 years and 11 months of age.
Sept. 12, 1881, Don C. Clayton and Mary Merinda, his wife, Clarence and Vinnie
arrived from Salt Lake City.
1882
March 15th. 1882, Bp. Hunt sent John Oakley to me for tithing wheat. I weighed
out 8 bushel of wheat tithing for 1881, delivered to him. Paid Bishop Hunt of
Snowflake.
Wheat 384 lbs:
$15.30
Squash & Turnips:
$ 1.00
Sept. 21st. paid W. W. Willis
Molasses:
3 gallons
$ 4.50
Sept. 20th., Orin hauled tithing from Phoenix Park Mill, lumber $18.50
Oct. Paid to Father Pease
Squash
100lbs.
$ 2.00
420 lbs.
$12.00
to Oakley
Wheat
May 13, 1882, I examined the tithing books, no credit.
6 Bu. and 24 lbs. Wheat,
1 gal. Molasses,
93
vegetables or eggs:
$ 3.00
Sept. 20 1883 Paid molasses tithing to Bp. Hunt.
2 gallons
Oct. 14, 188 Paid wheat
3 bu.
$ 6.00
[no date] I had been suffering with the dropsy for two years unable to stoop down or
walk except occasionally. I would get better and be able to go to meeting. In
the month of March, 1882, my son John brought some whiskey from St.
Johns into which I steeped the wandering milk root and took it six times per
day until it acted as an emetic and the swelling went down out of my stomach
and bowels into my legs and finally, in a short time of four weeks, left me
entirely, a very poor object. I had been reduced from 174 pounds, my standing
weight, to 145 pounds in two weeks. I took sick with a strange disease known
as the pink eye94 and became unconscious with severe pain in my head, and a
fever. Suffered much and for two weeks. The last of April, I began to walk
around again.
On the first day of May, I was called upon to unite in matrimony David V. A. Talley
and Sarah Raseltine West. I did so, having authority as Justice of the Peace
for the Snowflake Precinct, Apache County, Ariz. About this time what was
known as Edmonds Bill became a law in the U. S. whereas all polygamists
were considered criminals and subject to both fine and imprisonment on
conviction and George Q. Cannon was denied his seat in Congress as
Delegate for Utah Territory.
In this May 1882 entry, William mentioned the Edmunds anti-polygamy legislation. As a
consequence of that act, William J. Flake was sent to the Yuma Territorial Prison in December of
1884. He served a six-month sentence and was released on June 11, 1885. During his
incarceration, Flake, who was Kartchner's son-in-law, sent William the following letter:
Yuma Prison, Dec. 25th 84
W.D. Kartchner
Dear Bro
Your welcome letter found me yesterday well & was glad to get a letter from
my home & from one that felt to give me a place among his friends.
94
At times what may look like pink eye is actually a kind of dropsy.
94
We are feeling very well considering the circumstances under which we are
placed. We feel to console ourselves for God has said that those that will serve him
must suffer persecutions, but woe to them by whom they come. Our Savior, the
Prophets that were with Him & the prophets of the latter days & many a good saint
have been imprisoned and suffered death for trying to establish the kingdom of God
here upon the earth and why should we take upon us the name of Christ and expect
to get off without suffering the same persecution?
We have everything to live for and nothing to discourage us. If we are faithful
and keep the commandments of God, we have nothing to fear. It will be well with us,
but if we turn aside and lose our souls and walk in the broad road that leadeth unto
death, then we will lose all that we have worked for. It is the Kingdom of God with me
or nothing.
I started with the intention of being exalted in the Kingdom of God and nothing
short of that will suit me. If it is registered that I should be put in prison, all right.
Father is at the helm & if I had to suffer death, I can say, "God forgive them for they
know not what they do. They are only filling up the cup." The Lord has said that those
that dwell on this continent they should serve him and as soon as their cup is full, He
will sweep them off; therefore we want to look to ourselves & see if we are keeping
the commandments of our Father. If we are, all right; if not, we had better be
rounding up & trying to keep all the laws that are given for our exaltation.
Therefore I feel to encourage all to do to one another as we would like to be
done by, and try to help one another.
Encourage my family to do right. Tell the children that they must take care of
their mothers & keep things running for I will be back in the Spring and hope to find all
of the saints living as they should.
I am sorry to learn that your eyes are worse. Osmer said that Prudence had
another of her spells. I hope she will be better after returning home. I deampt little
Pearl come to my cell and said, "Father, I am cold." I took her in my arms and woke
up.
Give my love to all of my friends and tell them not to fret for me, for I am
treated well by all and have no complaints to make. We are in the hands of our Father
and He will take care of us if we do our part. When any of you write, direct your
letters in care of Capt. Ingalls.
May God bless you all is my prayer.
W. J. Flake
Of course William D. Kartchner had nothing to fear about the polygamy raids. His first wife had
died in 1881 and so he was not under scrutiny. Lucy Flake wrote in her autobiography that by
1884-85, nearly all the Snowflake men with multiple wives were either in prison or had hightailed it off to Mexico, "everyone but Woodruff Freeman; he was all the Poligmis that stayed at
home. Eight or ten men went and took part or all of their famileys and that made it seem lonely
in a little place about forty-five famileys"95 William's son, John Kartchner, was among those
who fled to Mexico.
95
Lucy Hannah White Flake Autobiography, p. 34 of 1973 typewritten draft in BYU Special Collections.
95
1882 continued
[no date] In 1882 my team could not be found till very late in the spring, and John
proposed to Nowlin and Orin to take his team, Alma Palmer and Miller, and
help Aaron put in some wheat for me, the result was I had three acres of wheat
in.
Dec. 7, 1882, I was taken sick with biliousness and sinking spells and was
unconscious. I had prayed to know if my labors had been accepted and was
immediately made whole. Such joy I never had experienced before
1883
on the night of March 19th., 1883, was taken with a sinking and was
unconscious part of the evening. I feared to die with great fear and I saw in the
vision the great Tower of Babel. Its center and foundation were solid with
brick and lime, with winding stairways. I saw the brother of Jared and company
travel marks to the seaside and the beautiful mount of white or transparent
rock that the brother of Jared asked the Load to touch that they might shine
forth in the barges while crossing the sea. I saw the place of landing. It
resembled the valley I had seen in a former vision. The gold they found for
making the plates of which the Book of Mormon was made. I met persons and
pleasant weather but I passed through a troop of demons who held me bound
first but passed on to where I was filled with joy and came back filled with joy. I
was well and had so good time I would like to go any time. My work was done. I
saw many of the more intellectual and honorable who were much favored.
May 22, 1883, on this day at 5 p.m. our house and kitchen furniture were burned with
all our provisions, stove, 1 bed and bedding, all our clothing and provisions.
Donations as follows:
Mrs. W. W. Wall,
flour .85, bacon .67, sugar .97 coffee .25,
$2.44
Prudence:
3 pans, 1 pan biscuit, 1 bed tick,
$1.50
Mark:
1 brass kettle
$1.50
James Flake:
In the store
Sarah Miller:
Pan .40, flour, bowls, spoons, .60 corn .50,
$1.50
Mrs. M. Stratton:
1 quilt,
$1.00
Samuel S. Rogers: wheat, 100 lbs.,
$10.00
$3.25
96
Mrs. Atchison:
bacon $1.00, dishes .50:
$1.50
Mrs. Clara Turley: 2 milk pans,
$1.00
Mrs. Roseilfa Gardner: 5 yards of factory,
$ .75
Pres. Jesse N. Smith: in cash,
$3.00
Joseph W. Smith:
in cash,
$1.00
John R. Hulett:
in store pay,
$2.00
Prudence J. Flake: 1 sieve
$1.00
Nellie Smith:
1 quilt,
$ 5 .00
Relief society:
2 plates, .20, 1 quilt, $5.00
$5.20
Addie Fish:
1 2nd hand quilt:
$2.00
Sister Copeland:
1 2nd hand coverlet,
$2.50
Jesse N. Smith:
paid at Woodruff store on stove,
$5.00
Brother John Smith: sent greenbacks,
$5.00
Brother John Kartchner: sent $5.00
$5.00
Years later, Minnie Kartchner, a daughter of William and Lizzie, confided to her children that
she, when she was 13 years old, had caused the fire that destroyed the kitchen:
The kitchen was very important to Minnie. This week, for the first time, she revealed
to her children that she was responsible for the disastrous fire that destroyed the kitchen
house. "Mother," said her daughter Mable, "you never told us this before. We never knew
you felt guilty about starting that fire or that you had anything to do with it." She smiled, "I
know. I never told anyone before. But it really was my fault. I put wood in the stove, and the
pieces were too long. Then I got interested in doing something else and forgot about it. The
long piece burned and dropped on the floor and I know that is what started that fire." She
chuckled as she remembered the long kept secret of the fire. "I just went out and played
hopscotch while the fire burned. I couldn't help any, and nobody ever blamed me for it, so I
never told."
(Collinwood, p. 78-79.)
July 8th., I took sick and became unconscious one day and night.
On Dec. 5th also became unconscious and was sick two days.
Dec. 16th had a fit and was filled with the horrors of the damned. Also Wednesday
all night did not sleep. Thursday night had the good spirits and slept soundly
and good and Friday visited Bishop Hunt as Orin and Annie arrived on the
20th.
I embraced Bishop and kissed him and blessed his family and himself as
one of the noblest sons of men that now stands on earth. Brother Hunt put
97
on his hat and handed my hat to me and stood at the door as waiting for me as I
blessed Sister Lewis and she blessed me in turn.
1884
Jan. 26th, High Priest Quorum met at Taylor. I was permitted to speak and spoke at
length. The spirit gave me utterance. I blessed the brethren and encouraged
those bearing rule to urge the people in their several wards to prey mightily to
the Lord and He would protect us from our enemies. Pres. Paul Smith was
understood to say he wanted the Taylor brethren to make the long ditch for
he had lived on a dry lot since he lived here. Brother Flake called him to explain
it and he explained, said he meant the brethren at Snowflake in the same as at
Taylor as he considered us one in this work as being under one head.
Feb. 2nd I started to Woodruff for goods for our Co-op store. It rained at night.
Sunday morning I met with the Saints. At 2 p.m., Pres. Hatch gave account of
his mission to Silver City in company with Pres. Jesse N. Smith and then
called on me to talk. The good spirit was enjoyed by all present and a good
meeting was the result.
I started home with wife and two children on Monday and found the
creek had raised to ne [ ?] Standiferd, who treated us very kindly and helped
me cross next day very carefully. Arrived home on the 5th . . . . . . . . . .
Picture of Snowflake, taken in 1884. The only brick building in the church house, seen center,
right.
98
Thus end William D. Kartchner's Memoirs. Perhaps he ceased to write because his eyesight
failed completely. However, William did not die for another eight years. During that time he
fathered one more child, Melva, in February of 1886. Nevertheless, his health was very poor-as can be seen in many of the last entries in his memoirs.
As Kartchner's health gradually deteriorated, he was fortunate, in a way. Most if not all of his
children from his first wife had married and were now living in Snowflake where they were of
great assistance to the patriarch of the clan. These children and their spouses were:
Sarah Emma K. Wm.'s oldest child)
and her husband Ninian Miller
Prudence Jane K (Wm.'s 3rd child) and her
husband, William J. Flake
Mark K., Wm.'s
5th child. He
married Phebe Palmer
Alzada K. married Alma
Palmer. Alzada was Wm.'s
7th child
Nowlin K. married
Margaret E.
Savage in 1882.
He was Wm.'s 9th child.
Orin Kartchner
married Annella
Hunt in 1883
Orin was Wm.'s
10th child.
99
The above Kartchner children were living in Snowflake at the time William's health really
deteriorated. John Kartchner had already fled to Mexico, and Don Carlos and Mindie were
in Utah when Margaret died, but returned to Snowflake and lived there ten years before
relocating permanently in the Salt Lake area. However, William's second wife, Elizabeth
Gale, was a constant support and she, too, had a large family.
This picture of William and
Elizabeth Kartchner's family
was taken in approximately
1887-88.
Back, L→R: Byrtle, Culver,
Aaron, Minnie
Middle: Darien, Elsie
Front: Etta, Wm. D. Mevla,
Elizabeth (Lizzie), Zina
(Melva was born in 1886)
One of the granddaughters, Emma Flake Freeman, wrote:
"My first and most vivid remembrance of my Grandfather and
Grandmother Kartchner was when their home burned. It was located where
Elizabeth Baldwin's large house now stands. Soon after, Grandmother Kartchner
passed away.96 But Grandfather lived for some years, suffering from epileptic fits
and diabetes and, finally, [was] totally blind. We, with others of his children and
grandchildren, had to lead him where ever he wanted to go before his death."
1891
William received a land patent, Arizona Territorial Doc #457. He acquired title to 160 acres
of federal land under the Homesteading Act of 1862. The land was located in section 24 of
Snowflake Township on 2 Nov 1891. (Source: Dept. of the Interior, Bureau of Land
Management, also Navajo County Records.) No information has been found as to whether
he ever developed that land.
1892
The morning of May 14th, 1892, William D. Kartchner was found dead in his bed. He was 72
years and 10 days old. The obituary published in the Deseret News, 4 June 1892 stated:
96
Emma erred on this point. Margaret J. Kartchner died in 1881 and the fire was not until 1883. Funny how our
memory distorts things from time to time.
100
"Death of another Veteran"
(Allen Foot writes to us from Snowflake under date of May 30th as follows:)
Another of the veterans of our Church passed away at this place on the
14th ult., namely William Decatur Kartchner. Deceased was the son of John C. Kartchner
and Prudence Wilcox, was born at Hartford, Montgomery Co., Penn., May 4th 1820, and
baptized May 8th, 1843, having heard the Gospel the previous day for the first time.
He was married to Margaret Jane Casteel in March, 1844, passed through all the
mobbings and persecutions at Nauvoo, standing guard greater part of the time during a
six weeks' rain, and was stricken down with rheumatism. He could not move hand nor
foot at the time of the martyrdom. He was called to go with the famous "Emimetts' [sic]
Company " and through the operations of those in charge, was reduced with many
others to distressing circumstances. It was only by a desperate effort that he and his wife
were enabled to get away from the company, and work their way back to St. Louis. Here
Brother Kartchner was well treated by his brother John, although not in sympathy in
religious matters.
In the spring of 1846 Brother William and wife joined a company of Saints who
were preparing to go to the Rocky Mountains, preferring the hardships and dangers of
such a trip to remaining among a people who had abused him and his fellow Saints. This
company was in charge of Captain William Crosby, and arrived in Salt Lake Valley July
28th, 1847--one year and three months from the time of leaving the State [of Illinois.]
Brother Kartchner, who was a blacksmith by trade, faithfully assisted as a pioneer
in the settlement of new places in Utah and Arizona. He had been quite feeble in body
and mind for the last ten years, having almost entirely lost his sight. He always bore a
strong and faithful testimony to the truth of the great latter-day work, and was a true and
consistent Latter-day Saint. His first wife died ten years ago. He leaves seventeen
children and forty-three grandchildren to mourn his loss. The deceased was highly
respected by all who knew him.
101
The biography of his daughter Zina, the next-to-last child from William's second wife, Lizzie,
states:
Zina . . . was a very happy child. Her only sorrow was that her father had
lost his eyesight and she used to lead him where he wanted to go, but was glad to
help him. He was a very kind and loving father. He passed away before she was 9
years old. (Collinwood, p. 88)
Elizabeth, William's second wife, was left a widow with eight children, three of whom had
already married. The three married children were Aaron, who was the oldest at age 29.
Culver was 24, and Minnie 22. Minnie married first, on 20 Oct 1886 to William Ellis
Stratton. Culver was the second to marry, on 11 Nov 1889 to Nancy Rebecca Stewart.
Aaron, the oldest, had married Margaret Blythe a year prior to William's death, on 1 Jan
1891. However, that meant that Lizzie still had the responsibility for providing for six
children: Byrtle, 19, Darien, 17, Elsie 14, Etta, 11, Zina, 9, and Melva, just 6 years old. In her
life sketch, Lizzie stated succinctly:
[My husband] had poor health for several years, May 14 1892 he died,
leaving me with a large family. I am the mother of 10 children. [I have] buried
two, have eight living [as of 1920]. They are all married and have families. They
have all been to the Temple and are all members of the Church of Jesus Christ of
Latter Day-saints in good standing. The Lord has blessed me with good health. I
am now 75 years old and might as well go for a hundred. I feel thankful. My desire
is to do good while I live and that I may be faithful and true to the end.
Elizabeth died eight years after writing the above comment. Her death was accidental. An
old well caved in on her. The well had been securely covered, but the lot had been irrigated
and the water ran through a gopher hole into the well, filling it with water within a few feet
of the top. She died 9 Mar 1928 at age 83 in Mesa, Arizona. Her body was taken to
Snowflake for burial after the funeral services in Mesa. Since William and his first wife,
Margaret had been interned in a joint grave, Elizabeth was buried "in a plot at the foot of
her husband."97
Conclusion
William D. Kartchner was a remarkable individual. Despite suffering from a variety of health
problems throughout his life, he went willingly wherever the Church authorities decided to
send him. From all accounts, he was a talented blacksmith, a dependable settler and a kind and
loving father. His posterity is numerous. He was the father of twenty-one children. Four or
five of those died before adulthood, but the rest lived long and productive lives--and had large
97
Burial Records for the Kartchner/Welsh Families, 1826-2002. The grave location is Snowflake City Cemetery/AZ
53-Q-35-3. http://files.usgwarchives.org/ut/state/cemeteries/kartchner.txt
102
families. Sarah Collinwood, in 1970, made a careful count of William's posterity and
determined that he had 21 children, 162 grandchildren and 753 great-grandchildren! His total
descendents, as of 1970, numbered 4252 individuals. In the current year, 2010, William's
descendents could easily be double or triple the number of those counted in 1970. The
Kartchner name is heard throughout the western states, and most--if not all--of the Kartchners
are descended from that valiant pioneer, William D. Kartchner.
103
APPENDIX A:
Stories William D. Kartchner heard during his lifetime and jotted down.
1.
Brigham Young's Dream
While at Winter Quarters, on the 17th of Feb., Pres. Young had a very interesting dream,
which he related to the brethren. He dreamed he went to see Joseph the Prophet and when
he met him he looked perfectly natural. He appeared to sitting in a chair at the time. Pres.
Young took hold of his right hand and kissed him many times and said to him, "Why is it we
cannot be together as we used to be? You have been from us a long time. We want your
society and do not like to be separated from you." Joseph rose from his chair and looked at
him with his usual warmest expression and pleasing countenance and said, "It is all right."
Pres. Young repeated that he did not like to be away from him. Joseph said, "It is all right.
We cannot be together yet. We shall be, bye and bye, but you will have to be without me for
awhile then we shall be together again." Pres. Young said "The brethren you know well,
better than I do, you raised them up and brought the Priesthood to us. They have a great
anxiety to understand the law of adoption or the sealing principles and if you have a word of
council for me I shall be glad to receive it."
Joseph stepped toward him, looked very earnestly, yet pleasantly said, "Tell the
brethren to be humble and faithful and be sure to keep the Spirit of the Lord and it will lead
them aright. Be careful and not turn away the Still Small Voice, it will teach them what to do
and where to go. It will yield the fruits of the Kingdom. Tell the brethren to keep their hearts
open to conviction so that when the Holy Ghost comes to them their hearts will be ready to
receive it. They can tell the spirit of the Lord from other spirits. It will whisper peace and joy
to their souls, it will take malice, hatred, strife and all evil from their hearts and from their whole
desire will be to do good, bring forth righteousness and build up the Kingdom of God. Tell
the brethren if they will find themselves just as our Father organized them in Heaven before
they came into the world. Our Father in Heaven organized the human family but they are all
disorganized and in great confusion."
Joseph then showed Pres. Young the pattern how the human family was in the
beginning. He saw where the Priesthood had been taken from the earth and how it had to be
joined together so that there would be a perfect chain from Father Adam to his latest
104
posterity. Joseph again said to him "Tell the people to be sure to keep the spirit of the
Lord and follow it and it will lead them just right."
Such a dream was very consoling to President Young and instructive to the people.
From it we can learn how important it is to keep the Spirit of the Lord. No man or people
can prosper who do not have it as the guide.
2.
Mobbings after the exodus from Nauvoo
The news reached Winter Quarters about this time of the hanging by the mob, near
Farmington, Iowa, of Brother William R. Folsom. They did not kill him outright but his
friends had much difficulty in restoring him to life. They also hung Brother Rodney Swazey
by the heels for about five minutes. Six other brethren were hung by them, and in this manner
the Saints were treated by mobocrats in that vicinity after they were expelled from their
homes and robbed by nearly all they possessed by the mob at Nauvoo.
3.
Strang's false revelation
Pres. Young while at Winter Quarters, obtained a copy of a revelation supposing to have
been received by James J. Strang, a man who claimed to be the Pres. of the Church after
the Prophet's death and who was the means of leading away a number of people. This
revelation was not really written by Strang but was forged by a man named Charles Wesley
Wandell, for the purpose of entrapping those who believed in Strang's doctrine. At Nauvoo
they fell into the trap which was prepared for them. John E. Page, one of the Twelve
Apostles who had apostatized just before the church left Nauvoo, believed it to be the
revelation and bore public testimony to it being from the Almighty. The success of this trick
afforded much merriment to Wandell and his friends and they thought it a most excellent joke.
But in thus assuming to write a revelation in the name of the Lord he did not perceive that he
placed himself in the power of Satan. He probably thought that his intent was good in thus
trying to expose wickedness, but it is a serious thing for a man to trifle with sacred subjects
and use the name of the Lord falsely and for the purpose of deception. Wandell's course
since that time should be a warning to others to avoid doing evil that good, or supposed
good, might come.
105
4.
Winter Quarters, Brigham Young and dissidents
In preparing to go with the Pioneer company from Winter Quarters to the Great
Basin, Pres. Young with his brethren took the necessary precaution to ensure the safety
and good government of those who remained behind while they should make the trip. Ample
counsel was given to this and kindred subject and measures were taken to build a stockade
around the Winter Quarters and to have the people live together united. Houses that were
outside of the established line for the stockades were moved inside and everything was done
that could be, to secure the people from Indian attacks. Those who were living in dugouts, as
the houses were called which were dug in the side of the hill, were counseled to build houses
on the top of the ground to live in during the summer so that sickness might be avoided.
Other counsel was given in relation to their building, which would increase the healthfulness
of the residents.
Pres. Young gave excellent counsel to the authorities and the people respecting their
dealing with the Indians. He condemned the practice of shooting Indians so common among
other communities settled in Indian country, for any and every offence that they might commit
and advised the brethren to avoid enraging them or giving place to feelings of hostility and
bloodshed.
Arrangements were also made to take care of the poor and the families of the
brethren who had gone in the Battalion. The brethren were already to move at Winter
Quarters as quick as possible and to put in a spring crop. Bishop Miller, who had been the
leader of the company to Punco, was already at Winter Quarters. He had indulged in the
spirit that was not of God for some time and his mind was clouded with darkness. While
preparations were being made for the pioneers to go west, at the meeting of the Twelve
Apostles and other Elders he gave his view relative to the church removing to Texas, to the
country lying between the Nueces and the Rio Grande River. That was the best country he
thought for the church to emigrate to. Lyman Wight was already in Texas where he had gone
from Nauvoo. He took with him such as would follow. Miller's instruction was in the same
direction. Pres. Young informed Miller that his views were wild and visionary, that when the
Saints moved from that point they would go to the Great Basin where they would form a
nucleus of strength and power sufficient to cope with the mobs, but this had little effect on
Miller. He soon after left Winter Quarters with his family and a few others over whom he had
influence and went to Texas where Lyman Wight quarreled when he moved North again, and
join Strang and died an apostate from the church.
106
On the 15th of April [1847], Heber C. Kimball moved out from Winter Quarters
about six miles with six of his which he had prepared to form part of the Pioneer equipment to
go to a place in the far west where the Saints would dwell in peace and security. General
Conference was held the next day at Winter Quarters and on the 7th, Pres. Young started
and joined the camp which was then located about ten miles west of Winter Quarters. The
Pioneer Camp, when formed, numbered 143 men and 73 wagons. Sister Young, wife of
Pres. Young, and Sister Ellen S. Kimball, wife of Pres. K., were the only sisters in camp.98
*************************
East St. Louis History Timeline
1808 Illinois City established on the present-day National Stockyards Area.
History Timeline
98
Actually, there were three women in the first Pioneer Company. Kartchner neglected to mention Harriet Decker
Wheeler Young, wife of Lorenzo Dow Young.
107
APPENDIX B: Thumbnail sketches of the Kartchner children
Sarah Collinwood, in her very detailed book, The Kartchner Family, included brief biographical
sketches of several of the Kartchner children. Since her work encompassed several generations
of Kartchners, I thought appropriate to include here the sketches of the children of Margaret
and William, and of Elizabeth and William, where they are available. I have modified somewhat
the format and content of the information Collinwood provided.
THUMBNAIL SKETCHES OF SOME OF THE CHILDREN OF KARTCHNER'S
FIRST FAMILY, WILLIAM D. AND MARGARET J. CASTEEL KARTCHNER.
SARAH EMMA KARTCHNER (Oldest child of William and Margaret), b. 17 Aug 1846, Pueblo,
Pueblo, Colorado. d. 5 Dec 1934, Snowflake, buried
there. She had 8 children, 2 by her first husband and
6 by her second and last husband.
Sarah Emma was truly a pioneer from infancy on
during her whole life. She was less than a year old when her
parents arrived in Salt Lake Valley, 27 Jul 1847. They had
wintered at Iowa City and then started west in Mar. 1845.
In June [1846] they reached Pueblo, Colo., and there Sarah
was born, being the first white child of American parents born in the State of Colorado. They wintered
in Pueblo and left in the spring of 1847, arriving in Salt Lake just three days behind the first company.
Her parents settled in San Bernardino, Calif., with the Church colony there. She often told about
the gold nuggets which her father would have up in the cupboard while they were there. Her father had
a large ranch and had it almost paid for when the colonists were called back to Utah. She was 12 years
old when they left California and she said at that time she could cook for the family when her mother
was ill. Her helpful disposition seemed to express itself at that early age. Upon returning to Utah, they
settled in Beaver.
While the family was in Beaver, Sarah married Orrin Twitchell 1 Jan 1864. They had two
children, Emma Jane, born 25 Oct 1864 and William Delroy, b. 30 Mar 1866. Apparently, Emma lived
only nine months and William Delroy only six months. Emma died in June of 1865 and Wm. Delroy in
Aug. of 1866. Sarah and Orrin divorced in August of 1866.
Next, they [the Kartchner family, including Sarah] moved to the Muddy in Nevada and when the
State piled up excess taxes on them, they moved back to Utah, settling in Panguitch.
Her parents had a large family and it meant they all had to help in every way possible. She being
the oldest daughter, she was always helpful to her parents. She helped her brothers and sisters and
mothered the entire family and was always loyal to every member. She helped her mother in weaving
carpets and cloth of all kinds and could spin the yarn and weave it into cloth and make the finished
clothes. She used to weave the cloth and make men's suits for her brothers and later for her husband.
She was also a good cook.
Her life was one of usefulness, always thinking of others and their comfort and no thought of
herself. All through her life she took things as they came and met the situation without complaining
108
about the task at hand. There was no place in her heart for faultfinding. She had no time for inclination
to interfere with other people's affairs, but always had an encouraging word.
It was while living in Panguitch she met Ninian Miller to whom she married at the St. George
Temple. Soon after their marriage they moved to Arizona (they being called with others by Brigham
Young), first living the United Order at a place called Taylor, just across the river from the present town
of Joseph City, Ariz. Her first child [from Ninian] was born in a wagon box.
In 1877 they moved to Snowflake. Here her husband engaged in farming and the mercantile
business. She was very modest and unassuming and efficient and devoted to her husband and family.
She was an ideal pioneer and mother. She was a charter member of the Southern Colorado Pioneers
Association.
. . . Sarah was left a widow the last 22 years of her life. During all that time she was ever
devoted to her family, helping in whatever way she could. Her hands were never idle. When she was
not reading she was doing hand work. She made beautiful quilts and spreads.
WILLIAM AMMON KARTCHNER (2nd child of William and Margaret), b. 30 Mar 1848,
Amasa's Survey, or South Cottonwood, Salt Lake County, UT. d. 22 Feb 1852, San
Bernardino, San Bernardino, California.
Not much is known about William Ammon. He was born during the second winter the
Kartchners spent in Utah. They were living in a two-story log cabin with Margaret's parents and siblings,
the Casteels. William A. died while the family was in San Bernardino with Amasa Lyman and other
settlers. No cause of death has been found or recorded.
PRUDENCE JANE KARTCHNER (3rd child of William
and Margaret. b. 15 Mar 1850 Amasa's Survey, or
South Cottonwood, Salt Lake County, UT. Died 8 Feb
1896, Snowflake, Navajo, AZ.
She married William J. Flake in 1866 or 1868 as a
second, or plural wife, and had 7 children, 4 of
which lived until adulthood.
Prudence Jane was born after her parents reached
Salt Lake City, at Little Cottonwood. When she was only a
few weeks old, she took a severe cold which affected her lungs and resulted in asthma in a very severe
form, and caused her much suffering through her life. This, however, did not prevent her from
developing into a beautiful woman and is remembered for her beautiful disposition.
She was very talented. She sang well, played the guitar, danced and called the changes for all
the quadrilles. Her family was musical and she and her sister would sing together as they ran the
spinning wheel and the loom. Her childhood was happy. Her brother played the violin and she could
step dance. She had many friends, and was a very attractive girl. She contributed many articles of value
to the "Woman Exponent" and wrote many articles for the local paper, and for birthdays and other
special occasions.
In spite of her many suitors, she chose to be the plural wife of William Jordan Flake. It was a big
decision as she had had several offers for marriage. She was married 10 years before she had any
children, but she had satisfied her longings with crowding her life full of new things to learn and ways of
developing her talents. William had a farm of 240 acres on the Beaver Bottoms.
Prudence was endowed with a desire for the finer arts. Her school days were limited and her
longing for more education impelled her to attend a school taught by Richard S. Horne in Beaver, after
she was married and before she had children.
109
Prudence and her husband went to the dedication of the St. George Temple [1877]. There she
requested a special blessing and in it was promised a son. This blessing was realized as she gave birth to
two sons and five daughters.
In April 1877 her husband received a call to go to Arizona and although he had considerable
property, he sold it willingly and made the journey into a new land. She suffered untold agonies trying
to live in the face of her severe lung condition and the cold and exposure, but always upheld her
husband. After three long months they arrived at Sunset, AZ, about the 8th of January. Here the
settlers were asked to practice the law of the United Order, and that, too, proved a great test of her
patience.
Soon, however, her husband was able to move his family to their new and permanent home,
which was James Stinson's ranch, later named Snowflake, in honor of her husband. Here she met
pioneering in its hardest form, but she was happy, for she had been promised a son. At last her prayers
were answered, but it turned out to be a girl. Both she and the baby barely escaped with their life.
With her health gone, she was confined to her home almost entirely, and only on special
occasions was she able to go out.
About this time, she was also harassed with government officials, prosecuting the plural wives.
She was moved to her brother's home [to ensure her privacy from harassment.]
Her love and understanding was such that many young people came to her home and sought
her counsel. Often they would come and play the violin or harmonica, and she would step dance for
them. When she became so she could not do it, she would hold to the mantel piece. The choir would
come to her home and sing after choir practice. They knew she loved music. At times they brought the
sacrament to her. She seldom left the house.
It was not until her third child did she receive a son, and he later died. She had twin babies, a
girl and a boy, both of whom died. However frail and whatever she was called upon to do, and in the
face of discouragement, she never complained. It was through her faith that she was able to have two
more children, and she had a desire to live until her children could care for themselves.
Her children were untiring in their devotion and kindness. No task was too hard when their
mother's praise and love awaited them. She was permitted to live until her daughter, Emma, was 15
[1896] and assumed the responsibility faithfully. It was said "Of all lovely, sweet-tempered, angelic
women, wives and mothers and saints, Aunt Prudence stands among the highest." (Written by Emma F.
Freeman and others.)
JOHN KARTCHNER (4th child of William and
Margaret), b. 26 Nov 1851, San Bernardino, San
Bernardino CA. d. 3 Feb 1946, Salt Lake City, Salt
Lake, UT. John was a polygamist. He married his
first wife, Lydia Amelia Palmer 11 May 1874 and his
second wife Nancy Jane Mann 20 Mar 1884. He had
8 children by his first wife and 9 by his second.
John was a large, good-looking, proud man. He weighed about 200 lbs. and always walked with
his shoulders back and his head high. He was a strong man and worked hard. A very positive man, he
was very honest and his word was as good as his bond. He loved company. He was a father of two
families, 9 children in one and 8 in the other.
When the U.S. passed a law against polygamy, he with many other men took their families and
went to old Mexico to live. They lived there about 25 years and the Mexicans drove them out with
nothing but a team and wagon.
110
They went to Blanding, UT., and made their home. All the other
men became Mexican citizens, but John never would. This saved his
children lots of trouble when they moved back to the United States.
In Mexico John played the violin for all the dances and some of his
sons would chord on the piano. One night, early in the evening, a bunch of
young fellows started quarreling over whose turn it was to dance and John,
seeing the trouble, just stood up and said, "Brothers and Sisters, come to
order. Bro. Young, will you dismiss us please and we will all go home." This
saved a big fight. John, being strong, one day was crossing the street and
his little 5 year-old girl came following him. He saw a bull running toward
his daughter, so he just grabbed the bull by the horns and threw it to the
ground and held it until the girl got away.
John could sing and recite and was always ready and willing when
asked to do something. At 95 he could sing well.
John & Nancy M.
When he was 70 years old he moved to Salt Lake City and worked on
a farm, and when 80 he milked 6 cows, bottled the milk and delivered it in
Kartchner family
the town of Sandy, UT.
He worked in the Temple for two winters. He had a strong testimony of the truthfulness of the
gospel of Jesus Christ. He was in the bishopric at one time. I've seen God perform some marvelous
healings through the priesthood John held. He loved to dance and he did lots of it. He loved when his
family got together and we always had fun. His favorite song was "Angry Words", and "The Unknown
Grave," which he sang often. His favorite poem was
Were I so tall to reach the Pole
Or grasp the Ocean in my hand
I must be measured by my Soul
The mind is the statue of the man.
John loved life and he dreaded death, but when he was 96 years old he fell ill with the flu and in
3 weeks he died. He was living in Salt Lake at that time. He used to say, "We are above average
people, we Kartchners. Always be proud of your Kartchner blood and keep it good." At 96 he always
had an interesting story to tell whenever I went to see him, and he would always say to me, "Come in.
You are welcome." (Written by his daughter, Pearl Robertson.)
MARK ELISHA KARTCHNER, (5th child of William and
Margaret), b. 10 Dec 1853, San Bernardino, San
Bernardino, CA. d. 4 Aug 1939, Provo, UT Mark and
Margaret had 8 children.
Mark Elisha was born in San Bernardino, Calif.,
where his parents had been called to settle. In 1857 his
parents moved back to Utah, living in Beaver and in
Panguitch. His parents were with the Mississippi Company who came into the Salt Lake Valley a few
days after the original pioneer company led by Brigham Young.
In Panguitch, Mark met Phebe Palmer. They, with two other couples from the Kartchner and
Palmer families, with their mothers, traveled by team and wagon from Panguitch to Salt Lake where
they were married in the Endowment House.
Some years after their marriage they were called to help colonize Arizona. Here they remained
for 18 years. Life in Arizona, as in other new settlements, was hard and dangerous. The Indians and
111
Texas cowboys were troubling the Mormon settlers by stealing their cattle and horses and other animals
and possessions. Mark and Phebe operated a mercantile business and learned to understand and speak
the Mexican and Navajo languages as they served those people in the store.
When released from this colonizing mission, they returned to Utah and settled in Provo, so their
children could attend the Brigham Young Academy. Later, desiring some land and a farm, they moved
out on Provo Bench (Orem). Here they built another store and a dance hall. Mark played his violin for
the dancing many times until early morning hours. In 1907 they again moved back to Provo and built a
home at 39 W. 2nd N. In Provo he had a mail contract to take mail to and from the trains. In 1919 they
sold out and moved to Salt Lake City to do work in the Temple. Phebe was called to work at indexing
cards of all the names that had been done in all of the temples from the beginning, which she continued
until her eyesight failed and she became blind. Mark was called as a special worker and did many
endowments for the dead and witnessed many sealings. He worked for years until he was past 81,
when he was honorably released because of ill health.
Mark was always a very humble, quiet, unassuming man, being no public speaker, but doing
things and performing other duties all his life. He had good sound judgment and was much in demand
because of his healing power and faith in administering to the sick and afflicted. In 1911 he was
assigned to go with a companion, once a week, to the LDS Hospital to administer to all who wished it.
Throughout their lives both Mark and Phebe were faithful, active members of the Church. They
served in many church and civic callings and had a great desire for the better things of life: refinement,
education and culture.
Everywhere they lived, Mark was a builder of nice brick homes and was an inspiration to the
people of the community. He was a man of all trades, as pioneers had to be. In Church callings he
served in many capacities, as an alternate High Councilman, a superintendent and counselor in the
Sunday School, choir leader, leading the singing and playing the music, and a ward teacher. In Arizona
he was a school trustee and the city sexton. He earned a living as a farmer, merchant and storekeeper,
and a mail carrier. He came of sturdy, healthy, dependable ancestors and lived to the age of 86. He
died 3 Feb 1946 and was buried in Provo, Utah
112
JAMES PETER KARTCHNER (6th child of William and
Margaret), b. 28 Nov 1855, San Bernardino, San
Bernardino, CA, d. 6 Jan 1858, Lower Water, Mojave
Desert, San Bernardino County, California.
James Peter died of causes unknown. Not wanting to bury the
body in the desert, William and Margaret put it in a metal can
and sealed it. The body in the can was buried in the Parowan City Cemetery once the family reached
Utah.
ALZADA SOPHIA KARTCHNER ( 7th child of William
and Margaret), b. 5 Jan 1858 Lower Water, Mojave
Desert, San Bernardino County, California. d. 8 Jan
1938 in Mesa, Maricopa,
AZ. She and Alma had 10 children.
Alzada was born in a wagon, at a place called
Lower Water, Mojave Desert, near now Victorville, CA.,
where her parents had stopped on the way from San Bernardino, CA., to Beaver, UT, as they had
answered the call of the President of the Church to come back and close the settlement in California.
For eight years Alzada lived in Beaver and attended school. Winters were cold with ice and
snow and one day her brother, Mark, was almost killed from sliding on the way to school.
Her parents then moved to the Muddy near the Colorado River in Nevada. There lived there
about five years. She remembers when the sun was so hot they had to run from shade to shade to cool
their bare feet. They raised two crops of melons. They made lots of molasses and enjoyed making
candy. They worked hard, men and women alike. They would spin the yarn and weave the cloth. They
spun cotton thread and made carpets. Alzada spun when she was so small she could hardly put the
band on the wheel. Her sister, Sarah, did most of the weaving in their family and for others also. One
year Sarah wove 400 yards of material. Later Alzada wove the cloth for her wedding dress. Although
they worked hard to build up that place, they had to move, because of high taxes.
Her parents were faithful Latter-day Saints who had accepted the gospel when they were young.
Her father and two of her brothers, John and Mark, could play the violin. She joined them with the
accordion, and they spent many happy hours dancing and singing. Alzada had a beautiful voice. She
and her sister, Mindy, would sing between dances.
In 1871 her parents moved to Panguitch, UT. It was there she met Alma Palmer. Someone said,
"They seemed to take a notion to each other right away." They courted for about two years, then began
their trip to Salt Lake City to be married. This company consisted of Alzada and Alma and two of Alma's
sisters and two of Alzada's brothers and their two mothers. All were married the same day in the
Endowment House in Salt Lake City by Daniel H. Wells. It was quite an occasion. They had traveled by
team and wagon and enjoyed many good times along the way and by campfire. Their righteous desires
to be married in a Holy Place of the Lord were fulfilled.
113
After their marriage, Alma and Alzada went to Beaver, where their first child was born. Then
after two years in Panguitch, they answered the call to help settle Arizona. Alma turned down a very
tempting offer by his Uncle Jesse Knight saying, "The Leaders have called and I must heed this call."
In 1877 Alma, Alzada and their baby left for Arizona in company with Alzada's parents and
brothers and sisters. Their belongings consisted of three yoke of oxen and two wagons, and what
necessities could be taken. Alma walked all the way, guiding the oxen and protecting his family. This
trip took many weeks and they were confronted by hardships and dangers. One incident often
recounted to their children was when they were crossing "Lee's Backbone," which was a large rugged
mountain. One front wheel of the wagon went off the ledge, and Alma grabbed the opposite wheel and
put his weight on it, and yelled "Haw" to his favorite ox. The ox pushed the wagon against the ledge and
pulled it back on the road. When they were all safe, Alma said, "I was so scared I had to sit down for a
while. If the wagon had fallen, all on earth I possessed, except the bull whip I had in my hand, would
have gone into the Colorado River, some 300 feet below" . Alzada, with faith in her husband's judgment
and not fully realizing the danger, sat in the wagon with her baby in her arms, unafraid. He had heeded
the call from God and felt he had been blessed and his family preserved.
They stopped on the Little Colorado River for a time at a place called "Old Taylor." Alzada's
brother, John Kartchner, was Bishop at that time. The time had come for their second child to be born.
They put a bed in one end of the dining room and hung a curtain in the middle. While the rest were
eating, the baby was born, with Mother Kartchner attending Alzada.
They then went on and settled in what is now called Snowflake, where Alma helped lay out the
town, after a short time in the United Order. Here they lived out of doors for a year, while a 3 room
cabin was being built. They had to undergo many trials and struggles. Later, Alma built the first log
house with the first brick chimney, built by the L.D.S. people.
They lived near Snowflake for 18 years. This same house was later put into the town of Taylor,
where their first son and wife later lived. While in Snowflake, Alma and Mark Kartchner started a store.
Alma later went into business by himself.
In 1895 they settled in Taylor, where Alma built an adobe store. Later, he built a brick one and
also a large brick home. Here they had a very fine orchard and their neighbors and descendents spent
many happy hours in this orchard enjoying the fruit.
Alzada was a wonderful woman and was loved by all who knew her. She was known as a
"peacemaker." She loved and appreciated music and enjoyed being with the children. She always
seemed to be taking care of someone else's children, or preparing a meal for a crowd and in many ways
sacrificing for others. Her grandchildren remember her for her cookies and her apples that she always
had ready for them. She liked to piece quilts, play games, sing--and she would rather dance than eat.
She lived an exemplary, unselfish life.
. . . They celebrated their 50th anniversary and this was a great day for them. Nearly all their
descendents were present. That year, 1924, they moved to Mesa where they hoped to improve Alma's
health and to work in the Temple, but in January 1925 Alma passed away.
Alzada continued her work in the Temple and in bringing joy and peace to others. She lived until
1936 and died a short time after a car accident. Her life has always been remembered with great
respect and she was loved by all who knew her. She and Alma leave a large posterity who honor and
revere their memory. (Written by Sarah Collinwood.)
114
MARY MARINDA KARTCHNER (8th child of
William and Margaret), b. 11 May 1860, Beaver,
Beaver, UT. d. 20 Mar 1919, Mill Creek, Salt Lake,
UT. She and her husband had 9 children.
When Mary--who was called Mindie by some of
her family-- was about nine years old [1869], she
traveled by wagon and ox team to San Bernardino, Ca.
with her parents. Mindie's mother hid her under a
mattress while they traveled through Indian country. Mindie stayed there almost breathless, her heart
pounding rapidly, fearing that any moment Indians would swoop down upon them. The sincere prayer
of a small girl was answered for the family returned to Utah to fulfill the call of a mission to colonize
Arizona. They returned to Beaver and soon after, moved to the Muddy River and Parowan, Utah. In
1871, they moved to Panguitch, Utah.99
Don Carlos Clayton Sr. came to Panguitch in 1875. It was here that Mary met this dark-eyed,
curly, black-headed young man who was industrious and who moved about quickly. He taught Mary
how to play the guitar. At this time they fell in love and decided to get married. The journey to the
Temple was started with Mary and Don, Sarah, Mary's sister who was a widow [not true: divorced] and
had two children by a Mr. Twitchell. She was going to marry Ninian Miller. The two young men and
their sweethearts rode in one wagon. The parents rode in another. They arrived in St. George on the
30th day of May and on the 1st of June 1877 the four young people were married in the St. George
Temple.
They returned to Panguitch. Here MIndie had the joy of setting up housekeeping in her first
home, which was in two rooms of a log cabin that belonged to her brother, Mark. She was delighted to
cook on the little step-stove that her husband had brought with him from Salt Lake City. With the
bedding that Don had and that which MIndie had made, they managed in their first humble home. This
was not for very long, for at [the previous] spring conference, Mary and Don, with the Kartchner family
and others received a call from the Church to go to Arizona to build up the country. The couple was
busy working with her family preparing for this experience. They needed a two-day [error: two month]
supply of provisions.
On 15 Nov 1877 Don, Mindie, with Ninian Miller and Sarah started for Arizona in company with
the girls' parents. When they arrived in Kanab, Sarah & MIndie's father bought a good yoke of cattle.
Soon after this the company arrived in Brigham City, Arizona. This party of people formed a camp on
the Little Colorado River, south of St. Joseph, Arizona. They formed a United Order and with
thankfulness they sang "For the Strength of the Hills We Bless Thee." Mindy was happy that Don was
called as second counselor in the Order.
While camped at this river, at 6 a.m. [4 Aug 1878] the dawn of a new day brought new life to
Mary and Don. When the baby was three days old, Don and Mary, in company with her parents and
sister and husband, traveled about twenty miles to Woodruff and camped all night. The next day they
went on to Stinson (now called Snowflake). They worked hard together trying to make things work out
in a prosperous manner.
In the early part of 1881 Mary was ready to go on another journey. She and Don, with their two
small children, traveled to Salt Lake City. They returned to Snowflake 12 Sep 1881, just one month after
the death of MIndie's mother. Mindie tried to help make the passing of her mother lightened by
99
The writer of his thumbnail sketch of Mary Marinda errs a bit. The trip to San Bernardino was made in 1869
while the family was living on the Muddy. They left the Muddy in 1872 and settled immediately in Panguitch.
115
comforting and helping the younger children. She and Don tried hard for 10 years to make a success in
that area. During that time, 3 other children were born to them.
After receiving word from Don's brothers and sisters that they were doing fairly well in Utah,
they packed their belongings in a covered wagon with one team of horses and started on the journey
back to Utah. Mary was extremely happy when they reached Kanab for soon after another child was
born and was named after his two grandfather's and Mindie's brother, Orin. They stayed at Kanab for 3
months. Don helped his brother, Heber, who was a carpenter.
They traveled on to Panguitch, and then proceeded on to Salt Lake City. There, Don's family
loaned them money to buy a farm on Provo Bench. Their son Orin became ill with scarlet fever and
passed away and was buried in Pleasant Grove, Utah. This was the first great sorrow for the family.
Many winters were spent in Salt Lake where Don was employed in the winter months. In 1890
they lived in the Old Silk Factory building near the entrance of Memory Grove. Their son, Joseph, was
born there, and they returned again in the spring to Provo Bench.
In the fall of about 1892, Mary visited with her people in Snowflake, Arizona. The family
traveled there again by wagon and team, in company with a family by the name of Tuples and West
Willis. After a well-spent visit with their loved ones, they returned to Provo Bench in 1893. Mary was
happy to arrive home, as she was expecting her 7th child.
Two other children were born. In 1901 Verena was born; this girl was a great source of comfort
and pleasure to Mary in her declining years. The oldest son, Clarence, a young father, died in 1904 and
Kimbal died of heart trouble and Vinnie Belle died while still a young mother. All three were buried in
Pleasant Grove.
As Mary and Don were reaching the more mature age of life, they decided to sell the farm at
Provo Bench and move to Salt Lake City. They bought a smaller farm of ten acres in Millcreek (now part
of Salt Lake City), on 5th E. and 3713 So. Mary's health was poor in the last few years of her life because
of asthma. She died of the flu [20 Mar 1919] and is buried in Pleasant Grove Cemetery. (Written by
Theresia C. Pyne)
NOWLIN DECATUR KARTCHNER (9th child of William and
Margaret), b. 24 May 1862, Beaver, Beaver, UT. d. 21 Jul
1927, Snowflake, buried there. He was married twice. He
first married Margaret Emma Savage and had 6 children.
They divorced and he later married Ellen Bodella
Mortensen 22 Jan 1900. They had 9 children.
Nowlin was born in Beaver, Utah. He went to Panguitch
with his parents, where his father started a mail route. He was
called with his parents to go to Arizona to help settle there. On their way, they stopped at St. George
and did considerable work for the dead, and we have record of this work. Then they went on to
Snowflake, and it was there that Father met my Mother, Margaret Emma, and fell in love with her. They
were married in the St. George Temple.
They went back to Snowflake. While living there, three children were born. The eldest, Nowlin,
died of scarlet fever. In order to get a better home, Father sold the log house and built a large one-room
slab house with a fireplace in it, way out in a field. We lived there while he built a brick home in town.
116
Father often played he was a horse and had us ride his back. In a nearby stream, he had a swim
with me on his back, holding to his suspenders. These memories are dear to me.
He did not realize how hard it was for Mother to live so far from town, with so few
conveniences. He worked extra hard to provide for his family while he put all the time he could into
building the new home. He would come home complete tired out. Due to the great struggle both
parents had had at that time, they missed the joy which they otherwise could have had. When they
went to live in their new brick home they invited town folks to have a good dance in the nice rooms
down and a large room upstairs, which later made two good bedrooms. Father always encouraged
music in our home.
Three months before David was born [Sept. 1895] they separated. What a pity that some good
friend did not show Mother that after her baby, she would be normal and want her children to have a
father.
Then Father was called on a mission to the Southern States, but after a year or so he was forced
to return due to illness. He had chills, fever and boils. This separation was a great sorrow to me; I
idolized my Father. Mother has said that if he had been called on the mission before the separation,
things would have been very different. It was some time before Father could walk; later he could walk
with a crutch that he could put under his knee. Then I coaxed him to come home for a visit. I felt that
Mother would have been glad to make up at that time, by what she had said. But Father must have felt
it unwise to try it again, and because of this, Mother became much embittered against him.
For 5 years Father worked while visiting some of his
brothers and sisters. He went to Mexico where his brother, John,
lived. While there, he fell in love with Ellen Mortensen. They
married and lived in Mexico until the Mexican Revolution when they
were driven out with the other Saints. The only things they could
bring with them were their clothes and the few things that could be
put in a wagon. Coming into a new country with so little, and
starting all over again was a trial indeed. But Father was a good
worker and found work where others thought there was none to be
had.
I have always loved Father dearly. We all look forward to
being united with Father, Mother and Aunt Ellen and their family in
eternity. We all love Aunt Ellen's family just the same as our own and feel they have the same feeling
toward us. Dorothy has made a great effort to unite the two families, having them come for extra good
reunions. She is one of the world's best cooks. We all love her for all she is and does. Nowlin and Leora
have also done all in their power to show love and appreciation for both families. They have done the
things that Father would like to have done, if he were still living. In the Great Beyond, Father will show
his approval of Leora and Nowlin's kindness to Karl and other members of both families and also to
Dorothy. (Written by Floy Sadler)
(Another sketch of Nowlin, by Dorothy Worden, a daughter of his second family, the one he created
with Ellen Mortensen.)
. . .When I was a child, there was nothing that you couldn't do, in my child mind. You would take
a piece of metal or steel, worthless to most people it would seem, and in a few hours you enjoyed in the
old blacksmith shop, you would pound and shape the metal until a knife of high grade would come into
view.
You played with your children by the hour as no one but you would do. You were never too
tired or too busy to listen to our wants and desires and to do all in our power to satisfy them. I shall
117
never forget the many times you would walk miles to bring a team of horses so that we might go
somewhere we wanted to go. . .
(Now Dorothy switches to third person.)
After his marriage to Ellen, in Mexico, he built a lovely two-story house for my mother, on Main
Street at Diaz, Mexico. Their home was one of the loveliest homes in that little Mormon settlement.
They lived there until 1912, when the war in Mexico broke out and all the white settlers were driven
out.
They had six living children and buried a baby, Alzada, when the Mexican soldiers came down
the street one morning, and gave the people just 3 hours to get out of town. They had to leave their
home and come to the U.S. Life was hard for years, but my father had faith and courage that could not
be destroyed by hardships and my dear mother was always there to help him over the rough spots.
After some time in the Gila Valley, Father moved back to Snowflake and built a home for his
family, but after a few years he homesteaded in Linden and built another home there.
He lived in Linden until July 1927, when he was taken to Gallup, New Mexico, for an operation
which revealed that he had cancer in the last stages. On the 21st of July, 1927, he was called home to
meet his Maker. He lived to see four of our family finish high school, Rhea to finish college, and Millard
and myself were in college when we were notified of his death.
ORIN KARTCHNER (10th child of William and
Margaret), b. 20 Feb 1864, Beaver, Beaver, UT. d.
30 Sep 1961, Mesa, Maricopa, AZ. Orin first
married Annella Hunt 11 Oct 1883. With her he had
6 children. He later married Pauline B. Detrick but
they divorced after two years.
Orin was born in Beaver, Utah, the tenth child of
the family. His father married a second [polygamous]
wife and her first child was born two months before Orin.
The second wife's child was named Aaron and the names
were partly given to match each other: Orin and Aaron. These two boys were fond of each other and
grew up almost as if they were twins.
When they were less than 2 years old, their father was called to go to the Southern Settlements
on the Muddy, in what is now Nevada, to help strengthen the settlements.
Sadness came to the Kartchner families as each wife lost a little child at the Muddy. Two small
graves were left in the desert country. Orin, though only four years old, could remember how sweet his
little sister, Euphemia, was, and her baby laughter as she sat on the floor and he played peek-a-boo with
her.
When Orin was 5 years old, in the winter of 1869, his mother and her 6 children made a trip to
San Bernardino, California, to visit her dear old mother, brothers and sister, Mary, who had stayed in
California [when the Saints left San Bernardino.] They had a wonderful time. Margaret seemed to know
that she would never see them again. All the children had birthdays while they were there, except
Mindy and Nowlin, whose birthdays came in May. Orin remembered how kind his grandmother was to
him on his birthday in February.
118
When they left San Bernardino, Margaret's brothers, Joshua and Jimmy Casteel, fixed cuttings of
trees and vines and a hive of honey bees for them to take back to the settlement on the Muddy.
Margaret and the family returned to their home, Mill Point, or Overton, Nevada, in March 1870. The
cuttings were planted and the bees never faltered in producing honey.
About one year later the Muddy settlements were abandoned because Nevada was made a
state and demanded back taxes, which settlers refused to pay. Brigham Young gave them permission to
leave their settlements and return to Utah, which they did, and they were invited by the Bishop of
Panguitch to settle there, instead of returning to their old home in Beaver, Utah.
They enjoyed Panguitch, but in 1877 his parents, with many other fine families, were called to
help settle Arizona. Much can be said of those pioneers, some of which can be expressed in quoting
Longfellow's poem:
Toiling, Rejoicing, Sorrowing,
Onward through life they go,
Each morning sees some task begin,
Each evening sees its close.
Everything had to be done--logging, building, plowing, planting, fencing, working on the railroad. Much
preparation to go onward to new settlements. The group stopped in St. George, Utah, on their way and
did some Temple work for their people. We are all humbled by their magnificent obedience to the call
of Authority, and they command our greatest admiration and appreciation for their faith and integrity,
their love for each other, and their undaunted courage in facing whatever might lie ahead of them.
Orin, age 14, drove his mother's team and wagon on the journey to Arizona as each of the other
boys drove cattle or rode horseback and in many ways helped in the trek.
When Orin was 16 years of age, he bought Aunt Prudence's guitar and learned to play the tunes
he had heard Aunt Mindy and Uncle Don play. He attended school at least part of the winter. Ida Hunt
(later Udall) was the teacher. She and her younger sister, Annella (Annie) Hunt, played the guitar, and as
young people, they began to play together. Orin was much attracted by Annie's singing, also with the
guitar accompaniment. All three of these sisters were good singers and knew many old fine songs.
Annie taught the first school in Snowflake when she was seventeen. She also taught in Taylor.
When Orin was seventeen [1881] his mother died from pneumonia. There was a large funeral,
but a heavy rain fell as the procession was on the way to the cemetery, and people went into homes
along the way until the rain subsided. Rain water was running into the grave as the coffin was lowered,
which made it seem very sad. Orin then lived at his sister Prudence's home, and did her chores. Nowlin
[Orin's older brother] lived at his sister Sarah's home. The boys still worked for their father doing farm
work.
After his 19th birthday Orin wished to have a home of his own. He and Annella Hunt had
continued to play their guitars together and were very much in love. She began to prepare to be
married when she finished teaching, and they began the long journey to the St. George Temple. Orin's
half-brother, Aaron, also went with them to the Temple, which took them 21 days of travel. They
returned to Snowflake in time for Christmas holidays, 1883.
Orin and Anella's first child died when about one year old, but they were soon blessed with a
little son. Their family continued to grow and bring them great joy and happiness. Each additional child
was given names of those the parents knew and loved. Each of the children was gifted in music ability,
playing and singing, some also composing tunes on the guitar.
Orin was called on a mission to Texas when he was 38 years old. The family wondered how they
could stand for him to be gone so long, and the time did pass very slowly, but finally he came home.
They had reason to be proud of his fine mission and all the scriptures he could repeat by memory. The
family had assisted him on this mission by playing for dances.
119
Farming, sheep-shearing, and some freighting of goods for Army men at Fort Apache were ways
in which Orin made a living for his family. Finally, he applied for a guard job at the state prison at
Florence, Arizona. That was an experience that few ever have, but he did a good job and created many
memories.
The love in his home was always apparent, and all the children appreciate their home life.
Annella lived to be 84 years old. Orin was called as a Temple worker and so moved to Mesa, Arizona in
1931. Their daughter, Thalia, taught school for 26 years, retiring in 1957. Orin lived to be 97 years, 7
months and 10 days old, gradually aging and he passed away in 1961.
The family honors the memory of their beloved parents, and feels that they were among the
finest people who ever lived. Their lives were full and useful. (Written by Thalia K. Butler)
EUPHEMIA ARDIMONIA KARTCHNER (11th and last child of William
and Margaret), b. 14 Mar 1867, Mill Point,(Logandale), Clark, NV. d.
15 Apr 1868. Euphemia lived just over a year.
120
THUMBNAIL SKETCHES OF SOME OF THE CHILDREN OF KARTCHNER'S
SECOND FAMILY, WILLIAM D. AND ELIZABETH GALE.
AARON KARTCHNER (Oldest child of William and Elizabeth), b.
24 Dec 1863, Beaver, Beaver, UT. d. 6 Jun 1922, Lewiston,
Cache, UT. He had 7 children.
Collinwood provided no brief sketch of Aaron's life.
HENRY KARTCHNER (2nd child of William and Elizabeth), b. 15 May 1866, Mill Point, Clark,
NV. d. 24 Aug 1868, Mill Point, Clark, NV. (Henry lived just a little more than 2 years.)
CULVER KARTCHNER (3rd child of William and
Elizabeth), b. 20 Jul 1868, Mill Point, Clark, NV. d. 23
Mar 1949, Fowler, Fresno, CA. but was buried in
Mesa, AZ 26 May 1949. He married Nancy Rebecca
Stewart in 1889 and, toward the end of his life, after
Nancy had died, he married Malinda Rhoda Carling in
1943, just 6 years before he died. He and Nancy had
11 children.
(Collinwood includes only one letter, from Culver to his son,
Henry.)
Dear Son . . . Here is something of history for you. I was called on my first mission in the Spring of 1877,
at the age of . . . old. Pres. Brigham Young called my father and all his sons and sons-in-law to a mission
in Arizona. So I worked all that winter 1912 [?--why the jump of 33 years?]
When the President of the Church called me on a mission to the Western [Southern?] States in
Georgia to Alabama. I filled a good humble mission there and now I am called to the third mission in the
Western States, our headquarters at Denver, Colo. So with the help and prayers of the Latter Day Saints
and the Spirit and Blessings of our Father in Heaven I will fill the heavenly calling . . . I'm thankful for this
mission that God has called of me. I'm thankful that I'm worthy and pray to always be. I need your
prayers and faith, my son, for the strength to carry on in this calling of our Lord to turn the world from
wrong. I pray that I might labor as God would have me do, that I'll hear him say at the end of my day,
"I've another great mission for you."
Your Father, Culver Kartchner.
121
MINNIE KARTCHNER (2nd child of William and
Elizabeth), b. 26 Dec 1870, Overton, Clark, NV, d.
24 Dec 1969, Mesa, Maricopa, AZ. She had 13
children.
(Excerpts from life history of Minnie when she was 95
years old, and which were printed in a newspaper.)
Nearly a century of living in the pioneer West
has dealt kindly with Minnie, a native of Overton, NV, a
resident of Snowflake and Mesa, AZ. The venerable
matriarch married when she was 16 to her first love and bore him 13 children, 5 of whom died in infancy
or early childhood. Two died after reaching adulthood, leaving 6 children to give her grandchildren.
Although she is 95, she is bright, witty and full of the same sort of interest that has inspired her
entire life: interest in her children, her church and public events.
Minnie's parents were also early colonizers of Arizona. Minnie was 7 years old when they
arrived at Sunset, AZ. Her father was married to a second wife. There were 14 children [error: 11] in the
first family and 9 [error: 10] in the second.
In Snowflake, there were two small log houses to house the large family of children and their
parents. To make life more bearable, the larger of the two houses became the living and bedroom
quarters of the family while the small one became the kitchen area. . . .
Life was never easy in the Kartchner home. Since her father served as the first postmaster,
there was not always a plentiful supply of things. Nor was there a great deal of money. But there was
always love. Flour was scarce at times. Minnie vividly remembers grinding the wheat for the biscuits
that were baked every morning for breakfast. Her father had a habit of breaking open the soda biscuits
and smelling them before he ate them--to find out just how much soda had been used. He did not like
the smell or taste of soda that had been used instead of baking powder.
Her father's health failed and finally he lost his eyesight when Minnie was in her early teens.
She had to help bring in what little money could be earned in the small community. She remembers
when she was only thirteen of having to go out to work by the day in other people's homes, scrubbing
floors, washing and ironing big family washings for 50¢ a day. Some days she was so tired and her feet
hurt so that at the end of a day's work she had to crawl the last part of the way home because she could
not walk. Often after she had been out working all day, she would have family ironing to do at home
that would take her far into the night. Although these were trying times, her faith sustained her through
the weeks and months, much to the distraction of her ailing father.
"Minnie," the father would say, "can't you rest that singing for a minute?" So she would stop
and try to refrain, but before long, she was singing again. Her father found out that when her voice was
stilled, he was more miserable than when she sang.
As the Strattons lived across the road from the Kartchners, she met a son, William. He was older
but she had admired him from afar, never dreaming she would someday be his wife. When she was
about 16, they, with several other couples set out for St. George in covered wagons to be married in the
Temple. So devout were all of these young people, that none would have considered being married in a
civil ceremony and later going to the Temple. Her church has meant everything to her throughout the
years.
122
She was away from home for two months on her honeymoon, and her father heard no song
coming from her. When she returned, he welcomed her with open arms and said, "Minnie, will you sing
me a song?"
While her babies were small, and there were six of them, Minnie's husband was called on a
church mission and was gone for two years. Later, two of her sons also filled missions.
Although her eyes are failing, she reads the newspaper and hears well enough to take part in
family conversations. Although it is difficult for her to get around, she manages, with the assistance of a
cane, but for 95, she is right pert. For many, many years she has kept a diary. She has lived to record
the Golden Anniversaries of three of her children. If there is a date of any particular happening that
anyone wants, all that is necessary is for them to ask Minnie to search her diaries . . .
BYRTLE GALE KARTCHNER (5th child of William
and Elizabeth), b. 11 May, 1873, Panguitch,
Garfield, UT. d. 18 Jul 1949, Winslow, Navajo,
AZ. He had 11 children.
No photo and no thumbnail sketch of
Byrtle G. Kartchner.
DARIEN KARTCHNER (6TH child of William and
Elizabeth), b. 19 Nov 1875, Panguitch, Garfield, UT.
d. 12 Apr 1964, Fresno, Fresno, CA. He had 9
children. He first married Margaret A. McCleve in
1903. She died in 1932 and Darien next married
Henrietta Hall Frost in 1933. They divorced a year
later and Darien married a third time in 1940, to
Anna Peffers. They divorced after just two months.
Three years later, in 1943, Darien married a fourth
time. His fourth wife's name was Mary Lou Edgar.
When Darien was 2 years old, his parents went to
Stinson, now Snowflake, AZ. and he attended the school there. When he was 15, he drove an ox team
to Beaver, UT, with his mother and baby sister. It took 21 days to get there. This was in Sept. 1892. His
father had died previously, in May 1892. When they came back to Snowflake, there was lots of snow
and it was cold. They had a hard time climbing Buckskin Mountain and had to unload most of the load
and then carry it up the mountain.
He helped make adobe when young and the responsibility was great. It was hard, heavy work,
but he stayed in there and pitched. "I had a pair of pants made from some alfalfa sacks, and my father
had bought me some new boots. I was proud of them."
He enjoyed the dances and went when he had a way, or was chaperoned, both in Snowflake and
Taylor. "I met a really nice girl, Margaret McCleve, and we were married and lived in Snowflake. Both
my brother Byrtle and I had a team and wagon when we married. I always loved horses and when I was
a child I had hoped to be on a farm, and this I did. Always took good care of my horses, always had good
cows and plenty of milk." He used to haul freight from Holbrook to White River and Ft. Apache which
took 7 days or more to get there and back. The girls were good to help in the hay fields, and to do
everything they could to help, but always one would stay and help mother in the home. Darien farmed
123
for 52 years. "We have dug potatoes in the snow sometimes, but nearly froze trying to save our crops at
these times. We would wrap our feet in burlap sacks to keep them from freezing.
He always took pride in a nice, clean yard and surroundings.
On Sept 8 1932, his wife died of a stroke and was buried in Snowflake. After staying in
Snowflake for 6 months or so, he decided to go to California, to see what he could do to better himself.
He got a job in a raisin factory for a while. He married Mary Lou Edgar in 1949, bought a home and lived
in Fresno, where he had many grape vines and trees, and his wife canned fruit that they needed. He
was very ill in 1952, and spent months in the hospital, but was able to go home and enjoy a good life,
always enjoying having his girls and families come to see them, but he died at the age of 88 in Fresno,
CA. (Written by Minnie Rhoton)
ELSIE KARTCHNER (7th child of William and
Elizabeth), b. 14 May 1878, Old Taylor, Navajo, AZ.
d. 12 Apr 1945, Mesa, Maricopa, AZ. She had 11
children.
No photo of Elsie
Elsie was born in Arizona, where her parents had gone to help settle. All her unmarried life was
spent in a Latter-day Saint community, with good people for her associates. Their church and school
were the very best for those days. They were ambitious, thrifty, sincere, devoted and faithful. Everyone
made gardens of vegetables and flowers. They would store their fruits and vegetables for winter in their
cellars, and would also store pine wood for heating and for cooking. Each home had a well from which
they would draw water with an old wooden bucket. They had a cow to furnish milk, butter and cream.
Elsie loved everything that was fine, dainty and pretty. She had a great talent in doing work with
a needle or crochet hook, and her knitting proved a thing of beauty and a blessing to many. She made
many sets of booties, sweaters and hoods for her babies and relatives, and grandchildren later on. She
also made beautiful lace, clothing, doilies, scarves, etc. Everything that was cultural, refinement and
ladylike, she was and loved. She was a beautiful girl, with a clear complexion and natural wavy medium
brown hair.
Her ideals were very high: nothing but a Temple marriage for her, and so the long trip to Manti
by horses and wagon was made when she and George [Gale] were married. Their return home was
frightening due to Indian scares, but they were protected and returned safely.
They settled at Franklin, AZ. The birth of their first baby was very difficult, and her only help was
an old lady, but by faith and prayers and administrations, her boy was born alive and healthy. She
taught her children the true principles of virtue; she explained the story of life and warned them of evil
doings and told them how to avoid being influenced by such things. Her family attended their family
prayers night and morning, each child taking turn in leading the prayer. The love and devotion she
shared with her husband was one of real beauty. He would often bring her a choice bud or flower as a
token of their love for each other.
She held positions in the Church, serving wherever called. She has been a Primary President,
and a M.I.A. teacher. She was always cheerful and jolly. She loved to play charades, checkers and all
games. Her loaves of fresh baked bread were a real favorite with her growing boys and girls.
In 1917 her second son, Hugh, joined the army to help end World War I. He belonged to a
machine gun battalion and was killed in action in the Muse-Argonne battle. He was buried by his
comrades, so was among the unknown graves. About 12 years later, the government gave the Gold Star
mothers a free trip to Europe to visit the places where their sons fought and died. On the trip she made
friends quickly and easily as she was such a good conversationalist. Many of these Gold Star mothers
corresponded long after the trip. She regretted not having her husband with her, however.
124
She later lost her beloved husband [d. 1932] When her youngest son, Victor, joined the army
medical division during World War II, she was left alone on her 10-acre farm near Mesa. She sold the
place and rented a little apartment near the Temple. As her brother, Byrtle, was also alone, she made a
home for him with her until she was hospitalized the last 5 months of her life. Her 10 children lost the
dearest mother in the world.
ETTA KARTCHNER (8th child of William and
Elizabeth), b. 15 Jul 1881, Snowflake, Navajo, AZ. d.
24 Dec 1926, Taylor, Navajo, AZ. She had 10
children.
ZINA KARTCHNER (9th child of William and
Elizabeth), b. 7 Dec 1883, Snowflake, Navajo, AZ.
d. 24 Dec 1977, Phoenix, Maricopa, AZ. She had 10
children.
No photo nor thumbnail sketch of
Etta.
No photo of Zina
Zina was born and raised in Snowflake, and was a very happy child. Her only sorrow was that
her father had lost his eyesight and she used to lead him where he wanted to go, but was glad to help
him. He was a very kind and loving father. He passed away before she was 9 years old. Her mother
worked hard to support her family. They had a farm and the boys raised hay and grain. They always had
a cow and chickens and always a good garden. They sold eggs and butter. She remembers carrying the
tithing chickens to the Bishop. She used to help her mother on a carpet loom in weaving, and before
she was married they wove 30 yards of carpet for her mother and 30 for her. It was real nice.
Her youngest sister Melva took diphtheria when she was about 18 and died. This was a great
sorrow to her because they had always loved each other so very much. They were keeping company
with brothers Reuben & Jesse, and they were engaged to be married. He had gone over the mountain
to earn money with the sheep and had to be notified by mail, and came home broken-hearted. He was
called on a mission, which he filled.
Reuben [Perkins Jr.] and Zina went to Salt Lake to be married, and Jesse went with them to go
on his mission. Zina's mother also went with them, and she [Zina's mother] brought her mother back
with her from Beaver. Zina and Reuben were married by John R. Winder, a counselor to the First
Presidency.
They made their home in the little log house where his parents had lived when they were first
married. They did not have big receptions in those days and had to earn their own way. Although the
housekeeping was very simple, Zina and Reuben were very happy.
Reuben's father had a homestead and desired to go and plant a crop. He needed help so
Reuben went with him, taking Zina along to do the cooking. This place is now called Clay Springs. They
took only what they could carry in a white top buggy, one team of horses and a walking plow. They
pitched their tent which was only large enough to make a bed in. That night it snowed 8 inches and a
very cold wind was blowing the next morning. They had two sons by this time, and she and the children
stayed in the tent and Reuben cooked the breakfast over the campfire that morning. Even the animals
came to get warm by the smoke of the fire, it was so cold. Here Zina cooked over a campfire for 4
months, and they had a wonderful harvest that fall. They raised corn, beans, squash, potatoes, etc. and
they had wonderful molasses made from the cane.
Zina had a bad fall before her next baby was born, and it came early. She was not expected to
live, and the baby lived only about four hours. She suffered much illness after that, having pneumonia
and bronchitis, etc., but was healed by faith and prayers.
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They went back to Clay Springs and built a new home and took up a homestead of their own on
160 acres. They lived there for 9 years. They lived on the land without a fence the first year and the big
bulls would come right up to the yard and fight. She was alone many times with her little ones as her
husband went off to work to get money to build a fence. This was very lonely for her.
They lost one little son to diphtheria, which was a sorrow to them. They later moved near to
Chandler, where Reuben helped his brother on his farm. Later he did carpenter work. He loved music
and often played the organ or guitar, and played for the dances also.
In 1923 they moved to Mesa, after Reuben started work on helping to build the Temple there.
The two older boys also worked on the Temple and donated part of their wages to its construction. Just
before the dedication of the Temple, Reuben built a large frame house near the Temple. It is where Zina
still resides [1977] at the age of over 90 years of age.
Reuben passed away many years ago [1932] and she was left to rear her family alone most of
the time. She worked for the Temple in the laundry for 3 years and was later put in charge of the Linen
Dept. for 5 years. They got by with the help of the children and were able to pay off their home. She is
a very wonderful person with a pleasing personality and always willing to help someone.
MELVA KARTCHNER (10th and last child of William and
Elizabeth) b. 8 Feb 1886, Snowflake, Navajo, AZ. d. 15
Nov 1901 in Snowflake.
No photo nor thumbnail sketch
available
Collinwood did not include a sketch of Melva's life, but we know that she was only 6 years old
when her father died. In Zina's sketch, she mentions that Melva died of diphtheria when she was 18
years old and engaged to be married.