Published quarterly by Unesco
Vol. X X X I V , N o . 2, 1982
French edition: Revue Internationale
des Sciences Sociales
(ISSN 0304-3037), Unesco,
Paris (France).
Spanish edition: Revista Internacional
de Ciencias Sociales (ISSN 0379-0762),
Unesco, Paris (France).
Editor: Peter Lengyel
Associate editor: Ali Kazancigil
Correspondents
Bangkok: Yogesh Atai
Belgrade: Balsa Spadijer
Buenos Aires: Norberto Rodríguez
Bustamante
Canberra: Geoffrey Caldwell
Cologne: Alphons Silbermann
Delhi: André Béteille
London: Cyril S. Smith
Mexico City: Pablo Gonzalez Casanova
Moscow: Marien Gapotchka
Nairobi: Chen Chimutengwende
Nigeria: Akinsola A k i w o w o
Ottawa: Paul L a m y
Singapore: S. H . Alatas
Tokyo: Hiroshi Ohta
United States: Gene Lyons
Topics of forthcoming issues:
M a n in ecosystems
Music and musicians
Cover motif: Prehistoric Scandinavian cave
drawing of a skier with shield, probably the
god Thor.
D.R.
Right: The opening of a game of soule, the ancestor of rugby, in nineteenth-century Brittany.
Roger- Viollet.
INTERNATIONAL SOCIAL
SCIENCE JOURNAL
SPORTING LIFE
92
Editorial
171
Sport and politics
Geoffrey Caldwell
International sport and national identity
173
Günther Luschen
Sport, conflict and conflict resolution
185
R . Stokvis
Conservative and progressive alternatives in the
organization of sport
197
Sport in society
J. A . Adedeji
Social change and w o m e n in African sport
209
Bernard F . Booth
Games, sport and societal autonomy
219
Chantal Malenfant
The economics of sport in France
233
Peter Marsh
Social order on the British soccer terraces
247
Physical culture and education
José Maria Cagigal
O n education through movement
257
J. Samuel Johnson
Sports participation and psychological adjustment
273
V . V . Kuznetsov
The potentialities of m a n and 'anthropomaximology'
277
Pierre Seurin
Sport and physical education
291
Unesco's 'International Charter of Physical Education
and Sport'
303
Open forum
J. P . Boutinet
H u m a n sciences and social practices
313
The social science sphere
Ralph A d a m
Z h a o F u San
C a n the transmission of sociological knowledge be
made more effective?
329
Social science and China's modernization
347
Professional and documentary services
Approaching international conferences
357
Books received
361
Recent Unesco publications
365
Editorial
A s a universal practice, profoundly rooted
in the culture and patterns of h u m a n societies, sport became a legitimate subject of
social scientific analysis from the second half
of the. nineteenth century, beginning with
Herbert Spencer w h o took an interest in
physical education, later in the work of Georg
Simmel and M a x Weber". These figures were
the pioneers in sociology, while anthropologists turned to the socio-cultural functions
of games in so-called primitive societies.
Yet such studies remained rather dispersed. T h e institutionalization and regulation of sport, certain aspects of which are
analysed in the article by R . Stokvis, were
not paralleled by a structuration in the social
sciences of sport. N o t until 1938 did Johan
Huizinga publish his Homo Ludens, considered to be the first attempt to organize
the sociological analysis of sport systematically.1 N o t until the 1960s was the sociology
of sport institutionalized at the international
level, with the creation, within the International Sociological Association, of a R e search Committee on the Sociology- of Sport
of which the current Chairman, Günther
Luschen, helped in the preparation of this
issue, both by contributing an article and
by suggesting the authors and themes of certain other contributions. W e are grateful to
him.
Further, the International Review of Sport
Sociology which has been appearing in W a r saw since 1966 has contributed to the progress of the sub-field. W o r k on sport is also
being generated in other disciplines, such as
economics, anthropology and social psychology, as the articles below b y Chantai
Malenfant, Bernard F . Booth and J. Samuel
Johnson show.
Late institutionalization m a y explain w h y
research on sport does not always seem to
attract high professional prestige. In fact,
an article by Barbara B . Seater a n d Cardell
K . Jacobson 'Structuring Sociology: T h e Prestige of Sociological Sub-fields in N o r t h A m e rica' (in this Journal, Vol. XVIII, N o . 2,
1976, pp. 391-5) showed that the sociology
of sport along with that of leisure, recreation
and the arts, occupied the thirty-fifth prestige
ranking out of thirty-six sub-fields of sociology. This is no doubt to be related to the
absence of a 'critical mass' of researchers and
research in this field: as Günther Luschen
points out in his article referred to above, at
the end of 1978, there were only eighty-two
specialists in the world at large w h o devoted
themselves entirely to the study of sport in
all disciplines concerned, including sociology,
anthropology, education, philosophy, psychology and the sciences of sport.
This m a y seem paradoxical given the
social and cultural significance of the sport
phenomenon, considerably reinforced and
amplified by the attention lavished u p o n it
by the mass media, though such lags are not
exceptional in the social sciences. M o r e generally, the rather disdainful attitude of intellectuals to sport as a subject of study m a y have
various origins, as for instance a certain philosophical and religious tradition which establishes a false dichotomy between the m i n d and
Editorial
172
the body, or possibly the fact that organized
sport has become a spectacle, dominated and
corrupted by commercialism, thus robbed of
its purity and nobility. But are these sufficient
grounds to neglect it? A s the French philosopher, Michel Serres, has written: 'The spectator sports are not exactly what one tends to
think. They are cultural, one of our last ways
of being together.'2
In effect, the socialization, educational
a n d exchange functions of games so evident
in societies such as those of the Canadian
Inuit and the M o t u of Papua N e w Guinea
(Booth) are not completely fulfilled by c o m mercial interests as regards sport in industrial
societies. Günther Luschen illustrates, with
different examples, the role of sport in political
conflicts and the complex relationships between sport and political and social structures,
while Geoffrey Caldwell analyses the contribution of sport, especially of cricket, to the
birth of Australian national identity. A s for
developing societies, J. A . Adedeji shows the
links between sport and social change as it
affects w o m e n in the African context.
tor of modern rugby, which excited French
youth in the Middle Ages, constituted a simulation of village conflicts, an outlet for violence. In his article, Peter Marsh, analysing
the social order hidden behind the hooliganism
of British soccer supporters, sees the terraces
of stadiums as places where the collective
frustrations of youths to w h o m society offers
few satisfactory outlets is expressed.
The three last articles in the thematic
portion of this issue deal with physical education (Cagigal and Seurin) and those researches which are at the border between the
life sciences and the social sciences, aiming at
the maximization of h u m a n mental and
physiological capacities (Kuznetsov). Physical
education and participation in sport by the
greatest number form part of Unesco's preoccupations and the International Charter of
Physical Education and Sport, of which w e
publish the full text, is its expression.
Lastly, w e draw the attention of readers
to the article by Zhao F u San on the development of the social sciences in China in
recent years, as well as to the contributions
G a m e s and sports have, after all, always by Ralph A d a m on the transmission of socioh a d important sociocultural and pedagogical logical knowledge (one of the subjects to
functions. Let us recall that not m a n y h u m a n which w e have devoted regular attention;
institutions have been as durable as the see Vol. X X V I , N o . 3, 1974, on ' C o m m u n i Olympic G a m e s of ancient Greece, regularly cating and Diffusing Social Science'), and by
held every four years for eleven centuries, J. P. Boutinet on the role of the h u m a n
between 776 B.C. and A . D . 393, to be revived sciences in social practices.
fifteen centuries later, in 1896. T o take another
A.K.
example, the violent g a m e of soule, the ances[Translated from French]
Notes
1. Günther Luschen, 'Sociology
of Sport: Development, Present
State, and Prospects', Ann.
Rev. Sociol., N o . 6, 1980,
pp. 315-47.
2. Michel Serres, Genèse, p. 96,
Paris, Grasset, 1982.
3. Jean-Michel Mehl, 'La soule
ou le jeu de la guerre', Le Monde
Dimanche (Paris),
24 January 1982.
SPORT AND POLITICS
International sport
and national identity
Geoffrey Caldwell
During the political turbulence of the mid- of social changes impinging u p o n sport. In
1970s in Australia, the leader of the oppo- this article I propose to give attention to the
sition party, Malcolm Fraser, commented that role of sport in the development of national
when he and his party assumed power, he identity, with particular reference to A u s hoped that Australians would turn from the tralia, Canada and the Soviet U n i o n .
front pages of the newspapers, full of accounts
of political manoeuvrings, scandals and accusations, to the back pages, where they would The role of sport in the
development of the Australian
read the sporting news.
While his statement can be interpreted national identity
in a variety of ways,
M r Fraser was in fact
Australia is one of those
Geoffrey Caldwell is Senior Lecturer,
expressing the hope that
countries that can be deCentre for Continuing Education, AusAustralia would return to
scribed as a derivative
tralian National University, Canberra,
a position of'normality',
culture.
The first colony
a member of the Social Sciences C o m mittee of the Australian National C o m where sport assumed
was established b y the
mission for Unesco and the corresponmore importance to the
British in 1788, and A u s dent of this Journal in Australia. H e has
populace than political
tralia
was not formally
published extensively on leisure, sport
activity. It is quite
established as a nation
and gambling.
possible that in most
until 1901. It is not u n countries sport is of
reasonable to suggest
more real and consuriiing
that Australia languished
interest to the mass of
under British colonial
the population than polidomination until the midtics; but in Australia
twentieth century. D u r m a n y commentators have
ing that time, Australia
m a d e particular reference to the critical role was endeavouring in an uncertain, insecure
sport has played in the shaping of Australian way to release itself from this domination and
life, and indeed Australian national identity. establish its o w n identity and culture. In fact,
Historians and social scientists in Australia the desire for psychological separateness from
are beginning to examine in a more concen- Great Britain gave birth to quite radical contrated and analytical way the past and present ceptions of the sort of society Australians
contributions of sport to the Australian way wished to develop, and to some degree Great
of life, the value systems associated with Britain was a negative-role model.
sport, the structural organization and develAlthough the reasons why sport became
opment of sporting activity, and the nature such a strong interest of the Australian
Geoffrey Caldwell
174
colonials is not really very clear, the temperate
climate and the availability of space were two
critical factors. Towards the latter half of the
nineteenth century, the desire for a h o m e g r o w n culture found fertile ground on the
sportingfieldand battle ground. A s Donald
H o m e has argued, sport and war were the
t w o main areas in which Australian national
identity could be expressed.1 Here, in the
arenas of international sport and war, A u s tralians could strive to show that they were
equal to, if not better than, people of other
nations. Australians began to accept the
notion that good performances in international sport and war (whether the encounters were w o n or lost) were a sure indication
that Australians, if they chose otherfieldsto
expend their energies, could reasonably expect
to d o well. Thus the sportingfield,the Boer
W a r and the First World W a r were testing
grounds for the mettle, courage and physical
abilities of Australians.
It is not surprising, of course, that
Australians found the battlefield and the
sporting arena two of the most appropriate
situations for the examination of the country's
worth. A s Bill Mandle, a British historian
n o w living in Australia, has suggested,2 it is
n o accident that international sport and the
resurrection of the Olympic G a m e s took place
in the late nineteenth century, at the conclusion of a century of European nationalism.
T h e growth of nationalism, the conduct of
w a r and theflourishingdevelopment of international sport are fruits from the same vine.
J. O . Zoller3 quotes from Konrad Lorenz,
w h o described sport as 'a special ritualized
form of battle developed by the culture of
M a n ' . Erwin Scheuch has argued that the
application of international competitive sport
to demonstrate the virtues of a country's
political system is a phenomenon c o m m o n
to both Western and Eastern nations. In fact,
Scheuch contends that sport 'as a sign of
quality of life in the country concerned is
prevalent in countries where the regime has
a kind of inferiority complex in some direction'.4
W e shall take u p the broad issues of
sport and national prestige later, but it is
useful at this juncture to consider more precisely the ways in which sport in Australia
has been a major force in the development
of an Australian national identity. Cricket,
perhaps the most sociologically interesting of
all sports within the British C o m m o n w e a l t h
context, has contributed m u c h to the formation of the Australian national identity.
Mandle has written almost obsessively about
sport, and, a m o n g his research interests is
his analysis of the role of cricket in nineteenthcentury Australia. H e indicates that although
other sportsmen, such as scullers, boxers,
wrestlers and rifle-shooters, competed sporadically against sportsmen from abroad,
cricket had a continuous international history
and, because cricket was a team g a m e played
against England, it hàs a symbolic national
character about it.5
Mandle identifies four phases in the development of Australian cricketing nationalism
during the nineteenth century. In the 1860s
two sides visited Australia, and the colonials
displayed humility and deference towards the
English cricketers. The colonials accepted their
o w n inexperience and the superior talent, skill
and experience of the British visitors, and the
tours were seen as opportunities to learn the
g a m e from the experts.
By the mid-1870s, the colonials had
reached the conclusion that the standard of
their cricket had improved to the extent that
they had some chance of beating the English
at their o w n game. Indeed, victories by the
Australian cricketers were
hailed as showing that on both the narrow stage
of cricket itself and, by extension, on the wider
arena of national physical and moral development, Australians had nothing to fear from
either their origins or their location south of the
Line.6
During the late 1870s and 1880s, there were
ambiguous attitudes about the meaning of
cricket matches between the two nations. O n
the one hand, victories over Englishmen were
deemed by some as demonstrations of the
strength of Australian abilities, while on the
International sport and national identity
175
The bastion of English cricket: the Long R o o m at Lord's Cricket Ground, Marylebone Cricket
Club, London. British official photograph.
other, the fact that Australians played the
English g a m e of cricket demonstrated the
basic 'Englishness' of Australians.
There were Australian teams touring
England in the 1890s, but defeats a n d criticisms about the mercenary attitudes of the
Australian cricketers inhibited the growth of
Australian cricket nationalism.
In the last decade of the nineteenth century, substantial victories revitalized A u s tralian cricket a n d national confidence a n d
were used to bolster the argument that benefits
would undoubtedly flow from the federation
of the Australian colonies. M a n d l e shows it
w a s a n A n g l o - S a x o n habit in the nineteenth
century to assume that ability in manly sports,
especially cricket, w a s evidence of national
superiority. M a n d l e writes:
S o m e examples of the English variety of chauvinism m a y serve to demonstrate the nature of the
weight placed upon cricket as an indicator of
national strength and moral worth. The Quarterly
Review of October 1857 favourably compared
the games-playing English public school-boy with
the pale-faced student of G e r m a n y , or the overtaught pupil of French Polytechnique. T h e
Englishman had nothing to fear from them,
games had given 'pluck, blood and bottom'.
Charles B o x , writing in the 1870s, asked, ' W h o
could, for instance, picture to his imagination
the phlegmatic D u t c h m a n , with his capacious
round stern, chasing or sending the ball whizzing
through the air like a cannon shot, and getting
a run with the speed of a roebuck. T h e idea
even appears beyond the pale of conception.
The effete inhabitants of cloudless Italy, Spain
and Portugal would sooner face a solid square
of British infantry than an approaching ball from
the sinewy arms of afirst-classbowler. Instead
of the bat, their backs would be turned for the
purpose of stopping it.'
Another author suggested of cricket that to
question its perfect blessedness is analogous to
questioning the perfect blessedness of being bred
and born a Briton, and Major Philip Trevor
stated that w h e n you find a m a n completely out
176
Geoffrey Caldwell
ingly, the nationalist character of cricket.
Since the advent of radio and then television,
' the A B C has given total coverage to each Test
Match played in Australia and, over the past
half decade, to matches played in Great
Britain.
Even as I write this article, the A B C is
broadcasting from 11 a . m . to 6 p . m . , on television and radio, the full day's play of the five
days of a Test Match between Australia and
the West Indies. During the s u m m e r of 1981,
six five-day Test cricket matches were played,
as well as a number of one-day international
matches. Thus the A B C is transmitting to all
parts of Australia the spectacle of the A u s tralian nation duelling with another. With a
mass of partisan spectators offering appreciative and emotional support, Test cricket
provides a peculiarly intense form of national
drama, or 'sports theatre'.
But Australians' conception of themselves as great sportsmen has firmer foundations than success wrought from cricket
alone. While cricket was a dominant sport in
of sympathy with cricket, you will generally framing national confidence, other sporting
find some other rather un-English trait in his
character.'
Australian cricket writing in the nineteenth
century did not m a k e the same extravagant
claims, but there is little doubt that A u s tralians shared in a culture that was all too
ready to see in sport, and especially in cricket,
the test of a country's real worth.
There is clear evidence to suggest that
for over a century cricket matches between
England and Australia, called Test Matches,
helped Australia to separate itself psychologically from Great Britain. Indeed, relations
between the two nations were never more sour
than at the time of the 1932-33 'bodyline'
series, w h e n English fast bowlers, in an attempt to curb the relentless genius of an
Australian batsman n a m e d Donald Bradman,
bowled at the batsman rather than at the
wicket. Australians considered these tactics
grossly unfair, and resentment of the English
soared.
The Australian Broadcasting Commission
( A B C ) has fostered, knowingly or u n k n o w -
International sport and national identity
177
leading nations in each and awarded five,
three and one points forfirst,second and third
ranking respectively. Thirty-four nations
scored points and Australia ranked sixth after
the United States, the U S S R , Italy, the Federal
Republic of G e r m a n y and Japan. Corrected
for population, however, Australia moved
comfortably intofirstplace.12
Sketches of Australian cricketers playing
in England, early in the century. D . R .
successes contributed. In tennis, golf, squash
and athletics, Australians in the 1940s,
1950s and 1960s w o n major international
titles, championships and honours. Only in
the 1970s, did Australian competitors find it
more difficult to attain international success.
In Australia's short history, Australians
have thought of themselves as belonging to a
great sporting nation and a country devoted
to sport, and these images have been important foundations for the development of
national identity. Claims that Australians
have an unusual passion for sport are usually
based on the great numbers w h o have played
and watched sport, or on the disproportionate
number of successful sportsmen and w o m e n
w h o have become world champions. Sports
Illustrated, a leading American sporting m a g a zine, for example, claimed in 1960 that
Australia was a 'sports-playing, sportswatching, sports-talking, altogether sportsminded country such as the.world has never
k n o w n before'.8 H o m e maintains that sport
was thefirstform of Australian foreign policy,
that it became a national religion, that not to
watch or talk about sport was to be u n Australian."
Mayer's 1964 content analysis of A u s tralian newspapers showed that more space
was devoted to sport than any other written
news, 10 and Shepherd notes that no other
country generates so m a n y daily newspaper
posters announcing the latest sports sensation
at the expense of more significant events.11
A 1962 Sports Illustratedsurvey identified
forty major world sports, judged the three
Canada's participation
in international team sport
A very brief analysis of some characteristics
of Canada's sporting structure will accentuate
the greater contribution that participation and
success in international sport has m a d e to the
national identity of Australians. In Canadian
sport, the strength of regionalism, commercial
control of professional sport, the method of
national team selection, and the emphasis on
American rather than British sports have
inhibited the growth of Canadian sporting and
national unity. Until the 1970s Canadians,
though keenly interested in sport, did not
compete internationally in team games as
m u c h as did Australians. Canada's most popular sports are professional ice-hockey, Canadian football and baseball. But apart from
ice-hockey there have been virtually no international matches in these popular sports.
Indeed it is only during the lastfifteenyears
that international matches in professional icehockey have begun to occur. Entrepreneurs
and businessmen o w n professional ice-hockey,
baseball and football teams and the profit
motive usually assumes dominance over
national identity. In ice-hockey and baseball,
Canadian teams play in regional continental
divisions which transcend the CanadianUnited States border and the possibility of
United States versus Canada contests. In
Canada and the United States, all-star football and baseball teams are selected each year,
but appear only on paper and not on the
sporting field. Thus while regional loyalties
m a y receive some stimulus from the organization of professional sport in North
America, national loyalties lie dormant.
178
Geoffrey Caldwell
The opening of a cricket match in India. Doc. Indian Embassy, Paris.
It is instructive to observe the w a y in
which Canadians, u p until the mid-1960s,
selected their national amateur ice-hockey
team. A team competing successfully against
other town and city teams w o n the right to
represent Canada in international competitions, especially in Olympic contests. Thus
in the 1920 Olympics the Winnipeg Falcons
represented Canada; in 1924, the Toronto
Granites; in 1928, the Toronto Grads; in 1932,
Winnipeg; in 1948, the Royal Canadian Air
Force team; in 1952, the E d m o n t o n Mercurys,
and so on. This selection system has not
greatly encouraged the growth of national
sporting identity. A town team that w o n the
right to represent Canada in hockey would
arouse the intense interest of the local townspeople; but whether people in cities remote
from that town would experience the same
identification is more doubtful. Australia's
team selection system has been quite different.
The national team, no matter what the sport,
is chosen from all the. available players in
Australia, a scheme which in all probability
encourages greater national interest, especially
when there are newspaper, radio and television reports announcing membership of
selected teams.
Canadian
and Australian performance
at Olympic
and Commonwealth Games,
in the 1970s
The Olympic G a m e s of 1976 and the C o m monwealth G a m e s of 1978, both of which
were held in Canada, have forced Canada and
Australia to re-assess the extent of their
sporting prowess. At the 1976 Montreal
Olympics, Canada rose from twenty-first in
the previous Olympics to tenth. In contrast,
Australia could muster onlyfivemedals, and
not one of these was a gold. This result
dramatized Australia's decline as an Olympic
sporting nation, especially in comparison with
the performance at Melbourne twenty years
earlier when Australia scored thirty-five
medals, of which thirteen were gold.13
The 1970s saw the beginnings of Australia's decline as a successful international
sporting competitor and Canada's ascendance, especially in major clusters of Olympic
events such as swimming and athletics. C o m ment should be m a d e here as to the reasons
for the decline and fall as well as to the impact
on national identity.
It is interesting to note the varying reactions of Australians to the lack of success in
the 1976 Olympics at Montreal. The Federal
Government decided to hold an official in-
179
International sport and national identity
Ice hockey: the Toronto Maple Leafs versus the Montreal Canadians. Bob Thomas/SAM.
quiry into Australia's showing at the Olympics
and to review overall the government's role
in sport. Newspaper editorialists (The Age,
27 July 1976; The Australian, 28 July 1976)
argued that the role of government was not to
subsidize élite athletes in the quest for gold,
but 'to ensure that the best possible sporting
facilities are provided for the people at large'.
S o m e letter-writers to newspapers re-echoed
that sentiment; others stressed that winning
was not as important as competing and doing
one's best, that the low medal tally was not
180
an occasion for national mourning, and that
the G e r m a n Democratic Republic's model of
early selection and élite training was not desirable in Australia. Other letter-writers expressed the opposite sentiments, and that
government initiatives should be taken in
order to help regain Australia's status as a
sporting power.
The rising status of Canada as a sporting
nation and Australia's decline was accentuated
at the 1978 C o m m o n w e a l t h G a m e s held in
E d m o n t o n , Canada. Canada emerged as the
top competitor, and Australia slipped from
its usualfirstor second position.
During the 1970s, the governments of
both countries concluded that international
sporting success, especially at Olympic-type
festivals, does help to bolster a country's prestige both at h o m e and abroad, and that such
success requires more resources than amateur
sporting clubs or organizations are able to
generate. Both the Canadian and Australian
Governments have n o w launched programmes
to improve the standards of their athletes in
international contests, as well as to stimulate
participation in ordinary sporting activity to
promotefitnessand health. In a speech to the
Canadian House of C o m m o n s , the Canadian
Minister for Fitness and Amateur Sport, lona
Campagnolo, said:
Geoffrey Caldwell
and international levels while strictly c o m plying with the Olympic regulations governing
amateur sport status; Recreation Canada,
which was concerned with encouraging Canadians to participate more fully in sport and
various recreational activities.
A m o n g the most visible programmes
initiated as a result of increased government
financial support was the G a m e Plan under
the auspices of Sport Canada. The purpose of
G a m e Plan was to develop programmes of
talent identification, athlete support, the training of coaches and officials, and competitive
goals for Canadian athletes in national and
international events. Through G a m e Plan,
Sport Canada instituted an athlete-support
programme designed to provide living expenses, training allowances, lost-time payments, tuition fees and costs of equipment,
coaching fees and facility rental for top-calibre
athletes.
Such support programmes are long term
and are not associated with any particular
events such as the C o m m o n w e a l t h G a m e s .
However, the programmes do follow a form of
cyclic pattern related in general terms to the
four-year cycle of Olympic competition. Direct
assistance to athletes is given only on the
recommendation of the national sportgoverning body, and only to athletes meeting
specified criteria, i.e. that they are ranked in
The goal of this government is to ensure that the the top sixteen in the world or have the potenathlete, at whatever level of competition, is tial to rank in the top sixteen. Assistance is
regarded as a full-functioning productive member confined to the alleviation offinancialhardof society . . . to see that sport,fitnessand ship resulting from employment opportunities
recreation is acknowledged by one and all as a missed through following competitive or trainfull-functioning part of that culture which is ing programmes.
Canada. N o more the sweaty athlete syndrome.
During 1978/79, the total number of
N o more the denigration of the athletic scholarathletes
meeting the criteria and eligible for
ship. N o more the culture which is divided
between artists and athletes. Athletes are artists support was 755 athletes from twenty-eight
and some artists are athletes14.
sports. The support is provided in accordance
with regulations governing amateur status as
Canada reached such conclusions earlier, it specified by the International Olympic C o m would seem, than Australia. In fact, major mittee and the various respective intersteps were taken early in the 1970s with the national federations. T h e supported sports
establishment of the Fitness and Amateur are those included in the Olympic, Pan
Sport Directorate, which had two operational American and C o m m o n w e a l t h G a m e s .
arms: Sport Canada, which concentrated on
M o n e y for the various projects initiated
improving competitive ability at the national by Fitness and Amateur Sport, whether for
International sport and national identity
18Í
Pelota, the national g a m e of the Basques. Ducasse/Rapho.
Sport Canada or Recreation Canada, c o m e
from the national Canadian lottery, Loto
Canada. Five per cent of funds collected
through the lottery are funnelled back into
sports and provide the basis for the government branch's budget. Australian government
initiatives are of the same order, but are of
more recent origin.
But the efforts of these two Western
governments in developing sport for the purpose of increasing national prestige and identity pale against those m a d e by the Soviet
Union and the Eastern European countries.
Indeed it is only in the past decade that the
Australian and Canadian governments have
taken any serious sporting initiatives. In
Australia during the nineteenth and twentieth
centuries the choice of sport as a base for
national identity was not governmental but
societal. Australians, as people living in six
different colonies, wished to establish a nation
that differed from Great Britain not so m u c h
in economic or political terms, but in social
terms, in the style in which daily social life
was to be conducted, in social-class relationships in which superiority was to be ignored
or even suppressed.
Sport in the USSR
James Riordan, in his thoughtful historical
analysis of the development of Soviet sport,16
states that in the international friction occurring after the Second World W a r , sport became an obvious arena for international
competition, given the existence of two hostile
camps and rival military blocs. Sport came to
Geoffrey Caldwell
182
Soviet sportsmen been so highly honoured as
the thousand athletes of 1957.19
After Soviet and Eastern European successes in the 1972 Olympics, Pravda waxed
enthusiastic about the socialist system: 'The
grand victories of the U S S R and the fraternal
states convincingly demonstrate that socialism
opens up the greatest opportunities for m a n ' s
physical and spiritual perfection'.20
It would be an error, however, to assume
that international participation by the U S S R
in sporting contests is aimed just at d e m o n strating the superiority of the Soviet political
and economic system. According to Riordan,
The increasing number of successes achieved by most Soviet sports participation in foreign
Soviet sportsmen in sport has particular political competition has been with other socialist
significance today. Each new victory is a victory countries, especially Eastern Europe. In 1971,
for the Soviet form of society and the socialist
for instance, 67 per cent of Soviet sports
sports system; it provides irrefutable proof of
exchanges were with other socialist states.
the superiority of socialist culture over the
The dominant principle of international sportdecaying culture of the capitalist states.18
ing relations between socialist states consists
in
'developing relations between fraternal c o m In the years immediately following the Second
munist
and workers' parties which control
World W a r , Soviet sports associations began
physical
culture and sport and formulate the
to affiliate themselves with the relevant interforeign
policy
tasks of the national sports
national sporting federations, and Soviet ath21
organizations'.
Thus from the Soviet standletes began to compete internationally. B e point,
sport
can
be used to integrate socialist
tween 1946 and 1958 the U S S R joined thirty
societies,
to
bind
them to Soviet institutions
international federations, and by 1973 it was
a m e m b e r of forty-two major world sporting and policies and to maintain and reinforce
federations. In the early post-war years, h o w - the U S S R ' s22 vanguard position within the
ever, Soviet sportsmen were not permitted Soviet bloc.
to enter into international competition without
reasonable expectations of victory.
be regarded as an important weapon in the
rivalry between what the Soviet Union saw
as the two dramatically opposed world systems: capitalism and Soviet socialism.16 In
the U S S R domestic sport was thought strong
enough at the end of the Second World W a r
to take on the world; victories over bourgeois
states would demonstrate the vitality of the
Soviet system. In a party resolution on sport
delivered in 1949, Soviet sportsmen and
w o m e n were to 'win world supremacy in the
major sports in the immediate future'.17
In 1951, it was argued that
After a forty-year absence from Olympic
contests, the U S S R m a d e its Olympic debut
at the Fifteenth Olympiad at Helsinki in 1952.
Soviet successes at all the Olympics have been
numerous. A s Riordan says, success at
the 1956 Olympics gave to m a n y Soviet people
'pride in their sportsmen and, by extension, in
the country and even the system that had
produced such world-beaters'. In fact, as a
result of the decree of the Presidium of the
Supreme Soviet of the U S S R of 27 April 1957,
nearly a thousand Soviet athletes, coaches and
sports officials were rewarded with some of
the country's highest awards and honours.
Twenty-seven received the Order of Lenin,
the country's supreme accolade. Never have
Conclusions
M o r e detailed historical and sociological analyses of the role of sport in a variety of
countries needs to be m a d e , and with more
breadth than I have given in this study. T h e
evidence I have surveyed, however, suggests
the following:
That sport has been a supportive venue for
attempts by colonial cultures to establish
a different life-style and identity to that of
the mother culture.
That n e w or different political, economic or
social systems have used sporting success
in international sport as an internal and
external validation of that system's worth.
183
International sport and national identity
That the drive for international sporting success m a y be a testament to the insecurity of
a country's identity. The index of a country's
growing maturity (or declining insecurity)
m a y well rest upon drawing identity from
a variety of sources in addition to sport: for
example, the arts, political diplomacy or the
manifestation of virtues in the world of
work, such as inventiveness, progressiveness, entrepreneurial capacity, imagination and so on.
I should not like to conclude this article
without making a c o m m e n t about national
identity and national prestige and the links
between warfare and sporting events. I have
already hinted (with the support of others)
that international sport can be seen as a
substitute for international war. It must be
painfully obvious that as nations have b e c o m e
more affluent, educated and technologically
sophisticated, more resources (both physical
and h u m a n ) and more expertise have been
used by nations to prepare for the possibility
of international war and for success in international sport.
The abuses, the overzealousness, the
determination to win at all costs often characteristic of modern international sport m a y
be minor costs to pay when w e consider the
potential annihilation, brutality, senselessness
and inhumanity of the alternative m e t h o d ,
war, to settle international disputes, matters
of prestige, etc. T h e peaceful future of m a n kind m a y depend upon our capacity to
conduct international sport in a continuing
and meaningful way.
Notes
1. Donald H o m e , The Next
Australia, p. 157, Sydney, Angus
& Robertson, 1970.
2. Bill Mandle, Winners Can
Laugh. Sport and Society, p . 50,
Harmondsworth, Penguin,
1974.
3. Joseph Othmar Zoller, 'Sport,
Society and Polities', The
German Tribune Quarterly
Review, N o . 20,
16 November 1972, p. 14.
4. Erwin K . Scheuch, 'Sport
and Polities', op. cit., p. 1.
5. Bill Mandle, 'Cricket and
Australian Nationalism in the
Nineteenth Century', in
J. D . Jacques and G . R . Pavia
(eds.), Sport in Australia.
Selected Readings in Physical
Activity, pp. 46-72, Sydney,
McGraw-Hill, 1976.
6. Ibid., p. 47.
7. Ibid., p. 48.
14. Quoted in Image Canada,
8. H . R . W i n d , Sports
Illustrated, N o . 16, 23 M a y 1960. Vol. 3, N o . 4, 1978, p . 22.
9. Donald H o m e , 77K; Lucky
Country, pp. 157-9, Melbourne,
1964.
10. H . Mayer, The Press in
Australia, Melbourne,
Lansdowne, 1964.
ll.J. Shepherd, 'Sport', in
R . Brasch et al. (eds.), This is
Australia, p. 341, Hamlyn/Dee
W h y West, 1975.
12. 'Which is the Best Sports
Country in the World?', Sports
Illustrated, 23 April 1962,
15. James Riordan, Sport in
Soviet Society. Development of
Sport and Physical Education
in Russia and the USSR, p . 363,
Cambridge University Press,
1977.
16. Ibid., p. 400.
17. Ibid., p. 364.
18. Y . D . Kotov and
I. I. Yudovich, Sovetskaya
Shakhmatnaya Shkola, p . 4 ,
M o s c o w , 1951.
pp. 28-30.
19. Riordan, op. cit., p . 369.
13. It is recognised, of course,
that the holding of the Olympic
G a m e s by a country boosts
interest and investment in
Olympic events and, coupled
with familiarity with local
conditions, ensures a higher
medal tally.
20. Pravda, 17 September 1972,
p. 1.
21. Quoted in Riordan,
op. cit., p. 379.
22. Ibid., p. 380.
SPORTAND POLITICS
Sport, conflict
and conflict resolution*
Günther Luschen
The sport contest of two or more parties to support sport's mission in interpersonal
competing for superiority in a game of physi- and international understanding. A study o f
cal skill and strategy is a form of conflict the policies of twenty-one National O l y m p i c
which is referred to by Georg Simmel as Committees found that their representatives
Kampfspiel.1 Others, like Alan Beals and considered 'international amity a n d underBernard Siegel, acknowledge its regulated, standing' a policy priority, ranking their c o m nondisruptive quality and classify it as mittees as 'very successful' in the discharge
'pseudo-conflict'.2 In line with positions like of such policy. It was the only one of seventeen
the latter—through which arguments are ad- policy items for which there was n o discrepvanced that the sport contest provides a ancy between expectation and realization.7
'sporting chance' (acThe statements of
cording to Kenneth Boulexecutives and friends of
Günther Luschen is professor at the
ding) for conflict, m a n sport certainly corrobor3
Department
of Sociology, University
agement —sport is seen
ate the normative proof Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, and
as a ' w a r without
jection of sport's function
at the Institute for the Sciences of
in conflict resolution. But,
Sport, the Technical University of
weapons', 4 as Friede auf
Aachen, 51 Aachen, Federal Republic
the evidence advanced
Zeit (suspended peace)6
of
Germany.
H
e
is
also
the
Chairman
for
the actual resolution
or is considered as 'benof the Research Committee on the So6
of
conflict
through sport
eficial', for conflict resciology of Sport of the International
hardly supports the farolution.
Sociological Association. H e has written extensively on various sociological
reaching expectations of
Claims that sport reissues of sport.
some social scientists or
solves inter-systemic conof the analysts at the last
flict and. contributes to
Olympic Congress. M a x
peace are numerous. DisGluckman is rather carecussed as a major probful
when he advances that
lem of scientific inquiry
the
'balance
[between
conflict resolution
at the 1972 Olympic Congress, such claims were
accepted as true in m a n y analyses at the 1980 and instigation] is often delicate' a n d that
Olympic Congress. The Olympic movement, he does not, 'on present evidence agree . . .
often with reference to Antiquity, has main- that the discharge of aggression in g a m e s
tained such claims since its inception by C o u - might lead to games replacing war . . . indeed,
bertin. Since 1932, through such devices as the the game m a y breed as m u c h excitement
joint Olympic Village for athletes, it has tried including aggression as it releases a m o n g
players and spectators'.8 Everything indicates
that the problem with sport and conflict
A n earlier version was presented at the Olympic
lies
not only in insufficient evidence but
Congress, Tbilisi, U S S R , July 1980.
186
also in the methodological complexity of
the issue.
S o m e factual accounts
concerning
sport and conflict9
Instances of a potential for conflict resolution
through sport do not attract great publicity
and yet there are a number of prominent cases:
At a time when relations between the U S S R
and the Federal Republic of Germany
were tense, a match of the national soccer
teams in Augsburg did m u c h to deflate the
tensions and let the Soviet Union, through
its team, take on a more h u m a nflairin
public opinion in the Federal Republic of
Germany. T h e game was played without
interruption.
Advances between the United States and
China were m a d e through a table-tennis
game, a sport in which American players
are notoriously bad and certain to lose,
thus creating no loss of face for either side.
T h e United States ice-hockey team, against
all expectations, beat the U S S R at the 1980
Winter Olympics and thus provided the
American public and president with a release of frustrations over the political situation arising from Soviet presence in
Afghanistan.
O n a personal-relations basis there are a
number of legendary cases where sport has
been a medium for the development of
friendship:
After their meeting at the 1956 Olympics and
at a time of high East-West tensions, Olga
Fikotowa, a Czechoslovak discus thrower
married Harold Connolly, an American
h a m m e r thrower.
T h e boxers, Joe Louis and M a x Schmeling,
w h o were built up in public opinion as representing democracy or the evil of Nazism
in the United States, and superior or inferior
races in the G e r m a n press, carried on a
friendship until Louis's death.
During the highly politically charged 1936
Olympics, the G e r m a n L u z Long helped
Günther Luschen
Jesse O w e n s correct his approach in the
long-jump after he had missed twice. O w e n s
w o n with his last j u m p and Long had to
settle for second.
M a n y other cases occur which involve the
annual bestowing of the fair-play award by
Unesco since the 1960s.
But frequent accounts of the incitement
of conflict and violence through sport are
certainly more prominent in public opinion:
In 1969, the so-called 'soccer war' between
San Salvador and Honduras broke out
apparently over the final game of elimination for the World Championship which
San Salvador w o n on neutral ground in
Mexico by a score of 3-2. Violent skirmishes
had already occurred at the two previous
games. Each side w o n one of these games.
W h a t appears to be a classic build-up of
tensions, high symbolic meaning, and
emotional excitement over a sport which
resulted in war was actually created by a
long-standing feud between the two
countries that a m o n g other factors, had its
source in the discriminatory treatment of
Salvadorian migrant workers in Honduras.
Every year in the Scottish soccer league there
are two games between the rival Celtic and
Rangers teams in Glasgow. These soccer
clubs represent very m u c h the same religious and supposedly class divisions which
lie at the root of the violence in Northern
Ireland. Violence a m o n g the spectators in
Glasgow has on occasion resulted in deaths
at these soccer games.
In terms of lives lost and ensuing violence,
two events in Turkey and in Peru hold a sad
record. In 1967, as a result of a seconddivision soccer match in Turkey, tensions
between two communities supporting their
teams resulted in forty-two deaths. Partly
as a result of faulty architectural design,
318 people died as a consequence of the 1964
amateur soccer match between Argentina
and Peru. These deaths were by no means
due solely to the architecture of the stadium
in Lima or to the inattention of the gatekeepers. The sequence of the game led to
extreme excitement a m o n g the spectators
187
Sport, conflict and conflict resolution
Symbolic combat: Nigerian supporters m a k e their w a y to their seats for a World C u p qualifying football
match at Constantine, Algeria. Bob T h o m a s / S A M .
and to an attempted violent attack on the
referee. The game took on added meaning
because of the strains within Peruvian society and between the two countries represented on the field.
Ronald Frankenberg identifies soccer matches
as a source of conflict between Welsh villages,10 and René Fox reports that Pueblo
w o m e n of different kinship systems clash at
the occasion of their sons playing baseball.11
Soccer hooliganism with violent outbursts has
become a public problem in the United
Kingdom. Such violence is not restricted to
the United Kingdom or to soccer. The
rivalries between schools in the United
States produced a violent outbreak in the
autumn of 1981 like the deliberate attack
on the Brigham Y o u n g University team by
fans of the University of Utah with ice-balls
carefully prepared at h o m e in the refrigerator.
O n e of the most serious clashes a m o n g athletes
themselves could be observed at the 1956
Olympic G a m e s when Hungary played the
U S S R at water-polo. T h e members of the
Hungarian team w h o had travelled to
Melbourne on a Soviet ship, were informed
by local compatriots what had happened
during the Hungarian uprising; they went
into the game with the intention of physically harming the Soviet team. The water
turned red with blood, and the Australian
police in full uniform had to j u m p into the
water to separate the hostile parties.
Other incidents of conflict occurred after the
final grass-hockey g a m e at the 1972 Olympic
G a m e s when the losing Pakistan team
concluded its game against Federal Republic
of Germany but then refused to appear at
the victory ceremony.
Unlike the cases reported above which resulted
in deaths a m o n g spectators and supporters,
188
Günther Luschen
the latter had n o consequence for the general
relations between these countries. Actually,
the clash between the Soviet Union and
Hungary over water-polo as well as the heated
encounter and victory of Czechoslovakia over
the U S S R at the world ice-hockey championship in 1968 m a y well have eased the Soviet
Union's somewhat precarious relations with
its allies as it did with the 1980 ice-hockey
match with the United States. O f course, such
potential consequences are seemingly unintended, and are rarely thought out in the
discussions over sport and conflict resolution.
T h e majority of accounts of violence as
a consequence of, or in relation to, sport
prove very little. T h e great majority of sport
contests are exciting but stick to clearly observed rules. N o r do the variety of accounts,
ranging from problems of interpersonal and
group relations to intersystem relations and
incidents during and after sport events suggest
anyfinalconclusion. Indeed, as Peter Marsh's
analyses of soccer hooliganism in Britain
show (see his article in this issue), not only
are there a variety of contextual reasons and
felt deprivations a m o n g fans,12 there are also
'rules of disorder', which are part of a barely
understood subculture.13
fact that discussions and analyses proceed in
terms of violence and aggression, rather than
with reference to social conflict.
Simmel's essay on conflict14 is the most
significant example of a possible positive or
beneficial function of conflict in such forms
as the sport contests. Arguing that the very
occurrence of such conflict is already a unifying act suggests that the sport contest accommodates and controls the contesting parties. Since Simmel focuses on contest as a
pure form, emphasis is on accommodation
and unification within contest. N o t m u c h is
suggested in terms of the consequences for the
system at large; Beals and Siegel thus find
Simmel's implied functionality of conflict
seriously wanting.15 Actually, Simmel is careful and precise in his analysis, offering no
simple solution for a supposedly beneficial
function and implied causality. His analysis is
directed towards the form of conflict, and the
sport contest, aside from the court of law,
provides the best example. Anatol Rapoport
further stresses joint interests in a game, an
opponent being essential and the goal being
not to harm but to outwit the opponent. 16
The Rapoport's distinction between a g a m e
and afightis no concern of Simmel's at all.
Rather, his formal analysis stresses the universal aspects of conflict.
A review of major analyses
While there has been considerable effort
in the social sciences (since Ralf Dahrendorf 17
and T h o m a s Schelling18) to understand the
structure of social conflict, at least in definitional approaches and model building, little
progress in this regard has been m a d e concerning the sport contest. Discussions and
analyses centre more on the consequences of
sport for behaviour and systemic relations—often in terms of rather simple
causality—rather than the system itself.
Konrad Lorenz is the major figure representing aggression as a fundamental drive
for h u m a n survival. H e interprets sport, in its
channelling of aggression as a form of catharsis." A different major functional point of
view is expressed by Brian Sutton-Smith; for
him sport and games perform a crucial function for the socialization of children learning
The analysis of the sport contest as a form of
conflict and its consequence for the social
relationship of the parties involved is not a
particularly n e w problem in the social sciences, but it has received increasing attention
over the past decade. However, emphasis in
recent discussions is on occurrences at or
around sport events a m o n g spectators or fans
rather than on problems of conflict a m o n g
the contesting parties themselves. The contest
in which m o r e than two parties are involved
has never received any attention, and the
encounters of individuals so typical in m a n y
individual sport disciplines have often been
overlooked or at best have been treated
implicitly. Conceptual clarity, or the absence
thereof, also seems to be at the root of the
Sport, conflict and conflict resolution
to cope with conflict.20 Beneficial consequences for learning are also observed by
Donald Symons in rhesus monkeys; he views
their aggressive play as necessary for practising motor skills.21 This could easily and
convincingly be extended to sport where the
rigidity of system controls forces the contestants to improve their physical skills and,
of course, their strategic competence. While
in some of the early social psychological
experiments the view was advanced, by N o r m a n Tripplett, that energy not normally available would be set free in a contest,22 it is the
experience of m a n y competing athletes that,
under the exigencies of contest, skills are advanced to a higher level and tactical moves
not normally or apparently at an individual's
or team's disposal are intuitively performed
as part of an organized whole. In the popular
language of the sports-writer and practitioner,
this is referred to as ' m o m e n t u m ' and explains
part of the thrill that sport contests provide
for the spectator. W h a t has been observed
about conflict between organizations very
clearly holds for sport: structure and taskallocation become increasingly refined and
conscious for the parties in a contest.
189
A m o n g those w h o demonstrate the negative consequences,fieldexperiments b y M u z a fer and Carolyne Sherif have demonstrated
the limits of catharsis through sport. In a
sport-like competition there was a n aggravation of tensions between teams a n d a n
outbreak of violence with so m u c h destructive
potential that the experimenters h a d to step
in.24 Others like E d w a r d Devereux, for Little
League Baseball,26 have voiced their concerns
about the poor educational benefits of sport
contests. Prominent critics denouncing the
athlete in a contest, or involvement in g a m e s
as essentially nihilistic include figures like
Pascal and Veblen.
In a study designed to resolve the lingering
dispute about sport and conflict resolution or
instigation or, as he calls it, drive discharge
versus culture pattern, Richard Sipes has lifted
the question to the level of cross-cultural
analysis.28 In previous and related discussions
by this author, observations had been advanced that the rich culture of games in the
Southern Pacific, with its relatively l o w incidence of warfare as compared with a lesser
differentiation of g a m e culture and m o r e tribal
warfare in Africa seemed to indicate an inverse
For all those claiming the sport contest's relationship between war and sport, suggesting
functional properties for conflict resolution, a function for conflict resolution. T h e enorsystem accommodation, catharsis or social m o u s difficulties of such analysis are rooted
learning, there are at least as m a n y w h o in the logical problems of systems designs.
denounce the sport contest as essentially prob- Might not the insularity of Southern Pacific
lematic in its social consequences. Arno Plack societies or their access to ample natural food
refers prominently to sport as form of sup- supplies explain their comparative pacifism?
posedly harmless aggression.23 According to Sipes bypasses such problems and uses sohim, stressing catharsis does not take h u m a n cieties as units of analysis with the opporbeings seriously and overlooks the moral tunity of using a statistical test. This gives
dimension. O n e m a y add that outcomes, as the correlation illustrated in Table 1.
in such games as poker, are often the result
of pretence and cunning. 'Gamesmanship' is T A B L E 1. Correlation of wariikeness and
widespread in sport contests and certainly presence of combative sport in twenty selected
raises some moral implications; whether to societies from the Ethnographic Atlas'"
stress these in analysis is an open question.
Combative sport
It does, however, create a situation in which
the social dimension of conflict and agYes
No
Total
gression in sport contests is little understood
particularly a m o n g ethologists. A number of Warlike)^
1
10
9
8
10
psychological contributions have similar
2
shortcomings by their design.
9
20
TOTAL
11
190
Sipes results clearly indicate that c o m b a tive sports will reinforce warlike systems. The
deviant-case analysis makes this correlation
even stronger; the two societies that were
not warlike at the time of the analysis
had a history of heavy involvement in warfare.
T h e only really deviant case w a s a warlike
tribe without a combative sport which, according to Sipes, had to avoid sport for fear
of destroying its fragile internal fabric. Beyond
the fact that this study rejects the functionality
of sport for conflict resolution, Sipes also
points out that his results suggest cultural
learning and soc o-cultural selection rather
than innate propensity for aggression as suggested by ethologists. The cases in this study
are throughout those of lesser societal development; thus, one might suggest that, with a
higher level of development in society, sport
contests m a y be sufficiently controlled and
transformed into a function for replacing
warfare. T h e context of combative sport
amongst the Tikopians suggests such controls
and potential function.28 Norbert Elias provides one of the few convincing sociological
explanations of conflict control in modern
society in seeing sport as an outgrowth of the
'civilizing process'.29
Günther Luschen
but rather related to the methodological difficulties that have also marred most previous
analyses. These appear to be essentially three:
model and conceptual implications in the
analysis, a misunderstanding of the sport
contest or sport system, and an unwarranted
separation of the system of sport from its
socio-cultural context.
Model and conceptual
implications
At the basis of m a n y analyses and discussions
lies a notion of strictly linear causality between variables, while sport, conflict and intersystemic relationships are higher-order terms
of a potentially non-observable kind. A t least
they would have to be described by a whole set
of operators that are typically the basis of
strictly causal arguments. Observations have
been couched in such terms as violence and
aggression. These are operationally easier for
research but, as essentially psychological variables, also neglect the social dimension. T h e
use of such constructs as indicators of system
properties or structural occurrences of conflict
would, of course, be possible if they were the
The bulk of the insights provided to date basis of further exploration and interpretation
conveys distinctly that there is something in systemic or structural terms. But, as quite a
profoundly wrong with the methodology of few of the analyses provided to date have been
31
m a n y analyses on sport and conflict. Further, supplied by psychologists or behaviourists,
the consideration of sport and competitive there is little awareness of such methodological
g a m e s in the sociology of conflict is rare and and interpretative extension.
has hardly progressed beyond Simmel's early
Conflict resolution or conflict instigation
observations and general acknowledgement in through sport is a functional rather than a
the work of R . E . Park. It is not u n c o m m o n causal question and is perhaps a good illusfor sport to be excluded from discussions of tration of Bertrand Russell's advice to play
conflict by very definition, a m o n g other d o w n causal arguments in favour of functional
reasons because of the mistaken assumption research designs.32 While this m a y be the case,
that conflict means destruction of the op- and while such research questions through
ponent. In m a n y discussions sport is passed the use of construct terminology m a y be highly
over as apparently insignificant; Louis Kries- desirable, as Kurt Lewin thought,33 such an
berg, in an extensive recent outline of a model interpretation of a theory poses major diffifor the study of social conflict seems to e m - culties for testing hypothesis in empirical
phasize measurability at the expense of facing analysis T h e approach implies teleological
the social realities of conflict such as sport reasoning easily extended into normative concontests.30 Such c o m m o n neglect is probably tentions, as strongly indicated by sport's supnot the result of disinterest or insignificance, posed contribution to peace. It implies, at
Sport, conflict and conflict resolution
191
Respect for rules: a runner, at the ready, awaits the starter's signal; design o n a cup, from Naples. Perrin/
Edimages.
best, quasi-theoretical arguments over the circumstances that the multiplicity of factors and
a limited number of cases hardly allow for the
statistical verification of general theories,
which is the case in m u c h sociology anyway.
However, for the present question, the obstacles are particularly serious since c o m m o n
sense and experience interfere with the seriousness of systematic analysis. A n d yet, the
experiences of the athlete and the participants
in a sport contest are important and if properly
analyzed, provide valid insights.
Beyond the methodological difficulties
about cause and function, as between constructs that are complex variables, there is the
substantive or definitional difficulty of what
is really at stake in the analysis. SimmeFs 3 4
suggestion of unifying consequences of conflict
hardly refer to anything causal despite the
mention of the term 'cause' right at the
start—nor does it really indicate consequences.
Rather, it stresses accommodation or association as conditions for contest. Suggesting a
unifying power of conflict under such circumstances is, in a sense, a teleological argument, which the exclusion of sport from conflict discussions overlooks. O r , in terms of
efficient causality, it could become an argument about social or systems control. Consequently, there is no place for sport as a cause;
peaceful and harmonious encounters under
carefully designed rules and mutual agreements can precisely (and only) proceed because
appropriate arrangements have been m a d e ,
mainly in advance. That such arrangements
can become useful for other encounters between systems is entirely possible, and that they
can be a training ground or a model for encoun-
192
ters other than sporting ones is entirely logical.
Boulding obviously suggests no more. 3 5 It is
entirely up to those engaged in other conflicts
to m a k e use of the truly differentiated rigidity
within rules and the associational quality of
the sport contest. The ends in other encounters
are, of course, at times economically or politically extremely valuable, often they are elements for survival and d o not resemble the
make-believe and expressive quality of a pingpong game. Orderly conduct in a competitive
situation about vital matters m a y not be as
easily maintained as in a sport contest. M o r e over, the stakes m a y also be different inasmuch
as the end sought m a y be available only
through a single contest. A championship in
sport is open over and again; there are
challenges every year.
Beyond the notion that sport contests
m e a n unification and accommodate parties
in conflict, there is the expectation that they
resolve conflicts in general or increase intersystem conflict. These simple notions of causality are clearly unwarranted in terms of
general and even of quasi-laws. Interpretations and examples m a k e it somewhat u n likely that any general law-like statement will
emerge and the conceptual clarifications advanced so far indicating conflict as an element
of form or a complex construct also m a k e
such contentions imprecise. Simmel's analysis
concerning the sport contest as a pure form is
directed to the social character and unity of
the contest. H o w this form is filled with
content as determined by the socio-cultural
context, the individuals involved and each
specific situation will very m u c h decide the
outcome, and consequently potential negative
or positive function.
Günther Luschen
must be observed and, by mutual consent, a
third party must have the authority to interpret the rules, this being the referee. But
there must also be a fundamental kind of
accommodation to the contest, identified as
'association',36 which implies a mutual understanding without the expectation of any payoff; only thus can the contest proceed. M o tives such as altruism could be advanced as
possible explanations of unity in sport conflict. Simmel would probably advance no
explanation in such terms: rather he would
take association as another indication of the
formal character of the contest. It will come
as no surprise to those w h o have followed this
reasoning or k n o w of Kant's design for eternal
peace, that association is inherent in all types
of conflict, including war. But in sport it
appears particularly strong as shown by such
ideals of conduct as fair play.
The irony, however, is that certain sports
are so violent and vigorous that they display
the precise opposite of a harmonious form of
conduct. Bernard Jeu has demonstrated that
sport can be viewed as a counter-society in
which what is considered improper becomes
proper.3' Violence is a positive value in a
number of sports; a contest is considered real
by competitors and.observers only if it entails
m u c h effort, at the brink of legitimate conduct,
and at the highest level of equilibrium in the
encounter. According to Elias and Dunning, 38
in order to preserve association or the 'tonus'
in a contest, opponents have to engage every
resource at hand while constantly keeping the
structure or form of the encounter intact. T o
be sure, this is mediated by a referee and m a y
be thrown off balance by partisan crowds, but
it is the contestants w h o accept the structure
of the contest and negotiate a m o n g themselves
the proper balance between conflict and association. W h e n the contest is finished and
Sport as contest and
the winner decided, both contestants m a y well
its socio-cultural context
express the accepted unity by an exchange of
Competition in sport contests is vigorous, it symbolic gestures or even by acts of deference
or compensation from the winning side. This
is an ultimate model of survival of the fittest
is the apparently contradictory nature of the
or the superiority of those more competent in
sport contest that Jeu so vividly describes.
physical skills, tactics and strategy. In order
for such contests to take place, agreed rules
Since Heraclitus, such structuration has
Sport, conflict and conflict resolution
193
Sport as counter-society: boxing ring at the Café Royal, L o n d o n . J. P. Charbonnier/Top.
been described as dialectic, not as a method
but as a social characteristic. Jean-Paul Sartre
uses the soccer match to exemplify the dialectical structure of h u m a n groups and individual
roles.39 His analysis should m a k e us aware
that conflict in sport extends to within the
group and system it represents. M e m b e r s of
a well-integrated team are not necessarily
friends, and a system under high political
strain m a y well use sport contests and the
formation of teams at different levels to overc o m e social cleavages.40
The link between the sport contest, which
appears to be highly contradictory but obviously possesses a synthesized character described as dialectic, and its profound organizational and behavioural roots is also suggested
by the almost universal presence of competitive, sport-like games in all societies. T h e
apparently universal structure of sport con-
tests and their conflict-in-unity also evokes
the dual organization, which, according to
A . E . Jensen, is directly linked to competitive
games in tribal societies.41 N o t all such societies have a clearly dual organization, a n d
Claude Lévi-Strauss has even argued that it
is gradually disappearing.42 O n e m a y also
advance the interpretation that sport contests
in modern societies reproduce m a n y features
of dual organization in tribal societies a n d
m a y be considered its structural equivalent.
The simplicity with which such dual organization emerges in modern times is quite atonishing; moreover, easily established loyalties
in sport m a y actually help to form the identity
of highly mobile modern m a n .
T h e special significance of the excitement
aroused by sport contests in modern, unexcited, highly regulated societies, has been
observed by Elias and Dunning. 4 3 Elias views
194
Günther Luschen
violence in sport as an institutionalized pattern directly related to the 'civilizing process' connected with the modernization of
society.41
Alexander Matejko has outlined h o w organizational conflict expands the sphere of
sport and conflict considerably. H e points to
a similarity of conflict control under modernization in sport and in the labour movement.
Matejko stresses that conflict regulation and
solution is not automatic but needs understanding of its sources and arrangements
through specific organizational mechanisms.
H e observes that administrators are often
careless in exercising their responsibilities.46
There is every indication that spectator violence at sport contests is often the result of
faulty crowd control or simply handing it
over to the police. O n the other hand, it is
quite ironic that sport organizations have
jealously guarded their o w n quasi-legal tribunal system against the intrusion of civil
justice in cases of extreme violence. Currently,
problems of conflict over sport are not well
understood, either in terms of organizational
control or in their overlap with other insti-
tutions such as the law or the mass media,
which, on television, tend to reinforce the duality of contests such problems have certainly
not yet been the focus of serious analysis.
Conclusion
Sport and conflict can be analysed as part of
conflict theory in general. Definitional exclusions neither help the understanding of the
conflict dimension of sport nor enhance the
general understanding of conflict. Research
into a complex questions from sport contest
to conflict resolution or instigation through
sport, proceeding from simple notions of
causality with model implications derived
from ethology and psychology, have provided
valuable information about aggression and
violence. A t the same time such research
shows an obvious neglect of social structure in
sport contest as a representative model of
social conflict. In the discussion of sport and
conflict, these results are rarely accepted for
what they might indicate: systemic problems
that need further sociological analysis.
Notes
1. Georg Simmel, 'Der Streit',
in Simmel, Soziologie,
pp. 186-255, Berlin, 1923.
2. Alan R . Beals and Bernard
J. Siegel, Divisiveness and Social
Conflict, Stanford, Calif., 1966.
3. Kenneth E . Boulding, ' A
Sporting Chance', Technology
Review, Vol. 78, 1976, p p . 4 , 15.
4. Philip Goodhart and
Christopher Chataway, War
Without Weapons, London,
1968.
5. Helmut Schelsky, Friede auf
Zeit, Osnabrück, 1973.
6. O p . cit., p . 22.
7. Günther Luschen,
'Organization and Policymaking
in National Olympic
Committees', International
Review of Sport Sociology,
Vol. 14, 1979, pp. 5-20.
8. M a c Gluckman, 'Sport and
Conflict', in O m m o Grupe
et al. (eds.), Sport in the Modern
World. Proceedings of Olympic
Congress Munich 1972, pp. 48-54,
Berlin/Heidelberg/New York,
1973.
9. Individual accounts, unless
otherwise indicated, come from
the following sources: 'General
N e w s ; Expert Witnesses on the
Scene'; Gluckman, op. cit.;
Gladys Lang, 'Riotous Outbursts
at Sport Events', in Günther
Luschen and George Sage (eds.),
Handbook of Social Science of
Sport, pp. 415-36, Champaign,
111., 1981; Cyril M . White,
'Hostile Outbursts in Spectator
Sports', University of Illinois,
Urbana, 1970 (dissertation).
10. Ronald Frankenberg, Village
on the Border, London, 1957.
11. J. R . Fox, 'Pueblo Baseball:
A N e w Use for Old
Witchcraft', Journal of American
Folklore, Vol.74, 1961,
pp. 9-16.
Sport, conflict and conflict resolution
12. Ian Taylor, 'Football M a d :
A Speculative Sociology of
Football Hooliganism', in Eric
Dunning (ed.), The Sociology
of Sport, p p . 352-77, London,
1971.
13. Peter Marsh, The Rules of
Disorder, London, 1978 [and
see his article in this issue 'Social
Order on the British Soccer
Terraces'—Ed.].
14. Ibid., Simmel, op. cit.
15. Ibid., p. 167.
16. Anatol Rapoport, Fights,
Games and Debates, A n n Arbor,
Mich., 1960.
17. Ralf Dahrendorf, 'Elemente
einer Theorie des sozialen
Konflikts', Gesellschaft und
Freiheit, pp. 197-235, Munich,
1961.
18. T h o m a s Schelling, The
Strategy of Conflict, Cambridge,
Mass., 1960.
19. Konrad Lorenz, Das
sogenannte Böse. Zur
Naturgeschichte der Aggression,
Vienna, 1963. Similar
observations by Irenäus
Eibl-Eibesfeldt, Liebe und Hass,
Munich, 1973; and Nicholas
Tinbergen, The Study of
Instinct, Oxford, 1951.
20. Brian Sutton-Smith, Die
Dialektik des Spiels,
Schorndorf/Stuttgart, 1978;
'Play as Adaptive Potentiation',
Sportwissenschaft, Vol. 5, 1975,
pp. 103-18.
21. Donald Symons, Play and
Aggression, N e w York, 1978.
Also for play of animals and
social behavior patterns,
see O w e n Aldis, Play Fighting,
N e w York, 1975.
22. N o r m a n Tripplett, 'The
Dynamogenic Factors in
Pacemaking and Competition',
American Journal of Psychology,
Vol. 9, 1898, p p . 507-33.
23. Arno Plack, Der Mythos
vom Aggressionstrieb, Munich,
1973.
24. Muzafer and Carolyne
Sherif, The Robbers' Cave
Experiment, N o r m a n , Okla.,
1961. Carolyne Sherif,
'Intergroup Conflict and
Competition', in Grupe et al.,
op. cit., pp. 60-9.
25. Edward C . Devereux,
'Backyard Versus Little League
Baseball: T h e Impoverishment
of Children's G a m e s ' , in Daniel
Landers (ed.), Social Problems
in Athletics, p p . 37-56, Urbana,
111., 1976.
26. Richard G . Sipes, ' W a r ,
Sports and Agression: A n
Experimental Test of T w o Rival
Theories', American
Anthropologist, Vol. 75, 1973,
pp. 64-86.
195
der Aggressionen in Sport',
Sportwissenschaft, Vol. 4 , 1974,
pp. 231-57. For a m o r e
sociologically inclined approach
to violence, see Lang, o p . cit.,
and Michel D . Smith, 'Sport
and Collective violence', in
Donald W . Ball and John W . Loy
(eds.), Sport and Social Order,
pp. 277-330, Reading, M a s s . ,
1975.
32. For an interpretation of
Russell's position and the
problem of causality in the social
sciences, see Georg v o n Wright,
Explanation and Understanding,
Ithaca, N . Y . , 1971.
33. Kurt Lewin, Field Theory
in Social Science, p . 3 0 ,
N e w York, 1951.
27. Ibid., p. 71. Cited with
permission by the editor of the
American Anthropologist.
34. Simmel, op. cit.
28. R a y m o n d Firth, ' A
Dart-Match in Tikopia. A
Sociology of Primitive Sport',
Oceania, Vol. 1, 1930, pp. 64-96.
36. Günther Luschen,
'Cooperation, Association and
Contest', Journal of Conflict
Resolution, Vol. 14, 1970,
pp. 21-34. This was earlier in
passing referred to by William
G . Sumner (Folkways, Boston,
1907), as 'antagonistic
cooperation'. See also Günther
Luschen, 'The System of Sport,
in Luschen and Sage, o p . cit.,
pp. 197-213.
29. Norbert Elias, 'The Genesis
of Sport as a Sociological
Problem', in Dunning, op. cit.,
pp. 88-115; 'Sport and
Violence', Actes de la Recherche
en Sciences Sociales, Vol. 6,
1976, pp. 2-20. James Marchand
refers m e for the amount of
violence in sport during earlier
periods of civilization to the
Nordic Sagas, where accounts of
sport contests show them to be
performed with considerable
danger to one's life and limb.
Fights, according to Karl
Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben,
Berlin, 1856, p . 297, became
35. Boulding, op. cit.
37. Bernard Jeu, ' L a
contre-société sportive et ses
contradictions', Esprit, Vol. 10,
1973, p p . 391-416; Le sport,
la mort, la violence, Paris, 1972.
so serious that they were legally
outlawed in Iceland, in 1013.
38. Norbert Elias and Eric
Dunning, 'Dynamics of Sport
Groups with Special Reference
to Football', British Journal of
Sociology, Vol. 17, 1966,
pp. 388-402.
30. Louis Kriesberg, The
Sociology of Social Conflicts,
Englewood-CIiffs, N . J . , 1979.
39. Jean-Paul Sartre, Critique
of Dialectical Reason, p . 450,
L o n d o n , 1976.
31. The existing material is well
reviewed in the contributions
to Jeffrey H . Goldstein (ed.),
Sports, Games and Play,
Hillsdale, N . J . , 1979. Also see
Jochen Sprenger, ' Z u m Problem
40. The issue of internal group
conflict and high team
performance has been well
analysed by Hans L e n k . See
inter alia his Team Dynamics
(Champaign, 111., 1977). T h e
196
issue of integration and national
identification of systems with
social cleavages and internal
strain and the special function of
sport is a commonplace in
public discussion. There is some
preliminary evidence in terms
of high performance at the
Olympics and a positive
correlation with system of strong
political control in Donald
W . Ball, 'Olympic G a m e s
Competition', International
Journal of Comparative
Sociology, Vol. 15, 1972,
p p . 186-200. Also for the
problem of social cleavages and
sport in Finland, see Pekka
Kiviaho, 'The Regional
Distribution of Sport
Organizations as a Function of
Political Cleavages',
Sportwissenschaft, Vol. 4 , 1974,
p p . 72-81. O n e should also
observe that the emergence of
Günther Luschen
nation-states is paralleled by
the emergence of the modern
sport movement. M o r e recently,
participation in international
sport contests has become of
means of integration in m a n y
young nations that w o n their
independence only in the last
decades.
43. Norbert Elias and Eric
Dunning, 'The Quest for
Excitement in Unexciting
Societies', in Günther Luschen
(ed.), The Cross-Cultural
Analysis of Sport and Games,
pp. 31-51, Champaign, 111.,
1970.
41. Adolf E . Jensen,
' Wettkampfparteien,
Zweiklassensysteme und
geographische Orientierung',
Studium Generale, Vol. 1, 1948,
pp.38-48.
44. Elias, op. cit.
42. Claude Lévi-Strauss,
Structural Anthropology, Garden
City, N . Y . , 1967, pp. 128-60.
For the general -significance of
dual organization and the
appearance of moieties in ritual
games, see his The Elementary
Structures of Kinship, Boston,
1969, pp. 69, 151.
45. Alexander Matejko, 'The
Diagnosis of Conflict in Sport',
Revue Internationale de Sociologie
(Madrid), Vol. 33, 1975,
pp. 63-87. In his outline for
future analysis he distinguishes
techniques of struggle after
Kotarbinski, general functions of
group conflict after Kornhauser,
and factors in the
interrelationship between
conflicts and social structure
after Coser.
SPORT AND POLITICS
Conservative and progressive
alternatives in the organization
of sport
R . Stokvis
International competitive sport is practised games during which fights generally arose.
within a system of local, national and inter- Participants and supporters all c a m e from the
national organizations. T h e main goals of same village or at most, from neighbouring
these bodies are the organization and regu- places.
lation of matches, competitions and chamO n e couldfinduntil the end of the ninepionships and the advancement of sports in teenth century, with certain variations, in
general. Their development is closely related nearly all European states, such pastimes, in
to political, economic and cultural changes. largely agrarian societies with relatively few
Administrators of sports organizations have bonds between people from different places.
to adapt their policies to these changes.
These states mostly administered from capitalcities with a royal court,
where the aristocracy and
A three-stage
R . Stokvis, w h o specializes in the sohigh bourgeoisie formed
ciology of sport, is a m e m b e r of the
model of the
'good societies', with
Sociological Institute of the University
development
their o w n kinds of pasof Amsterdam, O u d e Hoogstraat 24,
of sports
times (Elias, 1969, p. 147).
1012 C E , Amsterdam, T h e Netherlands. H e has published Approaches to
Generally there were few
Traditional locally
sport. Organizational and Ideological connections between their
Developments, 1979 (in Dutch).
integrated sports
pastimes and those of the
c o m m o n people. British
In his study on the m o d society during the eighternization
of rural
eenth
and nineteenth cenFrance, E . Weber shows
turies
offers an important
the strong local orienexception.
T h o u g h most
tation of life until the last
pastimes were also limquarter of the nineteenth
ited to the village level, as
century. A m o n g the rural
population, consciousness that one lived in early as the eighteenth century, aristocrats
a national state only arose between 1870 acted at a national level as organizers of them.
and 1914 (Weber, 1977, p. 114). Prior to that, This can only be explained by the typical w a y
most necessities of life were provided for in of life of the British aristocrats, w h o c o m the context of the village. Local or regional bined relatively close contacts with the p o p u dialects were spoken, local coins and measur- lation o n their estates, with a centralized
ing standards used, and strangers deeply dis- social life in London (Moore, 1969, p. 40).
trusted. Apart from cockfights and other—by
According to Dunning and Sheard (1979,
present standards cruel—games, farmers or- pp. 33-4) the fundamental characteristics of
ganized horse-races and several rugby-like traditional 'folk-games' are: (a) diffuse, local
198
organization; (b) simple, unwritten and locally
variable rules; (c) tolerance of a relatively
high level of physical violence; and (d) no
opportunities for establishing a national reputation or earning money. This characterization is not completely correct. It is based too
m u c h on the characteristics of traditional ball
games and neglects other pastimes. A s to the
rules, in seventeenth-century Holland, sailing
and horse-races were strictly organized, and a
specialized personnel served to check the violation of the rules. Even in pre-industrial
times, strict rules did exist and attempts were
m a d e to control the level of physical violence.
Also, it is incorrect to say that no m o n e y
could be earned in traditional sports. Already
in the Middle Ages cash prizes were given
to the winners of archery matches (Heath,
1973, p. 122). Before golf was organized, in
the eighteenth century, it was played for
wagers (Cousins, 1975, p. 4). In traditional
village cricket, the participants were accustomed to put u p stakes. This m a y have
been influenced by the example of aristocratic players but is uncertain, for as early as
1300 cricket-like activities were connected
withfinancialtransactions (Ford, 1972, p. 80;
Brookes, 1978, p. 23; Altham, 1962, p. 20).
Prior to the eighteenth century, a clear objection against playing for m o n e y did not exist.
Even children could participate (Aries, 1979,
p. 69).
R . Stokvis
fixed dates, sports were not practised and there
was no systematic training during the rest of
the year, sports connected with warfare, like
archery, fencing and horse-driving being exceptions. Traditional sports were practised
within narrow limits of space, and time.
In Western societies, during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the ties that
restricted the practice of sports to the local
level were broken, as a consequence of the
process of modernization. In Huizinga's terms,
one can speak of the disappearance of the
organic bond with the community structure.
Instead of being a factor of c o m m u n a l solidarity, sport became an independent expression of agonistic drives (Huizinga, 1974,
p. 193). This feature of the development of
modern sports as a process in which integration with local society weakens relatively
autonomous practices with their o w n dynamics arises, is important.
The stage of transition: 1870-1952
Compared with traditional sports, modern
competitive sports are relatively autonomous.
Local traditions and peculiarities no longer
determine the way a sport is practised. It is
regulated by international bodies which administer it. However, during the twentieth
century this autonomy has diminished.
With the weakening of local ties, m a n y
The most fundamental characteristic of national and international sports organiztraditional sports is their restriction to specific ations could function for some time without
localities. Most sports events in pre-industrial m u c h interference from other interests. But,
societies were part of traditional local fes- after the Second World W a r , the influence of
tivities. They took place on fixed dates, and local and national government on sports intheir programmes, broadly speaking, fol- creased. T h e period between the founding of
lowed traditional patterns (Aries, 1979, p. 70). the first national and international sports
This localism of sports events determined organizations (around 1870) and the 1952
the character of sporting competition. Nothing Olympic G a m e s can be defined as the stage
indicates that the competition was any less of transition, during which traditional ties
fierce then than it is n o w . T h e riots and fights with local life disappeared and ties with local
often connected with games (Weber, 1977, and national governments were still too weak
p. 383) are evidence of this. But this remained significantly to influence sports. This was the
limited to fixed days of the year. Long-term period of a relatively strong autonomous
plans for the selection for matches and c o m - sporting life.
petitions were not m a d e , the numbers of
Before the creation of national and interparticipants being too small. Outside the national sports organizations, international
Conservative and progressive alternatives in the organization of sport
199
'Popular local sports': Jousting on the water. Egyptian bas-relief, Saqqâra, Fifth Dynasty. Giraudon.
competitive sport of a private character arose,
comparable in its characteristics to m o d e r n
voluntary associations. Participants in these
international competitive sports were individuals w h o were champions in a given sport and
challenged others to compete with them for
large cash prizes. If they could not afford to
put u p their o w n stakes and defray their
travelling expenses themselves, they were
often backed by a rich patron.
In 1861, Jack M a c d o n a l d , an English
solicitor, brought the American Indian, Deerfoot, to England to run for cash prizes against
local athletes. It has correctly been pointed
out that the contributions of these 'entrepreneurs' to the development of m o d e r n
athletics are underrated in the history of
sport (Lovesey, 1979, p . 15). This does not
concern only athletics. In boxing, the entrepreneurial tradition in organizing matches is
still very m u c h alive. Contrary to other sports,
national a n d international boxing organizations have not been able to push aside
these entrepreneurs. Professional scullers like
Beach, Sullivan, Harding a n d Bubear organized races with very high stakes. A typical
announcement in a Dutch sports journal
of 1885 (quoted in Stokvis, 1979, p. 13) shows
the w a y these races were organized. It also
shows the importance of the n e w m e a n s of
transport a n d communication for the development of international sports:
M r . W . G . Brett, the Australian amateur champion, has challenged all amateur rowers of the
world for a race on the Paramatta. T h e stake
will be a trophée worth £500 to which M r Brett
200
will add £50 travelling expenses for every nonAustralian competitor. H e is also prepared for a
race on the Thames. In that case he will lower
the stake to £100.
In speed-skating the most famous entrepreneur
was Axel Paulsen. Between 1880 and 1890 he
was the best skater of his time and w o n cash
prizes in Great Britain, Holland, N o r w a y Sweden, G e r m a n y and Russia (Stokvis, 1979,
p. 143).
At the end of the nineteenth century the
private ventures of these sports entrepreneurs
were taken over by national and international
organizations. O n e of the more important
reasons for their founding was the need to
improve the regulation of international c h a m pionships (Stokvis, 1979, p. 18). These national
and international organizations were private
in character, and were controlled by people
from the highest social strata of Western societies, w h o could afford to travel and had the
necessary international contacts to set u p the
enormous organizational network of international sports. T h e International Olympic
Committee (IOC), an association of private
persons, selected by a system of co-optation,
became the centre of this network. T h e administrative agencies which governed these
private organizations were able to dominate
almost completely the development of sports
until the second half of the twentieth century.
Intensification
of the achievement motive
A n important consequence of the national and
international extension of sports was the relaxation of the pressures on the inherent competitiveness in sport. In traditional sports, this
could only function within narrow temporal
and spatial limits. This changed during the
process of modernization. T h e general increase in international contacts w a s accompanied by the growth of national consciousness amongst the lower strata of the
populations of Western countries (Stearns,
1975, p. 274). Mass media, education, generally compulsory conscription and the opening
up of the countryside by the railways and
R . Stokvis
motor roads all stimulated national consciousness in modernizing societies. This broadened
public interest in the performances of national
participants at international sports events. The
strengthening of national consciousness was
translated into growing chauvinism by the
public for sports. During thefirstworld boxing
championship, between T o m Sayers of Great
Britain and John C . Heenan of the United
States in I860, the British public invaded the
ring when their compatriot appeared to be
losing (Fleischer and Andre, 1966, p. 47).
Together with other general trends like the
increase in the number of pupils in high schools
and the lengthening of the period of formal
education, shorter work-days and longer weekends, chauvinism stimulated active and passive
sports participation.
The growth in the number of participants,
their chauvinism and the organization of
national and international competitions and
championships all contributed to the relaxation of temporal and spatial limits that used
to restrict competitiveness in sports. This is
evidenced by the development of training
practices. A s already pointed out, apart from
sports connected with warfare, no training
traditions seem to have existed in earlier
sports. Even during the early years after the
establishment of national and international
sports organizations, athletes were not subject
to regular training. The importance of training
was demonstrated to amateur sportsmen by
international sports entrepreneurs w h o themselves trained regularly. Evidence of their
superior performances m a d e amateurs conscious of the importance of training (Stokvis,
1979, p. 144). F r o m 1880 onwards the number
of pamphlets and books on training methods
grew and the frequency and intensity of training activities increased.
During thefirsthalf of the twentieth
century, sport remained largely a private affair, despite its connections with nationalism.
Government officials were prepared to give
speeches at the opening or closing ceremonies
of sports events, but did not develop particular
policies for sports. There were, however, exceptions. In 1932, the Italian government
Conservative and progressive alternatives in the organization of sport
201
'Popular local sports': A calcio match in sixteenth-century Italy: the ancestor of football. Perrin/Edimages.
strongly supported the preparation of its athletes for the Olympic G a m e s in Los Angeles.
Better k n o w n is the involvement of the G e r m a n
Government at the Berlin Olympic G a m e s
of 1936. Compared to fascist countries, government involvement in sports in other Western
countries was relatively marginal.
tween East and West was in thefieldof sports.
Involvement in social life is generally m u c h
stronger in socialist states than in Western
countries. Rivalry with Western countries w a s
an important motive for the socialist states to
improve the performances of their sports élite
(Heuvel, 1978, p. 25; Riordan, 1977, p . 164).
Western states were transformed in
the
1950s
into welfare states, also characterized
T h e stage of national integration,
by
a
relatively
high level of government inafter the 1950s
volvement in social life. Sports organizations
The emergence of the rivalry between East and in Western countries successfully acted as
West, decolonization and development of wel- pressure groups to draw more funds from the
fare states supported the growth of new ties increasing national budgets. O n e of the reasons
between sports and local and national govern- for state agencies to respond positively to the
ment. Related to these political developments financial claims of sports organizations w a s
was the increasing importance of links between the intensified rivalry, and consequently the
sporting and commercial.interests. After 1952 higher levels of performance, in international
a n e w stage started in the development of sports that resulted from the participation of
athletes from socialist countries.
sport.
The desire to take part and perform well
O n e form of peaceful competition be-
202
in international sports arenas also stimulated
governments of Third World states to encourage and finance top sports. So, after the
Second World W a r , international developments led to an increased integration of sports
organizations and national governments. B e tween 1950 and 1970, the time spent on training increased threefold (Pfetsch, 1975, p. 43)
a n d the level of performances rose. S o m e
present-day problems in sport, such as the use
of doping and the subjection of young children
to intense training in certain sports, are directly
related to this intensification of international
competition (Heinilã, 1973, p. 385). T h e integration of sports and commercial interests
proved as strong as the increased integration
of politics and sports. Ever since they were established, certain sports organizations fought
ofTcommercial influences. Yet after the Second
W o r l d W a r , these influences increased considerably. Western welfare states did enlarge
theirfinancialsupport for international sport,
but not sufficiently to meet all the needs of
sports organizations. In most Western states,
governments maintained a certain ambivalence towards high-performance sports élites.
Relatively large shares of national and local
budgets for sport were devoted to the promotion of recreational sports. Commercial
interests, however, began to discover sport as
a good and relatively cheap vehicle for advertisement. During the 1970s, the very heavy
increase in the number of sports practitioners
also created a profitable market for equipment.
Conservative
and progressive attitudes
in international
competitive sports
JR. Slokvís
F o r m a general point of view, there are
three groups of actors involved in these problems: (a) the international sports organizations
and the I O C , which dominated the development of sport during the first half of.this
century; (b) national states; and (c) c o m mercial interests. During the twentieth century, the power of the last two increased and
that of the sports organizations diminished.
W h e n a ruling group perceives that its
position and the values in terms of which this
position is legitimized are subject to criticism
and challenged by groups that are gaining
influence, it must m a k e its ideology more
explicit to legitimize its position and rule
(Mannheim, 1936, p. 229). T h e ideologies performing this function, I call conservative. O n e
can distinguish three varieties of conservatism:
(a) status quo conservatism, characterized by
its emphasis on the maintenance of the existing
order; (b) reforming or enlightened conservatism, in which the inevitability of change is
acknowledged but regretted; and (c) reactionary conservatism, which tries to change the
status quo back in the direction of an idealized
past (Dunk, 1976, p. 16).
I term as progressive the goals and activities of those groups which used to be excluded
from established power positions, but which
are n o w gaining power. Progressive ideologies
are generally characterized by the conviction
that it is possible to introduce rational reforms
which promote the happiness of a society or of
mankind generally (Nisbet, 1980, p. 4; Becker,
1935, p. 497).
This labelling of ideas and policies as
conservative or progressive is based on formal
characteristics and does not imply any judgement about qualities or effects.
Amateurism and professionalism
General remarks
T h e trajectory from traditional, locally integrated sports towards modern, nationally integrated sports and the resulting extension of
competition, intensified the contradictions between amateurism and professionalism, and
sports and politics.
The ideological functions of amateurism can
be understood by considering its development.
Amateurism originated in British sports, which
during the nineteenth century were practised
by members of both the higher and lower social
strata together. A s the possibilities for regional
and national contacts increased, those from
Conservative and progressive alternatives in the organization of sport
203
and especially the prestige of British athletes,
contributed to this adoption. In certain sports,
another contributing factor w a s the wish of
those belonging to the higher social strata to
keep some social distance from those of lower
rank (Stokvis, 1979, pp. 20, 49).
T o enforce the rules of amateurism, the
national organizations were pressed to strive
for the control of all competitive activities,
to ensure that no professional athletes participated or cash prizes offered. They had to
struggle against the international sports
entrepreneurs and the traditional local forms
of sport, in which cash prizes were offered.
Unless a national sports organization could
guarantee to the corresponding British organization the amateur status of its members,
contacts with Great Britain were not possible.
This pressure to enforce amateurism was the
most important factor which encouraged
national sports organizations to establish a
'Popular local sports': Tullock-shish-ko (He-whocentral authority over a sport. Only after the
drinks-stone-juice) the most famous Choctaw player
practising of a sport became m o r e widespread
of lacrosse, the ancestor of hockey. Drawing by Catlin/
did a real need arise for the centralized reguColl. PPP.
lation of competitions and championships,
which gave sports organizations a m o r e stable
the higher strata ceased to participate in local raison d'être.
sports and associated themselves with pracWhile the amateur sports organizations
titioners of their o w n social rank elsewhere. successfully eliminated traditional sports with
They excluded those from lower ranks from cash prizes attached, n e w threats arose. Sports
their clubs and matches. During the nineteenth that attracted m a n y spectators, such as soccer,
century, the distinction according to social or sports based on equipment also sold on a
class, on which notions of amateurism were wider market for other purposes, for instance
based, slowly changed into a less direct bicycles, offered possibilities for commercial
stratum-based distinction, that of accepting exploitation. Generally, the amateur officials
or refusing cash prizes (Stokvis, 1974, p. 191). of the amateur organizations were not inclined
With balloting and high entrance fees, clubs to take the initiative in the commercial exploicould maintain a certain exclusivity, but with tation of their sport. N e w organizations had
the increasing social influence of the lower to be established, which were however persocial strata, direct exclusion from matches ceived as a threat to the central authority of
and races was no longer tolerated.
the existing amateur organizations. So during
Sports organizations in other countries, the entire stage of transition, amateur organmostly patterned on the British model, were izations had to defend themselves with varying
forced to take over the British rules of a m a - degrees of success, against attempts to estabteurism, since British athletes were prepared lish professional organizations in those sports
to participate in foreign matches and to admit where possibilities for commercial exploitation
foreign athletes to their o w n events only on could be developed. Under these circumthat condition. The general prestige of Great stances, amateurism became a conservative
Britain at the end of the nineteenth century, ideology. This can be seen in the w a y the
204
sports of the past have been idealized. In m a n y
histories, the origin of m a n y sports, in traditional local events, often rewarded with cash
prizes, was ignored. This was also the case as
regards the international sports entrepreneurs
and the British gentlemen's custom of organizing sports matches for wagers. Boys from
British public (i.e. private) schools competing
for the honour of their team, knights fighting
for the honour of their ladies, and the classic
athletes from thefirstperiod of the Greek
Olympics, participating for the honour of their
towns or villages, became the idols of m a n y
historians.
With increased international competition
and the importance of the Olympic G a m e s , the
task of maintaining rules of amateurism bec a m e one of the central concerns of the I O C .
T h e power of this committee is based on its
monopoly in deciding which sports, nations
and individual athletes are to be admitted to
the games. But the same processes that contributed to the strengthening of the power
position of the I O C as a 'gate-keeper', also
undermined its capacities to maintain the rules
of amateurism. The increase in scale and intensity of rivalry between nations in sports contributed to the need for more training and
greater selectivity. State and commercial sponsors were prepared to meet this need. In order
to keep the status of the Olympic G a m e s as
the most important sports event and to allow
for this drive for higher achievements, the I O C
had to broaden its criteria of amateurism.
T h e policy of the I O C regarding a m a teurism in this age of nationally integrated
sports, can be characterized as enlightened
conservatism. Most officials felt that a m a teurism was a value which should be respected.
At the same time, they understood that maintaining the old rules would hamper the drive
for greater achievements. M o r e or less reluctantly the officials of the I O C and the international sports organizations broadened the
rules,firstgradually, and during the 1970s with
increasing impetus (Killanin and R o d d a ,
1976, p. 143). In 1981, the I O C removed the
whole concept of amateurism from its regulations.
R . Stokvis
The 1981 decisions demonstrate that the
sports organizations attach more importance
to their control and authority over athletes
than to whether they m a k e money through
sports. T h e possibilities for athletes to m a k e
money are enlarged, but only the sports organizations are allowed to pay. For contracts
between sponsors and individual athletes,
authorization has to be granted by the sports
organizations ( N O C , 1981, p. 5).
The consequences of this enlightened
conservative policy of the I O C are as follows:
The removal of the rule of amateurism means
that commercial organizations will become
even more influential in the organization of
sporting events. The I O C has weakened its
o w n gate-keeper function. It can no longer
act on the fiction that it only deals with
individual athletes and their organizations.
The often conflicting interests of commercial
organizations in sporting events have to be
officially acknowledged. This will complicate even more the organization of large
events. Conflicting commercial interests can
damage the universality of participation of
qualified athletes.
The I O C has put itself in a position of c o m peting with the professional sports organizations for the admission of athletes. While
an official distinction between amateurs and
professionals still existed, it was more or less
clear w h o could participate in the Olympic
G a m e s and in other international c h a m pionships. N o w that this distinction has
disappeared, one might wonder whether
more former amateur athletes will participate in professional events or more professionals will participate in formerly a m a teur events.
A n important reason for expecting the
Olympic G a m e s and other formerly amateur
events to keep the loyalty of former amateur
athletes, is the preference of athletes from
socialist countries to participate in such events.
The high level of performance of athletes from
socialist countries induces those from other
countries to compete with them, and in m a n y
sports, meaningful international competitions
can only be organized with their participation.
Conservative and progressive alternatives in the organization of sport
205
'Élite amateurism': Fencing at a British school. British official photograph.
Sport a n d politics
In the current period of increasing
national integration of sports, national governEver since international sports contacts were ments themselves raise political issues in sport,
established, participants have rarely troubled even when the athletes do not feel concerned,
to hide their nationalistic feelings and opinions as for example, in the case of the boycotting
in sport. Conflicts between states directly in- of the 1980 Olympic G a m e s in M o s c o w . This
fluence contacts between athletes, particularly tendency also influences the international orwhen such feelings reach a certain intensity. ganization of sport. During the 1970s, national
Lenk (1972, p. 287) classifies the peace mission sports organizations created an Association
and the idea of a truce during the Olympic of National Olympic Committees ( A N O C ) ,
G a m e s as two of the least respected goals of which tries to influence I O C policy. The priBaron Pierre de Coubertin, the founder of the vate character of this ruling agency of intermodern Olympic G a m e s . Around 1900, dur- national sports is not easy to reconcile with
ing the Boer W a r in South Africa, British and the increased national integration of sports
Dutch athletes refused to meet each other organizations all over the world.
either in Great Britain or in Holland. Germany
After the Second World W a r , nearly
was not admitted to the 1920 Olympic G a m e s everybody involved in sport in Western
held in Belgium, which had been invaded by countries welcomed the increased readiness of
Germany a few years earlier.
state agencies tofinanceélite and mass sport.
206
R . Stokvis
'Élite amateurism': A plate showing the French ye« de paume, the ancestor of tennis. Nevers, 1757. Bulloz.
A s in education, social welfare and health
care, such state support gradually resulted
in a de facto power position of state and local
agencies in sport. This situation did not pose
special problems so long as the policies of
these agencies were compatible with those of
the sports organizations. At the national level,
the interests of state agencies and sports organizations began to diverge when the former
wanted to stimulate the practice of sport
a m o n g citizens w h o were not members of
sports organizations ('sport for all'). According to some, sports organizations did not
attract a larger membership because they were
too achievement-oriented (Crum, 1978, p. 86).
This pleaded in favour of n e w organizational
forms to be developed with the support of
state agencies, which constituted another
threat to the central authority of sports organizations. They vehemently criticized these proposals, generally with some success.
According to our formal definition of
conservatism, the attempt of sports organizations to keep their independence from state
agencies can be labelled as a conservative
policy. Consequently, the policy of state
agencies to enforce their o w n values and goals
in thefieldof sports can be labelled as progressive. The latter characteristics are manifested in the policy to promote 'sport for all'.
But in international sport relations, this progressive attitude is recognizable too, as evidenced by the banning of South Africa from
Olympic sports (Lapchick, 1975, p. 119).
A consequence of the prevalence of state
policy goals in sport is that it becomes problematic to maintain the participation of all
those w h o are qualified. This is what the
sports organizations want, but national states
can have other,.conflicting, goals in the field
of sport. T h e general process of national
integration of sport makes the pursuit of a
conservative policy by sports organizations
in their relations with state agencies very
problematic. A n independent policy of sports
organizations does not square with the n e w
power relations. But it is important to realize
that these private organizations managed to
build a worldwide network, the Olympic
movement, which for more than eighty years
Conservative and progressive alternatives in the organization of sport
has been centrally governed. N o other world
organization has been able to enforce a m o n g
its members for so long, such close conformity
to its rules. If sports organizations comply
with the power positions national states have
gained in thefieldof sport, they take the risk
that the very same political contradictions
that limit the effectiveness of a world organization like the United Nations, will also
weaken the Olympic movement.
Those w h o propagate a progressive policy
of sports organizations dare to take that risk.
W h e n international competitive sport is considered as freely spent time and money, this
risk offers no special problem. But when one
does attach a certain value to international
207
competitive sport, one has to consider the
problem that Avery Brundage stated in the
following way: 'In an imperfect world, if participation in sport is to be stopped every time
the laws of humanity are violated, there will
never be any international contests' (CIO,
P. 42).
The central problem for sports organizations in today's world is to develop criteria
to distinguish those issues in national and
international affairs where they should comply
with state agencies, from those issues where
they should try to follow a policy of their o w n ,
in the interest of the universal character of
competitive sport.
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615 pp.
SPORT IM SOCIETY
Social change and w o m e n
in African sport
J. A . Adedeji
The most familiar cliché about Africa, which more w o m e n on the sports fields and with
used to be called the 'Dark Continent', is that the change in attitudes towards them, the
everything is changing fast. A n d amongst the number of sports practised by w o m e n has
various changes taking place in the continent increased from three—netball, table tennis
are some related to the role of w o m e n in and track andfield—toten, including basketAfrican sport, which are n o w affecting the ball, tennis, handball, hockey, volleyball, badnorms, mores and values of contemporary minton and squash. Netball, restricted to the
African society.
English-speaking African countries, has been
The change in attitudes and beliefs has dropped from the list following recent develtransformed the variables for women's par- opments in the continent aimed at encouraging sports and games that
ticipation in sports and
are c o m m o n to both
games. T h e growth and
Professor J. A . Adedeji is Head of the
French- a n d Englishdevelopment of sports in
Department of Physical and Health
speaking countries.
Africa, and particularly
Education of the University of Ibadan,
in Nigeria, have come
In the 1960s the proIbadan, Nigeria.
about through diffusion
cess of interaction slowed
rather than invention.
d o w n , for some of the
Diffusion takes place
variables of diffusion,
when a pattern of culture
particularly inter-ethnic
moves from one society
marriages and modern
to another or from one
technology, were lacking
segment of a society to
in the African c o m m u n i another segment of the
ties. There was a c o m same society, and when
munication gap between
the variables—differences
the states and regions of'
in sport, literature, techAfrica. The education of
nical knowledge, intermarriage and scholar- boys and girls was irregular, and a lower
ship—relate to each other. With the amalga- proportion of girls than boys received secmation of Nigeria by Lord Lugard in 1900, ondary and tertiary education and sports
the diffusion effect became possible as a result training. O f a total of 69,941 students in all
of the opportunities for interaction a m o n g secondary-modern schools in the former Westschools and communities. This interaction has ern State of Nigeria in 1973/74, 40 per cent
changed the social outlook of youth through- were girls; for secondary-grammar schools the
out the nineteen states of the country and has figure was 38.1 per cent out of a total of
led to inter-tribal marriages, which have in- 105,855 students.1 For the same year, only 775
creased tremendously in recent years. With (16.7percent)of the enrolment of 4,615 for all
210
/. A. Adedeji
T A B L E 1. Attendance of w o m e n at
higher-education institutions
Year
Total
students
Females
Percentage
female of
total
1966/67
1967/68
1968/69
1969/70
1970/71
8
7
8
9
14
986
912
1 152
1 370
2 074
11.1
12.9
13.4
14.1
14.3
888
058
588
695
468
sheer activity: they have become big business,
a means of promoting commercial interests,
as well as an avenue for social change. Sports
stars and heroes with village and slum backgrounds are used to promote commercial
interests. Athletic championships or swimming galas are sponsored by commercial
interests and sports heroes like the soccer
champion Pele are asked to promote various
products, such as Pepsi-Cola, in Nigeria.
Source: United Nations Economic Commission for A study on sports
Africa, Nigeria (Country Report, N o . M73-2652).
and social status of women
faculties in the University of Ibadan were
girls, the corresponding figures in the University of Ife being 568 (17.5 per cent) out of a
total enrolment of 3,240. 2 There has been some
gradual but promising improvement in the
attendance of girls at higher-education institutions over the years and the trend is generally
encouraging, as can be seen from Table 1
covering the period 1966/67-1970/71 for all
Nigerian universities.
N o r m s and mores in African sports and
games have been so transformed as to enforce
changes favouring w o m e n ' s participation in
African sports, which is n o w spreading like
wildfire throughout the continent. Everybody
wants to be successful and socially mobile.
W h e r e status mobility is concerned, sports
and games are no longer just a question of
physical recreation and joy in skill, grace and
A study undertaken some time ago shows that
among w o m e n athletes w h o gained high status
in sports and games the greater proportion
came from healthy families w h o are fond of
sports. W o m e n athletes with poor performance at school gained lower status in both
major national and minor games. A larger
percentage of w o m e n athletes achieved higher
status in sports as a result of the motivation
given them by their parents. Through dedication to sports, w o m e n from polygamous and
broken homes were able to acquire higher
status. Studies have shown that delinquency
a m o n g w o m e n athletes can often be traced to
an environment of broken and polygamous
homes, poor school performance and low
economic and social status (see Table 2).
In low-income areas of certain African
countries, such as G h a n a , Kenya, Sierra
T A B L E 2. Status .distribution among w o m e n participating in games
Status rank
Monogamous
homes
Polygamous
homes
Broken homes
Sports-fan homes
Poor performance
at school
Major national
games
Other minor
games
Number %
Number %
T-value
Degree of Level of
freedom confidence
18
9.0
9
6
0.2752
25
0.8
37
63
78
18.6
31.6
39.3
26
62
47
18
42
32
0.1000
1.1628
0.7865
61
123
123
0.9
0.2
0.4
3
1.5
3
2
4
0.9
—
Social change and women in African sport
211
ífe. *
¿¡L *TT- é
-*-" Í9 %T
Early bicyclists in Shanghai. Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris.
Leone, Nigeria and Uganda, sports and recreation have been used as aids in ensuring
better education, high employment, the prevention of riots and the general up-grading
of people living in slums. In Nigeria, sports
have produced one of the greatest changes for
the better. High-school sports have provided
m a n y outstanding athletes with job opportunities they would not normally have found
in private and government corporations.
A s Table 3 shows, a higher percentage of
w o m e n athletes from polygamous h o m e s ,
broken homes and sports-fan homes get good
jobs thanks to their performances in sports.
T A B L E 3. Distribution of job opportunities among women participating in games
Status rank
Other
games
National
games
Number %
Monogamous
homes
Polygamous
homes
Broken homes
Sports-fan homes
Poor performance
at school
T-value
Degree of Level of
freedom confidence
Number %
15
7
12
10.5
0.3440
25
0.7
91
35
91
39
15
39
34
28
34
29.6
25
29.6
0.9474
0.9706
0.9474
123
61
123
0.4
0.4
0.4
—
—
6
5.3
0.5155
4
0.6
212
O n the other hand, athletes from m o n o g a m o u s
h o m e s and those with poor performance at
school did not secure better job opportunities
than those from poor h o m e s . H o w e v e r , calculating the t-value, none of the differences
in Tables 2 and 3 is statistically significant
at 0.05 level of confidence. This study, which is
exploratory, w a s based on data collected at
two stadiums (Liberty a n d Olubadan) in
Ibadan, Nigeria. F o r a m o r e informative
coverage of job opportunities and status ranking, data is needed from other states in the
form of a sample chosen randomly and controlled for the variables s h o w n in the tables,
i.e. the different h o m e s and school performances.
A s a country in process of change,
Nigeria must be taken as an entity with its
indigenous sports a n d recreations being
adapted to m o d e r n functions under the influence of m a n y internal a n d external forces.
T h e outside forces are so great that they bec o m e acculturated. H o w e v e r , change m a y usefully be considered as a process through which
traditional institutions are adapted to m o d e r n
functions, once there is a full appreciation of
the problems involved in the functional approach. There is an inherent tendency to claim
superiority for m o d e r n functions over traditional institutions. Functional change derived from n e w knowledge can lead to faster
and easier social change, whereas structural
change, which involves old customs and larger
populations, m a y be slow and painful. African
societies are geared towards functional change,
since parents tend to rely o n the school system
to bring about a change in their children. This
is also the expectation of the majority of these
children, w h o look to the school to give them
a n e w status.
Within the last t w o decades sports and
g a m e s have assumed a greater dimension in
the life of African youth as equal opportunities for sport have been opened u p to
them regardless of their socio-economic background. T h e impact of environmental changes
on the individual depends on the degree of
discontinuity in the transmission of the skills
and values and o n the ego strength of the
J. A . Adedeji
individual. T h e possibility of change depends
on the degree of incongruence between environmental and personal properties. Through
empirical studies three cultural discontinuities
can be identified a m o n g youth at the threshold
of adult roles, discontinuity (change): (a) from
a non-responsible to a responsible role;
(b) from submission to dominance; and
(c) from inhibited sexual behaviour to sexual
activity a n d family roles.3
There are also the intra-role changes and
the change which requires the acquisition of a
n e w role within African societies. In the intrarole change, boys pair u p with girls to play
against another mixed pair on inter-school or
inter-class basis. Behaviour expectations are
increased as the in-breeding groups of opposite
sexes a n d ethnic origins attain higher levels
of bio-social maturity. Institutionalized sequences of intra-role change b e c o m e integral
signposts of progress. For example, the behaviour pattern of a fourteen-year-old son within
his father's environment will be different from
his behaviour in the classroom or o n the
playingfield.In either situation, the behaviour
expectations are increased. T h e change reinforces continuity of experience and socialization. Preceding d e m a n d s must be mastered
before additional n e w d e m a n d s from another
social class are mastered.
T h e change involving the acquisition of
a n e w role is m o r e abrupt than intra-role
change. In this type of change one assumes a
n e w role and enters a n e w set of relationships.
B y tradition, an African daughter is raised to
be obedient, submissive and patient, while the
boy is expected to be aggressive, tough, daring,
respectful and responsible. All Africans are
expected to marry, and indeed marriage is the
major marker of adult status for both m e n
and w o m e n . Socio-cultural factors combine
to present formidable barriers to participation
in sports by every African. In the traditional
society the roles played by m e n and w o m e n
were extremely clear-cut. T h e society w a s
typically agrarian in nature, with a welldefined division of labour. M e n were concerned with harvesting the tree crops, tapping
and pruning oil-palm crops and y a m s , p o u n d -
Social change and women In African sport
213
Early roller skater. Snark.
ing and processing oil-palm fruits, while
w o m e n were responsible for planting such
food crops as cassava, maize and vegetables.
With the advent of modern systems of
education, the young female has gained a
reasonable amount of freedom, which n o w
allows her to leave her 'ward' to attend school,
where she can interact with her peers and, to
a reasonable extent, with males. At school,
segregation, which is as rigid as is economically
feasible, seems to be relaxed. Young people
w h o do not go to school and do hawking for
their parents or guardians to earn a bit of
money, tend to marry early within their age
of puberty, 13 to 15 a m o n g Muslims and 15
to 20 a m o n g the others. This is an obstacle to
the emancipation of w o m e n as regards their
participating in sports as freely as men.
Social background
Socialization of m e n and w o m e n differs from
ward to ward, varying directly with the importance of young people for the furtherance of
their parents' occupation. The economic activities of w o m e n m a y also differ radically
between two wards, the differences being based
upon a number of social and economic factors.
The main feature of this social life is the
restriction of movement of young girls a n d
the limited freedom of movement granted to
boys.
The young African female is trained to
remain at h o m e helping her k i n s w o m e n ,
playing with her siblings or keeping herself
amused. This spatial restriction is all the
more obvious in that the young male from
around the age of about three to four is sent
out of the house occasionally to play with
his peers and mingle with his adult kinsmen
214
J. A . Adedeji
and neighbours. T h e changes that have occurred in relation to sport are of socio-cultural
interest.
emerged from these competed in various regional, national and international athletic
events.
Social emancipation
Socio-economic changes
B y design, the earliest school programmes,
including recreation and sports, were tailored
according to the religious and traditional practices of the people. Males and females were
segregated during indoor and outdoor activities. Females were not given the same opportunities as males to further their education
beyond the primary-school level. Even at the
primary-school level they were taught only
special subjects, like cookery, sewing, laundry
and other home-economic subjects, which
would help them to perform their duties of
housekeeping and child-rearing well. T h e
males were exposed to the type of education
that would prepare them for wage employment. This attitude was also apparent in the
type of sports programmes that were set up
at school. G a m e s requiring very little organization and demanding little skill were for the
female group.
W h e n things became more liberalized and
the doors to social activities and vocational
institutions were opened to youth, discrimination was practised against the female. W h e n
it w a s decided to allow the benefits of postprimary education to trickle d o w n to the
female, separate schools were founded and the
curriculum was limited to the teaching of art
and liberal subjects. However, the exposure of
the female to post-primary education was a big
social breakthrough. With this emancipation,
the social atmosphere changed. The teaching
of science subjects previously restricted to secondary schools for the male, was extended to
female institutions like the Queen's College,
Church Missionary Society and Methodist
Girls' High Schools, all in Lagos, Nigeria.
This was the beginning of a new era in the
field of sports, when w o m e n started to participate in competitive sports and games of high
organization.4 T h e sport in which w o m e n
started to play a prominent role as from 1950
w a s athletics (track andfield).The stars w h o
T w o decades after this breakthrough, w o m e n
started to feature also in other sports, such as
lawn tennis, table tennis, badminton and
swimming. This followed from a traumatic
change in the socio-economic set-up in m a n y
communities. T h e female no longer entered
into unproductive economic trade. This was in
contrast to the period when girls, especially
those from wealthy homes, members of the
nobility or Koranic scholars, were restricted
in their movements, were exhorted to return
straight h o m e from school and then to remain
indoors unless sent on a specific errand. Seclusion was justified on a variety of grounds,
such as the need to protect the girls from m e n
and from the possibility of extra-marital affairs. With the abrogation of these practices,
the girls benefited from additional free periods
which they spent judiciously for economic and
recreational purposes.
In the past, a married w o m a n in some
sections of Nigerian society, especially a m o n g
the Hausa and the Yoruba, could neither trade
nor participate in any social function until she
had been, usually, at least a year in her husband's house. Such a w o m a n found herself
in social bondage and, paradoxically, n o
wealthier than she was at the time of her
marriage. She was brought to her husband's
house with her family's gifts and the wedding
gifts from her husband and his kin. She was
also thé owner of the furniture in her room,
and of the quantities of brassware and crockery that were used for r o o m decoration. She
possessed goods of considerable value, and all
were incontestably her o w n .
Although she possessed these valuables
during early marriage, she might not sell the
goods or realize anyfinancialbenefits from
them. This wealth, displayed, was a marker of
her status in her new married life. She was
shorn of her earnings from trade and forbidden
Social change and women in African sport
215
The start of the women's 100-metre sprint at the Montreal Olympic Games, 1976. R . Depardon-Magnum.
to leave her h o m e . If newly married, she was
manifestly dependent upon her husband, both
financially and socially. H e r friends were
usually married around the same time as she
was, and they also were unable to leave their
homes.
The obstacles which this practice represented to the involvement of w o m e n in
sports was apparent in the narrowfieldof
choice in sports to which they were restricted,
namely track andfieldevents, and netball.
Their life-style must be seen in the context of
the conservative, spatially restricted lives they
led. The social attitudes and beliefs of Africans
were the main causes of the delay in changing
their social and economic life-pattern.
In Nigeria, just as in any country without
a free educational system, the cost of education constitutes an individual or family investment on which quick returns are expected.
Lack of employment opportunities for w o m e n ,
or their limited range, makes expenditure on
the education of the female child an economic
risk or afinancialwaste; so parents shy a w a y
from it. Certain beliefs and attitudes held b y
society have over the years crystallized into
norms that militate against the full participation of w o m e n in sports and games. M o s t of
these stem from the subordination of w o m e n
and the second-class citizenship position accorded to them. Besides, investment in sports
and games was frowned upon by society a n d
was considered afinancialwaste, since it w a s
a non-profit-making venture.
Education
and cultural change
The c o m m o n belief that a w o m a n does not
require m u c h or any education to perform her
functions of child-bearing and rearing, a n d
home-making is fast disappearing. This has led
to changes in social attitudes and economic
O n a sports-ground in Ouagadougou, Upper Volta. Naud/Afrique Photo.
Social change and women in African sport
217
considerations concerning the advancement marry after having been exposed to all forms
of women's education and has consequently of active sporting life and becoming too sophpromoted their participation in sports and isticated have not been substantiated, a n d
games. The public has ceased to pay lip-service indeed such w o m e n are courted not only by
to the role of w o m e n in socio-cultural pro- the top male athletes but also by the better
grammes of their community. These social educated and wealthier m e n of their c o m attitudes and economic considerations con- munity.
tribute to the advancement of women's eduLiteracy has some profound consequences
cation and consequently encourage their par- for women's participation in African sport.
ticipation in functional sports and games. Jobs Parents w h o place a high premium on k n o w in the Ministries of Social Welfare, Youth, ledge also accept that their daughters m a y
Sports and Culture, Education and others are have the integrity to travel outside their c o m now open to both m e n and w o m e n . However, pound to take part in sports. Sports and g a m e s
if a w o m a n , when entering into the same have been accorded some respect by literate
labour market and sports citadel as m e n , parents. Whereas in rural areas parents m a y
adopts an assertive posture in highly competi- prevent their daughters from participating in
tive jobs or sports and games, everyone, in- sports and games, this will be difficult in the
cluding other w o m e n , stares at her. W h e n she urban areas where social pressure in favour of
displays the ability to be independent and participation in sports and games is manifest.
assertive, she is thought to be tough and
T o some games like tennis, squash a n d
bitchy. This social discrimination militated badminton are ascribed a hierarchy of prestige.
against women's participation in sports, since Their prestige value tends to attract those w h o
the priority of every African w o m a n is to be want to become lucrative wage-earners. Skill
married. But for a w o m a n to be successful, in these sports and games is an additional
either in sports or in the labour market, she attribute to acquire in order to secure lucrative
needed to be strong and tough. So when there a job. Sports then become social-class indiwas an acceptance by society of such attitudes cators determining the class-group of the liton the part of w o m e n , certain games like erate élites. T h e practice of sports as a
basketball and handball ceased to be the m o n - determinant of certain specific social-class
opoly of m e n . With the adoption of the West- characteristics is c o m m o n to both m e n a n d
ern system of education and culture, the role w o m e n . Consequently, m e n and w o m e n parof an educated w o m a n in her work and sports ticipate more frequently in games like tennis,
was seen to be economically viable. The virtues badminton, handball and, on a smaller scale,
were seen as a means by which she could golf and equestrianism. The number of those
simultaneously marry well and be financially participating in swimming is also expanding
secure. Fears that w o m e n would be unable to rapidly.
Notes
1. Personal interview, Ministry
of Education Secretariat,
Ibadan, Nigeria, 1980.
2. Statement by the Assistant
Registrar (Admissions),
University of Ife, Ile-Ife, Nigeria,
1978.
3. Glen H . Elder Jr.,
Adolescent Socialization and
Personality Development,
pp. 8-10. Chicago, R a n d
McNally, 1968.
4. John A . Adedeji, International
Review of Sport Sociology
(Warsaw, Polish Scientific
Publishers), Vol. l ; N o . 13,
1978, p. 39.
/ . A. Adedeji
218
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SPORT IN SOCIETY
Games, sport
and societal autonomy
Bernard F . Booth
This article examines sport in order to see personality, the social system and the cultural
whether it is a useful barometer of societal system. Each system operates within a cyberchange. M y premise is that sport encompasses netic relationship inasmuch as it is influenced
the elements of autonomy. Personal autonomy by the other subsystems' in a hierarchical
is reflected in self-assurance, creative ex- fashion. Hence simple societies, dependent as
pression, and a general feeling of well-being. they are upon the physical world for survival,
But autonomy is socially based and cannot be derive their cultural norms, their, belief sysconsidered apart from its social circumstances. tems, from the physical environment. W i t h
Society, being m a d e up of individuals, reflects increasing industrialization and its consequento a certain degree, a search for collective tial bureaucratization, the cultural belief system begins to reflect less
autonomy (Mead, 1934).
concrete absolutes. IdeolObviously there are tenBernard F . Booth is assistant professor
ogy becomes very i m sions embedded in this
at the School of H u m a n Kinetics of the
portant as a m e a n s of
process as some social
University of Ottawa, 35 MacDougal
tension-management.
groups achieve power at
Street, Ottawa K I N 6 N 5 , Ontario,
the expense of others in
Canada. His research interests are in
Every evolving sothefieldof political and social developthe history of a society.
ciety displays the cyberment through sport.
Hence, playlike activities
netic system to a greater
are governed by social
or lesser degree. Primitive
sanctions, since they m a y
society is characterized
affect the well-being of
by ascriptive diffuseness,
others. Sport becomes,
whereas industrial society
therefore, a scarce reis rather characterized
source to be competed for
by a meritocratic system
(Kidd, 1978).
of rewards. In the former, the physico-organic
It is the tensionmanagement process of autonomy that is the world looms large and is a constant reminder
substance of this article as it examines the of the need for vigilance. Hence primitive so•development of society from its simple form cieties reflect a greater belief in magic a n d
(Inuit and M o t u ) , through the industrializ- witchcraft in an attempt to control superation phase of the nineteenth century to natural forces, through supernatural m e a n s .
A s society progresses to a more rationalized
modern times.
T h e concept of tension-management in system of technology, religious beliefs give
the search for autonomy is derived from way to a consensus achieved through ideology.
Parsons' well-known general system theory of
h u m a n action: the physico-organic world, the
220
Games of the Inuit
and the Motu
G a m e s are an expression of cultural values.
M u c h less structured than sport, they reflect
the socialization patterns of a society and m a y
be an index of cultural evolution (Roberts et
al., 1959).
G a m e s m a y be defined as play activity,
with rules, specific goals, contest, boundaries
of time and space, and a sequence of repeatable actions. They have been classified by
Sutton-Smith and others as games of physical
skill, of chance, of strategy, and of m e m o r y
(Roberts et al., 1959). Traditional Inuit society
subsists on hunting and fishing. Its values
therefore emphasize behaviour associated with
the skills of hunting andfishing,and of individual and group interdependency. Individuals must be able to rely on themselves to cope
with emergencies. They live in a uniform
environment where small details m a y be extremely important for survival. Yet, the individual is also extremely dependent upon the
goodwill of the group, and the traditional
Inuit value system puts a premium on behaviour that encourages good will.* Hence, while
it is important for the hunter/fisherman to
develop individual skills, they must not be
cultivated at the expense of other group m e m bers. It is therefore not surprising that Inuit
games stress self-testing like tag, strength
contests, wrestling, juggling and physical and
m e m o r y skills like string weaving.
But one will notfindgames of strategy in
traditional Inuit culture, because strategy implies seeking superiority over an adversary.
While competition exists in Inuit culture, it is
non-malicious. G a m e s are characterized by
physical skill, quick recall, and are somewhat
competitive, but their competitive nature does
not extend to acquiring possessions of other
persons or of humiliating them. W h e r e groups
of spectators witness a contest, there is a
Bernard F. Booth
striking informality between contestants and
spectators.
Inuit society does not practise the formal
hierarchical relationships of Western society;
equality is predominant. This lack of social
rigidity m a y explain the preferences of children
for informal play. However, Roberts et al.
(1959) have documented that as society assumes greater social structuration and as hierarchical lines of authority appear, the games
the children play assume new combinations.
The relationship between games of strategy
and cultural complexity is increasingly accepted. Roberts et al. (1959) argue that acceptance of strategic games is consistent with
new values regarding the ability to cope with
the stresses and strains of modern life. Studies
of Inuit w h o have been exposed to southern
Canadian culture over long periods illustrate
that games of skill and strategy are becoming
more c o m m o n , with a resultant loss of the
non-competitive, non-malicious goodwill of
the traditional society.
W h e n the Parsonian model is applied to
traditional Inuit culture, it appears that the
integrative function of the social system is
predominant. Individual hunting and fishing
skills and collective survival are the predominant values. Material possessions are shared,
hence there is no point in teaching children to
seek ownership. The g a m e is valuable, but so
is the goodwill to be retained. Hence games
and contests occur within an environment of
humour. Such situations are ideal for socializing the young into informal relationships by
teaching them not to take hemselves too
seriously.
The M o t u are a Papuan-Melanesian
people w h o inhabit a group of eighteen villages scattered over the south-eastern coastal
area of N e w Guinea. The physical environment is threatening. The soil is shallow and
infertile and because of the tropical climate,
agricultural products cannot be stored. T h e
M o t u subsistence culture revolves around gardening, hunting and trading, and is supported
* See, on this subject, the article by Jean L . Briggs, by a network of social and religious practices.
'The Creation of Value in Canadian Inuit Society", in this Journal, Vol. X X X I , N o . 3, 1979, Once a year the M o t u m a k e a journey to the
Gulf of Papua to exchange pots which they
pp. 393-403.—Ed.
Gantes, sport and societal autonomy
221
'Inuit Games': Players attempt to spear the holes in aflatbone suspended from the roof of the igloo.
(Stonecut by Mark Emerak, Holman Print Catalogue, N o . 42, 1970.) Mark Emerak.
have m a d e from saga and w o o d . M o t u beliefs
emphasize a strong, wicked spirit world, which
preys upon unfortunates. T h e environment of
the M o t u , therefore, is harsh and unpredictable.
M o t u mainly practise games of physical
skill. Their games perform an integrative function within a relatively static society. The M o t u
is exposed, from birth, to a continuous form
of social interaction. Swinging from a tree or
fastened to its mother's back, the child is free
to watch the activities of older siblings and of
parents. There is no need for a division of
labour and hence no social distinction between
the sexes. Girls and boys play group games
together.
The sea is their physical environment.
M o t u children learn to swim very early, to
build and sail and hold miniature races o n
small craft; such skills will be very important
in later life. Sea games also become social
games in which competition is evident, w h e n
for example one group tries to penetrate
another group's space. However, when entry
has been achieved the groups simply reverse
roles; attackers reverting to defenders and
vice versa.
A s with the Inuit, the games are noncompetitive and lacking in material significance. W h a t is important is learning to maintain status from victory or defeat while trying
to develop the essential skills that will be
useful in adulthood. A s amongst the Inuit,
stringing threads together is considered an
important preparation for net-making. Boys
and girls practise hurling grass spears at each
other and m a n y become quite proficient at it
even before they are 8 years of age.
The game of the M o t u exist to reinforce
the status quo. G r o u p games reflect social
dependency as roles are reversed or changed
individually during the game. O n e example is
222
a child balancing o n a plank held aloft by its
friends. The child w h o completes the act is
caught by the group and replaced by another
child. G a m e s and social role-playing serve the
function of teaching the M o t u child certain
constraints of his society.
Games
and social organization
T h e study of play and games has thrown
light on several relationships: cultural customs,
and differentiation, social class, economic or
adaptive strategies, family structure, sex roles,
child-rearing practices, and integrative functions. G a m e s teach adaptive strategies in a
harsh environment, help to educate children
in the kinds of motor skills they will use in
later life and, as a by-product, provide a social
occasion for value reinforcement, as in the
case of the Inuit w h e n losers are expected to
laugh at themselves.
Salter (1967), in his survey of North
American tribes, found that games are associated with rituals. Despite certain differences between tribes, he concluded that it was
the manner in which the g a m e was played,
rather than the outcome, which h a d the
greatest spiritual effect. Salter also found that
games of physical skill and strategy occurred
m o r e often in these contexts than games of
chance, leading to the conclusion that m a n , in
his search for autonomy, invents games that
allow him to control his environment. T h e
concept of control is central to our understanding of the function of games and sports
in development. Salter further concluded, in
his study of Australian Aboriginals, that economic or survival reasons accounted for the
largest n u m b e of games, followed by social
interaction games. Political activity and cultural identification games were m u c h less
Bernard F. Booth
i.e. the weather. Roberts and Sutton-Smith
(1962) have studied g a m e complexity and
culture and have concluded that physical skill
is usually present in games. However, as in
traditional Inuit society, games of physical
skill are often practised without strategy. Societies that lack competitive games exhibit low
social complexity and are usually characterized by subsistence economies. W h e r e games
of strategy are played, this is usually an indication of increased complexity of social organization and possibly of severe child-rearing
methods. W h e r e games of chance predominate, this is usually an indication of economic
uncertainty and a feeling of inability to control
the environment.
However, Ball (1974), w h o studied the
control factor in games, concluded that games
are capable of modelling a cultural control
scale, where players exercising more control
over risk emerge at the top of the scale, the
reverse being true for players feeling helpless
and controlled. Ball argues that the attitude of
rationality and control associated with sport
and games, rather than the organizational
structure the games appear to reflect, should
be studied. This concept of control, or autono m y , is central to the study of sport and
societal development. The premise argued, so
far, has been that societies, through their
socialization practices via games and sport
structures, are attempting to control their destiny. The relative complexity of the games, as
they reflect cultural values, are an indication
of the status ofthat society on the development
scale.
Changing cognitive styles
Witkin (1967) has concluded that factors that
contribute to the development of cognitive
style are socialization practices and ecologicommon.
cal demands. His work has been supported
Frederickson's (1960) studies of wrestling by W o b e r (1967), Okonji (1969) and Berry
in various cultures showed that this sport (1966). Witkin defined cognitive style as the
was used in settling boundary disputes, ex- characteristic self-consistent w a y of functionpressing puberty, selecting a male, demonstrat- ing across perceptual and cognitive activities.
ing power, and controlling the uncontrollable, H e distinguishes the following three functions:
Games, sport and societal autonomy
A n Inuit ballgame. Pitseolak, Le Ihre d'images de ma vie. Cape Dorset, N W T , West Baffur Eskimo Co-operative.
223
224
(a) cognition—recognition and structuring
of information; (b) thinking and problemsolving; and (c) psychological function—controls and defences. Witkin also maintains that
a cognitive style m a y be global or articulated
in relation to a greater or lesser sense of identity and body concept.
Scholars w h o have applied Witkin's theory to socio-cultural influences have tried to
measure the relative influences of culture upon
field dependence orfieldindependence. Field
independence has been found to be associated
with a strongly articulated body concept and
perceptual style. Field-independent people are
usually intrinsic in orientation whereas fielddependent people tend to be oriented towards
group rather than individual control. Weitz
(1971) conducted a study of native Indian
people in Canada to assess the effect of
Western culture on their perceptual cognitive
styles. She concluded that the native Indian
culture encourages, through its child-rearing
practices, separate identity, self-reliance and
autonomous functioning, which supports Witkin's views. However, she noted that the
Athapaskans were aggressive and specialized
in expressions of impulse, while the Algonkians.
valued repression and self-denial as socialcontrol methods. Weitz also found that differences within the tests of cognitive style
elicited different responses due to cultural
factors. Hence, the methodology of cognitive
style tests is somewhat controversial.
Bernard F. Booth
The significance of these studies for sport
and societal development lies in the fact that
cognitive styles appear to change as childrearing patterns change, or as technology and
education invade the culture. G a m e s of a
competitive or of a more abstract nature m a y
reflect acculturation forces that are beginning
to change a society, changing cultural norms,
and ought, therefore, to be regarded as an
index of change.
Sport in complex societies
Sport has always reflected certain norms of
social control. In Homer's Iliad and Odyssey,
only kings and nobles are allowed to practise
sport, and this tradition of reserving sport
for a social élite, whereby only free-born
Greeks could take part in the Olympics, and
where sports and pastimes were designated as
noble or ignoble in Renaissance England, for
example, was the c o m m o n practice until the
rise of professional sport, which is a fairly
recent phenomenon.
A brief, historical review of the social
factors that have contributed to the rationalization of sport will illustrate the nature of the
struggle between different social groups for
the control of sport. This will enable us to see
sport as a mirror of society while illustrating
the social function of sport in the process of
striving for autonomy and hegemony.
Joseph Strutt1 divided 'rural exercises'
With respect to the urbanized Indians,
Weitz concluded that they employed more into those practised by 'persons of rank' and
versatile strategies in attacking her tests. They those practised by the ' c o m m o n masses'. It
were able to assess the problem and plan their was during the nineteenth century that m a n y
attacks before committing themselves. They of the spontaneous, ritualistic and local sports
were more aware of the time-factor and ex- began to die out as a 'rural pre-industrial sotended themselves in order to beat the clock. ciety changed into an urban industrial soThese observations were also noted by Berry, ciety' (Cone, 1981). In the emerging industrial
Okonji and Bruner and were attributed to the society, sport began to take on national
influence of formal education and contact with characteristics. Rules were formalized and ada technological, competitive society. Okonji ministered by private governing bodies of
also found significant differences between rural sportsmen whose authority extended throughand urban samples with their differing back- out the nation. The high degree of rationalgrounds of experience and education (Berry, ization of sport, which is so evident in the
1966; Okonji, 1969; Bruner, 1966; Weitz, modern world, had its antecedents in the first
half of the nineteenth century.
1971).
225
Games, sport and societal autonomy
A boxing match in Tonga. Atlas of Cook's Third Voyage. Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris.
Until then, only the leisured gentry had
the time to engage in sport. There was no social
conflict and consequently no social incentive to
develop rules. Rules became important when
different social classes began to meet in c o m petition and the rather sedentary gentry were
tested by the physically stronger labouring
class. T h e notion of professionalism was introduced to keep a barrier between the gentry
w h o were enjoying sport socially, and the
emerging working class which engaged in
sport for a living. By tradition, sport was to be
enjoyed more for the opportunity it provided
to engage in social interaction than to discover
winners.
In the nineteenth century, Canada was an
excellent microcosm of British social life, in
which hegemony can be studied. The roots of
Canadian sport lie in two areas: the recreational activities of the frontier and the
sporting club of the urban élite of Y o r k (Upper
Canada) and Montreal (Lower Canada). The
transformation of Canadian sport into the
highly organized regulated and competitive
form of today's mass culture has reflected basic
changes in the structure of Canadian society
itself. The controls on sport participation in
early Canada, as in Great Britain, were time
and class divisions, and a clerical ideology
which frowned on the cultivation of the body.
226
Recreation and sports were considered frivolous, and there was no incentive to pursue
them as ends in themselves (Metcalfe, 1974).
The factors that have changed the social
configuration of sport m a y be summarized as:
(a) the development of commerce; (b) the development of transportation and technology;
and (c) massive immigration from 1820 on. A s
a result of the industrial revolution in midnineteenth-century Canada, urban areas were
created, which became centres where the new
commercial middle class established clubs
and controlled club membership, competition
and rules. Improved transportation facilitated
inter- and intra-urban competition, and the
rise of the media which reported on sport
stimulated mass interest in iport through the
development of a popular sport culture.
It is important to note, however, that
although increased urbanization and transportation gave the working class more time
for leisure compared with their traditional
frontier life-style, the pattern of control of
sport remained unchanged inasmuch as the
control of sport club-membership was restricted socially, according to race, religion and
vocation. If there was any democratization of
sport, it tended to be at the playing and not at
the managerial level, which was confined to
m e n with an organizational or commercial
background. Democratization occurred to
some extent in team sports, but even there an
ethical, occupational, religious and geographical discrimination continued to prevail (Metcalfe, 1974).
Bernard F. Booth
social messages across different groups and
regions.
The G e r m a n Democratic Republic provides an example illustrating the ideological
rationalization of sport.2 A sport governing
body, the Deutsche Sport Ausschuss ( D S A ) ,
was created by the state and communal sport
was integrated within the production system
under the direction of this body. The primary
purpose óf the D S A was to ensure adherence
to the ideological principles of the new state,
and to co-ordinate sport and youth activities (FDJ) with the G e r m a n Gymnastics Association ( F D G B ) . Later, the F D J and the
F D G B were incorporated within the D S A to
plan and develop sport along community lines.
All sectors of the economy came to be represented in the sports clubs. Hence sport was
established as a co-ordinating mechanism to
help the development of the emerging state's
autonomy. A few years later the D S A was
replaced by the Deutsche Turn und Sport
Bund ( D T S B ) . 3 This body was given the task
of developing the rationalization of sport. It
should be noted that the G e r m a n Democratic
Republic's excellence in sport helped it to gain
international recognition.
Cuba provides an illustration of the way
sport m a y be used to rationalize the popular
effort toward national development. A suitable
index of C u b a n development tensions is found
in President Castro's speeches. They are published regularly in Granma Weekly Review, and
are of historical value for studying Cuban
development. The role of sport in the develIn socialist societies sport has served an oping Cuban state has gradually changed. In
integrative and adaptive function. Marx's hisfirstspeeches, in the early 1960s, President
philosophy of physical culture and sport ex- Castro suggested that Cuba's poor record in
plains the importance given to health, edu- international sport was a product of laissezcation and production. According to M a r x , faire capitalism. The 1960s were the period of
physical culture, and by implication sport, moral incentives, whereas in the 1970s greater
provides the worker with opportunities to attention was given to a more centralized
strive for excellence, which had been denied economy, the urbanization process, and centralized sports' system patterned along the
to him under capitalism.
Because of its visibility, and because it is Soviet model (Ritter, 1978; Booth, 1981).
capable of functioning within social units as The 1970-79 speeches reveal a greater concern
diverse as the factory, the sports club, the with the microsystem of the economy and
school, the family and the army, sport has a attention to particular segments of the popupotentially integrative nature and carries lation. The tension between the state and the
227
Games, sport and societal autonomy
¡Ir"-!?-
'Ritual exercises by persons of rank': Jousting in
armour on the Place Royale, Paris, by Crispin de
Passe, published in 1623. Giraudon.
Modern armour: the goal-keeper of a Canadian
ice-hockey team. Bob Thomas/SAM.
• ? i--"!-
228
Bernard F. Sooth
people was initially mediated symbolically of society. Hargreaves, therefore, has postuthrough a system of moral incentives. But lated that the hegemony theory, or the dialectic
with progress in sport accomplishments, the of control exchanges, m a y explain such prosystem of moral rewards gave way to more cesses more effectively.
tangible rewards, thereby creating a new tenI have tried to show earlier in this article
sion to be dealt with. International success in that it is the social context that gives meaning
sport (Olympic G a m e s in Munich 1972, M o n t - to the social function of sport. Metcalfe and
real 1976 and M o s c o w 1980) brings a certain other scholars have documented h o w historiamount of pride in its wake, but not perma- cally certain dominant groups have controlled
nently. There is plenty of evidence, however, sport by establishing rules and procedures with
that C u b a has put its peoplefirst,and sport respect to geography, vocation, ethnicity,
is no exception to this (Booth, 1981).
which had the effect of restricting sport to
These brief illustrations of sport show particular social classes. The hegemony theory
h o w it m a y be playing a tension-management is not concerned with inquiring whether the
role in the autonomy process. W h a t remains rationalization of sport cements inequality,
to be examined are some of the theoretical but rather asks the question: what is the nature
questions that ought to be asked better to of the social order that sport helps to support?
understand the function of sport in the This theoretical approach enables us to examtension-management process between state ine different social and political contexts of
sport and study the checks and balances within
and individual.
each system.
M a n y theorists are turning to Gramsci in
an attempt to explain h o w power is maintained by particular classes and h o w the social
Currently there are three methods in sport function of sport is embedded in this matrix.
sociology for examining the social relation- Gramsci showed that the ruling classes have
ships in which sport is embedded: the theories an ability to present their views as the popular
4
of correspondence, reproduction and he- view. This approach allows the study of sport
g e m o n y (Hargreaves, 1979). The correspon- as an integrated form of culture, rather than as
dence theory views sport as a simple reflection an appendage to the prevailing culture (Harof capitalism. Sport is considered as an alien- greaves, 1979).
ating activity, since its structure and value
The cultivation of popular consensus is
system are controlled by the ruling class the function of ideology. Ideology is a form of
(Brohm, 1978). The reproduction theory views monopoly; it operates through the media, pubculture and sport as related to the capitalist lic consensus, ceremonies and rituals which
m o d e of production and the dominant social express c o m m o n l y held views or recall sigrelations with respect to their autonomy; hence ' nificant happenings of a collective nature.
the dominant social relation of capitalism is Ideology becomes necessary when society has
reproduced in and through sport (Hargreaves, reached a stage of development where the
1979). Hargreaves argues that the major weak- mass of the population have the time and
ness of both the correspondence and repro- energy to m a k e demands on the establishment.
duction theories is that they view sport as a In the simple society, physical needs and very
passive ideological phenomenon that works scarce resources determine the nature and
in the interests of the dominant class. H a r - function of sport in social relationship.
greaves postulates that these views are too
A s society increases in complexity, and the
simplistic and give little hint of the conflict sur- state begins to embody a tension between the
rounding sports, of the differentiated nature masses and their rulers, the possibility for
of sports, or of the essence of sport as a cultural mass control by the rulers increases. It is for
phenomenon that reflects the natural tension the management of this tension that rulers
Theoretical discussion
Games, sport and societal autonomy
229
'Ritual exercises by persons of rank': The Countesses' Boat, Naiade, in Abbazia, by W . von Bayro, 1887.
Perrin/Edimages.
turn to ideology. For example, the development of class-ten schools, in the G e r m a n
Democratic Republic at the expense of the
traditional gymnasium, and the linking of
factory sports clubs to the new school structure, was connected with the policy of promoting the working class. The British policy
after the Second World W a r of developing
grammar schools for the intelligent children,
while the rest were educated in secondarymodern schools, provides another example of
this. Sport was a m u c h more serious affair in
the grammar schools, with theirfineplaying
fields andfixturelists modelled on those of the
public schools, than in the secondary-modern
schools. Yet the ideology according to the 1944
Education Act was 'education for aptitude and
ability'. Similarly, the factory-owner (state or
private sector) m a y provide sports facilities
for the workers, not only in order to increase
their health and well-being for production, but
also to control their leisure time and influence
their behaviour.
The hegemony theory helps us to ask
questions which lead to the source of the tension and to explain h o w the tension is resolved
by compromise, for it is by compromise that
the ruling class, whatever their philosophical
persuasion, maintain their power. Nineteenthcentury British public schools became institutions of compromise whereby the n e w u p wardly mobile middle classes of the Industrial
Revolution were assimilated so as not to
threaten the traditional upper class. Sport,
which previously was never taken seriously by
the upper classes, became very important as a
symbolic form of achievement. H e n c e , the
beginning of the nineteenth century witnessed
the emergence of the 'Muscular Christianity
M o v e m e n t ' , peculiar to the rising middle and
Bernard F. Booth
230
upper-middle classes. Sport and character development, achievement, and social class interacted and gradually became a cultural norm
accepted but not practised by the lower classes
(Mcintosh, 1960).
Ritualistic and dramatic elements exist in
the structure of sport, which m a y awaken
sentiments that are difficult to express verbally
or rationally. With its symbolic white dress,
its authority structure vested in the umpire,
the genteel traditions of the British game,
m a d e cricket a suitable vehicle for the West
Indians to express feelings that are brought to
the surface during the game but which lie
dormant most of the time. Sport has the
capability of symbolizing conflict, and, surrounded by drama, becomes a powerful
control weapon.
However, w e must distinguish between
internal and external perspectives of conflict
management. W h e r e class conflict exists within
a society the coercive role of the state will be
more evident than where a society unites
against oppression. Cubais an example of h o w
sport has been rationalized in order to build
a sense of accomplishment. The symbolism of
sport is harnessed to production, time and
competition in the workplace. Each sport
victory is claimed as a victory for the Revolution, not least because it demonstrates to the
rest of the Latin American continent what the
mass of Cubans have accomplished. Sport becomes, therefore, symbolic of the goals of the
Revolution (Booth, 1981).
Finally, the ideology of sport as an agent
of political control m a y be seen in international relations. States have begun to use
sport as an agent of their o w n political development (Espry, 1979). T h e acceptance of the
G e r m a n Democratic Republic as an Olympic
competitor in its o w n right is very recent.
Sport, as an international stage, was very
important to the G e r m a n Democratic R e public since, prior to 1968, it had no diplomatic
relationships outside the socialist countries.
Sport provided the country with international
recognition and prestige and gave it bargaining
power. Anti-apartheid supporters also have
used sport on several occasions to demonstrate
their protest.
Notes
1. Joseph Strutt, Sports and
Pastimes of the People of
England, 1801; cited in Carl
B . Cone (ed.), Hounds in the
Morning, p. 1, Lexington, K y . ,
University Press of Kentucky,
1981.
2. DDR Handbuch, 19J7 edition.
3. For further clarification, see
G . Wonneberger (ed.), Die
Korperkultur in
Deutschland 1945-1961, Berlin,
Sportverlag, 1967.
4. A . Gramsci, The Prison
Notebooks, edited by G . Hoare
and P . Nowell Smith; cited in
Sport Culture and the Modern
State, pp. 4, 36, Ottawa,
Queen's University,
1979.
Games, sport and societal autonomy
231
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SPORT IM SOCIETY
The economics of
sport in France
Chantal Malenfant
promote sport in schools and to develop
facilities and train instructors for the towns,
Sport has long been overlooked as a subject the countryside, the seaside and mountain
of economic research. A hitherto unclassi- sports.
fiable, hybrid activity involving leisure, conPeople m a y be sporting or not interested
sumer affairs, health and recreation, it was in sport, for or against sport, participants or
essential that sport become afieldof socio- spectators, supporters or avowed opponents:
economic analysis in its o w n right.1 It is an clearly, all these attitudes correspond to
activity that gives rise to full-scale industrial stances towards the sports market. A s G . M a and commercial undertakings that further en- gnane has pointed out:
courage these individual
Sport . . . permeates . . .
activities, which m a y beChantal Malenfant is a specialist in
the everyday life of twencome a full-time occuthe
economics
of
sport
who
works
tieth-century
m a n . It is a
pation. Apart from physiat the French National Scientific Refact
of
our
civilization
. ..
cal-education teachers,
search Centre ( C N R S ) , the Centre for
consisting mainly of physiinstructors and trainers
Study of Modern Economic Techcal effort containing elniques ( C E T E M ) and the Centre for
or professional sportsements of both play a n d
Study
of
the
Sociology
of
Leisure
and
m e n , whose services are
work, practised in c o m p e Cultural Models, all in Paris. She
usually provided through
tition, governed by its o w n
is currently engaged in a comparanon-profit-making c o m tive study of the problems of the
rules and institutions a n d
non-commercial economy in France
panies or educational incapable of becoming a proand North America. Her address is
stitutions, there are all
fessional occupation.3
2
Villa
d'Austerlitz,
rue
Nicolas
Houël,
those w h o are members
75007 Paris, France.
of the teaching profession
S o m e 30 per cent of the
and the various techFrench population (innicians in the world of
cluding those at school)
sport. The profits from such forms of enter- engage in a physical sport. In modern sotainment as boxing matches, and the taxes that ciety, sport is bound u p with time, m o n e y
the state levies on the proceeds of sporting and the constraints of work. Its development
events, give sport an economic impact on the enables us to identify the set of physical
nation's affairs. In France, the sports sector's and cultural circumstances that persuade
turnover is growing by some 20 per cent each people to take it up.
year. The average Frenchman's spending on
A s a social reality, sport cannot be divsport is rising by 6.5 per cent yearly as c o m - orced from the economy. Its pursuit and m a n pared with 4.5 per cent for all spending.2 agement by m e n , w h o necessarily have social
Additionally, the government is investing to and economic needs, are aimed at satisfying
Introduction
234
those needs to the extent that those m e n work
for sport.
Sport is a collective activity involving both
production and consumption. It acts upon the
economy as a producer or a factor in production, as a consumer, and as a value added.
But it is above all a heavy consumer.
The sports sector is faced with a number
of economic questions. They are:
W h a t is the volume of production and consumer spending related to sport, and which
are the major sporting activities?
W h e r e does its finance c o m e from (the state,
local authorities, families), w h o benefits
from it (spectator sport, sport for all,
school sport, sporting facilities) and which
social classes benefit from what?
H o w does it compare with the other sectors
of the economy? W h a t proportion of the
total gross domestic product and total consumer spending does it account for? H o w
m u c h do French families spend on sport
in comparison with other consumer items?
The answers to these questions are the basis
for the state's policy for sport at local,
national and international levels.
Chantal Malenfant
Administrations, meaning public bodies—essentially the state—and associations, so as
to ascertain the distribution of sport subsidies and the impact of redistribution.
In the course of research, however, it emerged
that 'non-financial undertakings' was far too
disparate a category to be used in a detailed
study of the workings of the sports sector.
W e have therefore distinguished between production and distribution, and also between
several groups of production undertakings,
along the following lines: (a) according to
the kind of goods provided: sports products,
sports services, and goods and services not
specifically related to sport; (b) according to
whether or not the company is specialized:
companies specializing in sport and those
not specializing in sport.
Further, in order to obtain a complete
picture of sporting activities, the accounting
system w a s extended to include such agents
as credit or insurance companies and those
specializing in external relations (imports and
exports) which, apart from providing information on such matters as thefinancingof
the sports sector or international trade, would
enable balanced and complete accounts to
be drawn u p (see Fig. 1).
Measuring
O n e result of satellite accounting is exthe economic role
pected to be the quantification of all spending
in a givenfield,in this case, sport. Its purpose
of sport
is to present all the yearly data concerning
This can be done by the method of satellite sport in the same table under three headings:
accounts, under which 'national accounting (a) activities peculiar to sport; (b) the bentechniques are applied to a set of data con- eficiaries of sports goods and services; and
cerning a particular field, in the w a y best (c) total community spending and the sources
suited to its study, using concepts and cat- of finance.
egories that could not, or could not easily,
This system provides a framework for
be applied to the central accounts'.4 O f the analysis that is both independent of and
agents that appear in national accountancy, compatible with the central framework of
w e initially selected the following three cat- national accounting. A t the same time, it
egories:
extends beyond that framework since it incorNon-financial undertakings, meaning the c o m - porates data concerning the beneficiaries as
mercial sector, so as to ascertain the volume well as the factors of production (Fig. 2).
of production and distribution.
However, it is impossible to quantify all
Households, meaning the final consumers in the relevant flows or to consider all the qualithe shape of families or individuals, so as tative variables in a satellite accounting study,
to ascertain the volume of consumer spend- because w e are using the traditional system of
ing on sport.
accounting. For that reason, certain indicators
The economics of sport in France
235
National accounting
categories
Role in sport
Detailed typology
Non-financial
undertakings
Commercial sector
Production undertakings
specializing in sport:
Production
sports goods
sports services
Production undertakings not
specializing in sport:
sports goods
Production undertakings not
specializing in sport:
non-sports goods and services
Distribution
Households
Final consumers
Households
Administrations
Public bodies
Central administrations
Social security
Local authorities
Financial
institutions
Associations
Sports institutions
Finance
Credit houses
Insurance companies
External
Foreign
relations
Fio. 1. Economic agents influencing the sports sector.
External
236
Fio. 2. Satellite account for sport.
1
1
1
Agents
Groups of agents
Chief functions of agents
Chief resources of agents
Clothing and light
equipment
Production
undertakings
specializing
in sport (goods)
Non-financial
companies
Production of sports goods and
services by specialist and nonspecialist undertakings
Income from sales of sports
goods and services
Newspapers
Production
undertakings
specializing
in sport (services)
Sales of sports products
Income from sales of sports
products
Consumption of sports
products
Remuneration of the factors
of production or transfers
from other agents
Event organizers
Civil-engineering
firms
Production
undertakings
not specializing
in sport (sports goods)
Manufacturers (e.g.
car industry)
Production
undertakings
not specializing
in sport
(non-sports goods and
services)
Retail trade
Distribution
Households
Households
Chantal Malenfant
Sub-agents
1
Sub-agents
Agents
Groups of agents
Chief functions of agents
Chief resources of agents
State Secretariat
for Youth and Sport
Central
Administration
Administrations
Production of non-commercial
sports services,
whether collective
or for particular groups of
the population,
and redistribution
of national incomes and
resources
Compulsory payments by
agents belonging to other
sectors, whether directly
or indirectly received.
Voluntary contributions
by households.
Financial
institutions
Loan, collection and
distribution of available finance
to sports agents
Interest
Insurance of sportsmen who
receive benefits in return
for the payment of premium
Premiums paid by sportsmen
Social Security
Local authorities
Local authorities
in towns, departments
or communes
Sports federations
Sports institutions
Non-profit-making
sports clubs
Credit houses
Insurance companies
External
External
The economics of sport in France
1
Importing of sports
This account describes
equipment or clothing
operations involving agents
working both inside and outside
metropolitan France in
thefieldof sport
231
Chantal Malenfant
238
obtained from direct inquiries a m o n g the 'beneficiaries'—sportsmen—must be studied in
greater detail so as to ascertain the role of
sport in individual behaviour patterns. A
national survey5 covering some 1,000 French
families told us m o r e about w h y the French
engage in sport and what they spend o n it. A
nation-wide survey of general sports clubs
showed the composition of the financing of
non-profit-making sports clubs.6 The structure
of the working budgets of local authorities
was also investigated and analysed. This inquiry was almost exclusively concerned with
sport for all,7 school sport and top-class a m a teur sport. T h e accounts do not, therefore,
cover professional sport.
Family consumer
spending on sport in France
In his working life, m a n is required to observe
certain rituals and rhythms and is subjected
to a variety of stresses. H e needs time to relax
and to perform movements other than those
to which he is accustomed in order to counterbalance his daily routine. The urban environment and his remoteness from nature lead him
to seek in sport á palliative or compensation
for the deficiencies of his life-style.
Sport depends not o n income alone, but
on all the factors that affect professional status,
with everything that that implies in respect of
family upbringing and the role and function
of each individual in society and working life.8
T h e interest that French families take in the
practice of sport is directed primarily towards
water-sports, physical education and gymnastics, and winter sports. A s spectators, the
French are passionately fond of ball-games,
winter sports and athletics. Spectator sport has
become a social and cultural phenomenon of
prime importance, which of necessity involves
a source of finance. Sport is extensively reported in the daily press, and special publications as well as radio or television prog r a m m e s are devoted to it.
Households account for virtually all
French consumer spending on sport. Three-
quarters of their outlay in this area is spent on
clothes and light sportsgear (tennis-rackets,
skis, balls, etc.), the sporting press and entertainments. T h e remainder is spent on services
provided by local authorities or sports institutions. Spending o n sports institutions c o m prises both club subscriptions and various
expenses such as fêtes or tombolas to raise
m o n e y for the clubs, and also the cost of
licences purchased from federations (see
Table l).9
The bulk—90 per cent—of family spending on sport goes to the manufacturing and
distribution networks. But the 10 per cent that
goes to the sports institutions is not insignificant, since the French public bears a 40 per
cent share of the cost of financing those institutions, the remainder coming from the state
(20 per cent), the local authorities (20 per cent)
and miscellaneous sources.
The state and the financing
of sport
In France, the state is responsible for providing
sports teachers in schools and for the practice
of sport. In sports institutions, meaning the
federations and non-profit-making clubs, the
state has decision-making and supervisory
powers, but for the construction of sports
facilities it transfers those powers to the local
T A B L E 1. Purchases of sports goods and
services by French households in percentage
terms
From
manufacturers
or distributors
Sports goods
Sportswear
Light
sportsgear
Sports services
Sporting press
Events
TOTAL
%
57
19
6
18
100
From sports
institutions
Sports goods and
services
Membership
fees and
subscriptions
Admission fees
Purchase of
licences
TOTAL
%
48
38
14
100
The economics of sport in France
239
'The economics of sports equipment': Blowing up a Ball, an engraving by Mérian, early seventeenth century.
Roger Viollet.
authorities: the councils of the local c o m munes, urban district authorities, and departments and c o m m u n e s . The state has played a
role in sport ever since the movement was born
at the start of the twentieth century.
Almost all the federations receive financial
subsidies from the state. In m a n y cases, the
state takes full responsibility for the training
of top-class athletes as part of the preparations
for the Olympic G a m e s . S o m e federations
receive no subsidies. O n e of these is the Rugby
Federation, which draws considerable funds
from publicity for international matches,
though it has no professional section as such.
Local authorities have considerable responsibilities, particularly in respect of the provision
of the physical facilities for sport. They under-
write not only the initial investment and
running costs, but also the maintenance, repairs and modernization costs. Sports clubs
organized on a voluntary basis are primarily
concerned with giving social assistance in this
field to the residents of the town or c o m m u n e .
The encouragement of physical or sporting
activities involves m a n y local-authority departments: those responsible for finance, town
planning, architecture, public highways, education, group holidays, sport, local festivals,
youth, the management of maintenance personnel and sports facilities, etc. T h e c o m m u n e receives grants-in-aid in addition to its
o w n resources. Such grants c o m e from the
department, large companies and other institutions and the municipal sports department.
240
Financial support for clubs and federations,
coming from the budget or from extrabudgetary resources, is growing constantly.
In 1977, budgetary assistance to the federations and clubs amounted to 52 million
francs: in 1979, it rose to 120 million francs,
an increase of 130 per cent in two years. That
same year, a national fund for the development of sport was set up, drawing on extrabudgetary resources obtained by the automatic
levying of 2 per cent on amounts staked on the
Loto. T h e fund comprises two sections, one for
top-class sport and one for sport for all. Its
resources go to benefit the entire sports m o v e ment d o w n to club level.
In the case of top-class sport, the people
most directly affected are those classified as
top-class athletes by their sport federation. At
the latter's request, and in conjunction with
the regular budget of the Ministry for Youth
and Sports, assistance in the form of subsidies
is given to the French National Olympic
Committee or the sports federations, to enable
top-class athletes to be trained for major international competitions, more especially the
Olympic G a m e s . These athletes are also given
help to prepare for their socio-professional
future on leaving athletics. T h e subsidies are
used to finance training courses in sports or
occupational activities, the purchase of equipment, participation in events, scholarships,
compensation for loss of earnings and, where
necessary, loans to cover the cost of setting
u p in an occupation.
W h e r e sport for all is concerned, sports
associations submit requests either directly to
the departmental offices for youth and. sports
or via the sport federations: the funds obtained
are added to the grants-in-aid already earmarked for this purpose, either in the budget
of the Ministry of Youth and Sports or via the
local authorities. Such grants are used to help
the clubs to pay their staff, in the form of
short-term contracts, purchase equipment,
m a k e minor improvements, train managerial
staff or to transport teams.
T h e state pays salaries to ensure that
sports teachers and other staff are ava lable,
and subsidizes the local authorities and, either
Chantal Malenfant
directly or through those authorities, the
sports institutions. This is funded partly from
the taxes that the state receives from sport, and
partly by transfers within the budget. T h e
state's o w n contribution is small, representing
barely 50 per cent of all finance for sport.
Local authorities and sport
While private households sometimes invest
in heavy capital equipment, such as swimmingpools, tennis-courts, etc., this represents a very
small percentage of the gross fixed capital
formation for sport. B y and large, it is local
authorities that invest most heavily in sport.
Local authorities account for 77 per cent
of the total in the field of sport.10 Threequarters of this is financed from sources other
than sport, as local authorities are able to invest through borrowing and internal financing.
Investment expenditure represents three times
the total operational spending of local authorities. Their expenses consist mainly of investments in heavy capital equipment and subsidies to sports institutions. Their total sports
spending represents more than a quarter of
their total expenditure (for goods and services), which shows the importance of the role
played by local authorities in the field of
sport. In France, sports policy is implemented
at local-authority level. Covered sports installations, open-air sports grounds and
swimming-pools account for 83 per cent of
local authorities' investment in sports. They
set u p the infrastructure and help the institutions through which sport is provided.
But the local authorities are running into
severe financial difficulties. T h e capitalinvestment subsidies that they receive are, in
the main, granted by the state. These subsidies, it is true, have increased with the
increasing involvement of local authorities
in collective investments, but they are still
inadequate. They are granted either 'by ministerial decisions for investments of national
interest, by the prefect of the region for
investments of regional interest and by the
prefect of the department for other invest-
The economics of sport in France
241
'The economics of sports equipment': Technology and advertising overwhelm the human performer. Perec/SAM.
ments'. 11 Hence, any additionalfinancingthat
cannot be immediately covered from their
o w n resources must be sought through loans.
were accompanied by rites and dances that
were as important as the gifts themselves.
Sport formed part of this primitive, noncommercial economy, and has always been
surrounded by ceremonial. 'The potlatch, a
Sports institutions
pre-economic form of exchange, would appear
and the organization
to some extent to have been revived in the
modern sports competitions that constitute as
of sports activities
it were a para-economic form of exchange'. 13
T w o essential facts must be borne in mind Today w e still have a non-commercial econwhen considering sports institutions: first, o m y represented by the system of unpaid
sports clubs or associations rely essentially on volunteers, which is illustrated by the exunpaid volunteers, and secondly the bulk of change of'free', orunrecompensed, goods and
finance for sport does not go through these services in the sports institutions.
institutions.
In France, the voluntary system was inW h e n he defined the primitive custom of stitutionalized during the industrial revolution
the 'potlatch' as a 'system of lavish giving of of the nineteenth century and with the p r o m an agonistic nature' between groups of indi- ulgation of the L a w of Freedom of Association
viduals, Marcel Mauss 1 2 was describing far of 1 July 1901. Interestingly, it was that law
more than the exchange or barter that was a that extended the practice of sport beyond
feature of primitive societies. M o r e than prop- the school, thanks to the establishment of
erty was involved in the gifts exchanged; they sports associations. It is still in force, and its
242
underlying principle is voluntary work and
individual dedication.
That being so, French policy has understandably encouraged the state and local authorities to leave the organization of sporting
activities to the non-commercial private sector.
Equally understandably, this has placed the
government in a weak position as regards
sport, and has m a d e voluntary action an economic necessity. Sport in France survives only
by virtue of that action.
Over 120,000 sports clubs are run by
almost 600,000 volunteers, which means that
90 per cent of them rely on unpaid work. These
activities represent some 300 million working
hours every year. T h e figure is not easy to
calculate, since the time put in by each volunteer is different and irregularly spaced: it
varies from club to club, season to season and
sport to sport. T h e role voluntary workers
play in the staffing and administration of
sporting activities is the harder to ascertain in
that both functions are often assumed by the
same people.
This voluntary action amounts to a contribution from households in the form of
services which, in reality, makes their contribution to thefinancingof sport larger. Sports
institutions receive their income from households and subsidies from the local authorities
or the state, which enables them to pay their
taxes and, above all, the wages of those e m ployed in sports facilities.
T h e general structure of the various operations connected with sport m a y be s u m m a r ized as follows: (a) the state guarantees the
availability of staff by contributing to the
teaching of sport; (b) the local authorities
contribute most (75 per cent) to the construction of facilities; and (c) consumer spending on
sports goods and services isfinancedby families and individuals.
While the state weighs heavily on decisions concerning sport, itsfinancialrole is
smaller than might be thought.
Chantal Malenfant
The place of sport
in the national economy
The role of sport in national economic activities can be measured on the basis of a simplified
overall economic table which shows all data
on the economics of sport during a single
year. It presents a summary of the accounts of
all agents and all operations. This table must be
balanced. It contains the s u m of operations
involving goods and services (including gross
domestic output, consumer spending and investments in sporting facilities), the sum of the
(non-financial) distributive operations and. the
sum of financial operations.
T h e table shows a net transfer to the
sports sector that reflects its need for funds
from households and public authorities.14
A comparison of thefiguresin the national
overall economic table (for all the sectors of a
country's economy in one year) and those in
the overall economic table for sport can be
used to calculate significant ratios. The latter
show the quantitative importance of the sports
sector and its structure. In this way, consumer
spending on sport m a y be compared with the
principal items of household spending over
one year.
The sport sector cannot finance itself. Its
expenditure is greater than its income, the
balance being restored by direct funding by
households and public authorities.
Sport plays a not inconsiderable part in
the national economy, representing almost
1 per cent of national consumer spending,
0.5 per cent of the total gross domestic product, 0.9 per cent of the nation's gross fixed
capital formation and 0.8 per cent of wages
and social contributions.
However, comparison of household consumer spending on sport with their other items
of expenditure would define the sector's quantitative importance more accurately. While
they invest little (0.2 per cent of all gross fixed
capital formation) in large items such as
swimming-pools or tennis-courts, their sports
consumption is none the less very considerable
(see Table 2).
Almost 10 per cent of spending on culture
The economics of sport in France
'The economics of sports equipment': The Maracaná Football Stadium in Rio de Janeiro,
the world's largest (200,000 seats). Parimage.
243
Chantal Malenfant
244
T A B L E 2. The quantitative importance of the
sports sector
Ratios
%
Gross domestic output for sport
0.5
Gross domestic output: all sectors
Consumer spending on sport
0.8
Consumer spending: all sectors
Grossfixedcapital formation for sport
0.9
Grossfixedcapital formation: all sectors
Wages + social security contributions
for sport
0.8
Wages + social security contributions:
all sectors
Household grossfixedcapital formation
for sport
0.2
Household grossfixedcapital formation:
all sectors
Household consumer spending on sport
9.8
Household consumer spending on culture
and leisure
Household consumer spending on sports
entertainments
18.9
Household consumer spending on all
entertainments
Household consumer spending on
sportswear
5.0
Household consumer spending on all
clothing
Local-authority consumer spending on
sport
1.3
All local-authority consumer spending
Local-authority grossfixedcapital
formation for sport
7.6
All local authority grossfixedcapital
formation
Local authority grossfixedcapital
formation for sport
77.0
All grossfixedcapital formation for sport
Gross fixed capital formation for sport
48.8
Gross domestic product of sport
and leisure goes on sport. Events—that is
entertainments or events such as cup-finals,
tournaments, etc., to which the spectator must
travel—account for a considerable share of
household outlay on culture and leisure. It
represents almost 19 per cent of household
spending o n entertainment, including the cine m a , the theatre, concerts, and radio and
television licence fees.
Five per cent of all spending on clothing
goes on sportswear. This relatively high figure
is due to the fact that certain garments (tracksuits or tennis shoes) are bought for purposes
other than sport.
Taking the quantitative analysis of the
sports sector further, w e must compare the different ratios applicable to the local authorities.
Their spending on sport represents 1.3 per cent
of their total expenditure, while, conversely,
their investments in sporting facilities represent 7.6 per cent of their total gross fixed
capital formation. C o m m u n e s invest very
heavily in sport: grossfixedcapital formation
for sport by local authorities amounts to
77 per cent of all grossfixedcapital formation
for sport.
The c o m m u n e s ' high level of investment
in sport goes some w a y towards explaining
their financial difficulties. O n average, the
c o m m u n e s pay the state far m o r e than they
obtain from it in subsidies. In fact the valueadded tax ( V A T ) they pay amounts to m o r e
than the state subsidies they receive, which
illustrates the problems they have to face.
Those difficulties will not diminish unless the
state becomes aware of the problem. T h e
c o m m u n e s m a y well run heavily into debt.
Sport requires large-scale investment that
corresponds to almost 49 per cent of its gross
domestic output, but loans cover more than
half of its investments. Thus sport cannot of
itselffinanceits investments, which are funded
by transfers from households and public authorities.
Policy on sport
Sport is not only governed by laws and regulations which amount to a sports policy: the
The economics of sport in France
state must also decide which line of reasoning
is to guide its policy on sport.
There are m a n y reasons w h y the state
should promote sport. It m a y seek to encourage whatever improves public health, or to
develop physical resistance to everyday wear
and tear: in this sense, sport m a y be therapeutic. It m a y also seek to provide for various
leisure activities as part of a policy for the
quality of life, and so to develop sport as a
recreation. It is obliged to help improve the
organization of school sports and to promote
sport for all, but it m a y also seek to encourage
top-class competitive sports. Amateur sport
has itsfinancialproblems, for sport is inevitably bound u p with trade, and thus with
money. The state makes a major contribution
to amateur sport, practised at a high competitive level, which involves it in a political choice
based on prestige: to ensure that the nation
can boast of m a n y champions w h o will 'fly
its colours' at the biggest sporting events. T h e
élite and the heroes of the world of sport
satisfy both the individual sportsman's need
for an example and the collective need of the
spectators for idols. Top-class competitive
sport cannot avoid being the focus of tremendous publicity. A case in point is skiing, which
has m a d e it possible to open n e w winter-sports
centres drawing visitors from France and
abroad, and enabled French manufacturers to
compete on the international market.
Until n o w , competitive sport has been
exceptionally well supported by the state. This
is particularly true of the Olympic Federations
which train the sporting élite. While the bulk
of sport for all is financed mainly by individual sportsmen, publicfinancegoes to competitive sport.
245
T h e growth of elitism is conducive to
spectator sports in so far as an élite is always
a centre of attention and admiration, especially
if it is limited in size.
Amateur sport has until recently been
restricted by the availability of free time outside the amateur's professional activities: h e
has received no recompense for practising his
sport. But n o w this approach conflicts with the
rising standard of competitions: at competitive
level, amateur sport calls for greater efforts a n d
more training. Thus the growth of spectator
sport has produced professional and semiprofessional athletes and sham amateurs. T h e
relationship between sport and work is thus
in need of review. Sport is increasingly subject
to the laws of the market, the m o r e so in that
it requires great technical skill and depends
on more and more sophisticated equipment.
Although sport plays a far from minor role in
the national economy, representing almost
1 per cent of national consumer spending, it
is essentially bound u p with the individual's
role in society. Technical, economic, political,
psychological, cultural and other factors c o m bine in a separate mix for each sport. While
economic influences m a k e their presence felt
across the board, they are not predominant.
For the decision to practise a sport is intimately bound up with the individual, his w o r k
and his entire environment. Society obliges the
individual to m a k e restricted use of his body.
The physical activity that m a n performs depends above all on the ideology of the society
in which he lives. T h e choice of sport practised,
or the decision to practise none, thus reflects
the individual's social circumstances.
{Translated from French]
Chantal Malenfant
246
Notes
6. C . Malenfant-Dauriac,
'Les budgets des clubs
omnisports', op. cit.
1. C . Malenfant-Dauriac,
L'économie du sport en France,
un compte satellite du sport,
Paris, Cujas, 1977, 326 pp.
7. J. Dumazedier, Vers une
civilisation du loisir?, Paris,
Seuil, 1962, 320 pp.
2. C . Malenfant-Dauriac, ' L a
place d u sport dans l'économie
française', Problèmes politiques et
sociaux, dossiers d'actualité
mondiale, p. 20, Paris, L a
Documentation Française, 1981.
8. C . Malenfant-Dauriac, 'Social
Hierarchies Regarding Sport
Expenditures and Practices',
International Review of Sport
Sociology (Polish Scientific
Publishers, W a r s a w ) , Vol. I,
N o . 10, 1975, p. 73.
3. G . M a g n a n e , Sociologie du
sport, Paris, Gallimard, 1964,
190 p p .
4. A . Vanoli, 'L'adaptation de
la comptabilité nationale'.
Revue d'Économie politique
(Paris), Sept.-Oct. 1971, p. 35.
5. C . Malenfant-Dauriac, 'Les
motivations des Français pour
le sport et leurs dépenses
sportives', Enquête C E T E M ,
Paris, 1974, 155 p p .
1
9. T h e purchase of a federation
or club 'permit' entitles
members to enter competitions
and confers certain other
benefits.
10. A n agent's grossfixedcapital
formation denotes the yearly
increment (prior to allowance
for amortization) to his total
holdings of capital goods
within metropolitan France. It
includes both n e w goods
(buildings and equipment) and
large-scale repairs or maintenance
work that extends the service
life of those goods and increases
their value.
11. P . Guerrier and
D . Bauchard, Économie
financière des collectivités locales,
Paris, A r m a n d Colin,
1972, 352 pp.
12. M . Mauss, Sociologie et
anthropologie, Paris, Presses
Universitaires de France, 1960,
475 pp.
13. M . Bouet, Signification du
sport, Paris, Éditions
Universitaires, 1968, 671 pp.
14. C . Malenfant-Dauriac,
L'économie du sport en France...,
op. cit., p. 130.
SPORT IN SOCIETY
Social order
on the British soccer terraces
Peter Marsh
Since the mid-1960s the phenomenon of 'foot- ation of public outrage behind a banner of
ball hooliganism' has become one of British swift law-and-order control in order to presociety's causes for concern. The behaviour of sent a sense of righteous, simple satisfaction.
young soccer supporters, both at h o m e and Football fans, like their youth-cultural preabroad, has been described in the popular decessors, became a convenient bête noire on to
media in terms that would lead one to believe w h o m frustrations and anxieties could be
that soccer grounds are extremely unsafe places projected and blame for a variety of ills attributed.
inhabited by barbaric and violent savages.
This is not to suggest that there has
Whilst football club officials and representatives of police authorities are n o w con- never been serious violence at football
matches, or any problem
ceding that the problem
to face. Rather, it is a
is 'diminishing' as a rePeter Marsh is a sociologist, teaching
reminder that a social
sult of the harsh penalties
at the Department of Social Studies,
science explanation of
meted out to offenders at
Oxford Polytechnic, Headington, O x this topical theme refootball matches, the imford, O X 3 O B P , United Kingdom. H e
has done research and written on sport,
quires rather more than
age of the football fan as
violence and social disorder: His latest
the second-hand and disa perpetrator of senseless
book (together with A . Campbell) is
torted opinions that have
destruction still remains.
Aggression and Violence (1982).
often
been substituted for
This portrayal of
fact in the still-heated demembers of identifiable
bate over football hooliyouth culture as 'demons'
gans. A serious inquiry
is not a new phenomenon.
must be concerned not
Cohen (1972) has written
solely with the people's
lucidly of h o w the M o d s
reactions to fans but also
and Rockers, the rival
with what fans are, in
groups on Lambrettas
fact,
doing.
O
n
c
e
this
is established w e m a y
and motorbikes, were cast in this role in the
proceed
to
develop
theories
and explanations
early 1960s and of h o w 'moral panics' sweep
the country from time to time. M o r e recently, of the phenomenon, but not before.
Punks and Skinheads have provided n e w
W h e n I and m y colleagues began research
targets for alarm and moral indignation.
in this area there was surprisingly little preThe national news media, however, are vious work on which to rely. Despite the
rarely good guides to reality. Hall (1978) has topicality of the subject, few academics had
documented not only the distortions present concerned themselves with the issue. The work
in the reporting of youth cultural activity but of Taylor (1971) stood out as a rather lonely
also the motivations for them: the mobiliz- example. His work, however, w a s couched
248
Peter Marsh
within a wide sociological framework and saw
events at soccer games as being a manifestation
of working-class alienation—a reaction against
what he called the 'spectacularization' of the
sport. Football had been plucked from its
working-class heritage and turned in o a detached, glamorous leisure industry. Football
players themselves were no longer members of
the local community. So the fans fought back
in order to rescue what they felt was rightly
theirs.
Such an approach, refined and developed
by writers such as Clarke (1978), provided a
valid explanation in macrosocial terms. Lacking, however, was a coherent account of the
social dynamics of the groups on the terraces
and a clear description of the typical, recurring patterns of social action in which such
groups were engaged. T h e only truly psychological work, conducted by researchers such as
Harrington (1968), assumed that the behaviour
of football fans was indicative of abnormal
personality characteristics, immaturity and
instability. Taylor v. 1971) commented on H a r rington's approach.
This is not an appropriate context in which to
explore the ethogenic approach in depth. But
some reference to the main tenets is required.
In essence, the theoretical model assumes, a
priori, that persons qua persons are capable of
rendering actions and events intelligible, in
their o w n terms, through the offering of descriptive, explanatory and justificatory accounts. These accounts form the basic data
and through them a meaningful perspective
m a y be isolated. In the juxtaposition of available perspectives, and given that attention is
paid to the motives for offering certain accounts, apparently enigmatic or irrational
behaviours m a y be understood.
The approach is phenomenological in its
orientation, the idea of 'objective' reality is
discounted, and a more social, interactive style
of research is advocated in which 'informants'
play a far m o r e intelligent role than is usually
required of experimental 'subjects'. A more
recent discussion of ethogenic social psychology and some of its limitations is to be
found in M a r s h et al. (1978) and Marsh and
Campbell (1982).
While the accounts offered by football
But the content of the report, while interesting,
fans formed the primary source of data, other
is not as important as the social function it
performed. Simply to employ a psychiatrist for a methods were employed to enable a degree of
national government report is to legitimate the triangulation. Systematic observations of patidea in the popular mind that 'hooliganism' is terns of crowd behaviour were made, using
explicable in terms of the existence of'individuals' video recording apparatus, while more detailed
of essentially unstable and abnormal tempera- contextual material was obtained through soment, individuals w h o happen, for some inex- called 'participant' observation or 'immerplicable reason, to have taken soccer as the arena sion' research. F r o m the combined application
in which to act out their instabilities. The of these techniques a very detailed picture was
psychological label adds credibility and strength built up of one particular football club,
to the idea that the hooligans are not really true Oxford United. Subsequent research was then
supporters, that they m a y legitimately be segreconducted to examine the generality of the
gated from the true supporter (who does not
intervene), and that they can be dealt with by findings. T h e following discussion, then, rethe full force of the law and (on occasion) by lates particularly to the local club but is applicable to most football grounds throughout
professional psychiatrists.
the United K i n g d o m .
Within the wider conceptual framework provided by sociological theory, m y o w n work has
concentrated on the social dynamics of groups
of soccer fans and recurring patterns of collective action. A methodological base for this
research was derived from the ethogenic approach developed by Harre and Secord (1972).
The most important point to emerge from
the research is that, contrary to popular stereotypes of chaotic and gratuitously violent behaviour, social action at soccer grounds is
extremely orderly and constrained within a
framework of social rules, conventions and
rituals. T o highlight the main features of this
249
Social order on the British soccer terraces
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250
Peter Marsh
social order I will draw upon examples derived
from the accounts offered by fans and from
observation material.
A m o n g any group of fans that inhabit the
'end' at a particular soccer ground, one can
usually isolate three distinct sub-groups. In
order of age onefindsfirstof all small boys
from 9 to 13 years old w h o might be labelled
as the 'novices'. Their behaviour and style of
dress is fairly unremarkable, but they are
engaged in a social learning process. It is at
this stage that they learn the essential skills
required by a successful football fan. Their
models in this learning process are a second
group of fans w h o usually stand behind them
o n the terraces. These fans, dressed more
outlandishly in whatever is the contemporary
style, have a m u c h higher activity rate and are
responsible for the instigation of chants, songs
and other symbolic demonstrations of allegiance to their team and hostility toward
rival fans of the opposing team. It is this group,
in particular, which is the target of press
censure and labels such as 'hooligans'. In
keeping with a less emotive social science I
prefer to call them 'rowdies'.
T h e rowdies group marks the major step,
open to all aspiring soccer fans, in the develo p m e n t of a terrace 'career'. Having gained a
rudimentary knowledge in the novices, or
having been introduced into the soccer microculture by an established rowdy, an individual
fan is able to develop a particular role for
himself and to engage in prescribed d e m o n strations of personal worth. This career process exists as an alternative to that provided by
the weekday world of school, low-status work
or unemployment. T h e individual w h o has
failed to achieve status and identity within the
weekday world m a y turn to the soccer microculture for the opportunity to establish a sense
of personal worth, prestige and status. Within
the rowdies group a number of distinct role
positions can be identified, each providing a
degree of informal status to those w h o are
able to conform to the prescribed behaviours.
O n e of the most significant of these is the
'aggro leader'.
T h e term 'aggro' is a peculiarly British
one and refers both to aggravation and aggressive behaviour in response to aggravation
(Marsh, 1978a). The particular feature of aggro
is its symbolic, rather than seriously injurious,
nature. Aggression is contained within a
framework of social ritual predicated upon
tacit rules governing conduct in conflict situations. I will return to this phenomenon
shortly. A t this point, however, one must note
that the task of the aggro leader is not to
instigate violence of a serious kind but to
orchestrate an illusion of violence. This is not
to say that injuries are never sustained at
soccer games, or that one should be unconcerned about the behaviour of fans. Rather it
is to assert at an early stage that, despite the
created illusion of m a y h e m and destruction,
the number of violent (as opposed to symbolically aggressive) acts is m u c h smaller than is
routinely assumed in our society and I will
present some empirical data to support this
argument.
S o m e of the 'flavour' of the aggro leader's
role is captured in these accounts from fans:
and it's a bit like military—the army and battlefields and things like that. . . . Even there's
uniforms. Y o u know what's going to happen.
You know w h o are the sort of leaders. And the
fans, the rest of the fans, will follow them—they'll
charge . . . even though there may be hundreds
of the other fans.
I mean, if afightstarts then, well like Saturday,
I mean, well then I don't get out of the way of it.
I used to go looking for trouble but I come to
realize that was a bit senseless, so now if trouble
comes looking for m e , then I don't step out of
the way.
Other roles within the rowdies group include
that of the 'chant leader'. Individuals holding
such a position within the group are responsible for the instigation and maintenance of
chanting, singing and hand-clapping routines
drawn from an extensive repertoire. The task
is an important one, for this pattern of collective activity is the major feature of life on
the terraces and, for most fans, is the primary
rewarding experience.
'Organizers' are also to be found within
Social order on the British soccer terraces
25Í
Fans behind bars: youngsters at the Manchester United ground. Parimage.
this section of the fan population. These are
the entrepreneurial individuals w h o take o n
the responsibility for arranging travel to a w a y
matches. In the United K i n g d o m , travelling
to a w a y g a m e s is a m u c h m o r e frequent a n d
significant activity than in other European
countries. It contributes greatly to the 'atmosphere' which fans constantly refer to:
It's like an outing, the feeling of actually being
on the terraces with a lot of people with a
c o m m o n aim in their minds, apart from violence,
to help the team to win, to see the goals go in
and to see a good game. At away games then it's
a feeling of actually being somewhere new, of
sharing and looking at the other team's ground.
I don't think in m y experience there's m u c h to
compare with the atmosphere of being in a large
group, all singing and chanting to support your
team.
O n e other role of s o m e significance is that of
the 'nutter'. T h e nutter is the deviant within his
o w n group, the perpetrator of gratuitously
outrageous acts. In a sense, he poses a threat
to the stability of his group, but usually h e is
constrained by the actions a n d sanctions o f
his peers. His social value lies in the fact that
he is a visible reminder, to the g r o u p as a
whole, of the boundaries of acceptable a n d
socially permitted behaviour. His acts are
'crazy' or ' m a d ' a n d the essential quality o f
the nutter's behaviour is its futility. F o r
example:
T h e people that are described as 'nutters' or
'headbangers' m a y not necessarily be physically
hard, it's just that they've got the nerve, m o r e
than anything else, to d o something that is
considered out of the ordinary, and that's
what they get their reputation for—not so
m u c h being hard in a one-to-one confrontation,
but actually having the nerve to charge into a
situation that they k n o w they're gonna c o m e out
the losers.
252
T h e nutter himself, however, often derives a
perverse satisfaction from the extreme nature
of his o w n behaviour. According to one:
' Y e a h — I ' m a bit of a nutter. I go m a d sometimes—I really get stuck in.'
Predictably, the nutter often has a rather
short career on the terraces. Being a highly
visible offender he is a frequent target for
action by the police, and subsequently the
courts.
A number of other roles can be identified
within the rowdies group and are discussed in
M a r s h (19786) and M a r s h et al. (1978). T h e
four mentioned here, however, should give
s o m e indication of the social dynamics of this
section of the fan population. Whatever roles
individuals m a y seek to attain, however, informal membership of the rowdies opens up
n e w possibilities not only for the expression of
frustration and aggression but also for carving
out a reputation within the career structure
provided by the soccer-terrace world.
A third sub-group on the terraces provides for thefinalphase of the career structure.
This group might be seen as comprising the
'graduates'. Having succeeded in establishing
a significant role within the rowdies group,
individuals have the opportunity, at the age
of around twenty, of joining an élite group.
Here their reputations will remain secure without the need, constantly, to engage in overt
demonstrations of courage and manliness. N o r
will they be required to wear the symbolic
tokens of loyalty and toughness, the scarves,
denim jackets, heavy boots, etc.
The graduates, to the outsider, are indistinguishable from other young m e n of their
age. They are k n o w n , however, to all regular
occupants of the terraces and c o m m a n d a
great deal of respect. Their role is similar to
that of tribal elders whose experience and
personal qualities serve as models for those
lower d o w n in the social hierarchy.
The sense of social order, which is apparent even on casual inspection, is frequently
stressed by experienced fans. For example:
There's an organized pattern of events, I mean
you know what's going to happen. Bringing a
knife, I mean, probably by your own supporters
Peter Marsh
sometimes it's looked down on as being a form
of, you know, cowardice. There's not many
people will carry knives about, there's not many
who set out to harm someone. Not many people
have got that killer instinct, I mean once you've
sort of kicked them to thefloorand made them
bleed, I mean that's it. It's left at that and
they'll just say 'leave him he's had enough'. It's
not very often it goes on to a point where he's
kicked senseless. O n an average it tends to be
more like losing a couple of teeth or going home
with a black eye or maybe a cut. I think people do
after a time recognize the games that are going
to cause trouble, they actually stand in the
position within the ground where they know that
there's not going to be much confrontation.
Such sentiments contrast markedly with the
more usual 'outsider's' perspective. But not
only is a pattern of constrained or ritualized
aggression apparent from careful analysis of
video-recordings of events on the terraces,
it is clearly evident from accounts that the fans
themselves are conscious of the symbolic
nature of their o w n routine patterns of aggressive conduct.
Underlying this pattern of rule-governed
action are very traditional values and concepts
of masculinity, courage and fair play: ones that
have been intrinsic to European male cultures
throughout history. For example:
I mean it don't matter really if you lose a fight,
so long as you don't back down. I mean you
could end up in hospital but so long as you
didn't back down you'd prove your case. I mean
there's a lot of this not wanting to be called a
coward in it.
At times, descriptions of fights at football
matches become rather jingoistic and are
reminiscent of the idealized reports of the
trenches in the First World W a r :
I think w e were at Bradford City and w e knew
that right at the end of the match they were all
going to come over the fences and over walls and
everything and it were going to be one helluva
Custer's last stand. And there were about fifty
or sixty w h o fought against something like three
hundred. W e never stood a chance but we knew
that we couldn't really back down against them,
and after we'd stood there on the hill and we'd
Social order on the British soccer terraces
been beaten. I mean, you could see youths,
Bradford supporters, carrying Chesterfield supporters out of the ground back to the buses. A n d
you could see Chesterfield supporters carrying
Bradford City supporters back to the buses, I
mean after thefight,I mean, you know, that
were it.
253
T h e categories of action to which social
rules on the terraces apply, and the elementary
prescriptions contained within the rule framework m a y be summarized as follows:
Recognition and issue of challenge
Verbal threats
Territorial violation
Hostile gestures
Hostile postures
Direct eye gaze (staring)
Recognition and issue of submission
Verbal appeals
'Shut off' of hostile signals
Submissive posture
Refusal to get u p
Prescribed combat
Push and prod in chest
Punch on arms, shoulders and back of head
Kick in legs and buttocks
Slap
Proscribed combat
Scratching or pulling hair
Use of weapon
Kicking or punching in 'sensitive areas'
Inflicting any injury more serious than
that normally sustained using prescribed
methods other than for purposes of selfdefence.
T h e above, of course, is a gross simplification
of the rule framework, but it serves to reinforce
the point that the main product of the terrace
social order is a remarkably constrained
pattern of aggressive display relying on a
repertoire of symbolic substitutes for violence.
I have emphasized the utility of fans'
accounts in the kind of research being considered here. I have also suggested that other
methods need to be employed in order to
establish a realistic picture. This need for
triangulation of methods becomes most apparent when one receives accounts such as:
T w o kinds of social rule can be said to be
present within the terrace culture. First, interpretative rules. These serve in the collective
definition of events and actions and without
knowledge of such rules routine situations are
opaque to the observer and everyday language
is not fully comprehensible. T h e manner in
which meanings such as 'provocation', 'threat',
'fight', etc., are applied is systematic, but only
when seen from the insider's perspective and
within his conceptual framework. W e might
for example assume, even as outsiders, that
w e k n o w what constitutes a 'fight'. W e would
probably assert that some exchange of blows
or other physical contact is required in order
to distinguish such an event from, say, a
quarrel. A n d yet, m a n y fans refer to events as
'fights' when it is clear that no physical contact
at all has occurred between the protagonists.
Isolation of such interpretations is, therefore,
an essential step in research.
T h e second type of rules are those that
prescribe action. Given that the context has
been rendered meaningful, certain actions will
be prescribed, others proscribed. Breaches of
these tacit rules m a y result in sanction of the
offender. T h e main effect of these rules is to
increase symbolic aggressive displays and to
reduce those behaviours likely to result in
injury and bloodshed.
Evidence for the existence of these rules
comes not only from accounts, since tacit social
rules are not always consciously articulated
within the fan groups, but also from observation and reactions m a d e by fans w h e n
presented, in written or cartoon form, with
familiar situations in which certain changes Questioner: What do you do when you 'put the
boot in'?
have been introduced. In other words, by
Fan A:
Well, you kicks ' e m in the 'ead
rendering everyday life problematic to fans,
don't you—heavy boots with metal
one can identify social rules through fans'
toe-caps an' that.
ability to detect instances in which they are Questioner: W h a t happens then? [Puzzled look
breached (Collett, 1977).
from fans]
254
Questioner: Well, what happens to the guy
you've kicked?
Fan A :
He's dead.
Fan B:
Nah! He's all right—usually anyway.
Peter Marsh
and for the establishment of social identity and
personal value. While violence does occur
from time to time, the typical pattern is one of
symbolic substitutes for injurious action which
Luckily not all accounts are quite so enigmatic. lead to an illusion of violence.
M a n y , however, do contain very interesting
If such a thesis is to have credence, then
patterns of distortion and exaggeration. T h e empirical support should be found a m o n g the
reasons for such distortion are quite clear. statistics compiled by police forces, concernFootball-terrace culture exists, in large part, ing criminal acts, and those supplied by the
as an alternative to the uneventful, safe, and St John Ambulance Brigade w h o are responoften alienated lives that working-class youths sible for treating injuries sustained by speclead. A t the heart of the accounts offered by tators at football games. Whilst such data are
fans there is the realization of constraint, not always easy to obtain, the following refer
regularity and order in their alternative world. to the period 1974-76 when the phenomenon
This, however, has the effect of making terrace of football hooliganism was alleged to be at
life less distinguishable from the weekday its peak.
world. Fights m a y be 'safe', but safe fights
A survey conducted by the Strathclyde
never win anyone any glory. S o m e h o w , ex- Police (for the whole of Scotland) indicated
citement, danger and unpredictability must an average level of 0.28 arrests per 1,000 specbe reintroduced into the socially constructed tators at all league games in 1976. In the same
internal order. This is done by what I choose year the senior police officer in charge of
to see as a 'conspiracy' to deny the order that crowd control at Manchester United's ground,
the rowdies k n o w to exist. Events must be a team whose supporters had a very bad repuexaggerated; they must become larger than life. tation at that time, reported only 0.061 arBloody murder m a y never happen, but there rests per 1,000 spectators, afigurewhich he
must be at least some foundation for its antici- felt was 'remarkably low'. Data relating to
pation. T h e pattern of exaggeration in social Leeds United in 1974-76.suggested an artalk a m o n g fans is, itself, rule-governed. Fans rest rate comparable with that of Scotland
will accept stories which contain a certain level (0.26 per 1,000), whilst at Oxford United the
of 'enhancement' by the speaker. A fan w h o figure was slightly higher at 0.48 per 1,000.
goes too far in this sense, however, will usually A breakdown of offences at Oxford, however,
be exposed as a 'bullshitter', that is, his rhet- shows that only a small proportion of these
oric will be classed as 'out of order'. T h e term arrests (12 per cent) were for acts of violence,
'out of order' is indeed a clear indication that the majority relating to unspecified breaches
fans are aware of the existence of order, out of the peace.
of which it is possible to be when violent acts
Concerning the Scottish evidence, the
are committed or w h e n one presents distorStrathclyde Police commented (McElhone
tions which are beyond acceptable limits. FailReport, 1977):
ure to recognize self-enhancing distortions in
the accounts offered by informants frequently
leads to faulty conclusions in self-report work One must make a subjective judgement but
it seems probable that this figure compares
on deviance. Research conducted by Belson favourably with the number of arrests made for
(1978), despite the sophistication of statistical Breaches of the Peace and Assault each hour
methods, is seriously flawed in this way.
per 100,000 persons engaged in their various
forms of leisure activity on a Saturday night. . . .
T h u s far I have argued that the behaviour The conclusion to be drawn from this report is
of football fans has been seriously miscon- that concern expressed by the media about
strued and that the British soccer terraces, in hooliganism at football matches is out of profact, serve as a convenient arena for the ritual- portion to the level of hooliganism which actually
ized expression of aggression and frustration occurs at these matches.
255
Social order on the British soccer terraces
T h e law keeps an eye on soccer fans at London's Shepherd's Bush ground. Parimage.
The evidence seems quite clear. T h e United
Kingdom, like all other societies, has a problem of violence with which it must deal. Football fans, however,, contribute no more and
no less than any other comparable section of
the population to this problem. The fact that
they are easily identifiable and that their
conduct is highly visible is the reason for their
worldwide reputation and for their being cast
as contemporary demons. Whilst not suggesting that the behaviour of football fans
should be excused or should escape sanction,
a more rational approach to the p h e n o m e n o n
of hooliganism is required, based not on
myths but on a fuller appreciation of the
reality of terrace culture.
Peter Marsh
256
References
B E L S O N , W . 1978. Television
Violence and the Adolescent Boy.
London, Saxon House.
Wider Context. Interaction
Imprint.
H A R R É , R . ; S E C O R D , P . 1972.
C L A R K E , J. 1978. Football and
Working Class Fans: Tradition
and Change. In: R . Ingham
(ed.), Football Hooliganism: The
Wider Context. Interaction
Imprint.
C O H E N , S . 1972. Folk Devils
and Moral Panics. London,
MacGibbon & K e e .
C O L L E T T , P . (ed.). 1977. Social
Rules and Social Behaviour.
Oxford, Basil Blackwell.
H A L L , S. 1978. T h e Treatment
of'Football Hooliganism'
in the Press. In: R . Ingham
(ed.), Football Hooliganism: The
The Explanation of Social
Behaviour. Oxford, Basil
Blackwell.
H A R R I N G T O N , J. 1968. Soccer
Hooliganism: A Preliminary
Report to Mr Dennis Howell,
Minister of Sport. Birmingham
Research Group, Bristol,
John Wright & Sons.
M A R S H , P . 1978a. Aggro: The
Illusion of Violence. London,
Dent & Sons.
. 19786. Life and Careers
on the Soccer Terraces. In
R . Ingham (ed.), Football
Hooliganism: The Wider Context.
Interaction Imprint.
M A R S H , P.; ROSSER, E . ;
H A R R É , R . 1978. The Rules of
Disorder. London, Routledge
& Kegan Paul.
M A R S H , P.; C A M P B E L L , A . 1982.
Aggression and Violence.
Oxford, Basil Blackwell.
M C E L H O N E REPORT. 1977.
Football Crowd Behaviour:
Report by a Working Group
Appointed by the Secretary of
State for Scotland. London, Her
Majesty's Stationery Office.
T A Y L O R , I. 1971. Soccer
Consciousness and Soccer
Hooliganism. In: S. Cohen (ed.),
Images of Deviance.
Harmondsworth, Penguin.
PHYSICAL CULTURE AND EDUCATION
On education through movement
José Maria Cagigal
In the midst of these complex issues there
has even been some self-critical conjecture as
to the raison d'être of physical education as
The terms 'sport' and 'physical education' are such, and some doubt as to the conceptual
not synonymous, but alike in that both refer adequacy of the terms used to designate it.
originally to behaviour involving bodily m o v e - It has been suggested that the expression
ment. For that reason any matter pertaining 'physical education' might be replaced by
1
to physical education directly concerns sport, other more or less equivalent terms. All these
at least in thefirstacceptation of that term. experiments spring from concern to identify
F r o m conventional physical training, the specific object of physical education and
consequently to establish
which used to be the main
an appropriate methodbusiness of physical eduJosé Maria Cagigal is professor of
ology for it. It needs to
cation, w e have prophysical education and a member of
be identified as an edugressed, with the conthe Spanish Olympics Committee and
cational task and to be
tributions of other h u m a n
of the Steering Committee of the Interstructured as a science; its
sciences, to multidiscinational Federation of Physical Edusocial role and, hence, its
cation.
H
e
has
published
several
books
plinary thinking about
including
Cultura
intelectual
y
cultura
professional
status need
movement.
Movement
fisica (1981). His address is: La M a s ó ,
to be determined.
has c o m e to be the central
20-4°, Madrid 34, Spain.
The
various exobject of physical edupressions that have been
cation and is bound to
and continue to be coined
become increasingly imhave one main point on
portant as the original
c o m m o n : the designation
reality of h u m a n sporting
of movement as the disbehaviour.
tinguishing task of physiIt is becoming clear
that in recent years physical education has in a cal education (science oí motor activity, science
sense been in search of its o w n identity. A t of h u m a n movement, psychomotricity, motor
homokinetics,
various levels of awareness of the problem education, anthropofcm<?//cs,
2
fcmanthropology.
there is sufficient evidence of widespread
In a recent study, Claude Bouchard 3 tries
interest in the specific task of physical education, in the role it must play in the general to identify the specific object, and works out
education system, including the options of- a definition (which is more in the nature of a
fered by physical education as one of the description of the basic tasks of physical edufundamental factors in a profound educational cation): the object of the sciences of physical
activity, he says, is the sector of h u m a n
renewal.
Some thoughts
on movements
258
José Maria Cagigal
'The study of human movement': Pioneering photographs of moving h u m a n subjects taken by the British
photographer, Eadweard Muybridge (1830-1904), at the University of Pennysylvania, circa 1885. E . Muybridge.
activity that consists of bodily movements, of
the voluntary and perceptible motions exemplified in sport, games, dancing, graded bodybuilding exercises, training, education, certain
forms of private work, locomotion, physical
recreation, performance and preparation for
performance, physical conditioning, physical
rehabilitation and physical and motor reeducation. Therefore, he adds, the scope of
the sciences of physical activity is that part
of h u m a n reality that is in motion.
According to this definition, the distinctive feature of physical education as part of
education in general is movement; to put it
another way, physical education, as compared
with other educational tasks, is educational
action by movement (or through movement,
or centred on movement). A s an educational
science—specified by its object of study—it is
m a n in movement, or capable of moving, or
inasmuch as he moves.
It is not mere chance but a result
of the profound anthropological connections which largely characterize them that
sport—resembling physical education in this
respect—should be discovering its primary
h u m a n and philosophical meaning, the basis
of its whole development and social pros-
perity, in physical exercise, that is to say in
the use and practice of the h u m a n being's
capacities for bodily movement.
M a n is a mobile being, given to moving
(designed to m o v e , self-moving (not to say
auto-mobile), destined to m o v e and hence in
need of movement. O n e of the taxonomic
principles of man—as of most animals, especially the higher species—is that he is selfmoving; this is an essential constituent element of life. If, following a widely esteemed,
highly realistic classification, w e divide it into
activity that is necessary for survival (the
struggle for life, the search for food, defence
against attack, etc.) and activity that bursts
forth spontaneously like some biological torrent (through sheer expansion, vital exuberance, pleasure, etc.), w e c o m e upon a type
of physical exercise, of bodily movement,
which is not dictated by the imperatives of
survival but is of spontaneous biological or
psychobiological origin. This is the prime
motive act in sport. Thereafter, sport becomes established as a social custom and a
cultural rite; it is institutionalized, and even
•transformed into a social structure or social
system of greater or lesser importance according to the people concerned, some-
On education through movement
times—as in the twentieth century—developing on an impressive scale. It should
consequently be approached from several different scientific and cultural standpoints:
sociological, legal, psychological, political,
economic, and so on. Sport is becoming a
virtually universal h u m a n activity, organized
on a massive scale and a focus of study for
all the social sciences. But it is always that
all-important h u m a n activity, the basis of the
whole edifice of large-scale sport: m a n W h o
exercises by moving, without strict necessity
for purposes of immediate survival. It is a
matter of spontaneous, natural, original m o v e ment (whatever its ultimate explanation m a y
be: biological, adaptive, in preparation for
life, etc.).
Physical education and sport c o m e
together in movement, or better, they stem
from that root. Traced back to that original
source, the two activities—physical education
and sport—merge, although they subsequently
become two distinct forms of h u m a n behaviour by reason of their different objectives:
physical education serves in personal development, while sport is simply a form of individual or group expression. Once established,
organized and developed, they are no longer
259
the same thing. Physical education is not sport.
Both structures, however, spring from the
same anthropological reality—man in motion.
Only in the light of these considerations
can w e account for certain developments in
professional physical education circles, such
as the decision taken a decade ago by the
Academic Association of Physical Education
Teachers in universities in the Federal Republic of G e r m a n y to change the n a m e of all
their university institutions from physicaleducation institutes to institutes of sports
science. T h e core of that science, whose
subject-matter and aims are fundamentally the
same as those of conventional 'physical education', is the set of educational subjects and
practices which are termed Sportpedagogik in
the Federal Republic of G e r m a n y today.
Instead of physical education being converted
into the practice of sports techniques, sport
has recovered all its original h u m a n richness
as bodily activity.
It is not without reason that, at the
beginning of a discussion on m o v e m e n t , I have
m a d e this reference to sport. Later o n w e shall
see what the reason was.
260
Different kinds
of movement
A discovery that certain educational minorities m a d e long ago is n o w beginning to
compel widespread recognition. It is that educational activity centres on corporality: to put
it m o r e prosaically, the body. A n example is
the prestige enjoyed in m a n y professional
fields by 'psychomotricity'. Psychologists, psychiatrists, social workers, child-care specialists, paediatricians, teachers and above all
physical education instructors snap up—often
out of sheer gullibility—any invitation to a
seminar on psychomotricity. The trend is to
be welcomed, though there have been cases of
brazen commercial exploitation. W h a t matters
is that it is n o w accepted that knowledge of
bodily movement, as ability and as an act, and
the study and practical treatment of such
m o v e m e n t are at the very root of what the
h u m a n race can do for those of its members
w h o need it, namely children. The original task
of education, thefirstto be performed, outside
conscious methodologies, is bodily corporealized through sensor-perceptual stimulation accompanied by movement and rhythm. A m o n g
the most transcendental sensations for the
nursing infant, according to Harry Bakuin, 4
aré the cutaneous and kinaesthetic. A s Ashley
M o n t a g u 6 explains it, the child comes into the
world equipped with a clearly developed kinaesthetic sense, and all the evidence w e
have—experimental, personal and anecdotal—demonstrates that, just as w e learn to
speak by listening to those around us, so our
responses to stimulation of the cutaneous
exteroceptors and muscular proprioceptors
depend to a high degree on ourfirstexperiences
or o n the early conditioning to which these
sensorial systems have been subjected. It is
probable that a person's whole manner, his
w a y of raising his head and straightening his
shoulders and the habitual movements of his
body and limbs are related to his earliest
sensations. It is k n o w n , for instance, that an
anxious individual will display from infancy a
marked tendency to m o v e stiffly, tense his
muscles, hunch his shoulders and stare. Such
José Maria Cagigal
reactions are frequently associated with a pale,
dry skin and with cutaneous disorders. For
these reasons, h u m a n movement should be
studied from all angles, primarily for educational purposes.
All life is movement. W e read this in the
great philosophy of Heraclitus. All things
m o v e , all things are in flux, all things evolve,
advance, develop, progress. Life itself has been
identified with movement. Whereas cessation
of the heartbeat used to be the criterion of
death, nowadays definitive proof of death is
considered to be the cessation of cerebral
activity, i.e. of brain movement.
M o v e m e n t permeates the macrocosmos
and pervades the innermost reaches of the
microcosmos. W e are overwhelmed by each
new discovery concerning the great travels of
heavenly bodies. There is intracellular, intramolecular movement. But when we speak of
h u m a n movement as the object of a science
and as the focal point of an educational task,
we are referring to something very specific,
which might be described briefly as the total
or partial transference of the locomotor apparatus, without forgetting the immense variety of postures (including static postures), for
postures are derivatives of movement.
M a n moves, however, in a thousand ways.
There are m a n y different causes of movement.
T o j u m p for joy as a three-year-old child does
on being promised a treat is not the same thing
as to j u m p over a bar two metres from the
ground; nor is chasing after a ball at the age
of two the same thing as running after a football in a world cupfinal.H o w m u c h of the
ludic element of a child's running about subsists in the public performance of a sport? A
child offiveflinging his arms joyfully around
a playmate's neck is not performing the same
action as a classical dancer lifting up his
partner in a pas de deux. H o w m u c h of that
early experience persists in the latter gesture?
The h u m a n being not only has millions of
mechanical possibilities of moving all or part
of his body, but above all a thousand vital and
cultural reasons for doing so, a thousand
stimuli, some exogenous and others endogenous. S o m e movements are biological and
On education through movement
others socio-cultural. S o m e are necessary as an
expression of life, others by way of adaptation;
still others are mere whim. If a person has not
had some practice in walking along a straight
line without overbalancing, he will not be able
to cross a stream on a tree-trunk serving as a
makeshift bridge. If he has not assimilated a
thousand ways of moving, his capacity for
action in life will be very limited.
Consequently, before establishing m e thods of motor learning or psychomotor educational practices, it is clearly necessary to
consider the whys and wherefores of the various kinds of movement. It is necessary to
know the vast biomechanical variety of h u m a n
movement, bearing in mind that it is not a
machine w e are dealing with but a person,
whose movement is prompted by considerations of biology, spontaneity, adaptation, culture, sought-after artificiality, need in order to
survive, or vital exuberance. The range of
movements w e constantly perform is highly
complex, and a variety of causes combine to
determine virtually our every action.
The highly varied kinds of movement
performed by m a n can be classified into four
main patterns: spontaneous, natural, artificial
and technical.
There are m a n y other adjectives to describe different forms of movement: automatic, voluntary, acquired, released, induced,
free, forced, compulsory, synchronized,
cadenced, rhythmic, and so on. W e shall see
below h o w they can befittedinto the four
main patterns mentioned above.
The purpose of this study is educational,
in other words it is not merely a rational
analysis but an inquiry directed towards a
particular pedagogical end; therefore, instead
of having recourse to conceptual description
by analytical deduction, w e shall turn directly
to everyday reality.
There is very widespread confusion between the notions of spontaneous movement
and natural movement, and this gross confusion is apt to cause serious pedagogical
errors. T h e opposite of natural is artificial;
the opposite of spontaneous is reactive. W h a t
is technical is not spontaneous and can serve
261
both to generate an adaptive or capricious
artifice and to recover the natural state.
W h e n a lady runs along the street after a
bus which is moving off, she is running spontaneously, with no technical assimilations or
preoccupations (at least if she has never
trained as a runner). A n d yet she is not
running naturally. With the conditioning imposed by her clothes, her high-heeled shoes,
the tarred road and so on, she is far removed
from nature. B y and large, in our everyday
lives w e all perform movements of running
and walking—movements natural to our h u m a n state—in a far from natural m a n n e r .
Mechanized sedentary civilization has removed us from our natural state. Although w e
perform these gestures entirely spontaneously,
they do not usually bear the stamp of pure
natural movement.
N o r should spontaneous movement be
confused with automatic movement. A spontaneous movement m a y be automatic, but it
m a y also be voluntary.
Spontaneous movement can in fact b e
divided into automatic movement (a reflex
or mere tonic expansion) and voluntary m o v e ment. Spontaneous movement is based o n
biological rhythms: cerebral, cardiac, respiratory, etc., which are based in their turn o n
cellular, including molecular, rhythms. It appears that there is some sort of subcortical
c o m m a n d centre which is chiefly responsible
for these biorhythms, although the hypothesis
of a concomitant autorhythmicity in the actual
constituent elements of the nerve tissue has
lately been accorded respectful consideration.8
There are, however, a multitude of voluntary
movements that fall neatly within the concept
of spontaneous movement, when m o v e m e n t
follows on without interference from the cortical c o m m a n d . It is precisely such voluntary/
spontaneous movements that are used as a
basis for investigation of the so-called 'spontaneous rhythm' characteristic of each individual.7 For these tests, the choice always falls
on simple voluntary movements whose performance has not been, or has been very little,
influenced, by cultural adaptations to a w a y
of life remote from h u m a n nature. In other
262
words, the movement chosen is a spontaneous
movement which is still natural.
M a n performs a great m a n y movements
which m a y be considered purely natural. A s
an example, to leave no room for doubt, w e
m a y mention all movements akin to those
performed by anthropoid apes. However, it is
not as straightforward as that. S o m e arm,
trunk and head movements are still similar,
but there are also differences, for example in
walking. Apes necessarily have a more waddling gait than humans because the greater
relative weight of their upper extremities
makes their biomechanical capabilities different from those of humans. A n 'ape-like'
gait in a h u m a n being is not the most elegant
or the most natural way of walking. This is
where biomechanical science has a great contribution to m a k e ; truly natural movements
are those consistent with biomechanical requirements, subject always to neurophysiological capacity and co-ordination. Never,
however, does this mechanical function diverge from the substantive cause that determines it: instinctive impulses, emotivity, sentiment, intelligence or reason.
A problem arises here which must be
tackled: that of the borderline between nature
and culture. There are cultural evolutions,
cultural refinements and often cultural deformations which take m a n away from nature.
Not all cultural transformations, however,
denature m a n . The great development of the
cortex, with all its consequences for the intelligence, was and is h u m a n nature. M a n ' s
creations, inventions and organizations have
been the product of his natural intelligence.
W h e n is it possible to speak of true artifice
as opposed to nature? M a n y forms of behaviour derived from man's capacity for organization are still natural. There is no doubt,
however, that m a n y others forms of behaviour,
including m a n y that are concerned with bodily
comportment, are truly artificial: walking
along in four-inch heels and a tight skirt,
wearing a jacket and tie in the heat of summer,
not taking any physical exercise for months
on end and even using the lift to go up one
flight, keeping to a heavy diet of animal fats,
José Maria Cagigal
carbohydrates and starch in midsummer, and
so on. There are countless habits which quite
obviously have not a salutary but a detrimental
effect on bodily behaviour, which diminish and
impair h u m a n physical capacity.
There is a key event in the history of
culture: man's encounter with the machine.
In reality the machine was an invention; but
one with such vast repercussions as to set
mankind reeling.
O n e of the monumental demonstrations
of h u m a n intelligence was the use of instruments. The manifestation of reason, sharply
distinct from the behaviour of other animals,
far superior to the use of tools or the building
of shelters (many animal species build elaborate shelters and nests), was the use of instruments for cave-painting.8 It was the decisive
transition from the natural sign to the intelligent symbol; it was the use of instruments
to no immediate utilitarian end, out of no
pressing need for survival; it was precisely
man'sfirstartistic and sporting act (art and
true sport are m u c h more closely linked than
is generally thought). T h e instrument was
refined and converted into a machine, with
which m a n saved his energy. The machine
became complex and difficult, and m a n had
to adapt his intelligence to it. Out of it grew
the technological professions, bureaucracy,
specialists, ever more important and more
indispensable. H u m a n intelligence had to adjust itself to artifice. M a n , in his superior
intellectual sphere, grew away from his o w n
nature.9
It m a y be that man's subservience to the
m a n - m a d e machine marks the point of no
returnv of man's severance from his nature.
Mechanization (in so far as it means man's
servitude to the machine) is a sort of denaturation. Erich F r o m m begins his book The
Revolution of Hope10 with this solemn warning:
' A specter is stalking in our midst w h o m only
a few see with clarity. It is not the old ghost of
c o m m u n i s m or fascism. It is a new specter: a
completely mechanized society, devoted to
maximal material output and consumption,
directed by computers.' In another work, The
Causes of Human Destructiveness, F r o m m of-
On education through movement
263
'The study of human movement': Boy jumping: thirteen different images on the same plate, taken by the
painter, Thomas Eakins, in 1885. E . Muybridge.
fers the startling diagnosis that m a n y people's
elective affinity for machines, which have a
stronger appeal to them than living beings, is
a sign of self-destruction, useful at times in
detecting depressive syndromes.
Mechanized civilization is what has forced
m a n to break away from his natural habits.
Present-day ecological movements, above and
beyond their greater or lesser implications of
political opportunism, are basically a protest
born of the collective unconscious of a h u m a n
race that senses danger. The impoverishment
of the natural environment involves a suicidal
dismantling of man's o w n habitat. But what
is closer than this ecological denaturation, and
more alarming, is the denaturation of the individual's o w n organism. The break with man's
o w n natural behaviour is a form of selfmutilation which m a y be lethal.
M a n , with his professional specializations
and super-specializations, has got into the
habit of delegating m a n y faculties of his
o w n intelligence to the specialists concerned.
Thinking, reckoning, devising life-styles, adjusting to n e w situations, exploring, n a m e building, singing, painting, dancing; each of
these things is the concern of one or other
specialist. A n d in this impoverishing delegation of faculties there is also the abandonment of bodily activity, which entails not only
progressive physical incapacitation, the conversion of the body into a parasite and a
source of ailments that can only be cured by
drugs, but also intellectual mutilation. T h e
loss of manual dexterity, of nimbleness in the
natural movements of the body is a mutilation
of the intelligence too. M a n became intelligent not just by speaking but by acting,
exerting himself, moving and manipulating.
Cortical development of the intellect was not
an addition, a superstructure erected on preexisting sensor-perceptual, locomotor a n d
emotional realities, but signified a n e w product, a n e w reality. Sense perception, locomotion and emotivity themselves became
intelligent. H u m a n running is not animal
264
José Maria Cagigal
running with a h u m a n intelligence super- that—but above all because they act as a
added, but a n e w w a y of running, that of defence mechanism, a means of liberating
m a n , differentiated not only by his specific contemporary m a n , impoverished as he is in
build and particular w a y of moving, but in kinetic capacity and subnormal in movement.
that the runner is an intelligent being; his very In identifying himself with the strong, fastmoving, able and dextrous hero, our cityrunning is intelligence.
The h u m a n body, especially the hand, is dweller feels vindicated. T h e commercial
as intelligent as speech. M a n has delegated success of the manufactured champion is
that intelligent action to the appropriate guaranteed precisely by modern man's deepguilds and, worse still, to ad hoc apparatus, seated anthropological need.
and impoverished himself by ceasing his
The explosion of popular forms of natural
personal activity.
physical exercise—mainly jogging—in the last
O n e of the great losers in the alienation decade is evidence that the appeasement felt
from nature has been movement or, to be by sedentary m a n in identifying himself with
more precise, m a n as a creature capable of the champion is not enough. T h e imbalance
moving. Mainly during the great industri- brought about by generalized hypodynamia
alizing centuries, the nineteenth and twen- has wrought havoc with sedentary habits, and
tieth, w e have arrived at the castration of m a n dressed in his n e w ritual apparel, the
h u m a n movement. W e are witnessing great tracksuit, has set off running wherever he can,
advances in medicine, pharmacology and bio- in park, square, street or suburb. A n intelligenetics and at the same time an impoverish- gent physical education, less limited to organic
ment of the natural and intelligent condition topography and quantified motor analyses,
should pay close heed to such movements.
of being able to move.
In the midst of so m a n y conquests by
T h e city child of today grows and develops in cramped living quarters that inhibit m a n , a m o n g such dazzling scientific advances,
m o v e m e n t at every turn. There is scarcely we find this disastrous savaging by m a n of his
r o o m to j u m p , let alone run. H e begins to o w nflesh,epitomized, never more aptly, by a
c o m e up against restrictions, in particular, person w h o is subnormal in movement.
w h e n he starts to crawl. Very often a chilly
tiled or terrazzo floor provides the inhospitable setting for his motor development. H e Technical movement
watches a lot of television, and sometimes
sports contests. H e isfilledprematurely with O n e of the important tasks of physical eduvisual kinetic images, but not with kinetic cation is to restore motor resources. This gives
experiences. T h e imbalance between visual rise to the study of movement and its necessary
information and proprioceptive information corollary, the technicalization of movement.
grows worse.
Technical movement is merely a product
The b o o m in spectator sports, however of the science of movement. Initially through
tainted by commercialism, politicking and observation and experiment, and later through
cheating, will continue, because m a n , whose research, proven consequences have been esneed for movement is notfilled,is more than tablished in relation to kinetic methods and
ever athirst for kinetic stimulation, even in procedures. A wide range of studies has given
the ersatz form of mere visual information. rise to various systems and to a surprising
It does at least allow him a degree of identi- variety of schools of thought. It is not the
fication with the heroes of movement, the object of this study to analyse these methods
champions. These last are an inherent feature and theories. For our purposes it is enough
of contemporary society, not only as an to note that since the 1960s, chiefly on the
artificial consumer product manipulated by basis of psychokinetic and psychomotor
commercial interests—there is no doubt about methods—with Muccielli, Le Boulch, Vayer,
On education through movement
Picq and Legido in Europe, and with Cratty,
Moston, Singer and Oxendine in 'motor learning' circles in North America—it has become
clear that, in contrast to the stereotyped, repetitive motor gesture, usually induced from
outside, what matters is original, personal,
creative movement, more fully experienced
than that conventionally learnt after receiving
informative-analytical instruction or by imitating a working model. These specialists did
for physical education something similar to
what Isadora Duncan and Rudolf Laban had
donefiftyyears before in breaking away from
classical dance (chiefly ballet), confined to
stereotyped movements and repetitive techniques of performance and championing free,
natural dance which responded to the spontaneous demand of the individual.
Creativity, in the sense of the active
personal, autonomous, spontaneous experience of the pupil, is enthroned as the main
d o g m a of the psychomotrist schools. It is not
our purpose here to list the m a n y pedagogical,
psychological, biological and social arguments
advanced in support of this current of opinion,
all of them very m u c h in agreement—at least
in theory—with the generally dominant trend
in contemporary pedagogics. Instead of the
acquisition of specific skills and factual k n o w ledge, adaptation before everything to particular patterns of social behaviour or stereotyped prowess at sports, the psychomotrist
school puts the emphasis on interiorized movement, greater involvement of the intelligent
person in motor gestures, the development of
basic aptitudes that m a y be useful in various
real-life situations, attention to the real needs
of the pupil and the real demands of the group,
and freedom in voluntary movement. These
aims coincide in broad outline with the trends
of official opinion in education, at least internationally and at the theoretical level. T h e
lifelong-education movement sponsored by
Unesco, for instance, emphasizes creativity,
the development of aptitudes and above all of
basic attitudes, attaches less importance to the
learning of specific things, the cult of factual
knowledge, and encourages the cultivation
of personal autonomy and the process of
265
forming, from primary school onwards, not
an adapted but an adaptable h u m a n being.
It should be stressed that, to fit into this
general picture of deep education of the individual, physical education m a y form, not just
a base on which the remainder of the education system rests—the m a x i m u m concession
m a d e by some w h o consider themselves very
understanding—but the first complete and
coherent system of education.11
The term 'technical' or 'technicalized'
movement m a y properly be applied (or as
properly as the linguistic imprecision besetting
every practical application in thesefieldswill
allow) to the motor gesture accepted as a
consequence of science.12 It m a y be a motor
gesture incorporated in motor learning, or a
natural gesture which science has simply confirmed or rediscovered. In thefirstcase, the
technical gesture is absorbed into the variety of
the individual's o w n movements, which he
performs for m a n y purposes: social customs
(prevailing fashions, ceremonial dances, etc.),
technical performances in sport, occupational
adaptations, etc. In such cases this movement
or learning is artificial in character: that is to
say, it is not strictly natural, though it need not
necessarily go against nature. In the second
case, the purpose of the technical movement is
for the individual to recover a lost natural
gesture or set of gestures.
T o give an example: m u c h of the progress
m a d e in track techniques in the pastfiftyyears
has been due to observation of the w a y some of
the higher animals run! W h e n w e see films of
Olympic contests at the beginning of the
century, w e all but laugh outright at the
clumsy, ungainly, amateurish and graceless
way sportsmen ran in those days. Athletes
today take the view that their technique was
rudimentary. The point is, however, that those
athletes of seventy years ago would run with
virtually no technique, spontaneously, in practically the same way as anyone today w h o has
not 'learned' to run. Where today's athletes
have the advantage in having been taught by
the specialists to run more naturally. T h e arc
described by the runner's knee is fuller and
more circular; his feet strike the ground
266
José Maria Cagigal
harder; his leg movements are more smoothly and undoubtedly more natural. It is curious
synchronized with the movements of the rest to see, however, h o w super-competitiveness
of the body, including the trunk and head, involuntarily leads to artifice, and h o w cerm u c h more as in the case of a racehorse. Here tain stereotypes of rhythmic gymnastics itself,
technique has served to turn h u m a n m o v e - twenty-five years after its emergence as a sepment, impoverished by mechanization, back arate sport, are alienating it from natural
movement.
into something more natural.
This risk of denaturing movement in sport
Examples from other sports could be
given in support of this thesis. This is par- occurs mainly a m o n g top-class performers. At
ticularly true of sports in which the basic other levels, sports technique in general makes
action is natural. In other sports consisting of for greater resources of gesture and helps the
artificial adaptations or complicated games, individual to perform in the most natural way
however, technique strays in the direction of possible exercises involving artificial apparatus
or conditions. Apart from its other organic
artifice.
Still in the sphere of athletics and refer- and psychic benefits, the practice of various
ring to the most natural form of locomotion, sports enriches the individual's motor developnamely walking, techniques lead to an arti- ment. The assimilation of various techniques
ficiality that w e might almost call contrary to not only equips the individual to perform
nature. Walking is the natural way of getting different stereotyped movements but makes
from one place to another at a certain speed: him more agile in all respects.
four, six or eight kilometres an hour. W h e n a
W e would have to depart from this brief
person's speed exceeds twelve kilometres an analysis of the various kinds of movement if
hour, the natural form of locomotion is run- w e were to go into the fascinating subject of
ning, in which both feet are off the ground at transfer. W h a t is there to be gained, apart from
once, although they strike the ground alterna- repeated movement, by learning to perform
tively. The fact of always having one or other a motor action? Is it useful for other forms of
foot on the ground, which is the characteristic motor activity? At what ages is there the most
feature of walking as opposed to running, transfer of learned gestures to other uses, and
inhibits speed. Consequently walking races are to what degree of specific adaptation? These
to a certain extent unnatural. Because of this, and a thousand other important questions
biomechanical research designed to secure the underlie the broad subject of transfer, on which
m a x i m u m performance in competitive athletic a good deal of research is being done but
walking has taken m a n away from natural which, in addition to the specific methodmovement. T o reach a speed of fourteen kilo- ologies employed today, calls for some reflecmetres an hour while walking, it is absolutely tion from the standpoints of cultural anthronecessary to apply the technique n o w used in pology and philosophy.
competitive sport. It is a highly refined techT h e diversification of the various types of
nique, adapted to a subtle artifice. These brief movement intervenes not so m u c h in their end
comments do not imply any personal belief on result as in their origin, their ontogenesis.
m y part that athletic walking should be abol- W h e n m a n acts, he pools all his original caished. The h u m a n being is capable of m a n y pacities and everything he has learned. A
exploits which are not always entirely natural. motor gesture adapted to life is very often a
Furthermore, it is man's distinguishing feature combination of partial gestures of various
to be able to surpass nature. There is more kinds. W h e n a person swims in the sea just for
artifice and moreunnaturalness in other sports pleasure—and not to compete, to show off or
than in athletic walking: for instance, in some to test himself—he exhibits a complex motor
gynmastic sports. This m a y be the reason for behaviour composed of motor gestures of
the b o o m in rhythmic gymnastics, which is the various origins. Once the motor behaviour of
answer to the artificiality of formal gymnastics an adult has taken shape, it is very difficult to
On education through movement
draw borderlines between his biological, spontaneous and technical movements. In some
cases it is easy to tell them apart, but in m a n y
others they cannot be neatly dissected and
classified. There are acquired (reflex and operant) movements incorporated in individual
behaviour in such a way that they are transformed into spontaneous behaviour and m a y
even be regarded as natural.
Even technical and spontaneous m o v e ments themselves are not necessarily opposites.
O n e of the prerequisites for optimum use of
technical learning is what the sports specialists
have somewhat improperly termed automatization. A technique is considered to have been
properly assimilated when the motor act is as
independent as it can be of any conscious
consideration. In the telling phrase any sports
coach would use, ' Y o u should be able to do it
in your sleep.' W h e n a form of motor behaviour has been assimilated to this degree, even
a highly technicalized movement can to all
intents and purposes be spontaneous. A good
high-jumper running away from a charging
bull and faced with a five-foot fence will
probably m a k e at least some use of his athletic technique in clearing it. Because he is
instinctivelyfleeingfrom serious danger, h o w ever, he will undoubtedly be jumping spontaneously.
Towards the recovery
of lost movement
For practical purposes of education, these
peculiarities of h u m a n movement should be
thought of in terms of the great priority task
which confronts physical education today:
that of enabling m a n to recover his motor
resources, with all that implies in intellectual
balance and psychic rehabilitation.
W e are in the middle of what might, to
use a somewhat forced metaphor, be termed a
'motor literacy' campaign: for there is, so to
speak, a widespread illiteracy of movement in
the industrial countries. Because of this, in
principle, any exercise is good. W h a t counts is
not so m u c h what sort of exercise people take
267
but the fact that they take it. O n the face of it,
all sports are equally sound. S o m e , of course,
are more comprehensive than others, but that
is a matter of minor, though not negligible,
importance.
Efforts must be m a d e to arrive at an educational methodology, convincing arguments
and a way of influencing the general organization of education that will set contemporary
m a n to recovering his lost movement. This is
the singular 'paradise lost' that the physical
educator must re-create. It means changing attitudes; it m a y be wise to include in educational
activities, alongside specific methodologies,
the spontaneous movements—especially jogging—that the present-day vogue has put into
the hands of those w h o would reactivate kinetic development. Thus, just as the conventional, stereotyped gymnastics of the beginning
of the century had to yield to the evidence of
psychomotorist opinions, so, perhaps, should
these in turn abandon some of their selfsufficiency and recognize the profoundly educational value of such spontaneous movements
which, though not scientific, m a y be of noteworthy historical importance.
In reality, conventional physical education movements and psychomotorist currents of opinion are not as far apart as had
been thought. T h e aim of both was that tie
mechanized, sedentary and intellectually c o m partmentalized h u m a n being should recover
his habit of movement. This is what Mercurial,
Victorino da Feltre, Luis Vives and others
meant, and what Guts Muths, A m o r ó s , Jahn,
Ling and all their followers stressed over
again. This, in a more or less evolved or innovative form, was gymnastics as the psychomotorists found it. Their contribution seems
to have completed the system; wittingly or
unwittingly they have brought into it valid
components of the h u m a n and social sciences
such as psychology, biology and sociology.
The great resources and traditions of existing
methodologies should not, however, be underrated. H e w h o would reject must k n o w what
he is rejecting. This is one of the serious errors
into which, not indeed the founders of the
schools of thought, but certainly some of their
268
followers are beginning to fall. Sometimes it
is not properly understood what is meant by
creativity in education through movement.
W h a t is creative movement? Is it simply free,
spontaneous movement? There are physicaleducation sessions in which the pupils are set
a task that involves overcoming a number of
difficulties and obstacles, and are left free to
perform it in their o w n way. This is useful as
part of a m u c h more complex programme.
However, there are educators w h o m a k e this
the centre of their teaching to the exclusion of
almost everything else.
T h e confusion between spontaneous and
natural movement is thefirstmistake in evidence here. T h e children of our cities and
towns are in such poverty of movement that,
if they are left to their o w n devices and personal
initiative, the session turns into the consecration of motor deterioration. A return to the
full wealth of natural movement m a y require
a great deal of work and stimulation, and does
of course entail going back to developing the
child's capacity for self-improvement and effort. T o let the years of childhood and youth
go to waste without inculcating the habit of
effort is the worst fraud that can be committed
against the pupils. Physical education is one
of the most natural ways of introducing the
habit of effort which will be so necessary to
every individual throughout his life.
Repeated movement was for long ages the
only method in use, and hence degenerated
into an impoverishing and somewhat discouraging system especially for those w h o were not
good at it, those in most need of education
through movement; and it has been poorly
understood and used by m a n y of those w h o
practice psychomotoricity. T h e conflict between creative movement and stereotyped
movement has been carried to extremes. In
order truly to create, and especially by dint of
great effort, to create excellence, it is necessary
to master m a n y personal abilities. In order to
be able to play the piano well, the pianist will
have had to automatize m a n y motor gestures
and to incorporate in his mechanized motor
performances m a n y acquired behaviour patterns. Even below the heights of excellence,
José Maria Cagigal
however, repetition m a y be useful in assimilating the correct way of executing a m o v e ment. Every performance has its appropriate
technique, conditioned by biomechanical reality. T o learn a refined technique from a
model in just a few sessions, by alternating
visual assimilation and personal performance,
saves the learner a great deal of discouragement and is gratifying in the result is achieved
quickly and to better effect. M a n is the only
being capable of transmitting innovation and
excellence by means of cultural models. Learning about art from the greatest masters is one
of mankind's decisive advances. T h e other
animal species do not possess this means of
saving energy and routine, this possibility of
advancing centuries in a few days; consequently they remain confined to their repertory
of instinctive movements for thousands, of
years.
A thorough physical education is one that
succeeds in involving the whole person in
kinetic activity, one that ensures that movement is fully experienced. Anything imposed
from outside, by the conventional methods
of physical training, neither motivates in
depth—except in rare instances—nor meets in
practice the prerequisites for 'personal experience'. Hence physical education based
solely on performances and kinetic stereotypes
is meagre in h u m a n terms. T h e great upheaval
in physical education based on psychokinetic
and psychomotor methods has lain specifically
in making it more of a personal experience and
consequently eliciting greater keenness. This
great discovery is, however, no justification for
contempt or, worse still, ignorance of the
striking pedagogical benefits offered, not for
years but for centuries, by physical education.
W h a t psychomotoricity, and indeed any
school of educational thought, must avoid
above all is theflatacceptance of mediocrity.
A n d let us not forget that the spontaneous
motor performance of contemporary m a n is
singularly mediocre; it will be even more so
in the future if w e fail to bring his o w n abandoned motor ability into play. This will not be
achieved without the efforts of both the teacher
and the taught.
On education through movement
269
'The study of human movement': Computer analysis developed by the champion Israeli discus thrower,
Gideon Ariel, at his laboratory in Amherst, Massachusetts. Afilmof the action, shot at high speed, is
scanned frame by frame, the resulting information being processed and projected as a set of lines. These can
then be mathematically analysed for faults in the movement. Right, a tennis service by Jimmy Connors.
Left, ex-president Gerald Ford's golf swing. Pochat/TDF.
José Maria Cagigal
270
The kinetic impoverishment of m a n came
about through enslavement to the machine,
the relinquishment of effort. It would be illusory to try to restore habits of movement—the most profound educational re-
newal, yet to be accomplished—without prior
conviction and a sustained campaign of encouragement to effort.
[Translatedfrom Spanish]
Notes
1. I have had occasion
elsewhere to compile a long list
of the more or less equivalent
expressions proposed as
replacements for 'physical
education'. In some cultural
areas, that expression has already
been replaced. I have included
the m o r e significant of the
alternative expressions here
since they m a y be helpful
in shedding light on the
question: physical culture,
bodily culture, bodily education,
sports sciences; sports
science, physical and sports
education, sports teaching,
science of physical and bodily
exercise, physiography,
gymnology, science of motor
activity, science of h u m a n
m o v e m e n t , anthropokinetics,
arts and sciences of sport
and movement, sciences of
exercise, homokinetics,
kinanthropology, sports theory,
theory of bodily education,
activity sciences. Information
on the origin of the expressions
in this list m a y be found in:
J. M . Cagigal, Deporte:
espectáculo y acción, Barcelona,
Editorial Salvat, 1981.
2. It should be remembered that
the prefix 'kine-' or 'cine-'
comes from the Greek word for
motion.
3. 'Physical Activity Sciences: A
Basic Concept for the
Organization of the Discipline
and the Profession', Gymnasion.
International Journal of
Physical Education (Official
review of I C H P E R ) , N o s . 3
and 4 , 1976, p . 12.
4. Quoted by Ashley Montagu
in Touching; The Human
Significance of the Skin, N e w
York, Columbia University
Press, 1971.
5. Ibid.
6. See Paul Fraisse, Psychologie
du rythme, Paris, Presses
Universitaires de France, 1974.
7. Ibid. Fraisse describes the
procedure followed by Stern to
find the 'spontaneous motor
rhythm' of each individual:
ask the subject to tap a table
with his finger at his natural
rhythm, i.e. at the motor rhythm
with which the subject feels
most at h o m e . This simple
motor activity, involving the
cortex and the striated
musculature, has been used as a
basic experiment to establish a
personal psychic rhythm, or
what is k n o w n as the 'psychic
tempo' of each individual. In
other words, to investigate the
psychic rhythm of each
individual, use has been m a d e
of a voluntary movement,
naturally that simple, very
partial movement of locomotion
which can be performed
without any forced adaptation.
That simple voluntary movement
(or 'spontaneous motor
activity') has been correlated
with the natural swinging of
the subject's leg when his feet
do not touch the ground, with
the swinging of his hand when
he is standing, and with the
'spontaneous motor activity'
performed with the palm of the
hand or when tapping on the
table with a pencil (Mishima).
The same procedure for testing
spontaneous motor (always
voluntary) activity has been
used in investigating what
is k n o w n as the 'preferred
rhythm'.
8. Ignorance about
paleoanthropology has led to
the use in popular parlance—so
apposite in other matters—of
the word 'caveman' to describe
the uncivilized, retrograde,
primitive h u m a n being, whereas
it is specifically cave-painting
which demonstrates the ultimate
superiority of h u m a n
intelligence over that of other
animals.
9. If the latest developments in
micro-electronics and computer
communication—the dernier
cri in mechanization—enable
m a n , by delegating his
technological servitudes to
computers, to recover his
humanity, then a decisive step
will have been taken on the
way back to natural capacity.
It is difficult to foresee whether
the so-called high technology
that is coming upon us in the
last two decades of this century
will serve to free m a n from
his specializations (mutilations)
and servitudes, or plunge him
into a more irrevocable slavery to
the machine. Erich F r o m m has
uttered these forebodings: ' W h e n
the majority of m e n are like
robots, then indeed there will
be no problem in building
robots w h o are like m e n . T h e
idea of the mankike computer is
a good example of the
271
On education through movement
alternative between the h u m a n
and the inhuman use of
machines. The computer can
serve the enhancement of life
in m a n y respects. But the idea
that it replaces m a n and life
is the manifestation of the
pathology of today.' The
Revolution of Hope. Toward a
luminized technology, N e w
Y o r k , Harper & R o w , 1968.
10. Ibid.
11.1 have touched on this
subject in other works. See
José M . Cagigal, Cultura
intelectual y cultura física,
Buenos Aires, Editorial
Kapelusz, 1979; and Oh, deporte.
Anatomia de un gigante,
Valladolid, Editorial M i ñ ó n ,
1981.
12. W e must take fright at the
word 'technical' or
'technicalization'. It does not
mean h u m a n movement
impoverished by technological
civilization, but simply motor
behaviour recognized as valid
and useful on the basis of
research. Biomechanical science
contributes a vast a m o u n t of
material that can be used in
establishing basic patterns,
definitive limits, possibilities of
adaptation and attainable
requirements in the realm of
sport, all of them rationally
deduced after study of the
organism. Physiology, neurology
and the biological sciences in
general complete the picture.
The schools of psychomotoricity
should be familiar with these
contributions.
F R O M M , Erich. La revolución
de la esperanza. Mexico City,
Fondo de Cultura Económica,
1980.
M O N T A G U , Ashley. El sentido
del tacto (Comunicación humana
a través de la piel). M a d r i d ,
Editorial Aguilar, 1981.
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B O U C H A R D , Claude. Physical
Activity Sciences: A Basic
Concept for the Organization
of the Discipline and the
Profession. Gymnasion.
International Journal of Physical
Education, N o . 4 , 1976.
C A G I G A L , J. M . Cultura
intelectual y cultura física.
Buenos Aires, Editorial
Kapelusz, 1979.
. The Revolution of Hope.
Toward a Humanized Technology.
N e w York, Harper & R o w ,
1968.
G R U P E , Omino. Teoría
Pedagógica de la Educación
Física. Madrid, Instituto
Nacional de Educación Física,
1976.
. Educación del hombre
corporal. Análisis e investigaciones
. Studien zur pädagogischen
(Madrid, Ministry of Culture),
Theorie der Leibeserziehung.
N o . 7, May-June 1981.
Schorndorf bei Stuttgart,
C R A T T Y , Bryan J. Psychomotor
Karl H o f m a n Verlag, 1974.
Behavior in Education and
L E B O U L C H , Jean. L'éducation
Sport. Springfield, III.,
par le mouvement. Paris, Les
Charles C . T h o m a s , Pub., 1974.
Éditions Sociales Françaises,
D E C K E R T , Robert. Compared
1966.
Physical Education. Evolution
. La educación por el
of the General Concepts and
movimiento. Buenos Aires,
Contents of Physical Education
Editorial Paidos, 1969.
in the World. Asian Journal
M A I G R E , A . ; D E S T R O O P E R , J.
of Physical Education (Taipei),
N o . 1, M a r c h 1981.
L'éducation psychomotrice,
Paris, Presses Universitaires
F R A I S S E , Paul. Psicologia del
de France, 1975.
ritmo. Madrid, Editorial
M A R R A Z Z O , María Cristina;
Morara, 1976.
M A R R A Z Z O , Mario. Mi cuerpo
. Psychologie du rythme.
es mi lenguaje (Expresión
corporal de la danza). Buenos
Paris, Presses Universitaires de
Aires. Editorial Ciordia, 1975.
France, 1974.
. Touching; The Human
Significance of the Skin. N e w
York, Columbia University
Press, 1971.
R U S D O R P , Klaas. Gymnology:
The Philosophy and Science of
Motor Action in an Agogical
Framework. Gymnasion.
International Journal of Physical
Education, N o . 3 , 1975.
S I N G E R , Robert N . Physical
Education and Psychomotor
Activities. Gymnasion.
International Journal of Physical
Education, tio. 2, 1981.
. The Psychomotor Domain:
Movement Behavior.
Philadelphia, P a . , L e a &
Febiger, 1972.
T H I B A U L T , Jacques. Les aventures
du corps dans la pédagogie
française. Paris, Librairie
Philosophique J. Vrin, 1977.
V A Y E R , Pierre. L'enfant face au
monde. Paris, Doin, 1978.
PHYSICAL CULTURE AND EDUCATION
Sports participation
and psychological adjustment"
J. Samuel Johnson
Despite the large volume of research in
Participation in sports and games is an exciting mental preoccupation and an effective this area, there is no convincing evidence of
method of keeping a check on mental tensions the role of sports in promoting adjustment.
and psychological maladjustments. It helps to The few works bearing on this theme need to
release surplus tension and to channel pent-up be highlighted. Cole (1936) observed that athaggression. Taking part in sports and games letic programmes are generally harmful and
is of immense help in maintaining mental can result in personality difficulties because of
health. The recreational value of play and its the excessive publicity given; Sperling (1942)
contribution to the general well-being of the reported that personality differences on a
participants is also undisputed. T h e thera- group basis exist a m o n g participants in various
sports. H e found no sigpeutic value of play finds
nificant personality-trait
application in very popuJ. Samuel Johnson, a lecturer in physidifferences in the personlar techniques, such as
cal
education, Alanchery House, Chaality pattern of university
play therapy of children.
thanoor Pin. 691572, Quilon-Kerala,
and intramural groups as
Group-participation opIndia, conducts research on the psydistinguished from those
portunities provided to
chology of sport.
of non-athletic groups.
sports participants conGardner and Elliot (1969)
tribute to better social
state that playful behavadjustment. The muscuiour m a y be reinforced
lar movements involved
simply by the opportunity
in sports help to maintain
for certain motor acts,
physicalfitness,which in
regardless of kinesthetic
turn contributes to m e n and
other feed-back
tal health. Mental health
stimulation.
Apart from
and adjustment are imthe motor consequences,
portant concerns of m o d ern society; it is believed that a lot of h u m a n the subject m a y be rewarded by emotional or
potentiality and m a n p o w e r resources are ideational consequences, as in the 'free play'
wasted through individuals not functioning of the imagination. William (1977) attempted
at their m a x i m u m efficiency because of mal- to elicit the underlying nature of the structure
adjustment. The importance of measures that and the relationships between the sets of
help various forms of adjustment needs no physiological and psychological variables
which indicates that theses set of variables are
special emphasis.
indeed related. High physical efficiency is associated with less body mass and less total
* A version of this article was submitted to the Fifth body fat. O n e or both of these associations
World Sport Psychology Congress, Canada, 1981.
274
contributes to a beneficial reduction in the
serum lipoprotein profile. T h e increased
efficiency is in turn related to a personality
profile lower in neuroticism and higher in
non-conformity. In assessing a series of studies
on middle-aged m e n in 1973, 1975 and
1976, Y o u n g and Ismail (1976) concluded
that participation in a four-month physical
conditioning programme influenced not only
physiological parameters but also personality
characteristics, particularly those dealing with
emotional stability. V a r m a (1979), while administering.Cattel P . F . tests on inter-collegiate
and inter-university sports participants and on
non-participants found significant differences
in favour of the sports group in such factors
as dominance, happiness, stronger superego,
tough-mindedness, shrewdness, confidence,
group adherence and relaxation. H e added
that sports actualize some healthy personality
traits by providing a wholesome, rich and
congenial environment. Sport is not purely a
leisure-time activity, but has educative and
therapeutic value, acting as a catharsis a m o n g
subjects by sublimating their pent-up energies
in socially accepted channels. Balarama, a
popular publication for children (Mathew,
1981), which carries sports lessons a m o n g its
features, expressed the view that if children
learned sports systematically, in the long run
they would have greater success not only in
games but also in other life situations.
A comparison between
sports and non-sports
adolescents
in India
T h e present study attempts to compare the
relative adjustment of sports and non-sports
adolescents (Standard X ) studying at high
schools in Kerala State, India.
T h e experimental group comprised
190 pupils studying at a sports school (regular
school with emphasis on sports, specially run
for those proficient in sports) or in special
sports divisions of ordinary schools. The control group for the study consisted of 195 pupils
/. Samuel Johnson
from the non-sports divisions of ordinary
schools.
The M a t h e w Maladjustment Inventory
measuring five major aspects of maladjustment was used to obtain an index of maladjustment. T h e components are as follows:
Anxiety: feeling of impending d o o m , fear,
worry of future, palpitation, tremor, being
upset.
Depression: worry, suicidal thoughts, disinterest, feeling of guilt, sense of failure,
hopelessness, despair, emptiness.
Mania: restlessness, Ia,ck of self-control, lack
of restraint, over-activity, quick temper, getting into trouble, over-talkativeness, impulsiveness.
Inferiority: feeling of smallness, sensitiveness,
shyness, self-consciousness, lack of selfconfidence, easily hurt.
Paranoia: suspiciousness, feeling of being persecuted, exploited and misunderstood, not
trusting others, getting into quarrels.
The overall maladjustment is the s u m of the
abovefivecomponents. Only the overall maladjustment is examined here.
The reliability of the test according to
the manual is 0.88 onfiftymales and 0.93 on
fifty females. Since it measures, somewhat
comprehensively, different types of maladjustment, the test can be said to possess a high
degree of content validity.
T h e test of maladjustment was administered and scored and a two-way analysis of
variance m a d e in order to compare the maladjustment scores of the sports and non-sports
groups, and also those of the boys and the
girls as well as interaction effects.
The m e a n of the sports group was 35.24,
as against 45.69 for the non-sports group,
indicating higher maladjustment a m o n g the
latter. In order to see the significant difference,
a test of variance of the maladjustment score
was performed. T h e analysis revealed that
there is a significant difference between the
sports and the non-sports group at 1 per cent
level, as m a y be seen from Table 2. N o difference between sexes (Table 1) or within the
groups was found by the interaction of the two
variables.
Sports participation and psychological adjustment
275
T h e rate of maladjustment is higher in the
non-sports group, which further reveals that
adjustment characteristics are higher a m o n g
sports pupils. This m a y be due to the fact that
sports activities m a k e a person more adjusted by providing an avenue for discharging
emotionality. It is also likely that adjusted
people participate generally in physical education activities.
competition. They perhaps help to prevent or
overcome tendencies to such maladjustment as
anxiety, depression, paranoia, etc. If participation in sports prevents the development of
maladjustments, it also helps to promote good
adjustment. Acquiring physical a n d mental
skills involves learning to control body a n d
mind. T h e processing mechanism is reflected
in the post- as well as the pre-competition
period. Physical potentiality geared to appropriate mental competency opens the w a y to a n
Interpretation
exploration of field situations that further
promotes the discovery of n e w ways of overSports afford the opportunity to display such coming opponents. Sports teach their adepts
physical skills as speed, agility, stamina, etc., the need to practise co-operation and to strive
which are conditioned in agreement with for excellence in competition without losing
offensive-defensive g a m e tactics. Mental skills the true spirit of sportsmanship.
also aid in facing u p to problematic or tenAdjustment, perhaps, can be viewed as an
sion-bound situations with m a x i m u m self- overall mental skill as compared to other
confidence and courage a n d without losing skills. Since various emotions are called into
heart or getting depressed in the event of play, in controlled and transitory fashion, in
failure. Self-realization through fair partici- all sporting activities, it is likely that long-term
pation, the successful exploration of skills in participation in sports m a y provide the indicompetition, thrilling situations shared with vidual with carry-over values that help to
team combinations, etc,, lead the individual to enrich his future personality.
projected thinking and ideation after each
T A B L E 1. Sports/non-sports differences according to sex
Boys
Total
Girls
Mean
S.D.
N
Mean
S.D.
Sports
Non-sports
36.31
44.24
15.83
14.01
110
112
33.76
47.64
13.89
14.60
TOTAL
40.31
15.46
222
40.83
15.85
N
Mean
S.D.
N
80
83
35.24
45.69
15.10
14.36
190
195
163
40.53
15.63
385
T A B L E 2. Analysis of variance of the maladjustment scores for sports and non-sports students
Source
D.F
M.S.
F
Between sports and non-sports
Between boys and girls
Interaction
Error
1
1
1
381
10 506.15
21.79
381.84
216.99
48.42 1
0.10
3.83
1. Significant at 1 per cent level.
/. Samuel Johnson
276
Conclusion
In this study the analysis of variance for
maladjustment scores showed that the sports
group was considerably better adjusted than
the non-sports group. It m a y be concluded
from this that sports participation is associated
with good overall adjustment. M o r e controlled
studies are required in order to find out
whether there is a causal relationship between
sports participation and adjustment. The implication of this study is that sports can possibly have a psychotherapeutic value in promoting mental health and that well designed
and properly organized sports programmes
m a y contribute to the balance and adjustment
of the individuals following them.
References
C O L E , L . 1936. Psychology of
Adolescence. N e w York,
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V A R M A , K . K . 1979. A
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PHYSICAL CULTURE AND EDUCATION
The potentialities of m a n
and 'anthropomaximology'
V . V . Kuznetsov
M o d e r n civilization is marked by a gathering eral changes in man's vital activity, on the o n e
tempo in all areas of societal life. In recent hand, and, on the other, the traditional
decades the scientific and technological revol- views—formed over the centuries on the basis
ution has surged on, with increased demands of the dynamics of average biological a n d
being m a d e on m a n by the ever more sophis- social norms—regarding the realization of
ticated equipment and technology of modern h u m a n potential in the various spheres of
production. Although the scientific and tech- man's activity.
It follows that the historically formed
nological revolution has caused the proportion
of physical work going into the production views about the potential of a h u m a n being
process to dwindle and strenuous muscular w h o is in good health are by the very logic of
life subject to correction.
effort is being replaced by
This means that the praca relatively small amount
V . V . Kuznetsov is Professor and Head
tical realization of natuof physical exertion, the
of Department at the All-Union R e ral potentialities must be
latter is nevertheless presearch Institute of Physical Culture of
subject to change, a n d
cisely geared to time
the U S S R , in M o s c o w . H e has done
contradiction
minimized.
and space. This speeds
socio-biological research on the optimal
physical abilities of human organism.
W h a t w e have in mind is
up technical operations
the need to create the best
and therefore substanscientifically
grounded
tially adds to the psychoconditions for effective
logical strain on the huall-round development of
m a n organism. These
the personality of modern
trends also apply to crem a n and to m a k e greater
ative intellectual activity.
rational use of his natural
The growing stream of
aptitudes in relation to
information received by
the changing conditions
modern m a n in the course
of his training and education and the accel- of life and the environment.
erating pace of everyday life also sharply inHence the trend towards intensifying the
crease psycho-functional strain. Further c o m - vital activity of modern m a n makes the probplications are created for m a n by ecological lem of studying his reserve potentialities o n e
changes in the environment. There is m u c h of the foremost global issues of modern natural
factual evidence that the nearer the inhabitants science. If m a n becomes conscious of his o w n
of the earth draw to the twenty-first century, true potential and the general principles inthe greater the divergence observed between dicating h o w best to shape and realize it, he
the growing demands of the scientific and tech- can work out, at a qualitatively n e w level, a
nological revolution, with the associated gen- modern conception of the reserve potentialities
278
V. V. Kuznetsov
Let us go back to the eve of the nineteenth
Olympic G a m e s in Mexico City, which stands
more than 2,200 metres above sea-level.
Shortly before the Olympic G a m e s m a n y
leading world specialists in various scientific
disciplines were maintaining, on the basis of
the most up-to-date experimental data on the
working mechanisms of the h u m a n organism,
that it was impossible for the main physiological systems to operate at a high level of
efficiency under conditions of hypoxia (low
oxygen content of the air). However, things
turned out quite otherwise. Most athletes,
despite the predictions, surprised the world
with phenomenal performances m a n y of which
have not yet been bettered to this day, thereby
showing the whole unsoundness of modern
scientific knowledge of what, the healthy organism can actually do. A further example
shows h o w incorrect modern scientific assumptions are regarding the reserve potentialities of the h u m a n organism. T h e supercomplex ultra-C gymnastic exercises of the
Olympic champion Olga Korbut were in their
time reckoned by leading world specialists in
physiology, biomechanics, medicine and psychology to be unique movements representing
the extreme in h u m a n motor co-ordination.
Numerous observations by specialists
O n the basis of these conclusions, the Interconfirm that today, as in the past, by n o
national Gymnastic Federation was obliged
means every person makes proper use of his
to debar Olga Korbut from performing these
natural potential in his work or fully draws
exercises at competitions on the grounds that
the reserves of his organism. Physical and
it was virtually impossible for other gymnasts
mental potential are sometimes squandered
to master them. Today m a n y gymnasts display
or not fully discovered. In the final analysis,
the principles of movements involving even
society suffers irrecoverable losses in various
greater co-ordination and risk, at a considerforms: some people's working lives are too
ably lower cost in both training time and
short; in other cases it takes unduly long to
physical and mental strain. This was m a d e
become proficient in a job; and in yet further
possible by the non-traditional approach of
instances talent is simply not unearthed.
individual coaches to the reserves of the h u m a n
organism and by n e w methods of training
gymnasts.
of a healthy h u m a n being and review, from an
essentially n e w standpoint, the m a n y traditional views held in pedagogics, medicine,
biology, psychology, ergonomics, the physiology of labour and m a n y other sciences
associated with research on the healthy h u m a n
being at the various stages of his life. F r o m
time immemorial m a n has sought to discover
his o w n hidden potential. But today, unfortunately, in the age of atomic energy, the c o m puter, prodigious space-flights and major
social change, science has m a d e no advance
from its former rather superficial knowledge
of the reserve potentialities of m a n , despite
the fact that this problem has long faced
researchers. In the last hundred years a significant quantity of experimental and theoretical data relating to study of the h u m a n
being in good health has been amassed. T h e
advent in the 1960s of ultra-modern scientificresearch apparatus permitting exploration at
the cellular and subcellular levels m a d e it
possible to broaden this research in particular.
Nevertheless, the scientific data obtained have
not yet yielded any notable results so far as
the practical aspects of present-day h u m a n
activity are concerned.
Correct scientific
assumptions in sport
T h e paucity of knowledge in present-day natural science in the area of research on the real
potential of a person in good health is also
convincingly borne out by examples from the
world of sport.
W h e n it comes to the reserves of the hum a n brain, w e should always remember that,
as the prominent Soviet mathematician, Academician G . A . Ginzburg says, modern m a n is
an inscrutable computer of the tenth or
eleventh generation. Clear confirmation of
this is provided by the fact that there are people
The potentialities of man and 'anthropomaximology*
279
'Comparative performance': Starting contest between a greyhound, a m a n and a horse. The horse wins. Parimage.
able to reckon faster than a fourth-generation
computer. A s for the reserve potential of
activity involving physical exertion, a long list
of events and facts can be cited to illustrate
the legendary strength and working capacity
of the h u m a n frame. The same can be said of
the potential of the h u m a n psyche, corroboration being provided by a multitude of wellk n o w n stories, cases and examples testifying to
the magnitude of the h u m a n spirit.
Thus in the last quarter of the twentieth
century w e have a situation where, on one
hand, m a n is aware that his organism possesses
huge naturally inherent reserves for increasing
his mental and physical efficiency in a great
m a n y areas of modern vital activity, while,
on the other, he knows next to nothing about
ways of using them effectively. Therefore the
question that naturally arises is h o w such a
situation has c o m e about. In recent decades
the natural sciences have amassed mountains
of scientific data on m a n and, as each year goes
by, this quantity is added to still further. Such
scientific research requires enormous financial
outlays and the full-time employment of the
creative abilities of a myriad army of leading
world specialists in the medico-biological sciences, psychology, pedagogics, ergonomics,
and so forth. But, despite this, conceptions
regarding the true-reserve potentialities of the
main physiological systems of a healthy person
and the general principles governing their
effective practical realization are barely edging
their way forward. The results of our nearly
thirty years of research on the reserve potential
of a healthy person on the model of top-class
sport enable us to analyse the reasons for this
discrepancy.
In thefirstplace, the traditional approach
to study of the h u m a n organism does not yet
280
even today allow us to place a healthy person
side by side with a sick person for thorough
examination. A n d yet there is, as already
stated, a need for this. W e must certainly, and
today rather than tomorrow, get to k n o w more
about the potential of the healthy organism of
a person w h o is socially active and emotionally
inspired.
In the second place, since the problem of
studying man's reserve potential has been with
researchers for some time, m u c h is already
being done in this direction. However, the
knowledge is still somewhat limited in breadth
and depth, for as a rule individual systems of
the h u m a n organism are studied in conditions
that do not reveal its true potentialities.
In the third place underlying the study of
m a n over m a n y centuries, including the present day, is the functional approach, namely,
investigation of the characteristics of the functional purpose in the working of individual
systems and organs of the h u m a n organism
that ensures the process of vital activity. T h e
functional approach is based, as a rule, on
the method of using m e a n statistical data
obtained as a result of processing representative sample material. It is extremely important to emphasize that such a method
makes it possible to gain no more than outline
impressions of the w a y the systems and organs
of the h u m a n organism being studied actually
function and only standardized, extremely
general notions of the laws governing their
operation. Data on the laws governing the
optimum functioning of the individual's systems and organs—let alone the discovery of
reserve potentialities—are practically impossible to obtain with the approach in question.
A n attempt to increase the size of the
sample, which is characteristic of functional
research today, n o w that scientists c o m m a n d
an array of computing resources including
electronic computers, only makes the research
findings more accurate without altering their
basic orientation.
V. V. Kuznetsov
Limitations
of the functional approach
O f the factors w e have listed that m a k e it
harder for modern science to ascertain the
traditionally unrecognized reserves of the organism of the healthy person and ways of
putting them to practical use, the most significant is the methodology of the functional
approach.
T h e functional approach was profitable
at the initial stage of the study of m a n . But it
also put mankind into the socio-biological
'fetters' of the m e a n norm, sharply restricting
the opportunity to display modern man's individual capacities in the areas of study, work
and active recreation.
O u r research (further details of which
will be given shortly) has shown that as a rule
in the functional approach to study of the
organism of the healthy person, researchers
m a k e the very basic mistake of endowing the
laws they find as governing the functioning of
the h u m a n physiological systems being studied
with the quality of universal applicability to
m a n , whereas the laws examined apply to just
one level, i.e. they are true only for people
w h o are at a strictly defined level of development and cultivation close to that of the
groups under investigation.
However, as already observed, life insists
on answers to questions. H o w can modern
m a n rapidly and most appropriately develop
his faculties to cope with constantly changing
forms of activity, the intellectualization of
work, the need to assimilate an increasing
volume of information and other manifestations of modern life? H o w can the actually
existing reserve potentialities of the organism
be activated without doing it any essential and
perhaps irreparable harm?
W h e n examining the question of ' m a n
today and tomorrow', w e assume that since
the biological evolution of Homo sapiens as a
species has practically ceased his further progress will be associated mainly with social
influences. T h e discovery of man's as yet
u n k n o w n but naturally inherent reserve potentialities and the general principles governing
'Mass performance': The N e w York marathon of October 1981. Rapho/Georg Gerster.
V. V. Kuznetsov
282
their active utilization is an important instrument for an effective understanding of processes of a social character, thus making it
possible to solve at a qualitatively new level
the whole spectrum of questions associated
with formation of the personality of the
new m a n striving towards m a x i m u m selfexpression in a wide range of modern occupational, creative and social activities, in
active leisure and in recreation.
For the purposes of further consideration
of this problem, w e must be quite clear about
the notions of capacities, potentialities and
reserves. Let us turn to the clear, concise
definitions given in the n e w Soviet Encyclopedic Dictionary,1 which can be applied to
m a n as having the following meanings:
A truly scientific approach to this problem would seem to consist in ascertaining not
only the m a x i m u m limits permitted by nature
for the functioning of the physiological systems of healthy m a n that render possible all
his versatile vital activity; a precise idea must
also be obtained of the true general principles
governing their operation. Identification of
the universal principles will provide an understanding of h o w to optimize practically any
activity of m a n at any level of his development and cultivation.
The study
of reserve potential
Capacity—An individual personality character- The idea of studying the reserve potential of
istic which is a subjective condition for the the healthy person on the basis of athletes in
successful performance of a particular kind of peak condition emerged as far back as 1952.
activity. Capacities are not to be seen in terms W h a t gave rise to it was the observation m a d e
of knowledge, skills or know-how; they are by Academician I. P. Pavlov that 'the normal
revealed in the speed, depth and soundness of lies hidden in the pathological'. That obsermastery of the methods and procedures rel- vation suggested the thought that it might be
evant to an activity.
possible to understand the general principles
Potentiality—An objective trend of personality governing normal regulation of the funcdevelopment. Potentiality m a y be abstract,
tioning of physiological systems in conditions
i.e. formal, when not all the necessary conditions for immediate implementation are pres- of ultra-intense activity o n the part of a
ent, and real when everything needed for healthy person, the classic example being
modern top-class sport. It is important to
realization is on hand.
Reserve—A standby supply, a source from which emphasize here that the various types of sport
the fresh forces of the h u m a n organism are simulate in practice all the m a n y different
drawn, without any irreparable damage to the characteristics of the work demanded of
organism, their depletion being made good in of physiological systems for every kind of
the process of self-regulation.:
mental a n d physical activity performed by
Thus w h e n coming to terms with the problem model m a n . B y dint of intense daily specialof the further improvement of m a n (on the ized training sessions and competitions over
basis of his genetic stock formed in the pro- m a n y years, athletes gradually become capable
cess of evolution and unchanged by the pass- of accepting extreme physical, co-ordinative
age of thousands of years), an effort must be and psychological demands, which raises
m a d e to discover previously u n k n o w n re- considerably the upper operational limit of
serves and thereby turn the idealized theor- the physiological system specific to each type
etical potentialities of the h u m a n organism of sport.
into a reality. This will ultimately permit a
considerable increase in the capacities of each
individual activity participating in the processes that m a k e for improvement of the
multifaceted life of present-day and future
mankind.
At
research installations specially
equipped with training devices and testing
units it is possible to take athletes—at n o
risk to their health because they are trained
to a high level of fitness—and put them
through intense exercise of the appropriate
The potentialities of man
and'anthropomaximology'
'Top performance': B o b B e a m o n (United States), w h o achieved the phenomenal world record long jump
of 8.9 metres at the Mexico City Olympics. Keystone.
283
284
V. V. Kuznetsov
The findings from nearly ten years' experphysiological systems to the limits of feasibility as m a n y times as the experiment requires. imental research on top javelin-throwers point
O u r comprehensive research over a n u m - to the existence of'single-level' and 'universal'
ber of years, in which m a n y hundreds of top principles in the operation of the physiological
athletes have taken part, including world, systems of the healthy m a n . It was noted, for
European and Olympic champions and record- instance, in the course of the research that in
holders in various sports, enables us to propose throwers with different personal performances
a n e w methodological approach to study of the to their credit—70, 75 or 80 metres—the
reserve potential of a healthy person—an biomechanics of individual elements of the
approach that m a y be termed anthropo- throwing movement also differed.
maximological (i.e. one involving study of the
Thus an effective technique for throwing
reserve potential of the physiological systems the javelin 70 metres ceased to be effective for
of a healthy person and the general principles throwing 75 or 80 metres, and vice versa. Each
governing their operation under m a x i m u m level of achievement of record results had its
stress conditions).
o w n strictly defined and exclusive biomechInitial biomechanical investigation of re- anics of movement. W e have termed this the
serve potential in movements requiring c o m - 'single-level' principle, namely, one holding
plex co-ordination—the movement model good for the effective functioning of the h u m a n
used being that of javelin-throwing—has bodily systems under investigation at a parshown that attempts to obtain these data in ticular level of development and training.
extreme experimental conditions on underContinuing our research in subsequent
trained people are ill-conceived. In this case, years into the individual javelin-throwing techowing to insufficient development of indi- niques of top-class throwers, w e encountered
vidual physiological systems (here the m u s - the following phenomenon. In the case of new
cular system being tested), stress conditions world-record throws around the 85-metre
occur under m a x i m u m strain and lead to loss mark, the technique of the throwing movement
of functional co-ordination in the system in and individual elements of it in such performquestion; this in turn thwarts exploration of ances turned out to be still more effective for
the general principles governing 'pure-state' javelin-throwers of any standard, and even
operation, which is hampered by the 'clutter' for the natural throwing of a light object from
effect produced by the wide range of functional behind the head, which every h u m a n being is
variations characteristic of threshold output in able to do. This w e have termed a 'universal'
insufficiently trained people. Thus with be- principle, namely one that is applicable to all
ginners at javelin-throwing and even those levels of h u m a n development and training.
w h o had had two or three years' training the
For the sake of more thorough experbiomechanical movement was different for imental testing of the identified phenomenon
each attempt at a m a x i m u m throw.
(the presence in the development of h u m a n
The javelin-throwing movement was potentialities of an area of 'universal' princhosen as the experimental model for the first ciples), w e carried out research from 1960
anthropomaximological research for the fol- to 1972 on a fundamentally different model
lowing reasons. First, it is a multi-articular connected with the manifestation and cultiballistic movement involving complex co- vation of basic physical qualities in top
ordination and a wide variety of arm- and athletes.
trunk-muscle functions used in a whole range
The investigations involved over 300 athof modern occupational and everyday skills letes specializing in sports requiring different
and practices. Second, with the running-throw kinds of prime physical qualities and repmovement, w e were able to m a k e the perform- resenting practically the entire spectrum of
ance of it as difficult as possible by increasing the physical qualities required by m a n in
the speed and length of the run-up.
present-day activity. T h e findings also con-
The potentialities of man and 'anthropomaximology'
285
firmed the presence of 'single-level' and 'uni- the utmost to bring them up to the 'universal
versal' areas of the general principles govern- principles' level. It is important to emphasize
ing the manifestation and development of that even in top-class sport the 'universal
principles' level is just beginning to be attained
man's physical potential.
Comprehensive pedagogical, biomechan- only by the record-holders and champions of
ical, physiological and psychological research today, and even then not in every sport. This
identified universal principles, applicable to all explains w h y the scientific data obtained o n
h u m a n beings for the most effective mani- past world record-holders and champions did
festation of the basic physical qualities of not yield the expected universally valid scienstrength, speed, endurance and dexterity, and tific information.
methods for their rational formation and imA s shown by our research o n top athletes
provement in the development process, their using modern training methods, in order to
retention and their renewal, with due regard to attain the 'universal principles' level, for inthe specific nature of a person's motor ac- stance in types of cyclic activity where the
tivity. W e set out our comprehensive research prime requirement is endurance, a highly
findings in detail in two monographs, Strength gifted person must undergo at least eight to ten
Training of Top Athletes2 and Strength Trainingyears' training including 9,000-10,000 hours
of the Athlete.3
of specialized coaching and 5,000 training
The presence of an area of universal prin- sessions. T h e correspondingfiguresfor games
ciples was subsequently observed in the inves- are ten to twelve years, 8,500-9,000 hours'
tigations of Professor V . M . Dyachkov. O n e coaching and 3,528-4,000 training sessions.
of the world's leading specialists, he spent over In sports involving artistic movement the reforty years studying the technique of the quirements are: twelve tofifteenyears for m e n
running high-jump, discovering the universal and ten to thirteen years for w o m e n ; 7,899principles of the most effective technique of 9,865 hours' coaching for m e n and 7 , 5 8 7 the straddle only at the time of the record- 8|997 hours for w o m e n ; 5,500-5,800 training
breaking 2.28-metre jumps of his pupil sessions for m e n and 5,700-5,800 for w o m e n ,
V . Brumel. This enabled him to work out and so forth.
effective recommendations for a universal
Models for anthropomaximological rejumping technique for athletes of all standards, search m a y be provided not only by present
including beginners, and to forecast the requi- and future record-holders in top-class sport,
site technique for clearing 2.35 metres, which but also by people engaged in those types of
was achievedfifteenyears later by the Soviet activity that involve strict occupational selechigh-jumper V . Yashchenko, w h o set a n e w tion and m a n y years of intense specific acworld record in the process. The presence of tivity (e.g. supersonic-aircraft pilots, principal
an area of universal principles was observed ballet-dancers and steeplejacks). There is every
by Professor N . V . Belts-Geïman in the case reason to state, however, that those w h o are
of top tennis-players and by E . N . Evtushenko, beginning to draw closest to the 'universal
a chief coach and champion handball player principles' area are the star performers specialof the Twenty-second Olympiad.
izing in various sports. This is primarily to be
Anthropomaximological research find- explained by the fact that the selection, from
ings show that in order to demonstrate 'uni- a m o n g thousands of millions, of those indiversal principles' of optimum regulation of the viduals w h o m nature as a result of thousands
h u m a n organism the following requirements of years of evolution and selection has predishave to be met: the persons tested must be posed to the attainment of an exceptionally
naturally gifted to an exceptional degree in high level of specific functional development,
regard to the bodily systems under investi- and their further development by m a n y years
gation, and they must have spent m a n y years of ultra-intense training with the aim of
purposefully stretching their natural gifts to achieving absolute h u m a n records is one of
286
V. V. Kuznetsov
endowed him, due allowance being made for
the type of activity in question and his state
of development and training.
W h e r e A M L differs from other social
science disciplines is that it studies the physical
motor and psycho-functional potentialities of
m a n associated with the various forms and
types of activity in which they manifest themselves under conditions of m a x i m u m specific
effort. A s the research shows, it is only in such
activities that one is able to identify the true
'universal principles' allowing h u m a n capabilities to c o m e fully into their o w n in practical
terms for mastering methods and procedures
in any area of activity.
A n important feature of A M L is that it
rejects the method of averages (large samples)
and fixes the attention of researchers on the
study of unique individuals w h o m nature as a
result of thousands of years of evolution and
selection has endowed with a predisposition
Anthropomaximological
for an extremely high level of strictly defined
specific functioning of bodily systems, by virscience
tue of which after a number of years of ultraAnthropomaximology (from the Greek, an- intense specific effort they become 'pioneers',
thropos, meaning h u m a n being, the Latin, unveiling the universal laws that optimize this
maximum, and the Greek, logos, taken to m e a n physical functioning on a scale c o m m o n to
study), abbreviated as A M L in Russian, is the the whole of mankind.
science investigating the reserve potential of
This does not, however, m e a n standardthe healthy person and the way to realize it ization in the assessment of people. While
fully under m a x i m u m effort.
understanding the general principles, each
A M L came into being at the junction person must have his o w n style of activity and
of m a n y sciences—pedagogics, biomechanics, his o w n level of achievement. In other words,
psychology, biology, cybernetics and ergo- the universal principles identified will enable
nomics. T h e aim of A M L is to identify the m a n , taking account of his individual level of
reserve potential of healthy m a n in the mental, development and preparation, to attain a
psychological and physical spheres of activity qualitatively n e w attitude to reality. This in
for the purpose of increasing instruction levels, turn will be an additional factor in selfworking capacity and creative longevity. A M L improvement of the personality as a means of
makes it possible, on one hand, to determine its higher development and a basis for optiways of increasing the potential for estab- m u m utilization of the reserve potentiel of
lishing absolute universal records (in top-class the organism.
sport, astronautics, supersonic aviation, deepAnthropomaximology thus constitutes a
water diving and m a n y other areas) and, on qualitatively new methodological approach to
the other, by penetrating the 'secrets' of the the study of the reserve potential of the healthy
functioning of bodily systems under 'supra- h u m a n being.
maximal' stress, to understand the universal
The functional approach illuminates only
general principles enabling the ordinary person the functional aspect of the bodily systems
to optimize the reserves with which nature has investigated and gives an idea of the laws
the chief assignments of top-class sport. A s yet,
no other activity of modern m a n tackles such
assignments.
T h e initial results of experimental research
conducted on the model of top-class sport
points to the considerable scientific promise of
the methodology of the anthropomaximological approach in studying the reserve potential of m a n and identifying the most effective
universal principles of the functioning of the
leading bodily systems of the healthy person,
which play their part in the processes of speeding up instruction, increasing working capacity
and extending creative longevity.
Initial study of the whole spectrum of the
reserve potentialities of the healthy person on
the model of ultra-intense activity has thus
enabled us to create the n e w line of scientific
study w e call anthropomaximology.
The potentialities of man and
'anthropomaximology'
287
'Top form': A n Indian wrestler in a Delhi street. Imapress.
governing their operation at one level only.
The anthropomaximological approach makes
it possible to study the functional reserves of
the systems under investigation and to identify
the universal laws, so that their operation can
be optimized for any healthy person, due
allowance being m a d e for the nature of his activity and his state of development and training.
While the findings of the functional approach in research on the healthy h u m a n being
lead to a levelling of capabilities in instruction
and in occupational and creative work, the
anthropomaximological approach expands
those capabilities, raising them to a qualitatively new, higher level in keeping with the
changing demands of modern civilization.
Today practically no science connected
with the study of m a n can develop actively
without using the data of anthropomaximology. In the not very distant future we shall
be quite familiar with the idea of specializations such as biomechanical anthropomaximology, physiological anthropomaximology,
immunological anthropomaximology a n d the
like.
The extension and deepening of the thrust
of anthropomaximological research will in
time m a k e it possible to accumulate scientific
data forming a basis for a rigorous system of
principles defining the specific character of the
manifestation and formation of the whole
spectrum of the motor and psycho-functional
capabilities of m a n at the various levels of his
multifaceted activity. T h e extensive use of
computer technology will m a k e it possible to
work out for practically any person the o p timum variants for utilization of his inherent
motor and psycho-functional potential with
due regard to the nature of the d e m a n d for
constantly changing forms and patterns of
activity. In this case, the productivity of m e m bers of society in various spheres of activity
will rise sharply; the whole notion of m e a n
norms in various areas of vital activity will
become á thing of the past and be superseded
by the notion of optimization.
V. V. Kuznetsov
288
W e believe that the data of anthropomaximological research on genetic mechanisms and the characteristics of neuro-endocrinal, morpho-physiological and biochemical
mechanisms of adjustment will in a number of
cases provide a fresh understanding of the
mechanisms of general and specific adaptation,
which is one of the important subjects relevant
to the whole of mankind.
A s we k n o w , the life of any organism,
including m a n , is based on its interrelationship
with the external environment. Anthropomaximological research will help to supply
n e w data for requirements in regard to reorganization of the major components of the
external environment, such as city building.
T h e outstanding twentieth-century architect,
L e Corbusier, the originator of m a n y principles of modern large-scale urban architecture, is k n o w n to have put forward the idea of
anthropocentrism on the basis of his research,
using the mean biological and social norms of
the healthy m a n . However, anthropomaximology already enables us to assert that the
m e a n norms taken by Le Corbusier need
revising, and this means that the requirements
regarding large-scale urban architecture will
need to be revised as well. Traditional principles and methods of teaching are also liable
to radical revision. A clear instance of this is
the remarkable success of suggestive-cybernetic methods of teaching foreign languages,
shorthand and touch-typing, and instruction
in sports exercises involving complex coordination, where the methodology of the
instruction process differs radically from the
existing traditional approach.
and general application a great store of k n o w ledge still has to be accumulated. There is
every reason to suppose, however, that broader
and more thorough anthropomaximological
research will enable m a n more rapidly to k n o w
and master the whole expanse of his true
potential for training, physical and creative
work capacity and extended creative longevity.
It will befittingin conclusion to emphasize one other aspect of anthropomaximology.
People have long been striving to establish
worldwide projects for the good of mankind
as a whole. But so far no such projects have
come into being, despite a multitude of alluring global ideas. Such projects demand
colossal material outlays and, what is particularly important, universal involvement.
F r o m discussion of the idea of anthropomaximological research with leading scientists from
m a n y countries of Europe, America, Asia and
Africa, it appears that anthropomaximology
m a y already today be capable of becoming a
real scientific discipline for implementation of
thefirstworldwide scientific project involving
study of the reserve potentialities and capacities of m a n , use being m a d e for this
purpose of modern Olympic-level sport.
During the Olympic G a m e s a multidisciplinary scientific group consisting of leading
world scientists in pedagogics, physiology,
biology, medicine, psychology and biomechanics and equipped with the most up-to-date
scientific apparatus and training devices should
monitor the champions in the various sports
while they are under ultra-intense strain. The
data obtained will become the property of
the whole of mankind.
T h e n e w research trend is still in its
infancy and trying to find its feet. For the
purposes of broad practical recommendations
[Translated from Russian]
Notes
1. Sovetskaya Èntsiklopediya,
Moscow, 1979.
2 . Silovaya podgotovka
sportsmenov vysshikh razryadov
[Strength Training of T o p
Athletes], M o s c o w , Physical
Culture and Sport Publishing
House, 1970.
3. Silovaya podgotovka
sportsmena [Strength Training
of the Athlete], M o s c o w ,
'Sovetskaya Rossiya', 1975
The potentialities of man and 'anthropomaximology'
»Top training': T h e Japanese backstroke swimmer, Takeshi, training with bicycle-tyre inner tubes
to Strengthen his arms. J. P . Charbonnier/Top.
289
PHYSICAL CULTURE AND EDUCATION
Sport and physical education
Pierre Seurin
Introduction
of physical exercise, which are so deeply ingrained in their religions and customs, are
Sport today has become a phenomenon of tending to disappear. This is obviously the
considerable social importance, characterized logical consequence of the fact that the techby the contrast between the great uniformity niques and life-styles of the colonial powers
of its basic structures and rules and the great were transferred to the countries they colondiversity of its forms of expression in theory ized, as component parts of a 'modern' science,
and practice, depending o n the country or which only 'advanced' countries were considered capable of creating and using. But if
group of countries.
Structures are determined by the rules the phenomenon of sport is viewed as belonging to thefieldof folk culgoverning each particular
ture, art and expression
sport, which are estabPierre Seurin, a specialist in physical
rather than as being
lished by international or
education and a former French Unisimply a matter of technational federations; they
versities pole-vault champion (1937),
nique, there are surely
vary relatively little. The
is President of the International Federgrounds for regretting
ation of Physical Education, 65240 Arsame sports are practised
reau,
France,
and
member
of
the
this 'over-internationalizthe world over—footExecutive
Committee
of
Unesco's
Interation' of certain techball, basketball, athletics,
governmental Committee for Physical
niques of m o d e r n sport,
swimming, boxing, etc.—
Education and Sport. H e has pubwhich cast all peoples
in accordance with clearly
lished several books on physical education and sport, including Problèmes
into stereotyped modes
defined forms, and with
fondamentaux de l'éducation physique
of behaviour, sometimes
strict rules which are slow
et du sport (1979).
wholly alien to their into change.
nermost
nature.
These structures and
Yet despite this
rules are genuinely worldstereotyping, notable difwide, irrespective of ethnic or sociological factors. Thus the countries ferences appear in sports behaviour as beof Africa, Asia and Latin America have tween different countries or groups of countries
adopted, at both national and international which seem to be characteristic of types of
levels, the forms and rules of sport established civilization. This is because sport, as a social
by Europe and the United States of America, phenomenon, is of necessity linked to other
where modern sport originated. Instead of community forms of cultural, economic and
giving expression to their o w n cultures in even political expression. It also changes, as
sport, these countries have assimilated the regards both theory and practice, along with
patterns of sports behaviour imposed by inter- changes in the economic and political situnational federations, while their o w n traditions ation and the mentality of communities.
292
Pierre Seurin
favourites—because the event took place on
a Sunday. Fortunately, he was able to run in
thefinalsof the 400 metres the following week,
In ancient times, the Olympic G a m e s , in par- which he w o n , setting a new Olympic record
ticular, provided a characteristic example of (47.6 seconds).
Sport in the United Kingdom, especially
the integration of sport in a civilization. They
were, more than anything else, a religious and as a working-class pastime, developed only
cultural event. Only 'free-born m e n ' , that is, when Saturday became a half-day holiday.
the educated class of Greek society, could A n d it was not until 1960 that the English
take part in the games; slaves and w o m e n Football Association abolished Rule 25 of its
were excluded. Originally the pure expression Statutes, which prohibited the holding of
of religious and ethical ideals, the games were matches on Sundays. Even today, Sunday
gradually infiltrated and later dominated by a observance still prevails, and the famous rugby
spirit of lucre and professionalism, finally matches of the Five Nations Championship
assuming the form of the spectacles held in the (England, Wales, Ireland, Scotland and
R o m a n circus, before disappearing altogether. France) can be held only on Saturday afterIn the Middle Ages, a clear distinction noons; France has had to comply with this
can be drawn between the forms of sport rule.
Finally, British sport has always been
specific to the dominant class of lords and
knights, such as tournaments and jousts, and deeply concerned with its educational side, an
those practised by the people, with their tra- aspect stressed by T h o m a s Arnold, headditional games and also on occasion rough master of Rugby School (1828-42), and, as
primitive contests such as the French jeu de Mcintosh tells us, by other schools like Marlsoûle (an early form of football); though nobles borough College, founded in 1843, which
played a pioneering role in developing games
sometimes took part in such games.
2
Sport in modern times, though governed and sport as instruments of education. In his
by rules c o m m o n to all countries, is also deeply famous book, Tom Brown's Schooldays (1857),
marked by various social characteristics, pecu- T h o m a s Hughes wrote that the primary virtue
liar to each period of history and each civil- of sport was that it built character. Ever since
then, the British have regarded physical courization.
age, mental stamina, fairness and strict observance of rules as the social virtues to be
The United Kingdom
developed by the practice of sport. The healthHere, sport is rooted in firmly established building aspect of sport is certainly not lost
tradition, above all, in that of fair play. R e - sight of, but it is of secondary importance.
Changing patterns of sport
in different countries
spect for the rules and for the decisions of the
referee, and fairness towards one's opponent,
are still the hallmark of British sportsmanship,
though this by n o means precludes total
physical commitment, including the roughand-tumble of the encounter.
Another specific feature of British sport is
the sacrosanct principle that no sports events
should be held on Sundays, a rule instituted by
the Puritans.1 A classic example of Sunday
observance is the case of Eric Liddell, an
English clergyman, w h o refused to run in the
finals of the 100 metres at the Olympic G a m e s
in Paris in 1924—though he was one of the
It can be said that, despite some weakening of the standards of fair play and a few
unpleasant instances when it has gone by the
board altogether (such as crude and violent
demonstrations by young 'supporters' of professional football teams), typical British sportsmanlike behaviour is still very m u c h alive,
and is evidence of the close relationship
existing between a certain form of culture and
the behaviour of athletes and spectators.
Sport and physical education
293
Gymnasium at Columbia University, N e w York, in 1904. Snark.
The United States
In the United States sport also reflects certain
behaviouristic traits of Americans as a whole:
the obvious desire 'to befirst',the best in one's
club, university, town, country or the world.
Every American wants to be a 'winner', and
this will to win finds a magnificent outlet in
sports competitions, a factor that, moreover,
tends greatly to enhance the educational role
of competitive sport. 'Healthy competition is
the American way of life. O u r whole system
is based on competition. Is there then any
reason w h y w e should not have it in physical
education? Competition is the key to physical
fitness.'3
American schools and universities give
top priority to competitive sport. M a n y universities even seek to establish their reputation
on the success of their teams and athletes. This
has led to the development in the United States
of a virtual 'market in champions', that is,
athletically gifted students to w h o m universities offer special advantages (scholarships,
exemption from certain scholastic requirements, extension of the period for completing
the study programme, etc.), advantages which
serious educators often find excessive. T h e
dilemma facing the professor of physical education w h o has the professional responsibility
of educating and training all students, including the non-athletic, but w h o , as coach,
must concentrate his efforts on the most gifted
athletes if he is to obtain the successes that
294
will ensure his being kept on by the university,
has been described by one such professor and
coach, Paul Governali, of the University of
San Diego. 4
It should be noted, however, that this
heavy emphasis o n sport for a n élite was
officially counterbalanced by the establishm e n t , in 1957, of the President's Council on
Y o u t h Fitness, which aimed at developing in
every state a programme of simple physical
exercises to promote the health and physical
fitness of all young people. Moreover, leading
institutions like the Massachusetts Institute of
Technology (MIT), and the universities of
Harvard, Yale, Princeton and others o w e their
reputation m u c h more to academic excellence
and the value of their research programmes
than to their athletic teams, though these also
are first-rate.
Another feature of American sport is its
'business' aspect, to be seen in thefieldof
spectator sports. The major American football, baseball, basketball and, most recently,
soccer (European football) teams are really
business enterprises—most of them very profitable—which pay huge salaries to their star
performers and coaches. Newspapers and television give wide publicity to professional sport
and little to amateur sport. N o wonder, then,
that outstanding athletes like Alf Oerter (four
times Olympic champion at discus-throwing,
in 1956, 1960, 1964 and 1968) are virtually
u n k n o w n to the public. The result is that the
large majority of top athletes turn professional
early on. Thus, in any objective assessment of
the general value of American sport—for
example, when comparing the number of
Olympic medals w o n by the United States with
those w o n by the U S S R or the G e r m a n
Democratic Republic—it should be borne in
mind that the majority of the best American
athletes cannot compete in the Olympic G a m e s
because they are professional footballers, baseball players, etc.
A third typical feature of American sport,
of recent date, is the extraordinary developm e n t ofjogging, touring on bicycles, and other
open-air activities, as a reaction against mechanization, a sedentary way of life and over-
Pierre Seurin
eating. This ' n e w vogue', originating in the
United States, has n o w become widespread;
it is vigorously promoted by the medical profession and public figures, with increasing
support form a number of business firms
(manufacturers of running shoes, bicycles,
skis, etc.). A t the same time, the typically
American 'record-breaking mentality' still
colours this healthy reaction. M a n y joggers,
including even w o m e n and children, become
marathon runners, subjecting themselves to
rigorous training. The N e w York Marathon,
in which thousands of runners take part, is
the scene of m a n y sports accidents (mostly
cases of tendinitis and tearing of the Achilles
tendon) and even deaths from over-exertion
(generally heart failure).
T h e socialist countries
The socialist countries of Europe, and also
Cuba, have succeeded in fully integrating sport
into the social system. Sport is, moreover, recognized as a 'civic right', provided for by law.
It is true that with a view to providing
additional proof of the value of their political
systems these countries attach great importance to the international successes of their
champions, and put their teams through long
and thorough training, in order to win Olympic
medals, for example. Indeed some of their
rivals have denounced these athletes as being
in fact professionals, 'state athletes', w h o ,
though not officially receiving remuneration,
enjoy substantial advantages as regards their
work, education, and standard of living when
they are 'in their prime' and often afterwards.
But it is equally obvious that at the purely
national level, sport retains its primary role as
an activity of great social value. Enormous
importance is attached to the health and
cultural benefits of mass sports competitions
(above all the great 'Spartakiad' movement),
to sport for all (through the establishment of
large numbers of training centres especially for
open-air activities), and to physical education
in schools.
Sport is a powerful, dynamic and genuinely popular component part of socialist cul-
Sport and physical education
295
Japanese railway workers at their morning physical exercises. Silvester/Rapho.
ture, to which the author himself can attest
from visits to a number of countries (the
G e r m a n Democratic Republic, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Romania, Bulgaria and Cuba).
The developing countries
of Africa and Asia
The extreme diversity which characterizes the
political, economic and cultural life of African
and Asian countries makes impossible any
uniform description of the relationship between sport and the social groups present in
these countries. However, the following c o m m o n features m a y be noted:
'Modern' forms of sport are, as a rule, practised only by an élite of gifted athletes.
Membership in sports federations is very
limited in relation to the total population.
In most cases these athletes compete on behalf
of their country, to enhance its prestige by
winning sports events. For example Kenya,
Ethiopia and Uganda, a m o n g others, have
gained prominence through their c h a m pions, most of w h o m are trained by foreign
coaches.
In most of these countries, physical education
in school and sport for all are virtually nonexistent. This is not surprising in regions
where frequently very severe climatic conditions, a very low standard of living for the
masses, in some cases famine and in all cases
the harsh struggle to survive, leave scant
time or energy for sports activities as a
leisure pursuit.
Local traditions of popular games, usually
having a religious basis, do nevertheless survive, mainly in rural areas. But traditional
Pierre Seurin
296
games are n o w tending to disappear, or to
be kept u p by only a few folk-groups
for the entertainment of tourists. Third
World governments sometimes encourage
this trend, which the author personally finds
regrettable, by requesting rich countries to
help them in developing primarily modern
forms of sport, instead of preserving and
strengthening their national forms of sport,
notwithstanding their wealth of cultural
content.
The countries of Latin America
F r o m the surveys carried out by F I E P at the
request of Unesco, on physical education and
sport in Latin America in 1976 and 1979, it is
clear that typically Latin-American traits of
individual and social behaviour are accurately
mirrored in sports behaviour.
First of all, there is an immense gap
between words and action, between intentions
and practice. Most official texts produced by
ministries of education and sport provide a
clear-cut and, in our view, excellent definition
of what physical education in schools and educational sport should be. T h e programmes
proposed have been very seriously studied and
are very well worked out. But they have no
bearing on the real state of affairs. The fact of
the matter is that in most countries physical
education in schools remains at the planning
stage, for the material and educational facilities required to carry it outf do not exist:
there are shortages of equipment and qualified
instructors, and classrooms are overcrowded.
Sport is above all a spectator sport—not
the practice of sport—for the vast majority of
a population still living at subsistence level
under conditions which from the standpoint
of health and hygiene are absolutely appalling.
The economic situation and the 'Latin
temperament' likewise explain the importance
attached to professional sport. M a n y athletically gifted children and teenagers live in the
hope—a hope shared by their parents—of
'rising from rags to riches' through professional sport, primarily football.
The professional player becomes a hero,
the darling of the crowds. S o m e of them
m a k e fortunes. Professional clubs, which are
very well endowed with gifts and subscriptions
from their wealthy members (socios), are allpowerful. The sports event is a prime attraction. Caught up in the excitement of bettings,
a whole city or even a whole nation, o n
occasion, lives only for these matches, largely
neglecting family life and the constraints of
work. O n e has only to attend a major football
match in Brazil, Argentina or Mexico, or a
baseball g a m e in Venezuela, to appreciate the
passion this typically Latin love of games,
spectacles, and the mass expression of feelings,
can generate a m o n g the huge crowds w h o
throng stadiums.
This view of the situation, which is so
discouraging for an educator, should however
be tempered by a reference to the efforts m a d e
in recent years in some countries (mainly
Brazil, Chile and Mexico) to develop physical
education in schools and sport for all. C u b a
is a case apart: it should be grouped for its
achievements in this field along with the
socialist countries of Europe.
Western Europe
The countries of Western Europe have been
fairly successful in integrating sport into economic and political systems marked by a generally high standard of living, individual freed o m and freedom from state interference, and
by the influence of organized social groups.
It is true that spectator sport and highly
competitive sport occupy an important place,
but physical education in schools enjoy substantial governmental support. In general,
sports equipment and facilities in schools, the
number of hours devoted to sport in school
timetables and the number and calibre of
instructors are such as to produce relatively
effective results. It is above all factors such as
a high standard of living (despite the problems
caused today by fairly substantial unemployment), a considerable amount of free time
(most countries are moving in the direction
of a forty-hour and even a thirty-five-hour
working week), the number and excellence of
Sport and physical education
sports facilities at the public's disposal, transportation facilities, and efforts by governments
in conjunction with the activities of commercial and industrial firms (manufacturers and
dealers in sport goods, agencies for the organization of leisure pursuits), backed by extensive
advertising, which m a k e it possible for large
numbers of young people and adults to engage
in a very wide variety of recreational sports
activities.
Thus in most of these countries tremendous progress has been m a d e in recent years
in thefieldof sport for all. It can be said that
sport for all n o w numbers m a n y more participants than competitive sport organized by individual federations. For example, out of the
16.5 million members of the Deutscher Sportbund (the Sports Federation of the Federal
Republic of Germany), it is estimated that
two-thirds practise recreational sport (sport
for all) and only one-third competitive sport.
These figures probably foreshadow future
trends of sport in most countries.
297
In addition to these general needs there m a y
be other special motivations:
A concern with one's appearance ('keeping
one's figure'), perhaps felt more deeply by
women.
T h e desire to keep u p with the fashion—the
present vogue of jogging, for example—and
to rank a m o n g those engaged in sport.
Love of the g a m e , of effort, of competition,
especially a m o n g young people, and even
a m o n g adults, some of w h o m keep up their
former sports activities for a long time
afterwards.
T h e will to win, to set records, to prove
oneself—all part of the 'sports mentality'.
The moral and, in some cases, material satisfaction that comes from success in sport.
All these needs, some of them genuinely deeply
felt (the need to prove oneself, for example),
point to the likelihood that physical leisure
activities which can fulfil such needs will bec o m e increasingly important in the life of
every individual.
While such needs have barely emerged, if
at all, in the developing countries, it is clear
Sport in the years ahead
that they will become increasingly important
as living conditions improve.
In the light of these needs and the outlook
Motivations for physical exercise
for the future in each country, it is possible to
A great deal of research has been done in this forecast the general pattern of sport in the
field. The motivations which hold true for all coming years. However any such forecast
age-groups engaged in the practice of sport in should obviously take into account the situall the developed countries m a y be sum- ation from the outset, that is to say, the present
state of sport as a social reality, rather than a
marized as follows:
Growing awareness of the need for regular theoretical ideal.
Reference has been m a d e above to the
and reasonable physical activity to maintain,
develop or recover health and bodily vigour. main distinctive features of national types of
The need for physical activity to compensate sport. However, as far as competitive sport is
for a sedentary way of life in an increasingly concerned—highly competitive sport in particular—it is possible to say that the following
mechanized world.
The need to 'get back to nature' in an in- picture is true for all countries:
Competitive sport is highly selective; it is based
creasingly urban world.
on the championship principle, and operates
The need for personal relations in a world
by eliminating the weakest.
where in cities the individual is alone in the
crowd, and where, even in the countryside, Competitive sport is n o w organized notprimarily by educators, but by club leaders whose
family and village gatherings and social
first concern is that their club should win, or
evenings, so rich in interpersonal communiby sports promoters, financial interests or
cation, are being replaced by the passive and
even occasionally politically inspired groups.
solitary activity of watching television.
Pierre Seurin
298
Victory 'at all costs' is the only thing that
counts: the essential thing is to win, even if
it means resorting to cheating, rough play
and the dangers of doping; to win means
competing aggressively, not to say ferociously; this decisive psychological factor
is increasingly taken into account by trainers
and competitors, and to acquire it, lengthy
specialized training is necessary. For m a n y
athletes this increasingly demanding type
of training is time-consuming (several hours
a day), leaving little leisure or energy for
other cultural activities, or even for normal
professional activities and family life. There
is also unfortunately the exploitation—the
word is not too strong—of gifted young
children w h o are forced to undergo very
hard training at an early age, the physiological and psychological dangers of which
have been pointed out by both doctors and
educators.
Another reason for winning is 'the glory of
one's club', 'the honour of one's country';
in some cases, it is to demonstrate the superiority of a political régime. These a m bitions seem hardly worthwhile, when one
takes into account all the factors involved:
the individual prowess of the athlete (irrespective of his club or country); the luck of
the game; the actual relativity of a win
(by a tenth of a second, a few centimetres,
or the subjective decision of a referee); and
the brief hour offleetingtriumph w o n .
This being the recognized state of affairs in
highly competitive sport, professionalism is
the almost inevitable outcome, and any forecast of what sport will bejn the years to c o m e
will have to take it into account. Fortunately,
however, there are other trends which are
more reassuring for educators, for example the
practice of competitive sport by genuine a m a teurs, of w h o m there are far more than the
mass media coverage of sport would suggest.
In a number of countries there are still m a n y
young people w h o go in for sport genuinely
for pleasure, for love of effort, and with no
idea of gain, some of them at very high levels
of performance. There is also the major m o v e ment towards sport for all, which, as indicated
above, is making considerable progress in
some countries.
This analysis of the present situation in
sport and the motivations most commonly to
be found m a y throw light on the possible development of sport in the twenty-first century.
Professional sport
Because sport has become a fact of life of
society; linked not only to culture but also to
social and economic interests, it must be accepted that professional sport has c o m e to
stay. Like the theatre, the dance or the circus,
it is a natural form of corporal expression. A n d
in a civilization which will probably be dominated byfinancialinterests for a long time to
come, it is in the nature of things that a gifted
football, basketball or tennis player, boxer or
other athlete should be able to earn a more or
less comfortable living by exploiting his gifts,
in the same way as a singer, a juggler or an
acrobat. Moreover, like them, he contributes
to the social and cultural action promoted by
any performance of quality.
But if this new occupation of professional
athlete is to provide a living—or m a k e it possible to survive, in some cases—it will have to
be organized methodically and nationally, like
any other occupation, and above all as a
paying proposition. T w o basic factors will
have to be taken into account:
Thefirstis the quality and quantity of the
'goods' marketed; these draw the spectator,
w h o pays for them and is a source of income.
It is therefore obvious that the 'athletic profession' can be open only to a minority of
specially gifted persons capable of giving a fine
and attractive performance. If there are too
m a n y participants and too m a n y promoters
(professional clubs), competition becomes too
severe, offer exceeds demand, etc., and players ,
and clubs go out of business, like any c o m m e r cial or industrialfirmthat fails to pay its way.
The second factor is the short working
life. Unlike most careers in the theatre of the
circus, sports careers are necessarily of sort
duration, the reason being that competition
isfierce,not to say merciless.
Sport and physical education
299
The traditional Chinese slow movements called tai chi zhuan, popularly k n o w n as 'shadow boxing'.
Paulo Koch/Rapho.
Based on the principle of selective competition and championship, professional sport
nowadays inevitably eliminates the weakest.
The only athletes w h o survive are the 'reigning
champions', whose reign is usually short, since
the athlete's basic powers diminish rapidly
with age, and above all challengers are constantly on the wait for the slightest weakness,
ready to seize their place. T h e sports profession of the future will therefore have to be
organized along the following lines: (a) it will
have to be concentrated in a few well-managed
Pierre Seurin
300
clubs, with a limited number of'participants'
and personnel; and (b) it will have to be sure
of a constant influx of n e w players, and supported by sound programmes of'post-athletic'
employment for professionals w h o m a y frequently be compelled to give up 'working' at
the age of 30.
However, alongside professional sports
activities focused on systematic competition,
another form of activity can also be envisaged,
one based primarily on non-competitive artistic performances. T h e example already set
by the Harlem Globetrotters for basketball,
and by the Kramer professional tennis tours,
m a y well be followed in other fields.
mally, neither in stadiums nor before spectators. In the case of competitive events the
rules are very flexible: old and young, m e n
and w o m e n , good and not-so-good players
are often members of the same team, and the
spirit of co-operation, and helping the weak,
prevails over rivalry and the desire to win at
all costs. Everyone tries to do his best, no one
ever feeling ridiculous or being a drag on the
others. But everyone is actively involved, with
the result that everyone enjoys the physical
and psychological benefits of these activities.
It is also interesting to note that these genuinely recreational and educative forms of
sports for all are beginning to alter mental
attitudes towards sport, and this is no doubt
Sport for all
what is most important. Beating one's opponent, or setting a record, are n o w becoming
In total contrast to professional sport, as re- secondary considerations; and the passion for
gards both its basic conception and structures, sport and hero-worship are assuming more
amateur or recreational sport will, in our view, reasonable proportions.
constitute by far the major form of sport in
Judging from the situation in a number
the twenty-first century. Its importance in of countries where sport for all has become
different countries has already been noted. a reality (Sweden, Finland, the United KingSince it reflects the innermost motivations of d o m , the Federal Republic of Germany, the
a larger number of people, and can satisfy the United States, and others), it can be stated
c o m m o n l y felt needs of all peoples w h o have that for m a n y people in these countries the
reached a decent standard of living, it is bound interest in winning medals at the Olympic
to develop rapidly as further progress is m a d e G a m e s , or being proud of one's champions,
in the economic and social fields. Already, is m u c h less important than the desire to pracquite apart from competitive sport organized
tice sport and the satisfaction that it procures.
by different sports federations, millions of
Moreover, since business and industry
people of all ages throughout the world are
clearly recognize that substantial profits are
engaged in the regular practice of physical
to be m a d e from the development of sport for
activities in a great variety of forms, simply
all, this is one instance where the interest of
in order to keep fit and for their o w n enjoyadvertisers and businessmen coincide with
ment. Examples are open-air activities (skiing,
those of educators.
mountaineering, excursions, sailing, bicycle
By thus bringing about a change in m e n touring, etc.) in most developed countries;
tality and social attitudes through a rewarding
amateur gymnastics in Sweden, France,
Finland and Belgium: T R I M and similar dialogue between an idea and action which
movements in N o r w a y , D e n m a r k , the Federal reciprocally inspire and invigorate each other,
Republic of G e r m a n y , the United K i n g d o m , spreading throughout the community, sport
the Netherlands, Japan, Israel, Spain, Brazil, for all will set the pattern for sport in the years
Mexico and elsewhere; jogging in the United to come. In this way it will also in our view,
States, Canada and Australia; the mass games m a k e a vital contribution to saving amateur
of Spartakiads in the U S S R , Poland, Czecho- competitive sport and its supreme expression—the Olympic G a m e s .
slovakia and other countries.
Most of these activities take place infor-
Sport and physical education
301
Amateur competitive sport
ment to fair play, and respect for one's o p ponent and the referee; (c) being a g o o d winner
Though threatened today by professionalism and a good loser; and (d) rejection of all forms
and the excesses and dangers inherent in the of excessive patriotism or nationalism.
all-out pursuit of victory, and the race to
The time m a y come, then, w h e n there will
produce champions, competitive sport not be less hero-worship of champions a n d less
only can but must survive. It is indeed the striving after 'phenomenal' records. W h a t
natural expression of the specifically h u m a n really matters, from the h u m a n a n d social
need to put oneself to the test, to surpass standpoint, is that everyone—whether a c h a m oneself, to go 'faster, further and higher'. pion or the most lowly amateur—should deThanks to the new sports mentality created by rive greater enjoyment and physical benefit
the movement of sport for all, thanks to the from competitive sport in which all can take
action of educators in schools, which continues part; and that in thefinalanalysis society as
to be essential, and of trainers in sports clubs, a whole should capitalize on its health a n d
which is highly desirable, competitive sport enjoy greater social productivity thanks to
will recover, or maintain, the educational fea- wholesome physical activities.
tures which m a k e for its immediate value and
lasting strength, namely: (a) disinterestedness
(sport is essentially a game); (b) the commit[Translatedfrom French]
Notes
1. Peter Mcintosh, Sport in
Society, London, Watts,
1963.
2. Ibid.
3. 'Compétition et éducation
physique', in L'Homme sain,
N o . 5, 1961'(based on comments
by B . Wilkinson, coach at the
University of Oklahoma).
4. See 'Éducateurs et
entraîneurs', FIEP, Bulletin,
N o ! 4, 1973.
PHYSICAL CULTURE AND EDUCATION
Unesco's 'International Charter
of Physical Education and Sport'
Preamble
Convinced that to preserve and develop the
physical, intellectual and moral powers of
The General Conference of the United Nations
the h u m a n being improves the quality of
Educational, Scientific and Cultural O r life at the national and the international
ganization, meeting in Paris at its twenlevels,
tieth session, this twenty-first day of Believing that physical education and sport
N o v e m b e r 1978,
should m a k e a more effective contribution
to the inculcation of fundamental h u m a n
Recalling that in the United Nations Charter
values underlying the full development of
the peoples proclaimed their faith in fundapeoples,
mental h u m a n rights and in the dignity and
worth of the h u m a n
Stressing accordingly that
physical education and
person, and affirmed
This charter was proclaimed by the
sport
should seek
their determination to
General Conference of Unesco at its
to
promote
closer
promote social progtwentieth session in 1978, which also
c o m m u n i o n between
ress and better stancreated the Inter-governmental C o m mittee for Physical Education and Sport,
peoples and between
dards of life,
responsible
for
the
promotion
of
interindividuals,
together
Recalling that by the
national collaboration in thisfield,and
with
disinterested
emuterms of the Universal
the International Fund for the Devellation,
solidarity
and
Declaration of H u m a n
opment of Physical Education and
fraternity, mutual reSport, supported by voluntary contriRights, everyone is enbutions with the aim of encouraging the
spect and understandtitled to all the rights
practice of physical education and sport
ing, and full respect for
and freedoms set forth
in the world.
the integrity and digtherein without disnity of h u m a n beings,
crimination of any kind
Considering that responsias to race, colour, sex,
bilities and obligations
language, religion, polare incumbent upon the industrialized
itical or other opinion, national or social oricountries and the developing countries alike
gin, property, birth or other consideration,
for reducing the disparity which continues
Convinced that one of the essential conditions
to exist between them in respect of free and
for the effective exercise of h u m a n rights is
universal access to physical education and
that everyone should be free to develop and
sport,
preserve his or her physical, intellectual and
moral powers, and that access to physical Considering that to integrate physical education and sport in the natural environment
education and sport should consequently
is to enrich them and to inspire respect of
be assured and guaranteed for all h u m a n
the earth's resources and a concern to
beings,
304
Unesco's 'International Charter of Physical Education and Sport''
conserve them and use them for the greater
good of humanity as a whole,
Taking into account the diversity of the forms
of training and education existing in the
world, but noting that, notwithstanding the
differences between national sports structures, it is clearly evident that physical education and sport are not confined to physical
well-being and health but also contribute to
the full and well-balanced development of
the h u m a n being,
Taking into account, furthermore, the enorm o u s efforts that have to be m a d e before
the right to physical education and sport
can become a reality for all h u m a n beings,
Stressing the importance for peace and friendship a m o n g peoples of co-operation between
the international governmental and nongovernmental organizations responsible for
physical education and sport,
Proclaims this International Charter for the
purpose of placing the development of
physical education and sport at the service
of h u m a n progress, promoting their development, and urging governments, c o m petent non-governmental organizations,
educators, families and individuals themselves to be guided thereby, to disseminate
it and to put it into practice.
Article 1. The practice of physical education
and sport is a fundamental right for all
1.1. Every h u m a n being has a fundamental
right of access to physical education and
sport, which are essential for the full development of his personality. T h e freedom to develop physical, intellectual and moral powers
through physical education and sport must
be guaranteed both within the educational
system and in other aspects of social life.
1.2. Everyone must have full opportunities, in accordance with his national tradition of sport, for practising physical education and sport, developing his physical
fitness and attaining a level of achievement
in sport which corresponds to his gifts.
1.3. Special opportunities must be m a d e
available for young people, including children
of pre-school age, for the aged and for the
handicapped to develop their personalities to
the full through physical education and sport
programmes suited to their requirements.
Article 2. Physical education and sport form
an essential element of lifelong education
in the overall education system
2.1. Physical education and sport, as an essential dimension of education and culture, must
develop the abilities, will-power and selfdiscipline of every h u m a n being as a fully
integrated m e m b e r of society. The continuity
of physical activity and the practice of sports
must be ensured throughout life by means of
a global, lifelong and democratized education.
2.2. A t the individual level, physical education and sport contribute to the maintenance
and improvement of health, provide a wholesome leisure-time occupation and enable m a n
to overcome the drawbacks of modern living.
At the community level, they enrich social relations and develop fair play, which is essential
not only to sport itself but also to life in society.
2.3. Every overall education system must
assign the requisite place and importance to
physical education and sport in order to establish a balance and strengthen links between
physical activities and other components of
education.
Article 3. Physical education and
sport programmes must meet individual
and social needs
3.1. Physical education and sport programmes
must be designed to suit the requirements and
personal characteristics of those practising
them, as well as the institutional, cultural,
socio-economicandclimaticconditionsofeach
country. They must give priority to the requirements of disadvantaged groups in society.
3.2. In the process of education in general,
physical education and sport programmes
must, by virtue of both their content and their
timetables, help to create habits and behaviour
patterns conducive to full development of the
h u m a n person.
Unesco's 'International Charter of Physical Education and Sport'
3.3. Even when it has spectacular features,
competitive sport must always aim, in accordance with the Olympic ideal, to serve the purpose of educational sport, of which it represents the crowning epitome. It must in n o
w a y be influenced by profit-seeking c o m m e r cial interests.
Article 4. Teaching, coaching and
administration of physical education and sport
should be performed by qualified personnel
305
term needs in the matter of installations, facilities and equipment for physical education a n d
sport, taking into account the opportunities
offered by the natural environment.
Article 6. Research and evaluation are
indispensable components of the development
of physical education and sport
6.1. Research and evaluation in physical education and sport should m a k e for the progress
of all forms of sport and help to bring about
4.1. All personnel w h o assume professional an improvement in the health a n d safety o f
responsibility for physical education and sport participants as well as in training methods and
must have appropriate qualifications a n d organization and m a n a g e m e n t procedures.
training. They must be carefully selected in T h e education system will thereby benefit from
sufficient numbers and given preliminary as innovations calculated to develop better teachwell as further training to ensure that they ing methods and standards of performance.
6.2. Scientific research, whose social i m reach adequate levels of specialization.
plications
in this sphere should not be over4.2. 'Voluntary personnel', given approlooked,
must
be oriented in such a way that
priate training and supervision, can m a k e an
it
does
not
allow
of improper applications to
invaluable contribution to the comprehensive
physical
education
and sport.
development of sport and encourage the participation of the population in the practice and
organization of physical and sport activities.
Article 7. Information and documentation
4.3. Appropriate structures must be estab- help to promote physical education
lished for the training of personnel for physical and sport
education and sport. Personnel w h o have
received such training must be given a status 7.1. T h e collection» provision a n d dissemination of information and documentation o n
in keeping with the duties they perform.
physical education and sport constitute a
major necessity. In particular, there is a need
Article 5. Adequate facilities and equipment
to circulate information o n the results of reare essential to physical education
search and evaluation studies concerning proand sport
g r a m m e s , experiments and activities.
5.1. Adequate and sufficient facilities a n d
equipment must be provided and installed to Article 8. The mass media should exert
meet the needs of intensive and safe particia positive influence on physical education
pation in both in-school and out-of-school
and sport
programmes concerning physical education
8.1. Without prejudice to the right of freedom
and sport.
5.2. It is incumbent o n governments, of information, it is essential that everyone
public authorities, schools and appropriate involved in the mass media be fully conscious
private agencies, at all levels, to join forces and of his responsibilities having regard to the
plan together so as to provide and m a k e social importance, the humanistic purpose a n d
o p t i m u m use of installations, facilities and the moral values embodied in physical eduequipment for physical education and sport. cation and sport.
8.2. Relations between those involved in
5.3. It is essential that plans for rural and
urban development include provision for long- the mass media and specialists in physical
306
Unesco's 'International Charter of Physical Education and Sport'1
education and sport must be close and based
on mutual confidence in order to exercise a
positive influence on physical education and
sport and to ensure objective and well-founded
information. Training of personnel for the
media m a y include elements relating to physical education and sport.
Article 10. International co-operation
is a prerequisite for the universal
and well-balanced promotion of
physical education and sport
10.1. It is essential that States and those international and regional intergovernmental and
non-governmental organizations in which
interested countries are represented and which
Article 9. National institutions play a major roleare responsible for physical education and
in physical education and sport
sport give physical education and sport greater
prominence in international bilateral and
9.1. It is essential that public authorities at all multilateral co-operation.
levels and specialized non-governmental
10.2. International co-operation must be
bodies encourage those physical education
prompted by wholly disinterested motives in
and sport activities whose educational value
order to promote and stimulate endogenous
is most evident. Their action shall consist in
development in this field.
enforcing legislation and regulations, pro10.3. Through co-operation and the purviding material assistance and adopting all
suit
of mutual interests in the universal
other measures of encouragement, stimulation
language
of physical education and sport, all
and control. T h e public authorities will also
peoples
will
contribute to the preservation of
ensure that suchfiscalmeasures are adopted as
lasting
peace,
mutual respect and friendship
m a y encourage these activities.
and will thus create a propitious climate for
9.2. It is incumbent on all institutions solving international problems. Close colresponsible for physical education and sport laboration between all interested national
to promote a consistent, overall and decen- and international governmental and nontralized plan of action in the framework of governmental agencies, based on respect for
lifelong education so as to allow for continuity the specific competence of each, will necessand co-ordination between compulsory physi- arily encourage to development of physical
cal activities and those practised freely and education and sport throughout the world.
spontaneously.
Modern Olympic
Games
Athens, 1896. Thefirstmodern Olympiad. Arrival of the winner of the Marathon (2 hours, 55 minutes,
30 seconds) accompanied by Prince George of Greece at the double in the marble stadium constructed for
the occasion. Perrin/Edimages.
308
1914. Poster to mark the twentieth anniversary of the revival in a fateful year. N o games were held
between 1912 (Stockholm) and 1920 (Antwerp). Penin/Edimages.
Modem Olympic Games.
Berlin, 1936. A n occasion for Nazi showmanship. Keystone.
309
310
T o k y o , 1964. Shinto rite of purification of a swimming pool. J. p. Charbonnier/Top.
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H u m a n sciences and
social practices
He who tools the instrument
Is not the man who plays it.
What is said when fishing.
Is not what is said at the sharing out.
J. P . Boutinet
Mynianka proverbs (Mali)
Various questions are inevitably raised b y
this extensive intrusion of the social sciences
into our daily, a n d even our private, lives;
T h e spectacular growth of the social sciences1 what does this n e w practice a m o u n t to? W h a t
over the last forty years is o n e of the most are its implications? W h a t hopes does it
significant characteristics of the development hold out?
of the industrial societies; evidence of this
T h e practice of social sciences can b e
growth is seen in the rapid extension of k n o w - understood in two different ways: either as the
ledge in the university context: the study of w o r k of researchers developing a b o d y o f
psychology, sociology, ethnology and linguis- theory, or as the application of knowledge to a
tics is n o w an established
specific situation. This
feature of most univerdual interpretation c o n J. P. Boutinet is a lecturer at the Instisities. A t the same time,
fers ambiguity o n the
tute of Psychology and Applied Social
there has been a protitle
w e have adopted, for
Sciences, B . P . 808, 49005 Angers,
liferation of k n o w - h o w in
the want of m o r e approCedex, France.
several professional secpriate words, ' H u m a n
tors, as demonstrated, for
Sciences and Social Pracinstance, b y the emergtices'.
ence of social w o r k as
Actually, w e shall dea n e w professional pracliberately exploit this a m tice, with its proclaimed
biguity to stress a twofold
objective of improving
contrast between theory
the context of our daily
and practice: (a) k n o w lives, or again by the
ledge established scientifigrowing desire of the incally as opposed to k n o w dustrial sector to restore
ledge based o n empirical
initiative and responsibility to the workforce, professional experience; a n d (b) intellectual
in the exercise of its skills; reference should production of a symbolic nature, as opposed
also be m a d e to thefieldof education in which to instrumental activity. This twofold contrast
teaching methods are based o n the whole in the relations between theory a n d practice
spectrum of educational sciences. Finally, forms a perpetual chiasmus. 2
without any attempt to be exhaustive, mention
T h e 'chiasmus' figure calls into question
should also be m a d e of the role played by the the widely held image of a natural and gradual
h u m a n sciences in all aspects of continuing transition between theory a n d practice. It is
education, with a view to helping adults adjust therefore by w a y of offsetting this image that,
to a changing professional a n d social world. from the outset, it is argued here that there
The failure
of the social sciences
J. P. Boutinet
314
can be no perceptible, continuous interchange
between theory and practice, any more than
there can be reduction of one to the other.
Theory and practice are basically antithetical;
one can lead to the other, not by imperceptible
steps but as a result of methodological dissociations,3 placing them just as frequently
in a position of contrast as in a complementary one.
In this dialectic relationship between theory and practice, our basic argument therefore
takes account of the fact that these two autono m o u s poles are partly incommunicable and
partly complementary; despite their conflicting relations, they are nevertheless essential to
each other, since theory that is not founded on
practical experience would rapidly become
ideological, whereas practice devoid of any
theoretical basis would soon be condemned to
stagnation.
The preceding argument will n o w be corroborated inversely, by examining each of the
two poles separately and considering the possible effects of isolating or uniting them;
particular thought will be given to the hybrid
nature of the techniques. This procedure will
enable the following questions to be dealt with
successively: (a) the nature of theory in the
social sciences; (b) the characteristics of social
practices; (c) the status of the techniques.
In so doing, an attempt will be m a d e to
answer two key questions which are central to
the relations between theory and practice.
W h a t is the aim of the social scientist in developing his theories, and h o w does the professional see the practical processes which help
to guide his action?
This discussion is in no way irrelevant:
in fact, it focuses on a topical situation which
requires our attention: researchers, teachers,
practitioners, of the social sciences are currently undergoing a period of disillusionment,
brought about by the proliferation of scientific
achievement which, for over twenty years, has
heralded a radical change in the status quo.
Yet, apart from speeches, nothing has actually changed; on the contrary, the situation
seems to have reverted to its original state, in
keeping with the image favoured by Nietzsche
of 'eternal recurrence'. T h e social sciences,
with their early claim to pragmatic, even militant ambitions, are bound to consider the
existing situation as a failure.
O f course, if this situation has arisen, it
is partly due to the researchers and practitioners themselves, w h o fell victim to the
spectacular infatuation with the social sciences, which occurred in the aftermath of the
Second World W a r and has continued until
recent years. The inevitable disenchantment
currently felt raises several questions as to the
nature of these sciences, and the practices they
tend to generate. In our view, the question of
the relations between theory and practice is
posed in terms which are bound to lead to a
confrontation: it is therefore our intention to
seek to clarify the ambiguities present in these
relations.
The nature of theory
in the social sciences
The ambiguity of the human sciences
A review of the products generated reveals
that they are far from homogeneous; their
designation as h u m a n or social sciences is
highly ambiguous, in four different respects.
The shift in meaning, occasioned by the
choice of either ' h u m a n ' or 'social', should
first be noted. W h y this w h i m of terminology, which leads in both cases to variations
in disciplinary demarcation? For instance,
although psychology is seen as an integral part
of the h u m a n sciences, it is frequently relegated
to a peripheral position in the social sciences,
doubtless as -a result of the long-established
conflict of'the individual versus the group'.
A w h i m of this sort can certainly be
explained by the fact that the social sciences
imply a collective connotation, whereas, in
m a n y cases, the h u m a n sciences are limited to
a more individual, generic dimension. It is
also true that the hazards of terminology are
more likely to set thé social sciences against
social practices, which have no particular connotations, whereas these same hazards are less
Human sciences and social practices
apt to contrast the h u m a n sciences with h u m a n
practices. The moralizing implications of this
kind of contrast are immediately evident: hum a n practices immediately suggest inhuman
practices. Moral overtones undoubtedly exist,
but it is thought best to conceal them. It should
be remembered that for a long time our sciences were k n o w n as moral sciences, at once
the scientific study of morals and the scientific
determination of morality. Moreover, this m a y
explain w h y , despite appearances of positivism, the h u m a n sciences have remained profoundly standard-setting, throughout the orthodoxies usually claimed as a basis and the
orthopraxes brought about by social practices.
The controversies between different schools
of thought, with their violence and partiality
towards psychology and sociology, linguistics and ethnology, are often indicative of
standard-setting concerns, more than of any
desire for objectivity.
Without cutting short the debate, w e
prefer here to run the risk of a semantic approximation, by employing the terms ' h u m a n
sciences' or 'social sciences' indifferently, for
reasons of convenience and to avoid academic
controversy.
The second ambiguity to be stressed, involving epistemological considerations, concerns the status of the science in question: are
the h u m a n sciences genuine sciences? D o they
qualify as sciences in the same w a y as the
others? There are divergent answers to these
questions. S o m e people, like the sociologist,
Fougeyrollas,4 lament the lack of any unifying form of expression a m o n g the different
h u m a n sciences, capable of setting their status
as genuine scientific disciplines. Actually the
fragmentation of knowledge is no less extensive in the natural sciences than in the h u m a n
sciences; science can only aspire to a unifying
form of expression if it limits its subject matter
and methods; this unification is wishful thinking or the ultimate goal, but is in no w a y
attainable; the act of knowledge, like the
achievement of objectivity, to which it is
subordinated, will always remain a fragmentary one.
Others consider that the social sciences
315
cannot be equated with the natural sciences,
except paradoxically, at the cost of distorting
them: this was the great controversy which
occupied the social sciences in the Federal
Republic of G e r m a n y in the 1960s. 6 A d o r n o
and Habermas, together with the Frankfurt
School were anxious to give the social sciences
an irreducible critical dimension which w a s
lacking in the natural sciences.
Others again, with a more positivist view,
such as the champions of the Viennese School
including the logician, Popper, considered that
the social sciences must borrow their canons,
at least in part, from the natural sciences,
believing that outside those canons there w a s
no scientific knowledge. 6
This controversy on the nature of the
h u m a n sciences developed along similar lines
in France, in the inner circles of psychology.
Intent on an experimental approach, the behaviourists broke with the psychoanalysts w h o
favoured a clinical approach;7 the former reinstated psychology as one of the natural
sciences whereas the latter considered it as
being radically different on account of the
existence of symbolic behaviour patterns. T h e
reconciliation attempted by Lagache in his
time did not succeed in putting an end to the
controversy between the two epistemological
doctrines.
The third ambiguity concerns the disciplinary borderlines of the social sciences;
can one talk in terms of a hard core formed
by sociology, ethnology, psychoanalysis a n d
linguistics? N o doubt psychology should also
be included in this grouping, even if it is
frequently confined to the role of a pseudoscience by the proponents of the social sciences, because, they maintain, it is concerned
with individual behaviour; as if the study of
behaviour could be removed from its situational context. A n d what of history, geography, archaeology, psychiatry, economics a n d
political science? A t times, they are included
a m o n g the concerns of the social sciences,
while at other times they are not. T h e borderlines are thereforeflexible;although the starting point of these sciences is clearly visible,
it is not easy to discern where they finish.
316
Finally, the ambiguity of the h u m a n sciences is seen in the lack of differentiation between various levels; these disciplines involve
theoretical knowledge, research methods, action techniques. Sometimes they are classified
according to the subject under study (terms
such as social psychology, the sociology of
knowledge, regional ethnology are used),
sometimes according to the method used (clinical psychology as distinct from experimental
psychology, structural linguistics in contrast
with distributional linguistics, etc.), and occasionally, according to the professional practices to which they give rise through psychotherapy; institutional analysis, motivation
identification, etc. A term such as 'psychoanalysis' refers back to all three of the connotations to which attention has just been
drawn.
/. P. Boutinet
simple in the extreme and characterized by
three basic features.
Thefirstcharacteristic concerns the need
to stand back from the subject studied, which
cannot be perceived in all its complexity, but
only from one specific viewpoint. Thus, the
role of theorization is to highlight a subject
from a particular angle, and it is this angle that
defines the scope of the problems involved in
the study.
The second characteristic is that this construction tends towards objectivity; its aim is
to provide a more objective representation of
reality than that previously held. A n d the
objectivity of the construction will constantly
be tested against the facts; in this respect, the
aim of a theory is to attempt to take account
of the m a x i m u m number of facts observed.10
T w o paradoxical conclusions can be drawn
T h e same word, psychologist or sociol- from this.
ogist, is seen as describing very different acIn some respects, a theory provides a reptivities related to research, to teaching, to resentation that cannot be transcended, inastraining, to therapy or to utilization of a m u c h as it focuses on the irrefutable hard
specific technique. Moreover, a large number core of observed reality. It was this that
of practitioners of the social sciences perform prompted Sartre to describe Marxism as unall these tasks; the disadvantage of this evident transcendable;11 it is certain that alienation in
plethora of work content lies in the constant work, and class conflict in industrial societies,
overlapping of the different levels of theory constitute a whole sequence of hard cores, as
and practice. Nevertheless this alchemy often does Freud's revelation of the meaning of
takes the place of confusion and lack of individual behaviour and its reference to an
rigour.9
irreducible unconscious.
Whenever the h u m a n or social sciences
F r o m another viewpoint, a theory is only
are mentioned in this article, it will always be one stage in the slow process of building u p
with the original meaning of knowledge devel- objectivity, a stage largely dependent on the
oped about m a n and society; this connotation prevailing socio-historical conditions; any theincludes the theoretical and methodological ory is destined to create more substantial
frameworks that structure such knowledge, counter-theories; if theory sees itself as an end
but excludes all other practice-related aspects. in itself as do a great m a n y h u m a n achievements, it will lapse into dogmatism and produce its o w n orthodoxy. Marxists and psychoThe process of theorization
analysts
have tended towards this form of
and its nature in
mistaken thinking by seeking to idealize a
the social sciences
founding father more than to situate his
These various ambiguities are doubtless con- achievements in the dialectic process by which
ducive to a frequently emotive attitude towards objectivity is built up.
attempts at theorization—either a negative
The third characteristic concerns the refattitude of ultimate rejection, or a positive one erential function of any theory; it.has been
of systematic approval. This is to misunder- shown that a theoretical construction becomes
stand the process of theorization which is independent of reality and, as a result, tends to
Human sciences and social practices
317
be self-sufficient. This self-sufficiency of a the- learning, sensory imprinting and socializory will inevitably be modified by frequent ation behaviour.
referrals to reality: this referential function
At the same time, however, m a n emerges
will provide the theory with an operational from nature, by virtue of a sort of cultural
aspect, in that it will be able to interpret separation, through three specifically h u m a n
adequately the facts observed. In noting its functions, which serve to define him: H o m o
inability to explain all the facts observed, and sapiens, Homo loquax, Homofaber. F r o m this
the existence of indeterminate areas, the theory viewpoint, he can only be apprehended b y
will rid itself of its aggregative or even totali- means of a method which takes account of this
tarian claims.
specific nature. This method, often described
In this way, the process of theorization as clinical or even critical, is based on the logic
13
brings out the importance of this dual function, of interaction, as noted so well by H a b e r m a s .
the need to stand back from reality and, on
However, the idea of defining theories o n
the other hand, to return to it. Objectivity is the basis of this particular dichotomy seems
achieved at this price; moreover, it will always inadvisable, since it might well lead to the longretain something of this tendency in that, established fallacy of nature/culture; in our
paradoxically, it claims to be both real and view, it is preferable to define them in terms of
fictitious—real in terms of the degree of ob- the thought processes involved; in this case, it
jectivity attained,fictitiousinasmuch as this can be said that the function of theory is at
degree is bound to be surpassed.
once exploration, rationalization (by reducing
reality to a model) and,finally,criticism.
The functions of theorization
in the social sciences
After this brief definition of the nature of
theoretical work, it is n o w necessary to examine its structures.
At the risk of appearing eclectic, it is our
aim to reconcile the conflicting views, already
mentioned, of the proponents of scientific
knowledge based on the natural sciences, and
of those w h o favour scientific knowledge
characterized by its specific subject matter,
namely, m a n himself.12
M a n , and with him, the whole spectrum
of h u m a n and social reality, are part of the
natural species: they represent empirical data
which, like nature itself, have evolved and
changed in the course of time. In this respect,
there is every reason to apply the methods of
approach used by the natural sciences to the
study of h u m a n reality, provided they are
adapted to the specific nature of their subject.
Moreover, it is k n o w n that research in the fields
of ethnology and animal psychology has been
largely instrumental in helping us to explain
and understand h u m a n behaviour in terms of
its similarities and differences: for example,
research into conditioning and behavioural
T h e exploratory function
of the empirico-inductive sciences
T h efirstconcern of the empirical sciences is
the observation of reality; with little theoretical
backing, they are anxious to put facts to the
test; according to their level of requirement,
they will adopt one of the following three
approaches:
T h e description of afieldof observation. It is
well k n o w n that the ethnological sciences
were established on the basis of minute
observation in thefield;the findings were
recorded in monographs, each representing
a case-study as found in the early ethnological studies of Levi-Strauss14 a n d the
ethnolinguistic research of Sapir and W o r f .
T h e classification of observed data according
to certain criteria laid d o w n in advance; this
kind of classification, which makes it possible to apply the approach of like a n d u n like, establishes different typologies; personality studies use this method with great
enthusiasm (for example, the typologies of
Sheldon, Kreischmer, Jung, Guilford, Cattell, etc.); but this concern for classification
is also found in thefieldof ethnology, in the
/ . P. Boutinet
318
work carried out by Benedict and M e a d .
It is also present in certain areas of sociological research (Riesman for example). 15
T h e interpretation of observations on the basis
of a prior assumption, aimed at introducing
a relation of cause and effect between several
categories of observed phenomena. This
approach was m u c h favoured by the
Behaviourists in their experimental research;
the process was partially instrumental in
establishing the theory of behavioural learning. T h e same approach is found in various
sociological studies.16
The reductionist function
of the hypothetico-deductive
sciences
In this instance, understanding is not so m u c h
a question of isolating facts, with a view to
studying their relationship of interdependence,
but m o r e one of constructing a logical, hypothetical model; this model simplifies reality,
with which it has a relationship of analogy. In
axiomatic terms, this approach is more effective than the three preceding methods, but it
cannot function unless they are implied. A c cording to the individual case, its aim is to
confirm or invalidate a set of propositions.
Confirmation
of the hypothetico-deductive
framework
This approach confronts propositions, deduced from basic assumptions, with reality, on
the understanding that the former will—subsequently—be modified if they do not prove
tofitthe facts. This approach was used in most
structuralist studies; Chomsky's model for his
generative, transformational grammar, provides a convincing example; his intention was
to break with the empirical approaches of
earlier linguistic trends; instead of merely
compiling linguistic data, he sets out to construct a logical framework capable of describing adequately the functioning of a natural
language. The successive reformulations which
he brought to bear on his original model
clearly demonstrate his approach to the process of theorization.
Invalidation of the hypothetico-deductive
framework: in this case, the aim is not to prove
that a proposition is true, since there is no
guarantee that it will not be invalidated by
subsequent experimentation. O n the contrary,
the major concern is to demonstrate the fallacy of a proposition, with a view to refuting it
entirely and replacing it with a more appropriate hypothetico-deductive structure.
This process of refutation, developed by
the logician, Karl Popper, 18 called by the
author as 'falsifiability', admittedly enjoys
considerable axiomatic impact; more than any
other method, it tests the limits of the validity
of a particular theory; a positive axiomatic
approach will have difficulty in disproving
Bourdieu's theory of social reproduction, for
example, whereas, by adopting a negative
axiomatic approach, it is easily refutable.
The critical function
of the hermeneutic sciences
T h e hermeneutic sciences are concerned with a
different level of analytical approach to reality;
the basic assumption is that contradiction is
central to any h u m a n reality; this contradiction
cannot be understood in rational terms, but
can only be discovered and brought to light,
since it lies hidden beneath the appearances of
everyday realities, in themselves the conscious
manifestation of a basically unconscious process. This explains w h y the hermeneutic sciences are also k n o w n as the sciences of suspicion, the critical sciences, intent on exposing
the components of the duplicity inherent in
ail h u m a n reality; it m a y be of interest to note
that this critical science, which is concerned
with the ambiguity of actions, was developed
mainly outside the university context (the work
of M a r x and Freud, for example).
The approach of the hermeneutic sciences
conforms with the rule of social interaction,
since such interaction can reveal duplicity;
therefore, a knowledge of h u m a n reality and
its intrinsic contradictions both changes and
affects this reality: duplicity cannot be brought
Human sciences and social practices
out into the open without, in some way, being
modified, even if it cannot be eliminated
altogether.
There is n o need to dwell on the three
main proponents of suspicion, w h o sought,
each in his o w n way, to reveal the ambiguity
of h u m a n behaviour: Nietzsche, through the
burdened conscience which is at the crux of
the existential situation of m a n ; M a r x , through
the false consciousness with which individuals
perceive their situation; Freud in the unconsciousness with which individuals express
themselves.
Disregarding Nietzsche, w h o developed
no psycho-sociological theory from his anthropological approach, let us consider M a r x
and Freud, w h o both formed critical theories
which the deviations of their respective followers cannot call in question.
In its attempts at theorization, the hermeneutic approach is clearly temporal, in
contrast to the previously mentioned approaches; time, as a backdrop to h u m a n
realities and their contradictions, becomes the
subject of scientific study19 in two different
ways: regressively, in psychoanalysis, in its
attempt to interpret the past as it encroaches
on the present, and progressively, in Marxism,
but also in phenomenology, the aim of which
is to counter the future by imposing a certain
direction on it; in this instance, interpreting
the present involves revealing its potential
future.
This hermeneutic logic or the process of
unmasking the hidden meaning of reality is
that of time experienced, the pattern of past
and future events. This logic should certainly
also include epistemology, since its aim is to
reveal the circumstances of the production of
a scientific text and, on that basis, the meaning
of the text at the time of its production; epistemology thus becomes what Bachelard called
a psychoanalysis of objective knowledge.
The aim of this rapid s u m m a r y has been
to arrange in order the various approaches
underlying any theorization; it has been carried out by a method of classification starting
from the simplest but least heuristic approach
and moving forward to the most complex. In
319
this context, rather than speaking of models
that are irreducible one to another, it would
seem more appropriate to envisage a series of
modelsfittinginto one another, arranged in
a system of increasing complexity.
The
disorders of theorization
A s demonstrated above, theorization is not an
unequivocal practice; its twofold relation to
knowledge and reality varies considerably,
according to the level at which it is attempted.
In our view, any attempt at theorization
runs three major risks: the systematic dissociation from referential situations. Despite
the earlier reference to the need for methodological dissociation, it was also stressed that
this procedure must be followed by a return
to reality, in order to validate and confirm the
propositions formulated.
Yet, theory tends to favour dissociation
rather than return to practical reality; in this
case, theory becomes an empty shell, a closed
system of signs devoid of referents: this leads
us to plain reification.21 H o w m a n y meaningless signs are scattered throughout the works
that attempt to vulgarize and disseminate the
achievements of the h u m a n sciences, signs that
are cut off from the reality which can alone
give them significance?
A theory has n o meaning in itself; it
merely has a logical consistency which reflects
the principle of non-contradiction; it. assumes
its meaning and relevance in the context of the
referential situation that initiated it. This is
w h y a great m a n y sophisticated models based
on initial models, in structuralism, as well as in
psychoanalysis and Marxism, are so often
mechanisms operating gratuitously o n account of their relative alienation from the facts.
Another risk lies in the theory's systematism and marked predilection for orthodoxy:
instead of remaining a set of open propositions,
the theory transforms itself into a rule of
correct thinking. Yet this perverse effect is
frequently the consequence of the previous
one: it is because the theory rejects the test of
reality and refuses to fulfil its operational role,
that its propositions turn in o n themselves,'
/. P. Boutinet
320
like so m a n y closed signs. The recent controversy a m o n g the m e m b e r s of the Freudian
School clearly illustrates this trend; at the very
least, it is indicative of the advanced state
of decay to which this theory has c o m e . 2 2
Scientific orthodoxy is transformed into an
ideology.
Lastly, the final temptation which misleads m a n y theories, the desire to generate
practices. This characteristic will be discussed
further below; it w a s thought, in the social
field, that it should be possible, or even desirable, to apply to practices the process of
rationalization appropriate to theories. A s a
result, certain professions have grown u p
around social work, based on this process of
rationalization; they were intended to put into
practice the psychoanalytical, psychological or
sociological theories assimilated at the various
schools for educators, social workers, etc.
Theory seeks to bring about an orthopraxis
which will dictate professional practices and
control reality. This has all the appearance of
the structures of a totalitarian society based on
science.
A recurring criticism amongst those levelled against the h u m a n sciences is the charge
of reductionism; however legitimate the accusation, it is often misplaced. T o accuse a
scientific discipline of reductionism is the
wrong approach, since that is precisely its
raison d'être, so as to achieve a better perception of the complexity of reality. By contrast,
a valid criticism is that, in their excessive
concern to exercise too conspicuous an o p erational role, the h u m a n sciences have given
rise to professional practices of a reductionist
nature. In our view, this is where the problem
of substance lies. O f course, the operational
nature of science cannot be criticized, but,
however useful it m a y be, it is in n o w a y
sufficient to bring about a social practice. T h e
role of the practitioner will always involve the
critical appraisal of change imposed from
without by theory, and the reconciliation of
this change with the resistance offered by
reality. There is n o clear indication in this
confrontation of w h o is right or wrong; the
practitioner must decide at the level of his o w n
action. Therefore, contrary to a belief all too
widely held in social practices, he is just as
m u c h an agent of conservation as of change.
At a time when the effects of cultural
destabilization, both in our post-industrial
societies and in the developing countries of the
Third World, can be measured with greater
accuracy, it should be recognized that the
nature of things is complex and, in a process
of trial and error calls upon all the practical
intelligence of the professionals.
The characteristics
of social practices
The preceding discussion leads directly on to
the specific characteristics of practice. Just as
theory led naturally towards professional realities, so the study of practice will n o w provide
the opportunity of gaining insight into the
realm of theory, in the hope offinallyclarifying
the w a y in which the two are linked.
The
logic of practice
A s mentioned earlier,23 far from being limited
to the preparation of products, to poièsis in
the Aristotelian sense of the word, practice
is, in thefirstinstance, an indefinite, neverending process, a praxis or in the words of
Aristotle once again, a continual process of
improvement. For his part, M a r x refers to.
h u m a n production, the process by which the
h u m a n agent transforms nature in a way that
is more in keeping with his culture.
While it is therefore necessary to differentiate between/wax/s andpoièsis, it is more
difficult to separate them, as Aristotle tried to
do. These t w o aspects exist in any practice,
their role being to sustain a dialectical relationship; a praxis cannot do without poièsis, or
work to be accomplished, products to be developed. A s thé material expression oí praxis,
these products will also provide indicators for
its evaluation.
A n y form of professional activity, therefore, involves a praxis, which gives it its
meaning and legitimacy. This praxis expresses
Human sciences and social practices
the dynamic force and direction of the activity, its purpose, in other words. 2 4 It must
inevitably pass through achievements, but only
fleetingly, so as to avoid being distorted.
This is what happens to social practices
which use 'poietic' indicators by way of evaluation, without being able to accept their limitations: for example, the number of old
people's h o m e s built in a particular area of
social action, the increased budget allocation
for medical training institutes, the improved
achievement rate in schools, the increase in
the number of hospital beds available, etc.,
are in the logic of practice all ambiguous indicators; at best, these indicators are an approximate reflection of a. praxis, while at worst, they
convey its degeneration, w h e n it tends to bec o m e identified with poièsis.
This poièsis, which produces a tangible
end result is composed of what the scholastics
call a modus operandi and an opus operatum,™
a procedure which is directed towards the finished product. Because from the outset production allows for a dialectical relationship
between modus operandi and opus operatum, it
can itself accept subordination to praxis, the
oriented vector of practice o n which production of works comes about at irregular
intervals.
The modus operandi tends to m a k e considerable use of technè, by which the epistème
or theoretical intelligence is adapted to practical realities, by determining the most adequate means of attaining an end-result,
namely the potential product.
The historical context
of the development
of social practices
Social practices came into being, historically,
through the fusion of scientific models developed by the h u m a n sciences and technological tools. In this respect, their growth
illustrates a general principle of our technological society: the close link between science
and technology, forged to bring about the
industrial revolution, or to quote a recent
study,26 the 'scientifico-technical complex';
321
from this point of view, our technically
oriented civilization is the product of the systematic application of a rational conception
of the world. It was thought that this rationality, which had so successfully mastered and
transformed nature, could be applied in the
same w a y to social practices.
There was consequently a m o v e to establish professional practices exclusively on the
basis of a corpus of knowledge and a set of
techniques: this was especially true at the level
of social work where practitioners are hard
put to it to claim a specific professional
identity, outside the theoretical k n o w - h o w
that tries to standardize and direct their practice. It is also true of the teaching profession
which is increasingly caught up in the tentacles
of the scientifico-technical pedagogical c o m plex; there is n o lack of evidence to d e m o n strate the attempt at service imitation of the
practices that prevailed in the natural sciences
and technologies: this situation gave rise to
aberrations in which knowledge, taking the
place of practice, was bound to render it sterile.
This domination of knowledge over action
recurs in the various practices derived from
psychoanalysis, behaviourism, Marxism and
structuralism; these practices have been given
a technological structure through analytical
or behavioural therapies, group-organization
techniques, group dynamics, p r o g r a m m e d
learning, structural analysis, institutional
analysis and non-directive techniques. A n d
above all, let us not overlook the various techniques of bodily expression which, in the
course of a three- or four-day session, seek to
bring participants to the rediscovery of their
bodies and their sexuality.
All these examples show h o w theory is
more concerned with generating practice than
with fulfilling its critical role in regard to
existing practices. T h e newly generated practice will inevitably be reified in a series of signs;
these signs have resulted in what has c o m e to
be k n o w n since the birth of structuralism, as
'the death of m a n ' : if the theory of signs
extends its action right across the board, it
does indeed annihilate the h u m a n element:
mankind dead, the world empty, reality inert.27
/ . P. Boutinet
322
In this respect, the proclaimed purpose c o m e to the aid of practice, in need of points
that the social sciences have set themselves, of reference in the direction of its action, in
that of seeking to control social practices, has the same w a y as the process of theorization
been as m u c h a failure as a success: from being needs the referential guide provided by prosciences, they have become an ideology, or to fessional practices.
use an image of Engels', they are upside
Theory and practice involve two different
down.28
systems of action simultaneously, both in reFaced with this situation, the role of the spect of praxis and in respect of poièsis.
practitioner is to hold the scientifico-technical Although the two forms of praxis are c o m complex at bay, so as to grasp intuitively the pletely separate, the junction between theory
reality confronting him in all its richness and and practice m a y occur in the context of the
variety; he can then base his observations and confrontation between their respective levels
intuitions on a theoretical frame of reference, of poièsis, between theoretical concept and
which none the less can never take the place professional product. This confrontation will
of his final decision, the only means of en- doubtless be disconcerting, inasmuch as each
suring that his practice has the necessary poièsis is bound up with its o w n individual
autonomy.
praxis, but it is necessary if there is to be crossfertilization between theory and practice.
The negative aspects of practice
A s seen above, practice cannot be reduced to
a simple application of theory, without destroying itself and alienating theory. For fear
of lapsing into this suicidal exaggeration, practice m a y tend to turn in on itself, by pursuing
a systematic empiricism, which shows u p the
danger of any recourse to theory. This e m piricism, the aim of which is to maintain the
status quo at all costs, is fraught with renunciation, in the face of a situation which imposes
its constraints; the empeiria is ill-equipped to
understand the disconcerting aspects of reality;
besides, it is d o o m e d to become routine if the
stimulus of theory is not there to excite its
curiosity and to recall that m a n y practical
problems have not yet been solved.
The
hybrid status of techology
Technè involves applying the theoretical intelligence to a concrete situation, with a view to
determining the most appropriate means of
attaining a particular objective; in these terms,
there are no good or bad techniques, merely
those which are more or less appropriate
according to the situational context.
Technè has no existence apart from the
modus operandi, and, in association with
poièsis, is reified in the product which it helps
to create.
The origins of social techniques
Logically, techniques are derived from either
theory
or practice; in this light, they can be
What model for the relationship
seen
as
uniting these two levels. In concrete
between theory and practice?
terms, there are few theoretical origins: a
At this stage in the proceedings, it is clear that couple of examples m a y be noted: prothe role of theory is not that of disrupting g r a m m e d learning arose from the research on
practice, unless it is intent on self-destruction; learning processes and, in one of its versions,
it tries instead to interpret so as to see what is institutional analysis w a s developed from a
going on: theory in the field of the social confrontation between psychoanalysis and
sciences is motivated by intellectual curiosity Marxism.
There is on the other hand an abundance
which seeks to understand the action in progress, even if this understanding is always of practical origins; for example, the technique
limited. T h e aim of this understanding is to of psychoanalysis was developed on the basis
Human sciences and social practices
of clinical practice: by observing the cathartic
effects of hypnosis, Freud conceived his technique of verbal association and fluctuating
attention. Moreover, it was as a result of the
experience he gained as a therapist, that
Rogers succeeded in defining the method of
non-directive interviewing which formed the
basis for the development of other n o n directive techniques. The technique of teaching
by objectives was developed in Canada in
the 1950s, o n the initiative of a group of
teachers, led by Bloom, w h o sought to establish objective criteria for pedagogical evaluation. Content analysis began in the United
States with the work of Lasswell during the
Second World W a r , w h e n it w a s essential to
discover the hidden intentions and the real
situation of the enemy by scrutinizing his
propaganda.
323
A s already mentioned with regard to the
scientifico-technical complex, techniques tend
to overrun thefieldof practice, whereas in fact
they represent only one aspect of practice,
destined to disappear with the completion of
the poièsis.
W h a t is the source of this capacity for
proliferation and dissemination demonstrated
by technology, which n o w emerges as the
mainstay of practice? The fact is that, with its
alluring appearance of an efficient and structured instrument, technology is often cast as
the Trojan horse of theory, in a practical
context, carrying out the rationalization of
practice on its behalf.
T h e nature of technique
and its role in the relations
between theory and practice
Although origins in practice are more
frequent than theoretical origins, paradoxically, any kind of technique will, sooner or
later, form its o w n theoretical context (as in the
case of psychoanalysis), or take as its basis a
previously existing theoretical context, to
guarantee its consistency and rigour; linguistic
theories thus contributed greatly to the development of content analysis; this means that
the various existing models of speech analysis
bear no resemblance to the empirical processes used in earlier methods of content
analysis. In its various extensions, teaching by
objectives has become associated with behavioural theories.
Thus techniques, which are often developed on the basis of problems raised by the
practitioner, will gradually become absorbed
into theories which will attempt to redefine
them.
Technique remains an intermediary between
theory and practice, representing the operational side of theory and, at the same time,
the efficient tool of practice. It is twofold in
nature, because of its dual role.
The ultimate reification of technique lies
in its desire for autonomy, cut off from theoretical references and practices, one aspect of
which it represents. This is what frequently
occurs at initiation and familiarization sessions
involving a specific technique, removed from
its context, and presented to a mixed public,
with no possibility of c o m m o n referents. W h a t
use are modi operandi, considered in isolation,
if they are not associated with their respective
opera operatal In this respect, the practice of
the social sciences is frequently reduced to a
child's game: give it a tool and anything will
justify using it.
The utilization of techniques
Technological practice
and deculturation
The utilization of techniques involves u n doubted risks, in terms of the tendency towards
reification already mentioned; a technique has
an inevitable tendency to consider itself as an
end in itself and to conceal the fact that it is
only a means; it changes from modus operandi
to opus operatum, from servant, to master.
Nothing can be generated by itself; nature
has always been opposed to that; a theory
considered in isolation or a practice which is
self-sufficient, can only produce ideology and
routine, respectively: their fertilization presupposes a two-way relationship, in which
the autonomy of each is safeguarded.
324
T h e approach of knowledge and that of
action are inseparable; knowledge is a symbolic action, an internalized action, as Piaget
would say, which seeks to reflect instrumental
action o n reality, in order to understand its
nature more fully. Conversely, the action of
practice turns into knowledge, immediate,
intuitive knowledge, which is always in need
of the support of mediate knowledge, to test
its validity, its limits and the resistance put
u p by reality. Objectivity is established at this
price; it is also at this price that action can
transform reality, not by w a y of violation
through some kind of'intervention' technique,
but with a view to living within it more
completely of bringing it from its natural
state to a state of culture.
In our technological society, a prerequisite to living in reality and achieving a state if
culture is the elimination of all the processes
of deculturation generated by the various
mechanisms of modern life. However, the
practice of the social sciences often constitutes
one of these mechanisms; is its most vital task
not therefore to take account of the effects of
the deculturation which it inevitably causes?
Essay on the social void
In considering the ambiguity of the relations
between theory and practice, the aim of the
preceding study has been to stress the ways in
which the h u m a n and practical sciences to
which they gave rise have contributed, over the
last thirty years, to the prevailing domination
and supremacy of signs. In this respect, the
various forms of structuralism that came into
being in the late 1950s and 1960s must not be
seen as a cause but as an expression of this
attempt at widespread reification; the spread
of knowledge, the dissemination of technological products, the phenomena of fashion,
are all signs which are bound to regulate and
govern the practical aspects of our lives.
/. P. Boutinet
meal, I have often been startled by the effects
of m y teaching: the conversation turns spontaneously to a light-hearted review of the different concept-signs that have cropped u p
during the day's work. In this, the students
have perceived intuitively the shortcomings of
this kind of training, which seeks to refer them
to their practice and which,finally,has merely
taught them yet another code destined to
settle, untapped, in a layer of their m e m o r y :
a persistent repetition of concept-signs, which,
at the end of a day's work, prompts one to flee
an artificial world.
These signs are not fatal to m a n , but they
obscure his existential situation, which has
difficulty in emerging: even dramatic situations, such as the widespread rise of u n e m ployment, manage to lose something of their
horror in the m a n y codifications with which
they are interfaced (financial aid, statistical
studies, sociological surveys, etc.).
Structures, organizations and laws d o
function, more or less; they grind in the void;
in particular, they grind d o w n the imagination,
which might enable the individual and the
group to adopt a critical attitude towards
their situation, even if they cannot control it.
Nothing happens except disturbing
phenomena, against which the individual is
virtually powerless: endemic violence, injustice, destitution, malnutrition and suffering, etc., and in the hope of exorcizing
our o w n helplessness, attempts are m a d e to
regard these phenomena as commonplace. T o
this end, pleas are m a d e to the scientificotechnical complex, which has already enabled
great progress to be m a d e , and continues to
do so. But what of the everyday life of the
individual? It changes little, with, occasionally, a heightened impression of being trapped
in a worldfilledwith signs which are as useless
as they are incomprehensible.
Let there be no misunderstanding; this is
not an attempt to pass judgement on the
entire production of the h u m a n sciences,
O n a personal level, on occasions w h e n I including structuralism. O n the contrary, this
have been involved in lifelong-education ac- production provides essential bases to help
tivities for adults and happened to linger in us understand what w e are experiencing. A s
discussion with m y students over an evening for structuralism, as handed d o w n to us by
Human sciences and social practices
linguists and ethnologists, it represents a n
outstanding example of theorization in the
nicety of its analyses.
N o r is it our intention to criticize technological society and all the sign-objects it has
generated; it is not these objects that are in
dispute but, as Baudrillar'd put it most evocatively, a certain type of relation which w e
maintain with these objects.29 Instead of
leading to the discovery of a n e w symbolic
dimension to be explored, this relation, consummated by the manipulation of signs, immures itself in a code; the relational dimension
then ceases to be symbolic, remaining a mere
codification.
T h e main concern here is the constant
attempt to affect this undue transition from
theory to practice, in other words, to encapsulate practice, any practice, in a system of
signs developed by theoretical thinking. This
endeavour represents a perversion of the mind
of the type contested b y one of the proponents
of structuralism, Levi-Strauss himself. Having
revealed in his Mythologiques, through a study
of various Amerindian myths, the existence of
a structural unconscious which would m a k e
possible their interpretation, the anthropologist abandons his theorization at the very
end of this tetralogy, and, in a long and
remarkable passage, restores to practice its
self-determination. Thus, having declared that
'it is not for m a n to choose between being
and non-being', he goes o n to confront the
two sides of the equation in their practical
irreducibility:
325
planet, which is also doomed to die, his efforts,
sorrows, joys, hopes and accomplishments will
become as though they had never existed, since
no consciousness, not even the m e m o r y of these
fleeting impulses, will remain to preserve, except
through a few features rapidly erased from the
face of a henceforth impassive world, the now
negated affirmation that they were ever there,
that is to say, nothing.30
This brings out the uneasy separation between
a theoretical position and practical commitment, which is nevertheless the only option, if
m a n is to remain steadfastly in his twofold
dimension of symbolism and action.31
T h e need for this separation has been
repeatedly stressed; however, reference should
be m a d e to Weber's famous contrast between
the scientist and the politician:32 they fulfil
two social activities, the former, one of theorization, the latter, one of pragmatic management, which are mutually irreducible. It
should be noted that this separation raises a
series of problems which require further
study; two of these difficulties are discussed
below:
First, the degree of tolerable divergence, without making the levels of theory and practice
contradictory; in this connection, there are
optimum divergences, enabling theoretical
reflection and practical commitment to feel
naturally challenged in their respective functions, and thus stimulated. But there are also
other divergences that are too extensive and
genuinely destructive for individuals and
groups.
Psychologically, this question of the acceptable
The reality of being which m a n profoundly feels
limits of divergence raises the problem of
to be the only thing capable of giving reason
discordance. However disruptive it m a y be,
and meaning to his daily actions, to his moral
this
discordance must be reintroduced into
and sentimental life, his political choices, his
a
culture
which is constantly in search of
involvement in the social and natural world, and
greater coherence, through the whole range
his practical undertakings and scientific achieveof rationalizing mechanisms at its disposal.
ments; but, at the same time, the reality of
non-being, which is intuitively felt as the insepIt is therefore a matter of recognizing this
arable concomitant of the former, since it is
relation between theory and practice as
man's role to live and struggle, to think and
discordant, without trying to reduce the
believe, and, above all, keep up his courage,
discordance improperly by s o m e process
without ever being free of the opposing certainty
or other.
that he was not formerly present on earth, that
T o some extent, this is the price that the social
he will not always be so, and that with his
inevitable disappearance from the surface of the dimension must pay to regain its density and
326
/ . P. Boutinet
hence its complexity; it will no longer be
perceived as unidimensional, but in all its
diversity, which the process of theorization
must seek to understand. 33 In this respect, if
any theory is reductionist, it is obvious that
1. Throughout this study, the
terms 'social sciences' and
' h u m a n sciences' are considered
as synonymous; their
interchangeability makes it
possible to differentiate between
h u m a n sciences and social
practices without repetition.
This equivalence involves a
semantic approximation which
will be discussed below.
2 . The use of the word
'chiasmus' to define the relations
between theory and practice
w a s used to great effect in a
recent study on the question
by Pierre Li vet, Penser le
pratique; communauté et critique,
Paris, Klincksieck, 1979.
3. These methodological
dissociations are similar to those
noted by Piaget, when the
child moves from concrete
operations to formal operations;
although in respect of the
former the child's thought-process
is dependent on the reality he
observes, as regards the
latter, he develops his reasoning
without recourse to this
reality. See Jean Piaget, La
psychologie de l'intelligence,
p p . 166-83, Paris, A . Colin,
1947.
4 . Pierre Fougeyrollas, Sciences
sociales et marxisme, p p . 15-16,
Paris, Payot, 1979.
practice will be bound to have the last say,
inasmuch as it transcends infinitely any representations m a d e of it.
5. A n idea of this debate can
be obtained from the proceedings
of the Tübingen Congress,
organized by the G e r m a n
Sociological Society in 1961; the
two protagonists were
Adorno and Popper. See
T . Adorno and K . Popper
(eds.), De Vienne à Francfort,
la querelle allemande des sciences
sociales, Paris, Complexe,
1979; see, in particular,
T . Adorno, 'Sur la théorie des
sciences sociales'
(pp. 91-106), and J. Habermas,
'Théorie analytique de la science
et dialectique' (pp. 115-42).
6. K . Popper, ' L a logique des
sciences sociales', op. cit.,
pp. 75-90. See also K . Popper,
La connaissance objective,
Paris, Complexe, 1978.
7. Paul Fraisse's manifesto on
the defence of the experimental
method is countered by
Henri Guillaumin's undertaking
to promote a scientific
clinical/psychology. See Paul
Fraisse, 'Défense de la
méthode expérimentale en
psychologie', Foreword to
Manuel pratique de psychologie
expérimentale, 3rd ed.,
pp. 1-39, Paris, Presses
Universitaires de France, 1967.
J. Guillaumin, ' L a signification
scientifique de la psychologie
clinique', Bulletin de psychologie,
N o . 270, 1968 p p . 36-49.
[Translated from French]
8. D . Lagache, L'unité de la
psychologie, Paris, Presses
Universitaires de France, 1949.
9. This confusion occurs when
the therapist, being accustomed
in his practice to a rewarding
relationship, transfers this
same kind of relationship to an
educational context. Other
confusions arise, for example,
when the educator finds
himself in the role of
practitioner.
10. Piaget clearly illustrated h o w
intellectual knowledge could
not derive directly from sensory
impressions; the sensory origin
of knowledge is a myth
which dies hard. See Jean
Piaget, Psychologie et
épistémologie, Paris, Gonthier,
1970. See, in particular, ' L e
mythe de l'origine sensorielle
des connaissances scientifiques'
(pp. 80-109). This rift between
intellectual construction and
empirical reality was indeed
illustrated by the philosopher,
Bachelard, w h o distinguishes the
immediate object from the
scientific object constructed
intellectually by means of an
epistemological separation
from the immediate object. See
G . Bachelard, La formation de
l'esprit scientifique, Paris,
Vrin, 1938; La psychanalyse du
feu, Paris, Gallimard, pp. 9-10.
Human sciences and social practices
11. J.-P. Sartre, Questions de
méthode, Paris, Gallimard, 1960.
12. There have already been
several other successful attempts
to bring about this reconciliation;
see in particular C . Taylor,
'Les sciences de l'homme',
Critiques,
August-September 1980,
pp. 139^19.
13. J. Habermas, Theorie et
pratique, p p . 39-40, Payot,
1975; La science et la technique
comme idéologie, Paris,
Gallimard.
14. See in particular
C . Lévi-Strauss, Tristes
tropiques, Paris, Pion, 1955.
15. For personality studies, see
R . Meili, ' L a structure de la
personnalité', Traité de
psychologie expérimentale,
2nd ed., 1969, p p . 157-234. For
ethnological work, see
S. Clapier-Valladan, Panorama
du culturalisme, Épi, 1976.
The reference to D . Riesman
concerns his best-seller, The
Lonely Crowd, published in 1964.
16. R . B o u d o n and
P . Lazarsfeld, Vocabulaire des
sciences sociales, Paris, M o u t o n ,
1971; P . Lazarsfeld, Philosophie
des sciences sociales, Paris,
Gallimard, 1970.
17. N . C h o m s k y , Structures
syntaxiques, Paris, L e Seuil,
1969; Aspects de la théorie
syntaxique, Paris, L e Seuil,
1971; Questions de sémantique,
Paris, Le Seuil, 1974.
18. K . Popper, La logique de la
découverte scientifique, Paris,
Payot.
19. Paul Ricœur, Le conflit des
interprétations, Paris, Le
Seuil, 1969. See also
J. P . Boutinet, 'Projet religieux
et projet technologique',
Impacts, Vol. 4 , 1979.
20. Gilles Deleuze, Logique du
sens, Paris, Éditions de Minuit,
1969.
21. In this respect, Sartre uses
the evocative term
'practico-inert'; a reified praxis
is practico-inert in character,
as are routine, conformism,
conditioning, stagnation. See
J.-P. Sartre, Critique de la
raison dialectique, Paris,
Gallimard, 1961.
22. Certain excerpts from the
J. Lacan Seminar, held
on 15 January 1980 are
convincing in this respect; the
aim of this seminar was to
justify the dissolution of the
Freudian School: 'I a m in the
work of the unconscious.
W h a t it shows m e is that there
is no truth to be given as an
answer, no malaise that is not
peculiar to each of those I
call talk-mongers. There is no
impasse that is c o m m o n , for
there is no reason to suppose
that everyone is convergent. . . .
Anyone w h o has told m e he is
going on with m e , and does
so in terms which to m y mind d o
not belie him in advance, can
be allowed by m e to associate
with one doing the same.'
(Translated from quotation in
Le Monde (Paris),
25 January 1980.)
23. J. P . Boutinet, 'Identité,
identification, projet',
Ethno-psychologie, 1980,
pp. 3-31.
24. This is an attempt to provide
a possible definition of the
main outlines of a methodology
for professional practice in
connection with a study on the
vocational guidance plan for
students in the senior grades.
See J. P . Boutinet, 'Étude d u
projet d'orientation des élèves de
classes terminales',
L'orientation scolaire et
professionnelle, Vol. 4 , 1980.
25. In his essay on the
establishment of a theory of
practice, Bourdieu successfully
uses these two concepts, modus
operandi and opus operatum
which he endeavours to connect.
See Pierre Bourdieu, Esquisses
327
d'une théorie de la pratique,
Geneva, D r o z , 1971; Le
sens pratique, Paris, Le Seuil,
1980.
26. See O . Giarni and
H . Loubergi, La civilisation
technicienne à la dérive [The
Declining Productivity of
Technology], p . 18, Paris,
D u n o d , 1979.
27. See Michel Foucault, Les
mots et les choses, Paris,
Gallimard, 1966: ' N o w a d a y s ,
it is no longer possible to
think except in the void created
by the disappearance of m a n ;
for this void does not create a
lack nor a gap to be filled.
It is nothing more nor less than
the unfolding of a space
where it isfinallypossible once
more to think' (p. 353). ' M a n is
an invention whose recent
date is readily shown by the
archaeology of our thought. A n d
perhaps his early end' (p. 398).
28. F . Engels, L. Feuerbach et
lafinde la philosophie classique
allemande, Paris, Éditions
Sociales, 1966; this image
is used to characterize the
Hegelian dialectic. See
also F . Laplantine, La culture
du Psy, ou l'effondrement
des mythes, Toulouse, Privat,
1975.
29. J. Baudrillard, Le système
des objets, p . 234, Paris,
Gallimard, 1968: 'It is never
the objects that are consumed,
but the relation itself, both
signified and absent, included
and excluded.'
30. C . Lévi-Strauss, L'homme
nu, Mythologiques 4, p . 621.
Paris, Pion, 1971.
31. Ibid.
32. M . W e b e r , Le savant et le
politique, Paris, Pion, 1965.
33. See the works of H . Marcuse,
particularly L'homme
unidimensionnel, Paris,
Éditions de Minuit, 1968.
Can the transmission
of sociological knowledge
be made more effective?'"
Ralph Adam
Such a 'bible', he thought, w o u l d be the
prime source for all students, teachers a n d
researchers and would, presumably, obviate
the need both for libraries as well as for the
m a n y types of books, journals a n d reports
Thus was H . G . Wells's (1907) vision of the which are collected in them. Quite a n a m core knowledge of sociology. H e dreamed bition: especially w h e n one bears in m i n d
of a vast 'encyclopedia' which would contain Wells's o w n commitment to relativism. H e h a d
all the 'worthwhile' data o n social behaviour: little time for the 'fact'-orientated w o r k of the
with sections o n the nature of the Ideal positivists. T o him, the names of C o m t e a n d
Spencer were a n a t h e m a .
Society, its relationship
For Wells, the only acto racial a n d sexual
Ralph Adam, whose background is in
ceptable sources of 'sodifferences and the imboth sociology and information science,
ciological facts' were the
plications arising from
is Social Science Information Officer at
ideas contained in the
the
economic, social
the City University, London, where he
minds of m e n . W e must
has been involved in the development
and ideological strucof
information
services.
His
research
is
assume, therefore, that
tures within h u m a n soon
aspects
of
communication.
his
'bible' would contain
ciety. Wells envisaged
only what he called
that:
'knowledge rendered imalmost all the divaricating
aginatively and with a n
[aspects of] sociology could
element of personality'
be brought into relation
and that facts, in the
in the simplest manner,
conventional sense of
either as new suggestions,
hard data, would be rigas new discussion or critiorously excluded.
cism, as newly ascertained
Unfortunately,
this
was a dream which was
facts bearing upon such discussions and susdestined
to
remain
as
such.
Instead of a single
taining or eliminating suggestions.
'bible', containing everything worth knowing,
The only exceptions would be problems of the range of materials relevant to sociologists
social administration, which Wells did not con- has become almost limitless. In addition, the
sider to have any connection with sociology. nature of the subject means that c o m m u n i cation of one form or another—and I a m using
* This article is a revised version of a paper pre- the term 'communication' to include all assented to the Annual Conference of the British pects of the storage, retrieval, dissemination
Sociological Association at the University of and reception of information—must play an
Lancaster in April 1980.
I figure to myself . . . a sort of dream book, of
huge dimensions, in reality dispersed, in many
volumes, by many hands, upon the Ideal Society.
This book, this picture of the perfect state,
would be the backbone of sociology.
Ralph Adam
330
increasingly important part in their lives.
Sociologists probably have a greater need for
effective communication than do other groups
of scientists. Yet, the communication system
in sociology is k n o w n to be less efficient than
that of the natural sciences in almost, all
respects (Garvey et al., 1971).
This state of affairs is not inevitable.
Improvements are possible, as I hope to show
in this article. In order to do so, I shall discuss
the nature of communication, the role it plays
in sociology and, with the aid of research
findings, outline s o m e of the means by which
sociological communication could be m a d e
m o r e effective.
Sociologists
and communication
Communication affects all areas of h u m a n
behaviour. It is also a key concept of sociology.
Pool and S c h r a m m (1973), for instance, have
described it as 'one of the relatively few
fundamental and encompassing processes
through which virtually any social event can
be portrayed'. Interest in this topic has increased rapidly during the last decades. Publications and courses have multiplied and
sociologists of m a n y interests and theoretical
persuasions have begun to study or, at least,
take note of, communication processes.
O n e area to have attracted particular attention is that of scientific communication.
Although m a n y disciplines have been studied
during recent years, sociology has largely
escaped such interest. Neither is it an area in
which sociologists, as such, have done m u c h
research. A n d the work which has been carried
out cannot be integrated into a single body of
knowledge: there have been a few isolated,
often small-scale, studies which have concentrated on certain features of the system. They
have not been sufficient for us to create a
detailed picture of communication in sociology, nor have they provided enough data for
comparisons to be m a d e between cultures or
disciplines.
This lack of interest by sociologists m a y ,
atfirstsight, seem surprising when one considers the amount of 'navel-gazing' that takes
place under the guise of the sociology of sociology. Perhaps it is a case of the examiner not
liking to be examined! It is certainly true that
sociologists, as an occupational group, are
very wary of anyone w h o tries to study their
behaviour. That this should be so, might not
ordinarily be expected. In theory, they should
be ideal research subjects. After all, sociologists are the arch-observers of society and
ought to appreciate best the reasons for being
studied. In practice, this is far from the case.
In m y o w n research I have interviewed sociologists about their communication behaviour
and been looked upon with suspicion—even
in bars! O n e gets used to being treated with
caution (or even with an air of whimsy) by nonsociologists. Nevertheless, it comes as a surprise to find that, once one is k n o w n to be an
investigator, even 'innocent' comments about
as everyday a topic as the weather might be
looked on askance, lest they turn out to be
research questions.
Sociologists
as research subjects
W h y should such special problems arise?
T o some extent they m a y reflect the distinctive personality characteristics of sociologists. There are, however, other factors, too.
Sociological interviews are generally conducted with isolated subjects w h o have hitherto been u n k n o w n to the interviewer. They
often belong to different social and intellectual
groups and, consequently, need not be treated
as equals. O n the other hand, when one
interviews one's peers, they are, by definition,
social and intellectual equals w h o belong to
the same groups, form social circles and are
often personal friends or acquaintances.
A n awareness of these problems, gained
from her o w n work (interviewing sociologists
in order to discover h o w social research is
actually carried out), led Jennifer Piatt to
describe their impact in detail. She has written
a paper in which she gives a candid and enter-
Can the transmission of sociological knowledge be made more effective?
331
implication is that sociology has failed to lead
us into the N e w Society and can n o w be dismissed as irrelevant to the needs of the 1980s.
There is, of course, nothing unusual in
such views. W h a t they do is demonstrate that
sociologists have failed to communicate the
relevance of theirfindingsto the outside world.
M u c h of the blame for this must be attributed
to the attitude of m a n y sociologists that
communication is not an issue to which they
need devote m u c h attention, even though so
m u c h of their professional existence depends
u p o n it. Indeed, some sociologists have even
argued against this. Vidich and B e n s m a n
(1958), for instance, m a d e the surprisingly
naive statement that 'one can't gear social
science writing to the expected reactions of
any audience and, if one does, the writing
quickly degenerates into dishonesty'. This
seems a particularly odd attitude w h e n one
considers the range of audiences at which
sociologists need to aim their findings. Such
audiences include various types of gate-keeper
of w h o m the communications professionals
(for instance, journalists and librarians) form
a significant proportion. Yet it is these same
communicators upon w h o m m a n y sociologists
The view from outside
look with scorn, except w h e n they are being
used as research subjects or giving other pracI recently c a m e across the following comments
tical help. Wolff (1946) put this rather well
by a leading academic (Franklin, 1979):
w h e n , in commenting on the need for sociolSociologists would argue that they have not been ogists to have a consciousness of public regiven long enough to develop and prove the lations (whether as teachers, researchers or
relevance of their subject as an agent for change writers) he stressed the importance of what
and this may well be true. Certainly, a hope that he called 'extra-scientific' factors. In contrast
it might be able to deliver what was looked for to Vidich, he considered that communication
led many students [in the 1960s] to opt for should be one of the key elements of a sociolsocial studies.
ogist's w o r k
taining account of the problems that can arise
in interviewing one's peers (Piatt, 1981). Particularly important are the difficulties of disentangling personal relationships and of deciding what actually counts as data (as opposed
to gossip or prior knowledge). There is also the
potentially embarrassing situation of having
to interview one's academic or occupational
superiors or those with w h o m one m a y have
had unsatisfactory relationships in the past.
T o some extent, this type of problem is c o m m o n to most participant-observation studies.
Other factors also m a k e it difficult to
study communication in sociology. O n e is that
research funds are easier to obtain for studies
concerning the 'hard' sciences. Another, is that
in the physical and biological sciences there
are well-documented archival sources, such as
indexes, which can be easily used for secondary analysis (Lin, 1974). Nevertheless, the
problems are not insurmountable, as has been
shown by the few available studies, and Piatt's
research might well serve as a model for the type
of work that could be carried out in this area.
The point of the article from which this
quotation is taken is to demonstrate that m a n y
people found that the relative prosperity associated with the 'white hot technological
revolution' of the 1960s w a s insufficiently
satisfying and, as a result, pinned their hopes
on, what the author calls the 'neo-science' of
sociology. H e goes on to point out that the
solutions to the current problems of society
rest, in thefirstinstance, with chemistry and
physics and, ultimately, with engineering. T h e
not only when he thinks about publishing a
certain book or paper—and, where, in what
form, with what emphases, for what public—but
also when contemplating writing itself with reference to the possiblity of its publication. In
other words, the selection offieldsand topics of
research and the nature, character, frame of
reference, in brief, the constitution, of his work
are co-determined by consideration of publication.
Similarly, Friedrichs (1970) has stressed that
a sociologist m a y or m a y not be astute enough
332
Ralph Adam
to realize that, other things being equal, he will from research to journal publication and as
be responsible for changing the social inter- long as ten years before the material appeared
action of his subjects in direct proportion to in texts (Garvey and Griffiths, 1971). In sociology, this process is likely to take even longer.
his ability as a communicator.
The model derived from Garvey's work is
interesting in that it presents the academic
Communicating
communication system as being disseminatorwith academics
orientated. In other words, at each stage of
the process, the author is hoping for responses
Scientific communication is normally assumed from his audience. H e is writing primarily for
to take place between members of a single his o w n benefit, rather than for theirs.
discipline and to consist of both the presenAcademics publish for a variety of
tation of papers at conferences and seminars reasons, of which improving promotion prosand the publication of reports, articles and pects is becoming an increasingly important
books. Sociologists, however, have the need one. Others include the need to show that a
additionally to communicate with a variety project is producing usable findings, the desire
of other groups, including policy-makers and to establish priority of ideas or discoveries and,
the general public. A n d such communication as I have just suggested, the hope that 'feedcan be of great importance.
back' from readers will be of value for future
Communication with other academics is work. Publication has c o m e to be seen as a
probably the most complex process. It is 'good thing' for its o w n sake.
affected by a variety of considerations, of
It is unfortunate for those w h o hope to
which status is a major one. W . D . Garvey and benefit from it, that the prospects for swift pubhis team at the Johns Hopkins University in lication are poorer in sociology than in most
the United States have carried out a series of other disciplines. In m a n yfields,including, for
detailed studies of h o w researchfindingsare instance, psychology and economics, the
disseminated within a discipline. They c o m - journal market is highly differentiated: the
pared sociology, psychology and education majority of periodicals publish only those
with the physical sciences and engineering, and articles with specific orientations (methodfound that the process, in general, tended to ological or theoretical) or that are on prediffer little from one group to another. T h e determined topics. Often these areas are clear
following pattern is typical. During the course from the titles of the journals concerned. In
of his work the average researcher makes sociology, on the other hand, there are relareports to his funding body or sponsor and tively few important journals, and the majority
then, in the form of seminar papers, to im- of these accept a wide range of materials.
mediate colleagues. After completion of the Academic journals are often ranked in terms of
research, papers are presented to larger aca- prestige, based on such considerations as
demic gatherings. Next, copies are sent to where the editors are, whose articles they
selected colleagues: generally those with rela- publish and so on. This stratification has been
tively high status, such as former professors measured formally through the use of such
or supervisors, whose comments would be criteria as the proportion of published articles
helpful during the revision of the manuscript. that have previously been rejected by other
After this, the article is submitted to journals journals, the order jn which authors select
and, once published, summarized in abstracts, journals for re-submission of previously rementioned in annual reviews, quoted in other jected articles and the pattern of cross-journal
people's writings and, after a long time, re- referencing (Lin, 1974).
ferred to in specialized texts. T h e time-scale
This degree of stratification, coupled with
found in psychology, the discipline studied in
the wide scope of m a n y journals, has meant
greatest detail, was put at two-and-a-half years
that those titles with the highest status have
Can the transmission of sociological knowledge be made more effective?
333
' M r Windersley is a sociologist and M r Mulcett here, is his interpreter.' Evening standard, London.
attracted the most manuscripts. A s a result
they have very high rejection rates: for instance, leading American journals accept only
about 10 per cent of submitted articles; a
proportion which has been falling. A similar
situation seems to be developing in the United
Kingdom. In a recent report, the editor of
Sociology stated that, despite an increase in
the number of issues, only 20 out of 102 submitted manuscripts were accepted for publications (Abrams, 1980). Thesefigurescan be
compared with those for the physical sciences
where acceptance rates of 75-80 per cent are
c o m m o n (McCartney, 1973). A s articles are
also becoming longer, journals need to increase
their publication frequencies merely to present
the same number of items. A comparative
study of rejection rates in the humanities, the
natural and social sciences carried out some
years ago suggested that in the humanities the
position was even worse than in the social
sciences (Zuckerman and Merton, 1973). If
the trend found at the time (1976) has continued, humanities journals must by n o w be
reaching rejection rates approaching 100 per
cent! T h e difficulties of getting into print in
sociology are probably, at least to some extent,
a reflection of the relatively few publication
outlets in thefield.Nevertheless, most articles
do eventually get published somewhere, but
this m a y be a long time after their completion.
O n e cause of the high rejection rates is that
authors tend to go d o w n the prestige hierarchy
until their articles find a ' h o m e ' somewhere,
instead of aiming for faster publication in the
most appropriate journal, irrespective of
status. A n analysis of the reasons given for
the rejection of manuscripts revealed that
insignificant findings, methodological flaws,
theoretical problems and poor presentation
were the other important ones (Bonjean and
Hullum, 1978).
T h e difficulties of getting into print mean
that, on average, sociologists publish less than
do other scientists: it has been estimated that,
in the United States,fieldssuch as chemistry
and biology have a per-capita productivity
rate for article production that is roughly seven
times that for sociologists. A sociologist w h o
publishes an article in a sociology journal once
in three years is maintaining average productivity for the discipline (McCartney, 1973).
It is important to remember, however, that
m a n y social scientists prefer to publish their
findings in books. Less is k n o w n about the prospects for getting monographs published.
Journal publication m a y not be the
most efficient means of disseminating research
Ralph Adam
334
findings within academic communities as a
given article will interest only a few people, if
any. Merton (1973) has estimated that less
than 1 per cent of publications are read by an
audience of any size and Garvey and Griffiths
(1979) reported that half the articles in
American psychology were read by fewer
than 200—or 1 per cent of—American psychologists. In the biological sciences, as well
as in psychology, swift publication of brief
reports has been tried as an alternative
method. Other possibilities ^are micropublishing, sending articles as 'separates' to
only those w h o are interested in reading them,
and the use of electronic (as opposed to
postal) methods of distribution. Such innovations might m a k e publication cheaper but,
if the same standards were to be maintained,
it is unlikely that publication would become
any easier. Furthermore, they are not likely
to appeal greatly to the majority of sociologists w h o , to judge from personal experience,
prefer more traditional techniques. Perhaps,
one reason for this is the conflict between the
possibility of having easily accessible databases and the desire (or need) for academics
to publish visible quotas of material (Seiler
and Raben, 1981).
Little work has been done, so far, on
the effects of sociologists' personal characteristics on their work, but it does seem that
they have a definite preference for informal
methods of communication. It is likely that
publication difficulties will m a k e the telephone, letter-writing and discussion at meetings even m o r e important.
Meanwhile, those w h o are still prepared
to submit articles can, at least, develop strategies to maximize their chances of success.
This can be done by ensuring that m a n u scripts conform with the needs of editors,
submitting items to the most appropriate
place, carrying out effective checks for other
work that has been done on the topic (to
avoid unnecessary duplication) and keeping
articles reasonably short and readable. This
is not, of course, to imply that the evaluation
procedure for articles is totally objective.
Studies have shown that w h o and where you
are, and w h o you k n o w , can be correlated
with success in publishing. A certain amount
of gamesmanship can help, too! M a h o n e y
(1977) in his 'rules for beginners' suggests a
number of strategies for convincing editors
and reviewers of the desirability of publishing
one's masterpiece.
So far, I have concentrated on c o m m u n i cation with fellow academics and researchers.
Most people think of these as their main
audience. It is also important, however, that
policy-makers, funding bodies and the general
public should be kept informed of developments in sociology. T h e value of this is often
underestimated: something which, in the current social and political climate, could have
disastrous effects on the future of social
research.
Communication
with the wider world
Both style and content of communications
need to be geared to specific audiences.
Lengyel (1974) has indicated three main
dilemmas facing communicators in the social
sciences w h e n they try to reach lay audiences.
A s a result of the degree to which social
science research is tied into cultural and
historical situations, both the specialist press
and the mass media have distinctive means
of conveying and using items about the social
sciences in different countries. Data and information on public policy issues are produced
in such quantities and in such a variety of
forms that even professionals are bewildered
and overwhelmed by the great mass of m a terial which reaches them. For non-specialists
trying to understand the issues involved, the
problems caused by this publication 'explosion' must be even greater.
Communication with the public at large
implies that the message gets across to the
audience. This does not m e a n that odd crumbs
of information should be scattered amongst
the community from the academic high table,
but that attempts be m a d e to explain h o w
research is carried out and what its value is
Can the transmission of sociological knowledge be made more effective?
for society as a whole. I have already suggested
that it is in the interests of all social scientists
that this is successful. Even the attitudes of
the present British and American Governments towards the support of social science
research must, to some extent, be a reflection
of its image amongst the general public. A n d ,
as comments like those of Franklin (1979)
show, such attitudes are also to be found
amongst academics in other disciplines. C h e m ists or physicists m a y be able to shroud their
work in a cloak of mystery, but social scientists, by the nature of their subject matter,
cannot afford to do this. Neither is it enough
for popularizers like Galbraith, Toffler and
D e s m o n d Morris (and I a m quoting Lengyel's
examples, because so few others exist) to be
widely read. Merely reading their work can
give little indication of the resources and
methods which have been used to produce the
end product. Popularization, if it is successful,
makes research and writing seem effortless
and the results c o m m o n sense. In terms of
politics, fashion and public opinion, such
writing can also have wider effects on the
standing of social science within the c o m munity. Findings can be laid open to varying
interpretations and this is a particular problem
in the case of topics with multiple variables.
The use of social statistics for contradictory
ends is c o m m o n (the recent debate about
'welfare scrounging' being one of m a n y in
which the samefigureshave been used to support opposing viewpoints). Natural scientists
can, and often do, say that they are concerned
solely with their work as scientists and that its
social and political implications are irrelevant
to them. Social scientists cannot do this: they
are members of society and are, at the same
time, acting both as critics and students of it.
They cannot divorce themselves from the
topics of their research. At least, not in general
terms. This, too, makes social scientists particularly vulnerable to attack from outside
and demonstrates the need for effective c o m munication with the public. The pace at which
the social sciences have developed has provided their practitioners with the images of
seers and magicians. M a n y people have c o m e
335
to expect unreasonable results from social
research and this, in turn, has brought the
social sciences into disrerjute w h e n the results
have not matched the expectations. H a d more
time been devoted to ensuring an understanding of what is involved, the discrepancy between expectations and results might not have
been so great.
The existence of these problems suggests
that effective communication between social
scientists and the wider community must involve a strong public-relations element. R e sources for research are shrinking and will
continue to do so if its value (for public policy,
in particular) is not recognized. A n y successful
public-relations exercise requires co-operation
with the mass media. F e w academic social
scientists are felt to be able to write clearly
enough for the press, so journalists are needed
as intermediaries. Unfortunately, their use
creates several problems and, although the
researcher m a y describe his results and their
implications in a clear and accurate way, they
m a y have become badly distorted by the time
they reach the public (Goslin, 1974). Journalists work to time-and-space constraints, they
need to provide their editors with exciting or
controversial stories (in contrast to carefully
reasoned, highly qualified 'scientific' statements) and m a y not have the training to
distinguish good research from bad. In addition, everyday words are used with technical
meanings and journalists m a y not be able to
recognize these usages. This is especially so
when researchers are unable or unwilling to
m a k e their w o r k intelligible to the press.
Furthermore, the subject-matter of social research includes phenomena with which everyone, including the journalist, has had firsthand experience and is, therefore, his o w n
expert.
This communication gap between social
scientists and the press seems to operate in
both directions. For instance, w h e n sociological research is reported it is often used as
a means of selling newspapers or programmes.
So, to journalists, sociology is synonymous
with sex, drugs and violence, and there have
been a number of cases in whichfindingshave
336
been slanted in order to present a particular
point of view. Journalists also appear to experience great difficulty in discovering academic research findings. This is partly due to
the lack of publicity given to social research,
but journalists also lack appropriate contacts.
There are few qualified specialist reporters.
M a n y papers have a medical, science or even
economics correspondent. But, h o w m a n y
have sociology correspondents? The weeklies
seem to manage m u c h better than the other
media in this respect. This is demonstrated by
the number of press 'scoops' that have first
been reported in New Society, a magazine
which uses both journalists with social science
training and academics with the ability to
communicate. Even so, it is still necessary for
its articles to have mass appeal, as with any
publication aimed at general audiences. A s a
result, there are, of course, the periodic criticisms from aggrieved researchers w h o feel
that their findings have been unnecessarily
distorted.
T h e gulf between the academic world and
the press is not by any means restricted to the
social sciences. Bellamy (1980), w h o is a zoologist, has raised very similar points to those I
have just m a d e , but in the context of science in
general. Nevertheless, social scientists are in a
rather different position in that they have a
special need to m a k e their work k n o w n to the
public at large. A n d the only effective ways of
meeting this need are through the use of the
mass media or by the use of other forms of
popularization.
Barriers to the dissemination
and retrieval of information
In the natural sciences, knowledge is often
thought of as growing in a cumulative manner,
m u c h as a house is constructed brick by brick.
In the social sciences, on the other hand, there
is a constant return to the work of the 'founding fathers'. This is especially so in sociology.
The distinction between the two approaches
is frequently explained in evolutionary terms:
the m o r e mature the discipline, the less depen-
Ralph Adam
dence there is likely to be on early work. A n
alternative explanation could be that information retrieval is so complicated in the social
sciences, and for sociology in particular, that
finding recent work is almost impossible.
T o some extent, these difficulties are due
to the nature of the subject. Infieldslike
chemistry or physics, there are few problems
of information retrieval and it is relatively easy
to set up and use appropriate systems. There is
a reasonable degree of consensus as to subject
boundaries, terminology, forms of data and
so on. The scientist is assumed to have little
direct effect on his environment and findings
are taken to be universally applicable. Sociology, on the other hand, has a number of
features which show the contrast with the
'harder' sciences. Together then m a k e information retrieval a complex process. I shall
summarize the more important ones:
The subject matter of research is very wide,
covering as it does, all aspects of h u m a n
behaviour. A n y information retrieval system must, therefore, be able to cope with
an extremely broad range of topics.
M u c h of the material used is of a conceptual
nature. A great deal of the published works
in sociology consist of theory generation
and clarification or contributions to ideological debates. Such items are very difficult
to index and to retrieve through information
systems. There is also m u c h duplication and
overlap of ideas.
'Theory groups' play an important part in
sociology ajid this affects the ability of
information-retrieval systems to perform
well. M a n y people prefer to operate within
their o w n theoretical perspectives and m a y
not be interested in work done by members
of other groups. Somebody studying classroom interaction, for instance, might be
more concerned to find out what has been
done on different institutions (e.g. prisons)
from the same perspective than in knowing
about other studies of classroom behaviour
using opposing approaches. In other words,
the approach is more important than the
content and this is something which few
information-retrieval systems can cope with.
Can the transmission of sociological knowledge be made more effective?
In contrast with the natural sciences, m u c h
information is culture-specific. Sociological
findings cannot always be transferred from
one situation or setting to others. The results
of research have, therefore, to be treated
with m u c h more caution than do those in
other disciplines.
Relevant data occurs in a wide range of
sources, beyond the conventional books and
articles, such as parliamentary reports,
pressure group leaflets, computerized data
sets, and so on.
Statistical data often needs to be recast for
research purposes and can easily be 'doctored' or otherwise slanted to support a
particular political line.
Derivative literature is seen as having particularly low status in sociology. This applies
to both replicative studies and secondary
data analysis as well as to such activities as
reviewing.
Sociologists tend to have rather more problems in the use of foreign languages than do
other scientists, so communication difficulties are more likely to occur between
people in different parts of the world. Also,
ideas and concepts do not always translate
effectively. It is interesting to note that the
Soviet A c a d e m y of Sciences has an institute,
k n o w n as I N I O N , which systematically collects the social science literature of the world
and publishes translated digests of selections
from it (Riggs, 1979). This should, at least,
allow for some ideas to cross linguistic
boundaries. In most other countries, those
w h o do not understand foreign languages
are not only prevented from reading about
work elsewhere, but, if they do not understand English, from publishing internationally, also. T h e French have tried to
ease this problem by making a great effort
to translate indexes and thesauri.
In some disciplines, the use of abstracting and
indexing services is a simple matter. In
sociology this is rarely the case: they are
often of poor quality, have patchy coverage,
unco-ordinated overlaps between services
and are frequently non-evaluative. Furthermore, such publications concentrate on the
337
indexing of journals, yet these account for
only a minority of the sources used b y
sociologists: m u c h of their material c o m e s
from books, government reports, the m a s s
media and so on. Also, abstracting a n d
indexing services tend to supply references
on a disciplinary basis. But a majority of
items used by sociologists come from other
fields (Line, 1979).
Sociologists tend to rely on informal c o m munication. They often prefer to use people
rather than published sources. People have
the advantages of (possibly) being m o r e
up-to-date and can give both selective a n d
evaluative advice. A n information retrieval
system can produce 100 references o n a
topic, but only two or three m a y be needed
to satisfy a particular purpose. Unfortunately, the use of individual r e c o m m e n dations, like the Soviet idea of publishing
selective digests, can lead to the suppression
or censorship of information. This criticism
can, unfortunately, apply to any filtering
mechanism.
Most information systems are geared to a
natural-science model which is not necessarily
relevant to the needs of sociologists. It m a y ,
indeed, drive them away. Sociologists do not
m a k e m u c h use of librarians (Line, 1971a).
This m a y not only be because librarians have
little understanding of their requirements but
also because they often take a bureaucratic
approach to the operation of their systems,
trying to fit everyone's needs into them. T h e
image is that of the 'scientist' as a harddata-orientated truth-seeker.
S o m e evidence for this is provided by a
small study I carried out a few years ago. A
press report on the alleged rise in the n u m b e r
of 'muggings' (supported byfiguresfrom a n
unattributed 'official' source) was shown to a
sample of librarians. I asked for their help in
locating the original statistics from which
those in the report had been taken (though
they did not, in fact, exist as an identifiable
category of crime). Only one librarian saw this
as an interpretative issue. The rest presented
the official criminal statistics as the sole source
of information. W h e n I pointed out that these
Ralph Adam
338
figures would not answer the question, they
failed to c o m e u p with alternative strategies
and tried to solve the problem (for themselves)
by passing m e on to others. Various possibilities were suggested: in one major academic
social science library I was advised to try m y
local police station!
T h e most frequent reason given by sociologists for not asking for help is that librarians
do not understand their needs. This is doubly
unfortunate. In physics, chemistry and biology
information and data are relatively easily
found: there are efficient manual and c o m puterized systems which can be used with a
m i n i m u m of training. This is not the case in
sociology where, as I have already mentioned,
abstracting and indexing services are generally poor. For both this reason and because of
the nature of the subject sociologists need
more help than do others infindingand understanding their material.
It is unfortunate that most information
services adopt an 'objectivisf approach to
knowledge. Knowledge is treated as a collection of facts which exist independently of
the knower. It is seen as part of a pattern of
social interaction which can be placed within
a total, and for the individual, pre-determined
structure of knowledge. T h e user of information has to fit himself to this pattern of
knowledge andfindhis way around with the
aid of such gate-keepers as librarians, taking
the risk that they m a y not understand his
needs. This pattern can only be successful if
the user adjusts himself to the existing structure and success can only be achieved in terms
of it (Watson et al., 1973). Most classification
schemes are based on such knowledge structures and the task of the librarian is to match
the user with material through the mediation
of the classification scheme, into which
new knowledge should also be incorporated
(Young, 1981). O n e must not forget, however,
that knowledge production, of which literature
searching is a part, is a social process. In
theory, therefore, an information system can
best be seen as people interacting with others
through documents (Swift et al., 1981).
Research
on communication
In an earlier section of this article, I referred to
the problems of carrying out sociological
studies of sociologists. Yet, such research is
essential if w e are to k n o w sufficient about
their communication patterns to devise effective systems.
There has already been a certain amount
of research in this area but, unfortunately,
little of it has been sociologically informed or,
indeed, theoretically based. M u c h of the work
consists of number-crunching exercises: in
other words, it is quantitative rather than
qualitative.
T w o of the most important studies have
relied almost exclusively on questionnaires and
interviews. O n e looked at the characteristics
of, and interaction between, the participants
in an American Sociological Association conference: they studied the authors of papers, as
well as the members of their audiences and
those w h o subsequently wrote off for copies
of the papers (Lin, 1971). In addition, they
looked at \vhat happened to the information
contained in the papers, from the inception of
the research to its eventual publication in
journals.
The second major study was concerned
with the information-seeking habits of a
national sample of British social scientists. The
objective was to use the results of this research
to design an information system which was
suited to their needs (Line, 1971Z>). A n offshoot of this project used a participant observation approach to investigate the information
habits of social scientists in one university
social science department (Evans and Line,
1973).
S o m e research has also relied on the use
of unobtrusive measures. In the main, these
have consisted of reference (citation) studies.
They have been used for a number of purposes:
(a) to rate the quality of individual publications; (b) to compile prestige ratings for
journals or for academic departments; (c) to
investigate the development of intellectual
groupings within a discipline or speciality; and
Can the transmission of sociological knowledge be made more effective?
(d) to chart the impact of particular theorists
on the profession as a whole.
Unfortunately, such simple name-counting can tell us little about the reasons for the
popularity of specific authors or publications
and can produce findings that surprise even
experienced sociologists (Piatt, 1971). They
often rely on the references contained in only
the 'core' journals, which m a y have a very
different distribution of references from the
rest (Line, 1979). At best, such studies raise
questions about the transmission of ideas
within the discipline.
Occasionally, other forms of unobtrusive
measure have been used. A notable example is
Mosteller's (1955) famous 'dirty books' experiment. H e measured the number of smudges
and underlinings in encyclopedia articles in
order to determine which topics would be of
most value to social scientists if included in a
new specialist encyclopaedia.
It is a pity that the data which these, and
other, studies have accumulated cannot be
used to create a theory of communication for
sociology. T h e problem seems to lie with the
approaches that have been adopted. Information scientists have tended to use the 'objectivist' approach, seeing all information as
reducible to discrete items which can be retrieved through the use of push-button systems, while sociologists have generally tried
to distance themselves from their data. Neither
method seems to have proved very satisfactory.
Most research has missed the point that
sociologists • are human^-i.e. social—beings
and that communication behaviour is a social
phenomenon. A n y effective information system for social scientists must discard the pushbutton approach (even though it m a y work for
natural scientists) and see communication as
a social process ( A d a m , in press).
W e already have evidence that social
scientists are different from other scientists in
preferring interaction with people rather than
with documents.
This m a y well, in part, be due to personality factors. A s yet, only one line of research
has taken such differences into account. Swift
et al. (1981) have used a social constructionist
339
approach which is sensitized to the nature of
sociological knowledge as well as to the ways
in which sociologists work. Their method
takes into account the variety of perspectives
to be found amongst sociologists and the need
for information to relate to specific means for
collecting and interpreting data, rather than
on the content of that data: something that is
not usually possible through information retrieval systems. They do not, however, fall
into the trap of taking a totally relativistic
standpoint; instead, they look for patterning
in the process of interaction between users and
documents. A development of these lines of
thinking might be to adopt a more ethnomethodological stance by which individual
sociologists are permitted to explain w h y they
see particular documents, or forms of c o m munication, in the w a y they do as well as to
describe its impact on their research. This is
akin to the 'involvement' approach described
by Harré and Secord (1972). Use of such
methods should allow us to follow the reception of ideas, their impact on research and the
w a y in which they are.filtered and transmitted:
first within the discipline and, subsequently,
to outsiders. A further refinement might be to
incorporate the study of 'critical moments'.
This would provide information on the impact
of n e w ideas and knowledge about documents
on the progress of sociological research (Maini
and Nordbeck, 1972).
Other, m o r e practically orientated, work
might be of value, too. There is, for instance,
a need for more data on the personality characteristics of sociologists as compared with other
scientists. This would provide evidence on the
ways in which they think and h o w they relate
to others. T h e results of such studies would
help in the design of relevant communication
systems. W e also need to k n o w what happens
to information supplied by such systems. This
is particularly important n o w that on-line
computerized access is spreading to all disciplines. So far, as with their manual forebears,
these systems have been geared largely to the
needs of natural scientists. However, computer
time is very expensive and it is useless to provide long lists of references if the books and
Ralph Adam
340
articles cannot easily be found or if only a
couple of the items so produced are actually
used.
I mentioned earlier that sociologists have
m a n y problems with their use of language.
Sociologese has become something of a joke
a m o n g non-sociologists. M u c h of the jargon
is, however, justifiable as technical language.
O n the other hand, linguistic gulfs exist between members of the profession w h o subscribe to different theoretical perspectives. The
use of everyday terminology, which is unavoidable when everyday behaviour is being
studied, is a particularly c o m m o n source of
confusion ( A d a m , 1975). There are m a n y
terms, such as 'class', 'democracy', ,role' and
'development', which have multiple meanings,
as well as a distinction between their everyday
and technical usages. M u c h of the confusion
is due to the gap between names of concepts
(i.e. the terms for them) and their meanings.
These problems increase further when an
everyday term is given a specialized meaning
which subsequently returns to c o m m o n usage.
For instance, Marsh et al. (1978) have shown
h o w the meaning has 'leaked away' from the
term 'violence'—which, while it appears to
have a straight forward meaning had, in fact,
got both complex symbolic, as well as linguistic, connotations. Politicians, journalists and
others w h o use sociological findings tend
to adopt the specialist terminology without
always being awere of its implications. A s
a means of alleviating these problems of
language, Riggs (1979) has recommended the
creation of a 'terminology bank' which would
permit the 'freezing' of the technical vocabulary of sociology in a continuously revised
glossary. Such a bank would also allow for the
permanent linking of terms and concepts.
There are dangers in such an approach, but an
initiative for a pilot study has already been
taken by Unesco and a study of the impact of
a restricted vocabulary on the work of sociologists would be of considerable value.
The use
of communications specialists
I have tried to demonstrate that c o m m u n i cation in sociology is a complex matter and
that m a n y problems are involved in the effective transmission of knowledge.
O n e w a y of making things easier is
through the provision of trained specialist
information officers. Such people are an accepted part of the natural science and technology communication systems. The complex
and inefficient system which sociologists must
contend with suggests that they would be of
even greater value here. They are of particular
use in environments in which informal c o m munication is preferred.
Information officers have been used with
success both in social science departments and
in libraries. They have probably been more
effective when situated in academic departments because of their close proximity to their
users. But wherever they are based it is important that they are easily accessible and have
a good working relationship with the library.
Once an information officer is available, and
has gained the confidence of his colleagues, the
demands on the service increase rapidly. This
has certainly been m y o w n experience at the
City University, London, where I have been
running such a service, initially on an experimental basis, for some years. A similar experiment was carried out at the University of
Bath. W h e n the grant for the latter project
expired there was strong pressure on the university to take over the support of the service
(Evans and Line, 1973).
W h a t sort of help can an information
officer provide? There are quite a number of
possibilities and the actual facilities supplied
can vary with the circumstances. T h e thing
that remains constant is the availability of a
personal service.
Information officers can give help with
finding and organizing material by suggesting sources, supplying data and putting researchers in contact with suppliers of c o m m e r cial information services. They can provide
their o w n current-awareness and information-
Can the transmission of sociological knowledge be made more effective?
retrieval services, by developing 'profiles' of
researchers' interests and matching these with
details of publications, meetings, etc. In this
context, their main value should be to reduce
the amount of information that people have
to contend with, rather than overloading them
with irrelevant items. A good information
officer will have a network of contacts a n d
should be able to put researchers in touch with
one another or with relevant experts, such as
government statisticians. Advice can also be
given on such matters as the availability of
research funds, the organization of personal
records and on h o w and where to publish.
Information officers should be of particular
value in specialist research units which often
lack access to good library facilities. In academic settings, they also sometimes have a
teaching function, in order to provide students
with a basic knowledge about communication.
Because of its nature, the role of information officer is a demanding one and it is
important that its occupants must have both
a detailed subject knowledge and a training in
communication.
Communication training
for sociologists
Effective communication is not a matter of
c o m m o n sense. It is something that must be
learnt and it is an ability that is best acquired
as part of the socialization into the professional
role. I have mentioned the need to teach
students the elements of communication. This
is particularly important in sociology where
students are often expected to gain an understanding of the subject through a process of
self-instruction: they m a y have a great deal of
'free', i.e. unstructured, time in comparison
with other students and little guidance on h o w
best to use it. In addition, they are often
studying a n e w type of subject.
A frequent cause of confusion for such
students is the long and undifferentiated reading lists with which they can be presented. F r o m
these they are expected to select material for
essays, seminars and tutorials. But h o w does
341
the student decide which of the m a n y books
-and articles he should read? A n d h o w m u c h of
each? W h i c h books should be bought? W h a t
about the books that are on the library shelves,
but not o n the reading list? It is not surprising that m u c h of the 'free' time gets wasted
through such confusion or that w h e n the w o r k
is handed in it is poorly presented. These
problems are particularly acute for mature
students w h o m a y not be used to formal study
and w h o often are unaware as to what is
expected of them.
Even in the natural sciences, where such
problems are less serious, concern has been
expressed about this. Lester (1979), in a review
of 'library' education quotes the Chemical
Information Review Committee as proposing
that 'one m e m b e r of the teaching staff within
each university or polytechnic chemistry department should be responsible for the training of research students in information techniques and sources'. A similar report from
the Biological Information Review Committee
stated that such 'tuition should not, however,
be considered in isolation, but as integral with
the developing academic work. Bibliographical instruction can form a natural part of instruction in communication and information'.
W e should not be misled by the chemistry
committee's reference to research students.
Such instruction should certainly be available
to undergraduates w h e n they are taught the
elements of research methods and it should,
ideally, be part of the secondary-school curriculum. T h e majority of pupils will not g o
on to higher education and it is important that,
in an 'information conscious' society, everyone is able to find and present information.
Indeed, Lester goes o n to quote from the
Bullock Report:
Dealing efficiently with information must n o w
be recognized as one of the major problems of
modern society . . . [a pupil] must be able to
identify his own information needs . . . k n o w
the sources . . . judge the value . . . select the
limited amount which will serve him best. . . .
Pupils should be led to confidence in the use of
bibliographical tools and in tapping sources of
information in the community at large.
Ralph Adam
342
It would not be inappropriate to alter this
quotation so that the words 'sociology
students' are substituted for 'pupils'. Undergraduates are not, however, alone in having
information problems. T h e ability tofinda n d
organize information efficiently is an essential
skill for anyone embarking on a research topic,
whether it be afirst-yearessay or a P h . D . thesis.
Unfortunately, it seems to be part of the
academic ideology to assume that 'doing research' is mere c o m m o n sense and that the
best way to learn is from one's o w n mistakes.
Such mistakes can be very expensive and there
is n o valid reason for research students to have
to waste time and m o n e y floundering about
without knowing h o w to set aboutfindingthe
information that they need. Research findings
on British social scientists' general inability to
use libraries and other information sources
(Line, 1971a) suggest that some people never
succeed in this, and their work must inevitably
suffer.
The majority of research methods texts
ignore information retrieval and seem to assume, like m a n y academics, that it is something that is picked u p intuitively. But it is
the subject-content of students' work that
should be the major focus of their concentration; knowledge and expertise in using
bibliographical tools, such as abstracts, indexes and research registers, should be there
to start with. A n d I use the word 'tools' with
reason. Such publications d o not exist to add
frills to what would normally be expected from
the student, but are what the term implies:
working instruments with which the mass of
information can be organized in order to
produce a specific end-product. N o b o d y would
suggest that chemistry students should be left
tofindtheir o w n way around their laboratories
and that proficiency in the use of the equipment there can best be obtained by the student
discovering for himself! Similarly, the most
sensible way of instructing sociology students
in the techniques of information retrieval is by
means of tuition which is specifically geared
towards this end.
At the City University, London, all sociology students have, for some years, received
instruction in communication techniques. In
thefirstyear this consists mainly of the use of
libraries, book selection and basic study
methods. In the second year, such topics as the
social structure of sociology and the research
process give some idea of h o w ideas are transmitted, as well as presenting background about
the structure of the literature. They are also
taught h o w to find out what is available, h o w
to organize the material and given ideas on
presenting it. Seminars are also available for
research students and these include such
topics as writing for publication. T h e evidence
suggests that these courses have some success.
For sociology students the use of'information'
includes access to sources of secondary data
analysis—such as censuses, computer-data
files, data banks, official statistics—and their
interpretation.
O n e unresolved issue is w h o should d o
the teaching. Ideally, as the Chemical Information Review Committee, quoted earlier,
proposed this should be carried out by a
m e m b e r of the department. Lester adds to
this the proviso that it should be an integral
part of the academic course. Certainly, w h o ever it is, must have an understanding both of
sociology and the communication structure
within the discipline as well as knowledge of
students' work, so that problems can be picked
up as they arise. If such teaching is presented
as an 'extra' (as it often is w h e n librarians and
other outsiders give it) students will have poor
motivation and be unlikely to gain m u c h from
it. It is also a very difficult subject to teach and
nobody will benefit if the presentation sends
students to sleep !
The role
of professional bodies
A professional association should be able to
play an important part in improving c o m munication a m o n g members of its o w n discipline. A number of British professional bodies
in the natural sciences and engineering are well
established in thisfield.In the United States
the major societies in both sociology and
Can the transmission of sociological knowledge be made more effective?
psychology have been for some years concerned with simplifying communication. T h e
American Sociological Association has, for
instance, produced guides to publishing and
there are frequent items on all aspects of
communication in The American Sociologist.
But, similar bodies in other countries have
been slow to follow this example. In other
disciplines, professional associations run, or
at least monitor, current awareness services for
their members. The relative lack offinancefor
commercial services in sociology makes it all
the more important that organizations are
available to see that the most appropriate
services are offered and that these meet the
needs of the profession's members. Concern
about the supply of information services
should be particularly beneficial to individual
researchers, or those in small organizations,
w h o have the poorest access to information
but are often most in need of it.
343
to understand what is required for their needs,
and given more advice on h o w best to transmit
their o w nfindingsto others. Learning h o w to
write effectively would be a help to m a n y .
S o m e attempts at education have been m a d e .
In the mid-1970s, for instance, J. L . M c C a r t ney, while he was editor of Sociological Quarterly, used a regular editorial feature to cover
a variety of topics in this area. O n e contributor
to the series was Carolyn Mullins (1977) w h o
has also produced her o w n guide to writing
and publishing. Telling the outside world what
w e are doing is becoming increasingly important and learning h o w to accomplish this should
be an accepted part of the professional socialization process. This is an area in which the
relevant professional bodies ought to b e able
to give a lead.
The problems of research and publishing,
together with the current scarcity of funds,
m a y well discourage young sociologists from
embarking on research careers. Publication is
often seen as the end-product of research and,
Conclusion
with the shortage of jobs, its rewards are
becoming few indeed as the chances of getting
In this article I have tried to demonstrate that into print become scarcer. McCartney (1973)
the communication system of sociology is has even suggested that graduates m a y decide
both complicated and also wasteful of re- that the research-publication rat-race is s y m p sources. Little attention has been paid by tomatic of the irrelevance of scholarship in
systems designers to the needs of sociologists 'post-industrial' society and avoid this type of
and, instead, they have tended to take the easy work altogether.
way out and assumed that everyone behaves in
I began by quoting H . G . Well's vision of
the way in which textbook scientists are sup- the ultimate solution to the communication
posed to work. O n e problem in the social problems of sociology. H e was writing w h e n
sciences has always been the lack of re- relatively few such problems existed. N o w ,
sources for the development of information however, information scientists are talking
services. Another has been the limited sales glibly of resurrecting these ideas and of conmarket—and it is market potential which has verting them into a system of worldwide access
been the spur for such developments in other to computerized services which will provide
fields.
information or data instantaneously on any
There is a need for research into m a n y topic.
These plans m a y be just as unrealistic as
aspects of sociological communication and,
in particular, research of a qualitative nature were Wells's. Either way, however, it is crucial
designed to tell us both what is wanted and that any developments which do occur take
into account the needs of sociologists. T h e
what is needed in different circumstances.
Another area requiring urgent develop- only w a y in which this can happen is through
ment is that of education. Sociologists should the active participation of all those involved
be trained in information retrieval, just enough in sociological communication.
Ralph Adam
344
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Social science
and China's modernization
Zhao Fu San
Towards an understanding
of social science
lack of the experience of his objects of study.
This has often been the case. Conversely, if a
social scientist places himself amidst his objects
W e live in history which is created by people of study, the limitation of a particular experiof every age, every region of the world, ence and the tendency to over-generalize will
clinging fast to reality, trying to understand cause him to lose objectivity. Such cases are
it and improve their o w n destiny. History is also not infrequent.
the accumulation of the eternal present. T h e
H o w are w e to unite the subjective with
present incorporates the past and holds the the objective? This problem is m o r e acute for
embryo of the future. Therefore, though social social scientists than for natural scientists. T o
scientists are trying to
solve it, Chinese philstudy the past, present
osophers, from ancient
Zhao F u San is a Research Fellow
and future of mankind,
to modern times, cenat the Chinese Academy of Social
though individual social
tury after century, have
Sciences, Beijing.
scientists focus their reprobed the relationship
search interests o n a
between 'knowledge' and
specific aspect of a par'action'. In the 1930s,
ticular age, social science
M a o Zedong posited in
as a whole cannot but be
his philosophical essay,
deeply rooted in the
On Practice, that man's
present, whence to review
knowledge comes from
the past and to probe
his practice in trying to
into the future.
alter reality: one can only
k n o w the taste of a pear
If social sciences and
by eating a morsel of it.
physical sciences are simiA n d the development of
lar to a large extent in this
isolated
pieces
of
knowledge
into systematic
respect, they do differ in another important respect. Broadly speaking, social scientists are knowledge depends on the repeated practice of
themselves part of their object of study. If a hundreds of thousands of people. Whenever
social scientist tries to be objective to the extent perceptual knowledge develops into rational
that he alienates or detaches himself from the knowledge, it can only be verified through
situation, he will not be able to experience—as praxis to change reality, and this process will
his object experiences—the h u m a n factor in further enrich already acquired knowledge.
the social phenomena and social organism. Thus, the unity between the subjective and the
While the social scientist tries hard to maintain objective is m a d e possible through the unity
his objectivity he loses objectivity through the of knowledge and praxis, and the unity of the
348
individual and the masses. Though works of
Western social sciences had been introduced
into China since the late nineteenth century,
the emergence of a philosophy of social
science in China itself contributed greatly to
their development in the country.
Over the last two decades, the question
of h o w to m a k e social sciences really 'hard'
has been popular a m o n g social scientists.
S o m e maintain that social sciences can only
become hard by dissociating facts from value
judgement. However, any journalist knows
that the most effective way to influence public
opinion lies in selecting the appropriate facts
and ordering them appropriately. The question
is: what are the facts to be selected and h o w
to present them? That is in the hands of the
journalist. A similar situation exists in social
science research. The questions raised and the
way they are raised, the criteria and the collection of facts always tend to reflect the value
system at the back of the social scientist's
mind. Therefore, the majority of Chinese
social scientists hold that the key to making
social sciences hard lies in the unity of the
subjective with the objective rather than in
discarding value judgements. It seems to us
that to evade value judgement in social science
research is both unfeasible—for the researcher
himself is not free of a certain value structure—and inadvisable, for in that case social
science loses its ultimate meaning.
This leads to a central question about
social science research: what is the motive
force or interest that sends us into any social
inquiry? Is it for self-satisfaction through
knowledge of the objective world? Obviously,
this is true of some social scientists. However,
if w e have a profound sense of history, if w e
have even the faintest appreciation of the
centuries-long aspirations and endeavours of
billions of people in ages past, w e are impelled
to feel grave responsibility along with the
knowledge w e acquire. A s social scientists, w e
cannot help but be concerned with h u m a n welfare. O u r efforts to understand the world is for
the sake of the world's betterment. Such an aim
does not m e a n a degradation of social science,
but, o n the contrary, it enhances its honour.
Zhao Fu San
Certain scholars maintain that the social
sciences since the nineteenth century have not
had any success in transforming the world.
The validity of this thesis is, as it seems to m e ,
an open question. Even if it could be established in a particular setting, aside from the
exogenous factors, the main reason for it
seems to lie with social science itself, that is
with the approach of research for research's
sake. Chinese social scientists of the old generation have had a painful experience of this.
After repeated examination of our experiences, w e came to realize eventually that the
meaning of social science lies in its endeavours
towards the material and cultural welfare of
the people; here lies also the meaning and
value of social scientists. This does not necessarily lead to the 'softening' of social sciences
but, on the contrary, is the fundamental condition to m a k e it hard. In his exposition of the
idea of'goodness' in Logic, Hegel treated it in
thefirstplace as an epistemological category,
thus linking the ultimate aim of reason with
goodness. Knowledge and value is, so it seems
to Chinese social scientists, inalienable. Hence,
if social science is blamed for its impotence
in contributing to h u m a n progress, the
shortcomings indicate a fundamental shortcoming in the philosophy of social sciences,
which again leads to shortcomings in methodology.
In recent years, discussions of methodology seem to prevail over inquiry into the
philosophy of social science. The result is that
social science seems to be facing dangers
from two directions:first,an attempt at universality whereby social science becomes extremely theorized and abstract to the extent
that it loses any concrete meaning: secondly,
extreme empiricization which dissects h u m a n
and social problems into issues of micro,
technical adjustment. People are led to notice
the trifling changes in the micro-world and its
adjustment while ignoring the changes in the
macro-world. The vitality of social sciences
rests with the integration of universal principles and particular situations. In studying
changing society and the interaction of m a n
and his social environment, one cannot avoid
Social science and China's modernization
constantly asking: W h a t is the aim of this
research? W h a t is its relevance to improving
people's welfare? The work of a social scientist is not an extension of the computer. A
social scientist is a humanist in the original
sense of the word, before the emergence of
Western individualism. It is with 'passionate
coldness'—to borrow the phrase of Walter
Pater—that w e engage ourselves in social
science research under certain historical conditions. Thus, humanities, history and social
sciences are integrated at the very fundamental
level. Though their approaches and languages
are different, their theme is the same: m a n ,
his social environment and their interaction.
I m a y say that all our research from different
angles and using different methods aspire to
one c o m m o n goal: to enhance man's understanding of his environment and of himself so
that people m a y control the environment in a
scientific way for their o w n welfare. This represents almost a consensus of opinion amongst
the humanities scholars, historians and social
scientists of China.
349
In what follows, when I discuss social science
and China's modernization, I use the term
social science in its broad connotation.
Social science
and China's modernization
T h e history of modern China is the history of
a people engaged in a life-and-death struggle
through untold suffering and agony. The
hundred and nine years from 1840 to 1949
witnessed in China eight wars of foreign aggression. For a whole century, the life and
death of a nation was thus acutely confronting the Chinese people, compelling them
to exert themselves to their utmost to seek
a w a y out. Only eight years after the O p i u m
W a r , the greatest peasant revolution in m o d ern Chinese history—the Taiping revolution—broke out. In its later period, the
revolutionaries embodied some rudimentary
capitalist ideas into their ideal; however, the
Taiping Heavenly K i n g d o m was essentially
Here, it m a y be in order to give a short that of small peasants. Though it eventually
explanation on the meaning of social sciences failed, the revolution that swept more than
in China. W e include humanities and history, half of the country revealed the grave crisis
which m a y appear novel to some of our of feudal rule. Under such circumstances,
colleagues. T o m y knowledge, humanitas came there emerged amongst the officials of the
into being by contrast with divinitas in the Ching dynasty the Yang-wu-pai, or those
European Renaissance. For some time, it accepting foreign ideas. They maintained that
inherited the medieval arts and was considered China should adapt foreign countries' techas the culture of the élite whereas science and nology in order to build strong gunboats and
technology were for the craftsmen in the lower produce modern cannon to sustain feudal rule.
social strata. It was different in China, where Their principle was 'Chinese learning as the
the philosophical tradition treated m a n , so- structural framework with Western learning
ciety and the physical world as one harmonious as tools'. Their hopes were vain and totally
whole. In the world of learning, there were collapsed through the Sino-Japanese W a r
four acknowledged realms, namely: classics, of 1894. Together with the emergence of these
history, the non-Confucian writings and col- officials accepting foreign things were the
lected (mostly literacy) works. The study of liberal reformists represented by K a n g Y o u the physical world, science and technology, wei and Liang Chi-chao. They held that China
though it would not enable the literati to should model itself on Great Britain and
acceed to any official status, was not con- Japan, adopting a constitutional monarchy as
sidered degrading. Until today, w e still hold a a solution. They suffered the same failure as
comprehensive view of the humanities, history the Yang-wu-pai. Ten years later, the d e m o and social sciences, hence the inclusion of cratic revolution led by Sun Yat-sen overthrew
literature, linguistics, philosophy, religion and the last feudal dynasty in China. However,
history into the realm of the social sciences. feudal social institutions remained almost
350
Zhao Fu San
Almost simultaneously, similar changes
took place in the intellectual world of the
West. F r o m the mid-nineteenth century till
the eve of the First World W a r , a majority of
the philosophers, historians and social scientists in the West had such great a faith in
Western political, economic and social progress that they were led to expect the gradual
realization of the K i n g d o m of Heaven on
earth in the development of the Western world.
The First World W a r marked their disillusionment and their former conviction shattered to
pieces. Since, they began to be imbued with
the spirit of scepticism towards progress in
h u m a n history.
under the leadership of the Chinese C o m m u nist Party and the founding of the People's
Republic.
While the path for China over more than
a century prior to the People's Republic was
arduous, the thirty-two years since the founding of the People's Republic have been no less
arduous. Yet what else can one expect in a
country with more than 2,000 years of feudal
past, almost a quarter of mankind, economically underdeveloped and impoverished when
it tried to stand on its o w n to develop?
History has taught the Chinese people
that socialism, and socialist modernization
alone provides promise for the future. In 1965,
the late Chairman M a o and Premier C h o u
Enlai presented thefirstblueprint of China's
modernization to the National People's A s sembly. However, for reasons k n o w n to all, it
was not until the collapse of the 'Gang of
Four' in 1976 when the stability of the country
was restored, that it was possible to re-initiate
the modernization programme; it took another
three years really to set the country on the
course of its full implementation.
The Chinese people are fully aware that
there is no stereotyped, ready-made pattern
of socialism for any country to adopt. A new
socialist society in China can only be built
through the creative efforts of our o w n people
in our o w n setting. H o w are w e to transform
the centuries-old feudal society based on
small-scale and scattered production into a
socialist society based on modernized largescale production? This is the most unprecedented social experiment in the entire history
of mankind. China's path is for the Chinese
people to explore. This is the challenge to the
entire Chinese people and Chinese social
scientists as well.
Marxism came to China precisely at that
hour, at the later stage of the First World W a r
nearly half a century after the introduction of
Western social sciences into the country. While
the other Western political, economic and
social theories proved to be unsuccessful in
the Chinese setting, m a n y Chinese social scientists turned to Marxism, which led to the
emergence of the N e w Democratic Revolution
The problems to be solved are boundless.
Here, I will try to group them intofivemajor
questions, as follows: H o w do w e understand
the basic philosophy that guides our thoughts
and actions? H o w should w e conduct the
economic development of the country? W h a t
is our concrete socio-political ideal and h o w
shall w e insure the realization of our social,
economic and political goals? H o w can w e
intact; the poverty of the people and suffering
of the nation was even aggravated.
Social sciences in the West began at the
end of the eighteenth century. It was not until
the second half of the nineteenth century that
Chinese intellectuals began to look into them.
At the turn of the century, the renowned
Chinese scholar, Y e n F u , translated a series
of Western social science works (economics,
sociology, legal theory, logic, etc.) into
Chinese. Just as nineteenth-century social
scientists in the West were thoroughly convinced that their theories would direct the
course of historical development, so Y e n F u
took the political and economic theories of the
West as irresistible laws for any modern society comparable to Copernican and N e w t o nian theories for the physical universe. T h e
failure of K a n g You-wei and Liang Chi-chao's
Hundred Days Reform in 1898 dealt a fatal
blow to Y e n . Thereafter, Y e n turned to traditional Chinese learning to become an advocate of 'going back to the ancients', an irony
of fate for a fervent adherent of Western
learning.
Social science and China's modernization
control population growth and the quality of
life? H o w can w e maintain a peaceful international environment? Over the past three
years, the government and the entire people,
including social scientists, have been working
laboriously in all these realms.
351
the mind is needed to stimulate people's
wisdom to study the reality of the country
and all the major problems, both at the teoretical and at the practical levels. Marxism
provides people with a starting point and a
methodology in social inquiry; however, it is
not meant to offer ready-made solutions for
the emerging problems of any society. SocialWhat have Chinese social
ism points people in the direction of the develscientists contributed?
opment of h u m a n society; but it has not, and
With full acknowledgement to Marxism, cannot, set a model for all to copy. The
Leninism and M a o Zedong's Thought as the integration of theory and practice enables
guiding philosophy, Chinese philosophers op- philosophy to thrive, which in turn provides
posed the abuse of Marxist theory by Lin Biao the great intellectual m o m e n t u m for the develand the ' G a n g of Four', and put forward the opment of social sciences and the socialist
thesis of 'Practice as the sole criterion for the modernization programme of the country.
In the economic realm, our economists
testing of truth', which ushered in a nationstudied
the national construction of the past
wide movement for the liberation of the mind.
thirty
years
and pointed out that, while there
This is the necessary prerequisite to socialist
were
considerable
achievements, there were
modernization. European history shows that
Europe spent almost five centuries, from the also shortcomings and mistakes both in policy
Renaissance to the Enlightenment, to prepare and actual work. In the autumn of 1978, Presifor the transformation from medieval to dent H u Q i a o m u of the Chinese A c a d e m y of
modern capitalist society. T h e feudal social Social Sciences published his essay, Following
system of China persisted more than twice as Economic Laws to Step Up the Pace of China's
long as its European counterpart and China Modernization Programme. Opposed to directwas a semi-colonial society for over a century. ing economic activities arbitrarily, he stressed
Obviously, her road to a modern, socialist the importance of following economic laws in
society will be accompanied by a long process the nation's economic life. In contrast to these
of the liberation of the mind. The ' N e w only tolerating commodities as an unavoidLearning' which emerged in the 1870s in able 'evil' in the undeveloped stage of socialism
China merely served the purpose of preserving and always trying to narrow their range, he
the feudal social structure. It was the ' N e w called for the development of a commodity
Culture Movement' of 1919 that brought forth economy. Acknowledging the shortcomings
for the first time a clear-cut anti-feudalist in our system of economic planning, he called
stand. This movement for the liberation of for the utilization of a market economy to
the mind paved the w a y for the N e w D e m o - complement our planned economy. At the
cratic" Revolution. Between 1942 and 1945, proposal of the economists, the government
the Chinese Communist Party again conducted set up four groups composed of government
a movement within its ranks against doctri- functionaries and economists to study together
nairism, stressing that Marxism should be the economic institutions, the structure of the
integrated with Chinese reality. This move- national economy, the utilization of foreign
ment prepared the Chinese Communists for investment and technology transfer, and thethe victory of the revolution. However, the ory and method of the nation's modernization.
centuries-long influence of small-scale pro- Large-scale investigations were conducted and
duction and patriarchal society has tended to a series of proposals for broadrange economic
influence people's minds. N o w that the country reforms were brought forward. In the instiis entering a new epoch of socialist modern- tutional structure of the socialist economy,
ization, a new movement for the liberation of emphasis is laid on enlarging the autonomy
352
Zhao Fu San
In the study of the theory of socialist
of enterprises, on the importance of expertise
for managerial personnel, on the linkage of economy, our economists put forward the
raw-material supply, production and sale by thesis that national economic planning should
means of contracts; the different enterprises are manifest the ultimate aim of socialist proencouraged to form institutional links accord- duction for meeting the growing economic
ing to the needs of production, so that the and cultural needs of the people. This calls
management of enterprises and factories will for a basic change in our method of economic
follow economic necessities, making it possible planning. In the past, our development began
for government agencies to avoid issuing arbi- with targets in steel, machine tools, coal and
other means of production. Our economists
trary directives.
In view of the unbalanced growth of our n o w suggest that national economic planning
national economy, the government formulated should set its targetsfirston the increase of
'adjustment, reform, consolidation and im- the means of livelihood, and the targets of
provement' guidelines centring round the re- increase in the means of production second.
structuring of our national economy. Econ- This is another proposal with far-reaching
omists studied our past experiences since the effects. T h e present projection of the level of
first Five-year Plan, begun in 1953, by laying the national economy by the end of this censtress on the balance between the production tury is calculated in terms of G N P / C A P . O f
of capital goods and consumer goods; the course, the problem of social development is
distribution of national income especially be- more than mere material production. Defining
tween capital investment and consumption; and assessing the indicators of social developthe appropriate proportionate growth rate in ment is another question still being explored
industrial and agricultural production; the by our social scientists.
increase of labour productivity in relation to
the growth-rate of workers' income in order
Socio-political ideals
to find the best proportion between capital
investment and consumption; the analysis of The modernization of the national economy
economic performances of enterprises and naturally raises the problem of its social basis.
construction projects; the most rational econ- This leads to the third major question: W h a t is
omic structure and the orientation of future our concrete socio-political ideal and h o w
adjustment, consolidation and capital invest- shall w e insure the realization of our social,
ment, etc.
economic and political goals?
For some time, certain theoreticians held
that economic independence meant economic
self-sufficiency. This narrow view greatly hindered our economic development. O n the other
hand, in recent years, certain others have held
that China's modernization can only be attained through large foreign loans to buy
advanced technology and plants. This line of
thinking also created a certain degree of confusion in policy and in the concrete measures
of the government over a short period. H o w
properly to comprehend the principle of economic independence and to learn from the
experiences of other countries in making use
of foreign investment for the development of
the national economy is another assignment
for our economists.
A highly developed economy is not
necessarily linked with political democracy.
Nazi G e r m a n y will suffice to illustrate this
point. The Chinese socialist ideal is that our
national life shall have a c o m m o n goal and
also extensive democracy; individual freedom
and also self-discipline; a unified national will
and also lively inquiry in political life. This is
an important part of our socialist ideal with
no ready-made model to copy from. S o m e
friends in the West maintain that this is impossible. T o them, there seem to be only two
political models, either Western liberal democracy or totalitarianism. I would like to m a k e
two brief remarks in this regard. In the first
place, the meanings of 'freedom' and 'democracy' change under different historical con-
Social science and China's modernization
353
cational training needs to be greatly expanded,
as well as higher education. Our secondaryschool curriculae tend to emphasize physical
sciences at the expense of cultural subjects.
M u c h of the content of college and secondaryschool textbooks is outdated. M a n y teachers
do not try to inspire their students to think
for themselves. These problems have b e c o m e
the concern of m a n y sectors of the community.
A s well as our philosophers, sociologists are
also working with educationists for a sound
social morality. S o m e friends in the West
have asked whether the Chinese revolution has
lost its m o m e n t u m with the third generation.
M y observation is that each generation will
have to probe into the orientation and m e a n ing of life through its o w n understanding of the
epoch which cannot be transmitted by the
reasoning of the older generation. T o d a y ,
m a n y young people are thinking seriously
about the meaning of life. The editorial office
of a major youth paper in China received
40,000 contributions from young people over
three months. Such discussion will undoubtedly help our young people to find a life ideal
that transcends self-interest. During the 'Cultural Revolution', the propaganda of the
'Gang of Four' led m a n y friends in the West
to imagine that a kind of 'new m a n ' had
emerged in China. W h e n they discovered that
W h a t lies at the centre of our modern- the reality was not so rosy, they tended to
ization programme, it seems to m e , is the think that Chinese youth today is a 'beaten
modernization of our people. The advance- generation'. M y o w n observation is that social
ment of science and culture a m o n g the entire scientists in China never imagined the sudden
population is a huge task confronting China. emergence of a 'new m a n ' standing aloof from
Today, everywhere one turns in China, one the Chinese soil. N o r are they so disillusioned
finds people studying hard not only to acquire as to regard the whole present generation of
the knowledge they need in production but also Chinese youth as 'totally beaten'. W e have
for their cultural enhancement. In a certain faith in our cause and also faith that our
sense, social scientists m a y have a large share younger generation will do a better job than
of responsibility for the modernization of our their fathers.
people. T h e discharge of this responsibility
In our planning and research, population
is especially important with our younger gen- control is at least as important as the quality of
eration in inspiring them with lofty ideals and the population and the quality of life. During
a zeal for a wide range of cultural knowledge the last three years, population studies are
and expertise in specific areas. A m o n g the being resumed in China. At the practical level,
billion people of China today, more than by means of education and economic measures
200 million are students at various levels. Our to encourage birth-control, population growth
educational system is far fromflawless.V o - is being held in check. However, the present
ditions and are conceived differently by different peoples. Secondly, m a n y Chinese social
scientists would agree with some historians of
the West—for instance, E . H . Carr of C a m bridge University in his book What is History!—that the individualism that emerged
with the modern Western world is not necessary the norm for the development of mankind.
The development of culture demands the development of individuality. However, taken
as a whole, h u m a n civilization has always
been social in nature. W e are for the development of individuality and opposed to individualism. The Chinese cultural heritage is in
line with our present socialist ideal. O f course,
w e need a host of social institutions and laws
to realize our ideal. T h e individual and the
community, democratization and central authority, though with c o m m o n ultimate goals,
m a y c o m e into conflict at times. In order to
bring the two sides together, the meaning and
limitations of each must be clearly defined.
Our political scientists and jurists are n o w
working for the elimination of feudal influence,
for the establishment of socialist democratic
institutions including the democratization of
economic, political and social life, the consolidation of a socialist legal system to safeguard
people's rights and the balance of rights and
duties, etc.
354
Zhao Fu San
the goals are carefully examined, the measures
are tested on a limited scale and proved to be
successful. They are gradually implemented
on the basis of public education. This m a y
answer another doubt whether the Chinese
leadership is capable of carrying through the
socialist modernization programme.
The intimate relationship between social
sciences and China's modernization explains
the rapid progress of social sciences in China.
For instance, from 1928 to 1949, the former Academia Sinica under the Nationalist
Government consisted only of the Institutes of
History and Philology, of Social Survey and
The present construction programme, if of Historiography with a very limited number
well accomplished, should bring the country of researchers, scanty research work and little
to the level of a moderately developed one by influence in society. Between 1949 and 1964,
the end of the century. A n even larger part of the Department of Philosophy and Social
national construction will be left for the Sciences of the Chinese A c a d e m y of Sciences
twenty-first century. Therefore, it is only natu- establishedfifteenresearch institutes covering
ral that China needs a long-term peaceful economics, law, minority studies, archaeology,
international environment, and holds dear the history, literature, linguistics, philosophy and
concept of friendship a m o n g all peoples and world religions. In 1977, the Department of
peaceful co-existence of all nations. M e a n - Philosophy and Social Sciences under the
while, history has taught the Chinese people Chinese A c a d e m y of Sciences became a septo be vigilant of any threat to peace. China is arate A c a d e m y of Social Sciences. Since then,
willing to join other nations in a stand against anotherfifteenresearch institutes have been
hegemonism for the defence of world peace. established. The A c a d e m y of Social Sciences
Our scholars of international studies are deeply also established a graduate school and a pubconscious of their responsibilities in promot- lishing house. At present, the various research
ing international understanding including the institutes of the academy publish thirty-two
study of the history and present conditions of academic journals. A t the provincial level,
all major issues in international relations for eighty-three research institutes have been established. O n top of that, there are sixty-four
the maintenance of world peace.
research institutes and 245 research divisions
in universities and colleges across the country.
Social science and modernization
Altogether, there are n o w over seventy social
science journals. The ranks of social science
Here I shall try to depict in broad strokes the researchers have also been greatly expanded.
close ties between social sciences and China's
W h a t is more important is the guiding
modernization. O n e m a y say that social sciences have not only been deeply involved principle of the social sciences. A s our friends
in every aspect of China's modernization, well k n o w , China takes Marxism, Leninism
but have become the ideas underlying it. and the thought of M a o Zedong as the guiding
China's socialist modernization is to be built principles for all work.- W e recognize that
on modern social sciences. This answers the Marxism itself emerged from the attainments
concern of some whether w e are not repeating of natural and social sciences prior to M a r x .
the old path of'Chinese learning as the struc- Therefore, in its essence, Marxism is an open
tural framework and Western learning as its system and not a closed, self-contained system.
tools' of a century ago. The task is gigantic, It is the understanding of Chinese social
age-structure of our population indicates that
even if w e succeed in the one-child family
programme by 1986, the population of the
country will continue to grow for another
quarter of a century. T h e present goal is to
control our population at around 1.2 billion
by the end of this century. With the growing
number of one-child families, the education of
our younger generation will face a host of n e w
problems. Change of family structure will also
bring about n e w problems for the care of children and the aged. These are the new topics
our sociologists and educationists will have to
study from n o w on.
Social science and China's modernization
scientists that Marxism is not the end of truth
but rather opens up the path for continuous
discovery of truth. That is to say, w e shall study
the Marxist stand, viewpoints and method
and pay proper attention to the post-Marxian
achievements in natural and social sciences.
F r o m this basic understanding of Marxism,
the country adopts the policy of'let a hundred
flowers flourish and a hundred schools of
thought contend' in the realms of science,
culture andfinearts considering it as vital for
their advancement. In furthering Marxism,
Leninism and the Thought of M a o Zedong,
the Chinese academics take Marxism, Leninism and M a o Zedong's Thought as an object
of scientific study as well. In academic circles,
w e oppose the rule of scholar-tyrants. For
m a n y years, the long-standing influence of
feudalism induced people to tolerate m o n o logue. Political turmoil also prevented the
implementation of this policy. After the collapse of the ' G a n g of Four', the policy was
renewed in the course of the nation's efforts
for modernization and democratization. The
very lively inquiry into the manifold basic
issues in theories in allfieldsduring the last
three years shows that this policy has been
carried through. Its further implementation
in the future will undoubtedly quicken the
steps of the nation's modernization and the
development of social sciences.
355
the task of socialist modernization, so are our
social sciences. While continuing the socialist
orientation, w e need also to learn from the
social sciences of other countries. W e still
have m a n y gaps in the realm of the social
sciences, such as: the study of global economic
problems, development studies, energy economics, trade, econometrics, private international law, new topics in public international
law, political science, sociology, international
studies, etc. Newly established or newly resumed disciplines are also rather weak. In
methodology, w e have not yet applied quantitative analysis extensively in social science
research. W e are short of multi-disciplinary
research and comparative studies. Our data
collection is especially weak. W e are trying
hard to m a k e u p these shortcomings though
w e k n o w it will take us m a n y years.
It is our hope to further international
academic exchanges and w e are glad of its
rapid progress. T o take the Chinese A c a d e m y
of Social Sciences as an example, in the last
three years w e have established exchange
relationships with the academic circles in over
a dozen countries in North America,'Europe,
Asia, Oceania and Africa. Exchanges in 1979
increased seven fold as compared with 1978,
and 1980 saw another 50 per cent increase.
Owing to the weak research p r o g r a m m e
and inadequate material facilities, our international-exchange
programme can only g r o w
Another guideline in our social science
steadily
in
the
coming
years. However, it will
development is to combine popularization
undoubtedly-grow
with
the development of
with the raising of standards. Taking socialism
as their o w n cause, the people are naturally the national economy and social sciences
eager for knowledge in science and culture. S o m e people abroad hold that w e are not
For social scientists, research, answering the interested in international exchange in the
needs of the public and training students are realm of social sciences. But this will be proved
their threefold responsibilities. This guiding by facts to be a misunderstanding. There are
principle as well as the other long-established also certain others maintaining that in interprinciples of the integration of theory and national academic exchange, the developing
practice, close links with the masses and countries can only provide the data for Westfriendly criticism and self-criticism enable our ern scholars to d o the research. This is o b academic circles to avoid elitism. This is also viously an anachronism. I trust that oui
one of the reasons w h y social sciences thrive colleagues in other lands will join their efforts
with us to dispel the erroneous concepts hinfairly rapidly.
Needless to say, the economy and culture dering our academic exchange for the developof China is still very underdeveloped, as are ment of social sciences in all countries.
T h e development of social sciences in
the social sciences. A s the nation is facing
356
the world has its universality as well as its
specificities, which arise from the differences
in era and the specific conditions of different
countries or regions; actually, these specificities are the concrete forms of its universality. In recent years, m a n y social scientists
of other developing countries shared with us
their experiences. They have undergone a
process from modelling upon and copying
Western social sciences to developing their
o w n in the light of their specific national
conditions. Thus some Canadian colleagues
have shared with us the experience that, after
m a n y years, they began to realize that it was
not good for them to copy indiscriminately the
sociology developed in the United States,
though Canada and the United States are very
similar in m a n y respects. Certain American
scholars have expressed similar views. China is
a developing socialist country. W e believe that
any achievement and experience in social science development in other countries deserves
our attention, but at the same time, it is neither
scientifically sound nor is it advisable for us
to copy indiscriminately from Western social
science. In international academic exchange as
well as in otherfields,every nation ought to
maintain its independent and autonomous
stand. It is held by some that the social sciences
of developing countries can only tread along
the path of 'total Westernization'. A conse-
Zhao Fu San
quent conclusion is that, in the course of social
science exchange, the relationship between
developed countries and developing countries
is one of 'knowledge transfer'. This is, to say
the least, open to question. It seems to Chinese
social scientists, that the effort in every country
towards the indigenization of social sciences in
each setting is a contribution to the development of social sciences in a world sense.
Today, a growing number of developing
countries advocate that foreign scholars c o m ing to undertake a research project should
take into consideration the needs and possibilities of the host country, their research
should be done with host-country scholars and
the findings shared jointly. Foreign scholars
are expected to observe the rules and regulations of the host country. All these practices
embody respect for the sovereignty of the host
country and they are worth emulating. O n the
other hand, w e also find occasionally some
scholars holding that in international academic
exchange, the only role the host developing
country can play is to provide them with
access to data. There are even rare cases of
academics presuming that scholars of the host
developing country should be barred from
participating in their research projects. O b viously, these views are harmful to the healthy
development of international academic exchange and therefore inadvisable.
Professional
and documentary
services
Approaching international conferences
N o further details concerning these meetings can be obtained through this Journal.
1982
11-16 July
Oxford
Oxford Centre for Management Studies: Seventh Biennial
Leadership Symposium
Oxford Centre for Management Studies, Kennington, Oxford
OX1 5NY( United Kingdom)
18-22 July
Baltimore
Society for International Development: Twenty-fifth Anniversary World Conference
SID, Conference Headquarters, 8134 Jefferson PL N . W . ,
Washington, DC20036 (UnitedStates)
18-22 July
Washington, D . C
World Future Society: Fourth General Assembly
World Future Society, 4916 St Elmo Ave., Washington,
DC 20014 (United States)
18-25 July
Regina,
Canada
International Assembly of Autochthonous Peoples
Association Internationale pour le Respect des Droits des
Peuples Autochtones, 55 avenue Victor-Hugo, 75116 Paris
(France)
25-30 July
Dublin
International Association for Child Psychiatry and Allied
Professions: Tenth International Congress
Professor Colette Chiland, Centre Alfred-Binet, 76 avenue
Edison, 75013 Paris (France)
August
Rio de Janeiro
International Political Science Association: Twelfth World
Congress
IPSA Secretariat, c/o University of Ottawa, Ottawa, Ontario
KIN 6N5 (Canada)
August
Warsaw
Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs: Thirtysecond Pugwash Conference
Pugwash Conference on Science and World Affairs, 9 Great
Russell Mansions, 60 Great Russell Street, London • WC1B
(United Kingdom)
358
2-7 August
Amsterdam
International Association of Youth Magistrates: Eleventh
Congress (Theme: Justice for Youth and Family in their
Social Context)
AIJE, Tribunal pour Enfants, Palais de Justice, 75055 Paris
(France)
16-21 August
Mexico City
International Sociological Association: World Congress
ISA Secretariat, Marcel Rafié, P.O. Box 718 •A', Montreal,
P.Q. H3G 2V2 (Canada)
23 August4 September
Brighton
International Associations of Schools of Social W o r k ; International Council on Social Welfare: Twenty-first Conference
(Theme: Action for Social Progress—The Responsibilities of
Governmental and Voluntary Organizations)
Roy Manley, National Council of Voluntary Organizations,
26 Bedford Square, London WC1B 3HU (United Kingdom)
23-27 August
Tokyo
International Ergonomics Association; Japan Ergonomics
Research Society: Eighth Congress
M . Masamitsu Oshima, Med. Inform. Systems Dev. Centre,
Akasaka Park Building, 3-4 Akasaka, 2-chome, Minato-ku,
Tokyo (Japan)
23-28 August
Mexico City
Committee on Sociological Investigation of Socio-Linguistics:
Tenth World Congress
F. Schütze, Universität Fachbereich, Heinrich-Plett-Strasse 40,
D-3500 Kassel (Federal Republic of Germany)
25-30 August
Nairobi
International Commission for the Prevention of Alcoholism
and Drug Dependency: Fourth International Meeting
1CPA, E.H. J. Steel, Executive-Director, 6830 Laurel Street,
N . W . , Washington, DC 20012 (United States)
29 August4 September
Tokyo
Thirteenth International Congress of Linguistics
ICL Office, Gakushin University, Meijiro 1-5-1,
Tokyo (Japan)
29 August2 September
Vienna
The European Society for Opinion and Marketing Research:
Thirty-fifth Conference (Theme: Fitting Research to Turbulent Times)
ESOMAR,
Raadhuistraat 15, Amsterdam (Netherlands)
Autumn
Rio de Janeiro
International Federation of Catholic Universities: S y m posium (Theme: A Comparative Study on Demographic
Policies)
Franco Biffi, University of Latran, 4 Piazza San Giovanni in
Latrano, 00184 Rome (Italy)
Autumn
Tokyo
International Institute of Administrative Sciences: Round
table
HAS, Rue de la Charité 25, 1040 Brussels (Belgium)
September or
December
Yaounde
International Association for Research in Income and
Wealth: Regional Conference
M . Oleg Arkhipoff, INSEE, 18 boulevard Adolphe-Pinard,
75675 Paris Cedex 14 (France)
15-19 September
Vienna
International Society for Research on Civilization Diseases
and Environment: Conference
International Society for Research on Civilization Diseases and
Environment, Wallringstr. 58,1180 Vienna (Austria)
Toshima-ku,
359
22-30 September
Vienna
International Congress on the Emerging W o m a n p o w e r
Samir K, Ghosh, 114 Sri Aurobindo Road, Konnagar, West
Bengal 712235, near Calcutta (India)
26 September1 October
Petralona-Khalkidiki,
Greece
Anthropological Association of Greece: European Anthropological Congress
Anthropological Association of Greece, Zoe Tsioli, 5 Dafnomili
Street, Athens 706 (Greece)
27 September1 October
Paris
International Association of French-Language Sociologists: Eleventh Symposium (Theme: Social Sciences in
the 80s—Challenges and Tasks)
AISLF, Centre de Recherches Sociologiques, Université de
Toulouse-Le Mirail, 109bis rue Vauquelin, 31058 Toulouse
(France)
7-9 October
Boston
Association of Mental Health Administrators: Annual
Meeting
A M H A , 425 13th Street, N . W . , Suite 1230, Washington,
DC 20004 (UnitedStates)
9-15 October
Tangiers
International Council on Alcohol and Addictions: ThirtyThird International Congress on Alcoholism and Drug
Dependence
ICA A, A. Tongue, C.P. 140, 1001 Lausanne (Switzerland)
17-23 October
New Delhi
International Bar Association: Nineteenth Biennial Conference
IBA, Office of Executive Director, Byron House, 7~9 St James
Street, London SW1A 1EE (United Kingdom)
1-3 November
Honolulu
American Society of International L a w : Regional Meeting
on International L a w of Armed Conflict
Colonel Charles J. Keever, U S M C (ret.), 2176 Aha Niu
Place, Honolulu, Hawaii 96821 (UnitedStates)
Lisbon
International Federation for Housing and Planning: International Congress
IFHP, 43 Wassenaarseweg, 2596 CG The Hague (Netherlands)
Dunedin,
New Zealand
Pacific Science Association; Royal Society for N e w Zealand:
Fifteenth Pacific Science Congress
Secretary-General, 15th Pacific Science Congress, P.O.
Box 6063, Dunedin (New Zealand)
1983
1-11 February
360
20-25 February
Haifa
International Congress on Psychiatry, L a w and Ethics
Judge Amnon, Carmi, International Congress on Psychiatry,
Law and Ethics, P.O. Box 394, Tel Aviv 61003 (Israel)
28-31 March
Tokyo
International Industrial Relations Association: Sixth World
Congress
URA, C. Poncini, ILO, 1211 Geneva 22 (Switzerland)
14-16 April
Pittsburgh
Population Association of America: Meeting
PAA,P.O.
Box 14182, Benjamin Franklin Station, Washington,
DC 20044 ( United States)
4-8 July
Lausanne
Société Européenne de Psychiatrie d'Enfants et d'Adolescents: Congress
W. Bettschart, Serv. Médico-Pédagogique Vaudois, 5 avenue de
la Chablière, 1004 Lausanne (Switzerland)
August
Western Europe
International Economie Association: Seventh World Congress
(Theme: Structural Change, Economie Interdependence and
World Development)
IEA, 4 rue de Chevreuse, 75006 Paris (France)
August
Fresno,
California
International Institute of Social Economies: Third World
Congress •
Professor J. C. O'Brien, Department of Finance and Industry,
California State University-Fresno, Fresno, CA 93740 (United
States)
14-25 August
Quebec City and
Vancouver
International Union of Anthropological and Ethnological
Sciences: Eleventh International Congress
IUAES,
A. Braxton, Department of Anthropology and
Sociology, 6303 N. W. Marine Drive, University of British
Columbia Campus, Vancouver, B.C. (Canada)
28 August3 September
San Diego,
California
Third International Congress on Toxicology
J. Wesley Clayton, Chemistry Building 320, University Oj
Arizona, Tucson, Arizona 85721 (UnitedStates)
31 August7 September
Tokyo and
Kyoto
Thirty-first International Congress of H u m a n Sciences in
Asia and North Africa
31st ICHSANA
Office, Toho Gakkai, 4-1 Nishi Kanda
2-chome, Chiyoda-ku, Tokyo 101 (Japan)
September
Paris
Information Processing Congress
M . Hermien, 6 place de Valois, 75001 Paris. (France)
5-10 September
Warsaw
International Society of Criminology: Eleventh International
Congress
Société Internationale de Criminologie, 4 rue de Mondovi,
75001 Paris (France)
19-23 September
Berlin
International Institute of Administrative Sciences: Nineteenth
International Congress
Guy Braibant, HAS, rue de la Charité 25, 1040 Brussels
(Belgium)
Books received
Generalities, documentation
Religion
téléspectateurs de 9 à 18 ans. Paris,
L a Documentation Française; Institut National de l'Audiovisuel,
1982. 224 pp. 65 F .
Dharampal, Gita. La religion des
malabars: Tessier de Quéralay et
la contribution des missionnaires
européens à la naissance de l'inDemography, statistics
dianisme. Immensee, Nouvelle R e vue de Science Missionnaire, 1982.
Butenschen, Cecilia A . (ed.). NorAustralia. National University. D e 351 pp., m a p s , index. 45 F .
wegian Development
Research
velopment Studies Centre.
Women,
Catalogue. Fantoft, T h e C h r . Toth, Michael A . The Theory of
Demography and Development, b y
Michelsen Institute; Norwegian
the Two Charismas. Washington,
Helen W a r e . Canberra, T h e A u s Agency for International DevelD . C . , University Press of A m e tralian National University, 1981.
opment, 1981. 332 pp. N K r . 40.
rica, 1981. 188 p p .
242 pp. tables.
FeneloD, Jean-Pierre. Qu'est-ce
United Nations Economic and
que l'analyse des données ? Paris,
Social Commission for Asia and
Sociology
Lefonen, 1981.311 pp.,figs.,tables,
the Pacific. Population of Banglabibliogr., index.
Abdullah, T . ; Zeidenstein, S . Vil- desh. N e w York, United Nations,
1981. 275 p p . , tables. (Country
United Nations Asian and Pacific
lage Women of Bangladesh: ProsM o n o g r a p h Series, 8.)
Development Centre. Development
pects for Change. Oxford/New
Perspectives for the 1980s: A Selec- York, Pcrgamon Press, 1981.
tive Bibliography. Kuala L u m p u r , 246 pp., illus., bibliogr. £10; $25.
Asian and Pacific Development
Political science
Bettschart, Walter; Bolognini,MoCentre, 1981. 33 p p .
nique. Adaptation sociale: du vilBethke Elshtain, Jean (ed.). The
Werner, Heinz (ed.). Glossare
lage à la banlieue. Saint-Saphorin,
Family in Political Thought. A m zur Arbeitsmarkt- und BerufsÉditions Georgi, 1981. 240 p p . ,
herst, M a s s . , T h e University of
forschung: Französisch-Deutsch/
figs., illus., tables. 33 F .
Massachusetts Press, 1982. 354 pp.
Deutsch-Französisch. Nuremberg,
Hardback $22.50; paperback $10.
Institut für Abeitsmarkt- und B e - Cissé, M . C ; Dembélé, K . ;
Kébé, Y . G . ; Traore, M . N . Le
rufsforschung der Bundesanstalt
C a m a u , Michel; Amrani, Fadila;
Mali, le paysan et l'état. Paris, Édifür Arbeit, 1981. 206 pp.
Achour, Ben Rafaã. Contrôle politions L'Harmattan, 1981.195 pp.,
tique et régulations électorales en
figs., tables, bibliogr. 60 F . (BiTunisie: les élections législatives du
bliothèque
d
u
développement-.)
Psychology
4 novembre 1979. Tunis, Centre
Chevaldonné, F . La communication
d'Études, de Recherches et d e
Adelphi University School of
inégale: l'accès aux media dans les Publications, Faculté de Droit et
Social W o r k . Personality Develcampagnes algériennes. Paris, Édi- des Sciences Politiques et É c o n o opment and the Dynamics of Hutions du C N R S , 1981, 222 p p . , miques, 1981. 550 pp., m a p s , taman Behavior, 2nd rev. ed. Lexingm a p s , graphs, tables. 90 F .
bles, bibliogr.
ton, Ginn Custom Publishing,
1981. 207 pp., figs., tables. (HandKrüger, Mariis. WissenssozioClemens, Walter C . National Sebook of Course Readings.)
logie. Stuttgart, Verlag W . Kohlcurity and US-Soviet Relations.
h a m m e r , 1981, 150 p p . , index.
Muscatine, T h e Stanley F o u n Chartier, Jean-Pierre; Chartier,
D M 28.
dation, October, 1981, 4 0 p p .
Laetitia. Les parents martyrs:
Australian Institute of Urban
Studies. Bibliography of Urban
Studies in Australia, Vol. 11,1980.
Canberra, Australian Institute of
Urban Studies, 1981. 98 p p .
passions, haines et vengeances
d'adolescents. Toulouse, Éditions
Privat, 1982,248 pp. 63 F .
Grube, Bruce F . Death, Politics,
and the Hubris of Consciousness.
Washington, D . C . , University
Press of America, 1981, 109 p p .
Padioleau, Jean. L'opinion publique: examen critique, nouvelles directions: recueil de textes. Paris/
The H a g u e / N e w Y o r k , M o u t o n
Éditeur, 1981. 392 pp.
Pierre, Evelyne; Chaguiboff, Jean;
Chapelain, Brigitte. Les nouveaux
Heiniger, Ernstpeter. Ideologie
des Rassismus: Problemsicht und
ethische Verurteilung in der kirchlichen Sozialverkündigung. I m m e n see, N e u e Zeitschrift für Missionswissenschaft, 1980. 379 pp., index.
57.40 Swiss francs.
362
Kazancigil, Ali; özbudun, Ergun
(eds.). Atatürk: Founder of a ModernState. London, C . Hurst & C o . ,
1981. 243 pp., index, bibliog.
Ressner, T h o m a s ; Boyd Caroli,
Betty. Today's Immigrants, their
Stories: A New Look at the Newest Americans. N e w York/Oxford,
Oxford University Press, 1981.
317 p p . , m a p s , illus., figs., bibIiogr. £12.
Politique et religion—données et
débats, Paris, 24-26 novembre 1979.
Actes du XX' colloque des intellectuels juifs de langue française, texts
presented by Jean Halpérin and
Georges Levitte. Paris, Gallimard,
1981. 410 pp.
Boulogne-Billancourt,
Éditions
H o m m e s et Techniques, 1981.
342 p p . , bibliogr.
Dlugos, Günter; Wciermair, Klaus;
D o r o w , Wolfgang (eds.). Managegement under Differing Values Systems. Berlin; N e w York, Walter
de Gruyter, 1981. 866 p p . , figs.,
tables, index. Hardback D M 2 8 .
Donnison, David. The Politics of
Poverty. Oxford, Martin Robertson, 1981. 239 pp., index. Hardback £9.95; paperback £3.50.
Klevmarken, N . Anders. On the
Complete Systems Approach to
Demand Analysis. Stockholm, T h e
Industrial Institute for Economic
and Social Research, 1981. 91 p p .
Puig, Juan Carlos. Doctrinas internacionales y autonomia Latinoamericana. Caracas, Instituto de
Altos Estudios de América Latina,
Universidad Simón Bolívar, 1980.
316 pp., index.
Molander, Cecilia (ed.). Development Research in Sweden, 1981.
Stockholm, Swedish Agency for
Research Cooperation with D e veloping Countries, 1981. 190 pp.,
index. (S A R E C Report, R2:1981.)
Silbermann, Alphons. Sind wir Antisemiten? Ausmass und Wirkung
eines sozialen Vorurteils in der
Bundesrepublik Deutschland. C o logne, Verlag Wissenschaft und
Politik Berend von Nottbeck,
1982. 231 pp.
Organization for Economic C o operation and Development. Development Co-operation: Report,
by John P . Lewis. Paris, O E C D ,
1981. 241 p p . , tables. (Also in
French.)
United Nations Social Welfare
and Development Centre for Asia
and the Pacific. Migration and
Resettlement: Rural-Urban Policies, Vols. II-VI. Manila, United
Nations Social Welfare and D e velopment Centre for Asia and
the Pacific, 1981. (Selected Asian
Countries.)
Economies
Barbier, Jean-Marie. Le quotidien
et son économie. Paris, Éditions du
Centre National de la Recherche
Scientifique, 1981. 177 pp. bibliogr. 60 F .
Tunisie. Faculté de droit et des
sciences politiques et économiques.
Coopération CEE—Maghreb,
Tunis, 28-30 mai 1979: actes du colloque, published by Mustapha
K.'Nabli. Tunis, Centre d'Études
de Recherches et de Publications,
1981. 396 p p . , tables. (Bibliothèque de droit, de sciences politiques
et économiques, III.)
Savary, Julien. Les multinationales
françaises. Paris, Presses Universitaires de France/Institut de recherche et d'information sur les
multinationales, 1981. 244 p p . ,
tables, index, bibliogr.
United Kingdom. University of
Liverpool. Department of Sociology. Unregistered Youth
Unemployment and Outreach Careers
Bernoux, Philippe. Un travail à soi
Work: Final Report, part 1—
Toulouse, Privat, 1981. 252 pp.
Non-Registration, by K . Roberts,
tables, bibliogr.
U . D u g g a n , M . Noble. L o n d o n ,
Brilman, Jean. Modèles culturels Department of Employment, 1981.
et performances économiques: les
58 p p . , tables. (Research Paper,
hommes, les entreprises, les états. 31.)
L a w , criminology
Colloque de sociologie juridique franco-soviétique, 2e, Moscou,
juin 1918: La création du droit—
aspects sociaux. Paris, Éditions du
Centre national de la recherche
scientifique, 1981. 332 pp., figs.,
90 F . (Collection des travaux de
l'Institut de recherches juridiques
comparatives.)
Conseil de l'Europe. Affaires Juridiques. Colloque de droit européen,
Liège, 10', 23-25 septembre 1980:
La recherche scientifique et le
droit—actes du colloque. Strasbourg, Conseil de l'Europe, 1981.
105 pp.
Council of Europe. Legal Affairs.
Criminological Research Conference, 14, Strasbourg, 24-26 November 1980: Prevention of Juvenile Delinquency—The Role of
Institutions of Socialisation in a
Changing Society. Strasbourg,
Council of Europe, 1981. 165 p p .
(Also in French.)
Klami, Hannu Tapani. The Legalists: Finnish Legal Science in the
Period of Autonomy,
1809-1917.
Helsinki, Societas Scientiarum
Fennica, 1981. 153 pp., illus., bibliogr., index.
Pauchet, Catherine. Les prisons de
l'insécurité. Paris, les Éditions O u vrières, 1982. 210 pp., bibliogr.
Social welfare
Organisation de Coopération et de
Développement Économiques. La
politique sociale intégrée: le cas de
l'Autriche. Paris, O C D E , 1981.
277 pp., tables, bibliogr.
Organisation Mondiale de la Santé.
Eau potable et assainissement,
1981-1990:
vers une meilleure
santé. Geneva, Organisation M o n diale de la Santé, 1981. 59 pp.,
tables. 9 Swiss francs.
363
Books received
Education
Bello, Joseph Y . Basic Principles
of Teaching. Chichester and
N e w York/Ibadan, John Wiley &
Sons/Spectrum Books Ltd, 1981.
169 pp., tables, bibliogr., index.
(Education in Africa—A Wiley
Series.)
Anthropology
nes du Capcir. Paris, Éditions du
Centre National de la Recherche
Scientifique/Centre Régional de
Publications de Toulouse MidiPyrénées, 1981. 215 p p . , diagr.,
illus., tables, bibliogr. 90 F .
Technology,
management
Clearman, Brian. Transportation
Markings: A Study in ComAssier-Andrieu, Louis. Coutume et
munication. Washington, D . C . ,
rapports sociaux: étude anthropo- University Press of America, 1981.
logique des communautés paysan- 459 pp., index.
The Industrial Institute for Economie and Social Research. Business
Taxation, Finance and Firm Behavior, Stockholm, 28-29 Aug. 1978:
Proceedings of a
Symposium,
edited by Gunnar Eliasson and
Jan Södersten. Stockholm, A l m q vist & Wiksell International, 1981.
435 pp., figs. (IUI Conference
Reports, 1981, 1.)
Madeuf, Bernadette. L'ordre technologique international: production
et transferts. Paris, L a D o c u m e n tation Française, 1981. 192 p p . ,
tables, bibliogr. (Notes et études
documentaires, 1981.) 32 F .
Recent Unesco publications
(including publications assisted by Unesco)
Anti-Development: South Africa
and its Bantustans, by Donald
Moerdijk. Paris, T h e Unesco
Press, 1981. 194 pp., tables, bibbliogr. 40 F .
Apartheid and Social Research,
ed. by John R e x . Paris, Unesco,
1981. 199 pp. 52 F .
Atatürk, Founder of a Modern
State, ed. by A H Kazancigil and
Ergun ö z b u d u n . London/Paris,
C . Hurst & Co./Unesco, 1981.
243 p p . , index. £8.50.
The Decolonization of Africa:
Southern Africa and the Horn
of Africa. Paris, Unesco, 1981.
163 pp. 35 F . (General History of
Africa: Studies and Documents.)
Domination or Sharing? Endogenous Development and the Transfer
of Knowledge, by Bruno Ribes,
Andrzej Ziemilski, Michel Gutelm a n (and others). Paris, T h e
Unesco Press, 1981. 288 pp., figs.
45 F . (Insights, 5.)
Environmental
Information: A
Methodological Proposal, by U m berto Eco and Paolo Fabri. Paris,
Unesco, 1981. 44 pp. ( H u m a n
Settlements and Socio-cultural
Environment, 23.)
Higher Education and the Labour
Market in the Philippines, by
Bikas C . Sanyal, W a l d o S. Perfecto, Adriano A . Árcelo. Paris,
Unesco/International
Institute
for Educational Planning, 1981.
319 pp., illus., tables. 60 F .
International Bibliography of the New Approaches to Rural Youth
and Development in Latin America
Social Sciences: Economics / Bibliographie internationale des scien- and the Caribbean. Paris, Unesco,
ces sociales : Science économique, 1981. 103 pp. 25 F . (Regional
Youth Meetings, 4.)
Vol. 28,1979. L o n d o n / N e w York,
Tavistock Publications, 1981.
Obstacles to Disarmament and
502 pp. £33; 300 F .
Ways of Overcoming Them, ed.
International Bibliography of the by Swadesh R a n a (and others).
Social Sciences: Political Sciences / Paris, The Unesco Press, 1981.
Bibliographie internationale des 233 pp., bibliogr. 45 F . (Insights,7.)
sciences sociales : Science poliThe Protection of the Rights of
tique, Vol. 29,1980. L o n d o n / N e w
Disabled Persons Afforded under
York, Tavistock Publications,
Various International Instruments:
1982. 400 pp. £32; 290 F .
Extracts, by Maurice Torrelli.
International Bibliography of the Paris, Unesco, 1981. 21 pp.
Social Sciences: Social and Cultural Anthropology / Bibliographie Rural Journalism in Africa, by
internationale des sciences sociales:Paul Ansah (and others). Paris,
Anthropologie sociale et culturelle. Unesco, 1981. 35 pp. 10 F .
Vol. 24, 1978. L o n d o n / N e w
Selective Inventory of Information
York, Tavistock Publications,
Services / Inventaire sélectif des
1981. 393 pp. £30; 270 F .
services d'information / Inventorio
International Bibliography of the selectivo de servicios de informaSocial Sciences: Sociology / Bición. Paris, Unesco, 1981.140 pp.
bliographie internationale des scien- 30 F . (World Social Science
ces sociales: Sociologie, Vol. 28, Information Services / Services
1978. London/Chicago, Tavistock
mondiaux d'information en scienPublications/Beresford B o o k Serces sociales / Servicios mundiales
vice, 1980. 463 p p . , £30; 270 F .
de información sobre ciencias
Living in two Cultures: The Socio- sociales, III.)
cultural Situation of Migrant
Workers and their Families. Paris/
Aldershot, T h e Unesco Press/
Gower, 1982. 325 pp., tables.
140 F .
The Social Implications of the
Scientific and Technological Revolution: A Unesco Symposium.
Paris, Unesco, 1981. 392 pp.,
figs., tables. 80 F .
A Manual on Evaluation of
Population Communication Programmes, by Robert Gillespie.
Paris, Unesco, 1981. 129 pp.
20 F. (Population Communication
Manuals.)
Traditional Forms of Rural Habitat
in Pakistan, by Kamil K a h n M u m taz. Paris, Unesco, 1981. 47 pp.,
figs., illus. ( H u m a n Settlements
and Socio-cultural Environment,
20.)
Human
Rights: Questions and
Answers, by Leah Levin. Paris,
The Unesco Press, 1981. 86 p p . ,
illus.
Many Voices, One World. Paris/
London, Unesco/Unipub Kogan
Page, 1981. 312 pp.,figs.,tables.
60 F.
Impact of Educational Television
on Young Children. Paris, Unesco,
1981. 60 pp., m a p s , tables, figs.
12 F . (Educational Studies and
Documents, 40.)
Methods for Development Planning: Scenarios, Models and Microstudies. Paris, T h e Unesco Press,
1981. 269 p p . , figs., tables,
bibliogr. 60 F .
Unesco Handbook for the Teaching
of Social Studies, ed. by H o w a r d
D.
Mehlinger. London/Paris,
Croom
Helm/Unesco, 1981.
409 pp.,figs.,illus., index. 90 F .
Unesco 1979-1980: Report of the
Director-General on the Activities
of the Organization in 1979-1980.
366
Communicated to M e m b e r States
and Executive Board, in accordance with Article VI.3b of the
Constitution. Paris, Unesco, 1981.
276 p p . ,figs,tables. 60 F .
Women and Development: Indicators of their Changing Role.
Paris, Unesco, 1981. 112 pp.,
figs., 20 F . (Socio-economic
Studies, 3.)
Unesco Yearbook on Peace and
Conflict Studies, 1980. Paris/
Westpoint, Unesco/Greenwood
Press, 1981. 311 pp., index.
175 F .
World Directory of Peace Research
Institutions, 4th rev. ed. Paris,
Unesco, 1981. 213 pp. 26 F .
Youth, Tradition and Development
(Reports and Papers in the Social
in Africa: Regional Meeting on
Sciences, 49.)
Youth in Africa, Nairobi, Kenya,
17-22 December 1979. Paris, The
World List of Social Science
Unesco Press, 1981. 28 F . (RePeriodicals, 1980 / Liste mondiale gional Youth Meetings, 3.)
des périodiques spécialisés dans les
sciences sociales / Lista mundial Youth in the 1980s. Paris, Unesco,
de revistas especializadas en cien1981. 320 pp. 60 F .
Why People Move: Comparative
Perspectives on the Dynamics of
Internal Migration, ed. by Jorge
Balan. Paris, The Unesco Press,
1981. 342 pp.,figs.,tables. 75 F .
cias sociales, 5th rev. ed. Paris,
Unesco, 1980. 447 pp. (World
Social Science Information Services / Services mondiaux d'information en sciences sociales / Servicios mundiales de información
sobre ciencias sociales, I). 72 F .
How to obtain these publications: (a) Priced Unesco publications can be obtained from the Office of the Unesco
Press, Commercial Services ( P U B / Q , 7 place de Fontenoy, 75700 Paris, or from national booksellers (see list àt the
end of this issue); (b) unpriced Unesco publications can be obtained free from Unesco, Documents Division (COL/D);
(c) publications not put out directly or in co-publication by Unesco can be obtained through normal retail channels.
Past topics1
From 1949 to the end of 1958, this Journal appeared under the name of International Social Science Bulletin,
not all issues of which were devoted to a main topic.
Microfilms and microcards are available from University Microfilms Inc., 300 N . Zeeb Road, A n n Arbor,
M I 48106 (United States of America). Reprint series are available from Kraus Reprint Corporation, 16 East
46th Street, N e w York, N Y 10017 (United States of America).
Vol. XI, 1959
No.
No.
No.
No.
1. Social aspects of mental health*
2. Teaching of the social sciences in the U S S R *
3. The study and practice of planning*
4. N o m a d s and nomadism in the arid zone*
Vol. XII, 1960
N o . 1. Citizen participation in political life*
N o . 2. The social sciences and peaceful
co-operation*
N o . 3. Technical change and political decision*
N o . 4. Sociological aspects of leisure*
Vol. XIII, 1961
No.
No.
No.
No.
1. Post-war democratization in Japan*
2. Recent research on racial relations
3. The Yugoslav c o m m u n e
4. The parliamentary profession
Vol. XIV, 1962
No.
No.
No.
No.
1.
2.
3.
4.
Images of w o m e n in society*
Communication and information
Changes in the family*
Economics of education*
Vol. XV, 1963
No.
No.
No.
No.
1. Opinion surveys in developing countries
2. Compromise and conflict resolution
3. Old age
4. Sociology of development in Latin America
Vol. XVII, 1965
N o . 1. M a x Weber today/Biological aspects
ofrace*
N o . 2. Population studies
N o . 3. Peace research*
N o . 4. History and social science
Vol. XVIII, 1966
N o . 1. H u m a n rights in perspective*
N o . 2. Modern methods in criminology*
N o . 3. Science and technology as development
factors*
N o . 4. Social science in physical planning*
Vol. XIX, 1967
N o . 1. Linguistics and communication*
N o . 2. The social science press
N o . 3. Social functions of education*
N o . 4. Sociology of literary creativity*
Vol. XX, 1968
N o . 1. Theory, training and practice in
management*
N o . 2. Multi-disciplinary problem-focused
research*
N o . 3. Motivational patterns for modernization
N o . 4. The arts in society*
Vol. XVI, 1964
Vol.
No.
No.
No.
No.
N o . 1. Data in comparative research*
N o . 2. Leadership and economic growth
N o . 3. Social aspects of African resource
development
N o . 4. Problems of surveying the social sciences
and humanities
Vol. XXII, 1970
N o . 1. Sociology of science*
N o . 2. Towards a policy for social research
N o . 3. Trends in legal learning
N o . 4. Controlling the human environment
1. The asterisk denotes issues out of print.
XXI, 1969
1. Innovation in public administration*
2. Approaches to rural problems*
3. Social science in the Third World*
4 . Futurology*
yol. xxiir, 1971
N o . 1. Understanding aggression
N o . 2. Computers and documentation in the social
sciences
N o . 3. Regional variations in nation-building
N o . 4. Dimensions of the racial situation
Vol.
No.
No.
No.
No.
XXIV, 1972
1. Development studies
2. Youth: a social force?
3. The protection of privacy
4. Ethics and institutionalization in social
science
Vol.
No.
No.
No.
XXV, 1973
1/2. Autobiographical portraits
3. The social assessment of technology
4. Psychology and psychiatry at the
cross-roads
Vol. XXVI, 1974
N o . 1. Challenged paradigms in international
relations
N o . 2. Contributions to population policy
N o . 3. Communicating and diffusing social science
N o . 4. The sciences of life and of society
Vol. XXVII, 1975
N o . 1. Socio-economic indicators: theories and
applications
N o . 2. The uses of geography
N o . 3. Quantified analyses of social phenomena
N o . 4. Professionalism in flux
Vol.
No.
No.
No.
XXVIII, 1976
1. Science in policy and policy for science*
2. The infernal cycle of armament
3. Economics of information and information
for economists
N o . 4. Towards a new international economic and
social order
Vol. XXIX, 1977
N o . 1. Approaches to the study of international
organizations
N o . 2. Social dimensions of religion
N o . 3. The health of nations
N o . 4. Facets of interdisciplinarity
Vol.
No.
No.
No.
XXX, 1978
1. The politics of territoriality
2. Exploring global interdependence
3. H u m a n habitats: from tradition to
modernism
N o . 4. Violence
Vol. XXXI, 1979
N o . 1. Pedagogics of social science: some
experiences
N o . 2. Rural-urban articulations
N o . 3. Patterns of child socialization
N o . 4. In search of rational organization
Vol. XXXII, 1980
N o . 1. The anatomy of tourism
N o . 2. Dilemmas of communication: technology
versus communities?
N o . 3. W o r k
N o . 4. O n the state
Vol. XXXIII, 1981
N o . 1. Socio-economic information: systems, uses
and needs
N o . 2. At the frontiers of sociology
N o . 3. Technology and cultural values
N o . 4. Modern historiography
Vol. XXXIV, 1982
N o . 91. Images of world society
Back numbers may be purchased from your Unesco publications national distributor at current single-copy
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Moncayo y 9 de Octubre, casilla de correos 3542,
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188, Rio D E JANEIRO (GB).
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Chile: Bibliocentro Ltda., Constitución n.° 7, ca- French West Indies: Librairie 'Au boul'
silla 13731, SANTIAGO (21); Librería La Biblioteca, Perrinon, and 66 Avenue du Parquet,
D E - F R A N C E (Martinique).
Alejandro I 867, Casilla 5602, SANTIAGO 2.
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fach 140, 701 Leipzig or international
port Corporation, West Europe Department, P . O .
the German Democratic Republic.
Box 88, B E U I N G .
Mich', 1 Rue
97200 F O R T Leipzig, Postbookshops in
Germany (Fed. Rep.): S. Karger G m b H , Karger
Buchhandlung, Angerhofstr. 9, Postfach 2, D-8034
G E R M E R I N G / M Ü N C H E N , 'The Courier': M r Herbert
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Iraq: McKenzie's Bookshop. AI-Rashid Street,
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Ghana, A C C R A ; The University Bookshop, C A P E
C O A S T ; The University Bookshop, P . O . Box 1,
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" 101 Water Lane, K I N G S T O N .
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B . P . Ill,
AMMAN.
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a
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COMAYAGUELA,
30571, NAIROBI.
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K O W L O O N ; Federal Publications (HK) Ltd., 2 D
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K O W L O O N ; Hong Kong Government Information
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for Unesco, P . O . Box 64, S E O U L .
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KONG.
Hungary: Akadémiai Könyvesbolt, Váci u. 22, B U D A PEST V , A . K . V . Konyvtárosk Boltja, Népkoztársaság
Lebanon: Librairies Antoine, A . Naufal et Frères,
B . P . 656, B E Y R O U T H .
utja 16, B U D A P E S T VI.
Lesotho: Mazenod Book Centre, P . O . M A Z E N O D .
Iceland: Snaebjörn Jonsson & C o . , H . F . , Hafnar-
Liberia: Cole & Yancy Bookshops Ltd., P . O . Box 286,
straeti 9, R E Y K J A V I K .
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Gandhi Road, BANGALORE-560001; 3-5-820 Hyderguda, H Y D E R A B A D - 5 0 0 0 0 1 . Sub-depots: Oxford Book
and Stationery Co., 17 Park Street, C A L C U T T A 700016;
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551 C-Wing, Shastri Bhavan, N E W D E L H I , 110001.
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of Publication and Distribution, P . O . Box 34-35,
Indonesia: Bhratara Publishers and Booksellers, 29 Jl.
Oto Iskandardinata III, J A K A R T A . Gramedia, Bookshop, Jl. Gadjah Mada 109, J A K A R T A . Indira P . T . ,
37 Jl. D r . Sam Ratulangie, 37, J A K A R T A
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T E H R A N . Kharazmie Publishing and Distribution
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Luxembourg: Librairie Paul Brück, 22 Grand-Rue,
LUXEMBOURG.
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démocratique de Madagascar pour l'Unesco, B.P. 331,
ANTANANARIVO.
Malaysia: Federal Publications Sdn Bhd., Lot 8238,
Jalan 222, Petaling Jaya, S E L A N G O R ; University of
Malaya Co-operative Bookshop, K U A L A L U M P U R
22-11.
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PORT-LOUIS.
tado 2139,
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Oqba, B . P . 420, R A B A T (CCP 324-45).
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Niger: Librairie Mauclert, B . P . 868, N I A M E Y .
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ZARIA.
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L O N A 7.
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O S L O 3. For 'The Courier': A / S Narversens Litte- Gardiner Mawata, P . O . Box 244, C O L O M B O 2.
raturjeneste, Box 6125, O S L O 6.
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Panama: Agencia Internacional de Publicaciones S.A.,
Apartado 2052, P A N A M Á .
Sudan: Al Bashir Bookshop, P . O . Box 1118, K H A R TOUM.
Suriname: Suriname National Commission for Unesco,
P . O . Box 2943, P A R A M A R I B O .
Sweden: All publications: A / B C . E . Fritzes Kungl. United Kingdom: H . M . Stationery Office, P . O .
Hovbokhandel, Regerinsgatan 12, Box 16356, S - Box 569, L O N D O N SEI 9 N H . Government book103 27 S T O C K H O L M . For 'The Courier': Svenska F N - shops: London, Belfast, Birmingham, Bristol, CarFörbundet, Skolgränd 2, Box 150 50, S-104 65 S T O C - diff, Edinburgh, Manchester.
K H O L M . (Postgiro 18 46 92.) Wennergren-Williams A B ,
United Republic of Cameroon: Le Secrétaire général
Box 30004, S-10425 S T O C K H O L M .
de la Commission Nationale de la République unie
du Cameroun pour l'Unesco, B.P. 1600, Y A O U N D E .
Switzerland: Europa Verlag Rämistrasse 5 8024
Z Ü R I C H ; Librairie Payot, 6, rue Grenus, 1211, G E - United Republic of Tanzania: Dar es Salaam BookN È V E 11.
shop, P . O . Box 9030, D A R ES S A L A A M .
Syrian Arab Republic: Librairie Sayegh, Immeuble
Diab, rue du Parlement, B.P. 704, D A M A S .
Thailand: Nibondh and C o . Ltd., 40-42 Charoen
Krung Road, Siyaeg Phaya Sri, P . O . Box 402,
B A N G K O K ; Sukaspan Panit, Mansion 9, Rajdamnern
Avenue, B A N G K O K ; Suksit Siam Company, 1715
R a m a IV Road, B A N G K O K .
Togo: Librairie évangélique, B . P . 378, L O M É ; Librairie
du Bon Pasteur, B.P. 1164. L O M É ; Librairie moderne,
B . P . 777, L O M É .
Trinidad and Tobago: National Commission for
Unesco, 18 Alexandra Street, St Clair, P O R T O F
SPAIN.
Tunisia: Société tunisienne de diffusion, 5, avenue de
United States of America: Unipub, 345 Park Avenue
South, N E W Y O R K , N Y 10010.
Upper Volta: Librairie Attie, B.P. 64, O U A G A D O U G O U ;
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Uruguay: Edilyr Uruguaya,. S.A., Maldonado 1092,
MONTEVIDEO.
USSR: Mezhdunarodnaja Kniga, M O S K V A G-200.
Venezuela: Librería del Este, A v . Francisco de M i randa, 52-Edificio Galipán, apartado 60337, C A R A CAS; La Muralla Distribuciones S.A., 4. a Avenida de
los Palos Grandes, entre 3. a y 4. a transversal, Quinta
'Irenalis', C A R A C A S - 1 0 6 .
Yugoslavia: Jugoslovenska Knjiga, Trg Republike 5/8,
P . O . B . 36, 11-001 B E O G R A D ; Drzavna Zalozba Slovenije, Titova C . 25, P . O . B . 50-1,61-000, LJUBLJANA.
Carthage, TUNIS.
Turkey: Haset Kitapevi A . S . Istiklâl Caddesi,
N o . 469, Posta Kutusa 219, Beyoglu, ISTANBUL.
Zaire: Librairie du C I D E P , B . P . 2307, KINSHASA;
Commission nationale zaïroise pour l'Unesco, C o m missariat d'État chargé de l'Éducation nationale,
B . P . 32, K I N S H A S A .
Uganda: Uganda Bookshop, P . O . Box 154, K A M -
Zimbabwe: Textbook Sales (PTV) Ltd., 67 Union
PALA.
Avenue, SALISBURY.
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Published quarterly by Unesco
Vol. X X X I V , N o . 2, 1982
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© Unesco 1982
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