www.elsevier.com/locate/atoures Annals of Tourism Research, Vol. 32, No. 4, pp. 905–924, 2005 Ó 2005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Printed in Great Britain 0160-7383/$30.00 doi:10.1016/j.annals.2004.07.012 TESTING THEORY OF PLANNED VERSUS REALIZED TOURISM BEHAVIOR Roger March University of New South Wales, Australia Arch G. Woodside Boston College, USA Abstract: This article probes how well one’s plans for doing, buying, and consuming discretionary tourism services relate to what is actually done. Using group level data, it includes an empirical study of hypotheses comparing planned and actual consumption behaviors. The main propositions tested are that realized consumption behaviors are greater in number than planned and that the level of matching between planned and realized actions varies as a function of contingency factors of composition of the tourist group, product experience, and motivations. Data from two large-scale surveys serve to examine the theory. The findings support the hypotheses partially and provide guidance for planning survey research and marketing management strategies. Keywords: consumer plans, services, unplanned behavior, experience. Ó 2005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Résumé: La mise à l’essai d’une théorie pour comparer les comportements touristiques planifiés et réalisés. Cet article examine à quel degré les projets pour faire, acheter et consommer des services discrétionnaires du tourisme se rapportent à ce que l’on fait vraiment. L’article utilise des données de niveau groupe et comprend une étude empirique des hypothèses pour la comparaison des comportements de consommation projetée et réelle. Les principales propositions qui sont mises à l’essai sont que les comportements de consommation réalisée sont plus nombreux que ceux qui avaient été projetés, et que le niveau de correspondance entre les actions projetées et réalisées varie en fonction des facteurs de contingence de la composition du groupe touristique, de l’expérience du produit et des motivations. Des données de deux sondages à grande échelle servent pour examiner la théorie. Les résultats soutiennent les hypothèses en partie et fournissent des conseils pour la planification des recherches par sondage et des stratégies de gestion de marketing. Mots-clés: projets de consommateurs, services, comportements imprévus, expérience. Ó 2005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. INTRODUCTION Models of consumer behavior typically predict intention (or purchase decision) as the immediate antecedent of purchase (Engel, Blackwell and Miniard 1993; Howard and Sheth, 1969; Peter and Olson Roger March is Senior Lecturer in the School of Marketing, University of New South Wales (Sydney 2052, Australia. Email <[email protected]>). His tourism research interests include international distribution systems, Japanese behavior, and unethical issues. Arch Woodside is Professor of marketing at Boston College. He is a Fellow of Royal Society of Canada, Society for Marketing Advances, American Psychological Association, and the American Psychological Society. 905 906 TOURISM BEHAVIOR 1999). The resulting implication is that intention and subsequent consumption behavior are theoretically indistinguishable. Similarly, behaviors available within a given environment that are unplanned, unintended, are not conceptualized in consumer behavior models. Foxall labels marketing theory’s aversion to the study of unplanned and impulsive behavior as ‘‘pathological’’ (2000:93). The present article’s objective is to bridge this empirical gap and offer insights into the similarities and differences between consumers’ planned and actual purchase and consumption behaviors. The empirical research setting examined focuses on vacation destination behavior. Using a between subjects quasi-experiment (Cook and Campbell 1979), the field study examines consumption behaviors that respondents plan to undertake, as reported in an entry survey to the destination, and the behaviors undertaken, as reported in an exit survey to the same destination. The study investigates several behaviors (length-ofstay, spending, and number of activities undertaken) and examines effects of contingency influences (group composition, product experience, and motivations) on the differences between planned and realized length-of-stay and spending. The field study reported here is not the conventional approach to planned and actual behaviors. Previous research into intentions and consumption overwhelmingly focuses on planned behaviors, or intentions, and specifically with two aims: to improve the use of intention measurement in its predictive power of future behavior and to influence purchasing. Though a multitude of factors and situations interfere or constrain an individual’s ability to act upon his or her intentions (Belk 1974, 1975; Filiatrault and Ritchie 1988), intention is still an important construct found to relate significantly to actual behavior. COMPARING INTENTIONS AND ACTUAL BEHAVIOR The extant literature includes substantial empirical research into the relationship between planned purchases and actual consumption. Typically, these studies aim to measure intentions for the purpose of predicting future consumption behavior. The US government conducted studies and experiments concerning purchase intentions between the 40s and 70s (Young, DeSarbo, and Morwitz 1998). Many of these studies report significant relationships between intentions to buy durable goods and subsequent purchase, using various econometric models on panel data (Juster 1966; Tobin 1959). Kalwani and Silk (1982) demonstrate that factors such as type of product, type of measurement scale, time from measurement of intent until actual behavior, and recency of the previous purchase influence the intention-behavior relationship. Many studies examine the relationship between purchase intentions and behaviors for durable goods (Clawson 1971; Ferber and Piskie 1965) and nondurable ones (Gormley 1974; Tauber 1975; Warshaw 1980). Young, DeSarbo and Morwitz conclude, ‘‘Overall, based on empirical evidence, intentions appear to almost always provide biased measures of purchase propensity, sometimes underestimat- MARCH AND WOODSIDE 907 ing actual purchasing and other times overestimating actual purchasing’’ (1998:189). Studies often focus on the predictive powers and accuracy of intentions. Most models of consumer behavior incorporate intentions as an important predictor variable to forecast sales (Kalwani and Silk 1982; Morwitz and Schmittlein 1992). Few distinctions are made between buyer intentions and actions. Situational variables are used to rationalize divergences between intentions and behavior. In the words of Juster, ‘‘Purchases (actions) are directly related to (or predicted by) intentions, modified by the incidence of unforeseen circumstances’’ (1964:66). This view remains both speculative and lacking in specifics—what unforseen circumstances affect intention-action gaps and the effect size of such influences need examination. This article probes the nature and size of such gaps as they relate to planning and doing tourism behavior. Lynch and Srull (1982) offer one reason for the apparent lack of investigation into the ‘‘final stage’’ in the consumer consumption process. In their view, consumer research primarily is phenomenon, as opposed to theory, driven. For marketing practitioners, particularly in advertising related fields, the predictive power of intentions to forecast future consumption behavior accurately has obvious commercial appeal. This view builds on the assumption that consumers both attending to commercial messages and making plans have reciprocal influences—intentions are worthy of study because they reflect benefit-seeking behavior that would enable destination strategists to craft effective communication messages (Woodside and Jacobs 1985). Consequently, examining consumers’ planned strategies offers unique strengths that relate especially to learning what brings tourists to a destination the first-time as well as the second and future visits. The concept of ‘‘unplanned’’ behavior is one dimension of the issue regarding the relationship between intentions and actual behavior that has been examined in marketing. Stern’s (1962) seminal article proposes four categories of unplanned purchases: ‘‘pure’’ impulse buying, characterized by a total lack of preplanning; reminder impulse buying, whereby purchases are sparked by previous personal experience or recall; suggestion impulse buying, where one sees the purchased product for the first time and buys it; and planned impulse buying, typified by a shopper entering a store with some specific items in mind, but with the expectation and intention of making other purchases dependent on such things as price and coupon specials. By the mid-80s, scholars began to deconstruct the unplanned concept, and focus on its impulse dimension (Rook and Hoch 1985; Rook and Gardner 1993). Though an impulse purchase is unplanned, it is also includes substantial complexity in terms of antecedents, consequences, and subcategories of impulse behavior. Since the 80s an increasing number of scholars have informed these impulse buying issues (Agee and Martin 2001; Beatty and Ferrell 1998; Gardner and Rook 1987; Rook and Fisher 1995; Weun, Jones, and Beatty 1998). However, the characteristics and antecedents of unplanned behavior in the broader sense remain unexplored and unknown. 908 TOURISM BEHAVIOR The complexity of the ‘‘unplanned’’ concept needs explication. Behavior can be unplanned yet done, either in the form of impulse buying (purchase of a chocolate bar at the supermarket check-out counter) or ‘‘unplanned purchases’’, when knowledge of and interaction with the task environment and time pressure combine to force a decision that otherwise would have been foregone (Bettman 1979). To complicate matters more, not all impulse buying may be totally unplanned. Rook and Hoch report that some people ‘‘plan on being impulsive’’ as a shopping strategy (1985:25). Cobb and Hoyer (1986) draw an interesting distinction between impulse and partial planners. While both cohorts appear to be impulse purchasers because they delay brand decisions until entering the consumption environment, impulse planners act almost entirely in a spontaneous manner, while partial planners exhibit careful insite purchase behavior by engaging in detailed search and being price sensitive. Previous research into planned, unplanned, and actual consumption was done mainly in supermarkets (Bruce and Green 1991; Kollat and Willett 1967; Prasad 1975) thus limiting the insights that can be generalized into non-supermarket contexts. Studies in the overall retailing sector, which includes malls as well as supermarkets, consistently report that a significant proportion of what is actually purchased is not planned. Moreover, in findings of particular relevance to leisure-destination research, the extent of unplanned behavior increases under the following conditions: the more that the consumption environment is unknown to the buyer (Bettman, Luce, and Payne 1998); when customers regard consumption outcomes as positive (Bagozzi and Nataraajan 2000); when few constraints exist on their time and effort (Kollat and Willett 1967); when multiple items are purchased, rather than just a few (Inman and Winer 1998; Kollat and Willett 1967); and when the overall transaction involves a large, rather than a small, amount of money (Prasad 1975). Thus, planned versus realized strategy gaps are likely to be smaller versus larger among consumers planning to stay only a few versus many nights in a destination; and among tourists on a limited expenditure budget. A large number of studies into unplanned behavior and impulse behavior quantify the extent of unplanned purchases. In contrast, few attempts have been made to quantify the differences in what is planned and what is actually purchased. Abratt and Goodey found that 41% of respondents reported that they had spent more than their expressed spending intention. They suggest, ‘‘the proposition that consumers tend to spend more than they planned may hold’’ (1990:119). For a specific destination, it is important to learn what activities are planned much more than done (if any) versus those unplanned but done frequently (if any), and what the causes and consequences of such combinations are. Explicating a theory of planned and realized strategies that helps to answer such issues is likely useful for guiding research and management practice. The tourism literature includes several relevant studies for constructing a theory for explaining planned versus realized behavioral gaps. For example, Stewart and Vogt surveyed the same tourists prior to MARCH AND WOODSIDE 909 and during a vacation for a number of measures, including length-ofstay, activities, accommodation, and group composition. While they found that people tend to plan more activities than they actuate, those regarding length-of-stay, group, and transport mode were ‘‘carried out as planned’’ (1999:91). For at least two reasons these results must be treated with caution. First, significance tests were not applied. Second, the same respondents were interviewed, thus creating two methodological problems: self-generated validity, whereby respondents attempt to justify their earlier expressed intentions (Feldman and Lynch 1988) and social desirability bias (Cobb and Hoyer 1986), in that impulse or unplanned purchasing is underestimated in a person’s effort to appear rational and goal oriented. Perdue (1986) touches upon the subject in an exploratory investigation seeking to empirically verify the proposition that unplanned yet realized behavior yields higher spending than the unplanned and unrealized. He reports that consumers who purchase a product not planned for are likely to express satisfaction with it as a means of justifying the purchase to themselves and other members of their group. Ajzen and Driver (1992) use leisure activities as the research setting for testing the theory of planned behavior. They found that the theory is useful in predicting influences upon intentions and actual behaviors from intentions. Their study has the limitation of being confined to college students and in being limited to five leisure activities. As Ajzen and Driver (1992) conclude, future research needs to examine other recreation activities and to use more accurate and valid reporting means. Here again, this report builds upon the previous work discussed by examining influences in a real tourism/leisure setting, with a large number of respondents and across a wide range of activities and experiences. In this context, existing models of consumer decisionmaking (Howard and Sheth 1969) focus mostly on tangible products, rather than intangible services in tourism. Its product is experiential with emotional undertones whose decision process differs vastly from the rational, problem-solving scenario applied to many tangible goods. Mayo and Jarvis (1981) argue that tourism is a special form of consumption behavior involving an intangible, heterogeneous purchase of an experiential product. As a consequence, existing models omit important realities. Um and Crompton suggest, ‘‘that perceptions of alternative destinations’ physical attributes in the awareness set . . . are susceptible to change during the period of active solicitation of information stimulated by an intention to select a travel destination’’ (1990:437). Finally, several tourism researchers argue that the benefits realized from a consumption experience may be more useful to understand than the benefits that consumers say they intend to seek (Dann 1981; Pearce and Caltabiano 1983; Shoemaker 1994; Woodside and Jacobs 1983). The present report advances the proposition that learning both benefits sought and plans made, as well as benefits realized and activities done, provides valuable information for building tourism theory of antecedents and consequences of such behavior. Research that investigates the process by which some intentions are actualized 910 TOURISM BEHAVIOR behavior and convincingly explains the influences resulting in unplanned as well as planned behaviors is likely to make a valuable contribution to the advancement of knowledge in the field of tourism. Exploring Consumer Plans and Behaviors The two hypotheses (as well as their rationales) relating planned and actual behaviors focus on behavior within consumers’ ‘‘tourism consumption systems’’ (Becken and Gnoth 2004; Woodside and Dubelaar 2002). A tourism consumption system is the set of related thoughts, decisions, and behaviors by a discretionary tourist prior to, during, and following a trip. ‘‘The central proposition in a theory of [tourism consumption system] is that the thoughts, decisions, and behaviors regarding one activity influence the thoughts, decisions, and behaviors for a number of other activities’’ (Woodside and Dubelaar 2002: 120). The concept is similar but still distinct from Solomon’s notion of consumption constellations. The latter are ‘‘sets of products and activities used by consumers to define, communicate, and perform social roles’’ (Solomon 1999:562). Distinct from this concept, a tourism consumption system implies the likelihood of a contingent causal chain of observable activities before and during discretionary travel, for example, the decision by a Canadian couple to visit France for two weeks might trigger a search for places to visit and accommodations. H1: Realized consumption behaviors are greater in number than planned for a set of customer activities related to a tourism consumption system. Three contingencies common in consumer behavior and consumption plans are product experience, motivation, and in tourism, composition of the group. These were incorporated into the model as moderating variables acting upon planned and realized behaviors. First, product experience is critical when studying the dynamic choice processes of consumers new to a market (Heilman, Bowman and Wright 2000). Experience, which is the accumulation of routine and habitual buyer behavior, allows for purposive and intelligent behavior without deliberation (Katona 1975). Tourists who vacation at the same place regularly are likely to engage in little pre-arrival planning, relying instead on their accumulated knowledge and experience from previous visits (Fodness and Murray 1999). Second, motivations underlying a leisure trip are likely to have significant influences on behavior (Morrison 1996). Tourists visiting friends or relatives are more likely to rely on the advice of their hosts, less likely to use product information, and thus more likely to deviate between planned and eventual behaviors (Gitelson and Crompton 1983). Leisure tourists, on the other hand, are more likely to engage in prearrival planning by obtaining information, particularly if they are first-timers. Excitement and adventure seekers tend to look for more information and undertake more activities (Gitelson and Crompton MARCH AND WOODSIDE 911 1983). Hence, their planned behavior is more likely to approximate their eventual behavior. Third, in the general marketing environment, the social setting (presence or absence of others) that characterizes the consumption of a product or service influences both planned and actual behaviors, as it does other consumer behavior (Stayman and Deshplande 1989). Fisher (2001) finds that greater collaboration led to higher decision quality and smaller deviations between consumers’ planned and actual expenditures. In leisure settings, the composition of the group heavily influences the behavior of its members (McIntosh and Goeldner 1990). Leisure tourism is a product that is jointly consumed, and its activities reflect direct and indirect influences of all group members (Chadwick 1987). This phenomenon is noticeable particularly when children are present (or absent). Taking children to a destination likely requires greater planning and forethought than is required by couples or tourists going without. Therefore, groups with children are likely to plan their trip itinerary prior to, rather than after, arrival in the destination (Fodness and Murray 1999). Further, larger groups comprising friends will require greater coordination in order to meet differential needs than will couples or individuals. H2: The level of matching between planned and realized actions varies as a function of the following contingency factors: group composition, product experience, and motivations. Research Method Two large-scale data files, from the 1992 face-to-face entry and exit surveys to Prince Edward Island (PEI), Canada, were used to investigate the research questions. The entry survey consisted of 2,239 individual interviews and the exit survey 2,362. The long-interview method (McCracken 1988) was employed for both data sets. The surveys were undertaken by the Marketing Agency (a PEI government-sponsored organization). While the data were collected over a decade ago, they provide a rare ability for comparing planned versus realized tourism behavior. Heretofore, the two data sets have never been used in a single research project. The only previous use was a government descriptive report profiling tourists’ demographics, attitudes, and behaviors (Marketing Agency 1993) and a study using only the exit interviews on the impact of PEI’s 1992 advertising campaign on attitudes, behaviors, and expenditures (Woodside, Trappey and MacDonald 1997). The data were collected using 13-page entry and 12-page exit questionnaires. The interviews were completed during the peak tourism season (May 22 to October 5, 1992), a period when over 95% of leisure tourists visit PEI. The questionnaire was administered at all points of entry and exit (ferry, airports, and cruise ships) in matching proportions to total trip visits for each travel mode. Over 93% of all tourists to PEI arrive by one of two ferries; 6% via the airport and 1% via cruiseships. The interviews 912 TOURISM BEHAVIOR were conducted at ferry wharves prior to boarding, at the province’s major airport near Charlottetown, and on board selected cruiseships. At the time of study, no ‘‘fixed-link’’ (bridge) existed connecting PEI to the North American mainland. A team of nine interviewers worked on three-day-on, two-day-off schedules to ensure that weekdays and weekends were covered adequately. Respondents in the exit interviews were screened so as to leave out those participating in the entry interviews a second time. A quota sampling procedure was used to insure that the proportions of respondents from Canada, United States and Europe matched the population of tourists from these three origins: 65% of completed interviews were with Canadians; 31% from the United States; two-thirds of PEI leisure tourists were estimated previously to be Canadian and about 30% were estimated previous to the study to be Americans. The overall cooperation/completion rate for the exit questionnaire was 94%. Due mainly to some nonresponses to some of the questions, the usable number to test the propositions was close to 88% of the completed interviews. The analytical approach is exploratory and empirical. Group-level analyses (Bass, Tigert and Lonsdale 1968) were performed on data from the two surveys. A quasi-experiment between-groups research design was made possible from the use of the two data sets (Cook and Campbell 1979); this procedure ensures that the same participants being asked earlier planning questions do not sensitize responses in the second data set. Interviewing the same people twice (at the start and end of their visits to PEI) likely would have increased their awareness, intentions, and behaviors toward PEI attractions, activities, and destinations. The two data sets allow quantification of planned and unplanned behavior by tourists entering PEI and actual or unrealized behavior by those leaving. Study Findings The great majority of tourism decisions are likely made while considering issues related to temporal and financial affordability: whether tourists can afford to take time off; how much they can afford to spend; which destination option best fits within their time constraints; which destination option best fits within their financial budget constraints; and when trade-offs are necessary, what choice heuristics should apply in selecting among destination options being considered. While the time a tourist allocates to a vacation is generally fixed (as is confirmed below), the amount of money set aside for vacation purposes is more flexible. Or put another way, while most people have a predetermined number of days they will or can be away from home, the number of consumers with a specific monetary amount (say, $1,500 for discretionary spending on non-essential items) is likely to be much smaller. As found in the entry survey, more than one in three (37%) did not state a specific budget for their trip. It is unlikely that all the respondents who provided a monetary figure had that exact figure in mind beforehand. Consumers are likely to have a ballpark figure MARCH AND WOODSIDE 913 only in mind when considering the financial limits on spending prior to departure and in the destination. Nevertheless, among the respondents who could provide a monetary figure for spending, significant differences occurred between the planned budget for, and final trip expenditure, on PEI. Spending increased from an average stated budget of $388 per respondent (n = 1,231; s.d. = 408) to $505 (n = 2,105; s.d. = 576) for stated spending in the exit survey (p = .001). Overall, the average reported spending behavior is 30% higher than planned spending. Since realized spending was significantly greater than planned, this finding supports hypothesis one. Planned and Reported Length-of-Stay. Planned length, expressed in terms of number of overnight stays, was 3.7 nights (n = 2,341; s.d. = 5.5), compared to the reported realized average number of 4.2 (n = 2,138; s.d. = 4.9, p < .001). Expressed as a percentage, the difference between planned and reported length-of-stay behavior is 15%. The significantly greater realized length-of-stay compared to the planned supports hypothesis one. What might account for the greater increase in spending more money than time for the planned versus realized strategies? Some viewpoints from prior research help to answer this question. For example, Stewart and Vogt (1999), comparing planned versus actual length-ofstay, found that the greatest concordance was in the 7+ day category, in which 90% of respondents who planned to stay that many or more days actually stayed that length of time. They conclude with the following self-evident truth, ‘‘If visitors changed plans, they were more likely to lengthen than shorten their stay. . .’’ Tourists can be confronted with a number of compelling reasons to shorten their holidays, such as weather, illness, issues at home, or sheer boredom. Any compulsion to stay longer must be accompanied by the capacity to extend their stay. Time is much less transferable and substitutable than, for example, money (Leclerc, Schmitt and Dube 1994). If a taxi costs $50 more than expected, consumption can be reduced in other areas to cover the loss. But if the taxi ride from the airport takes an hour longer than expected, this may be difficult to recoup. Conversely, time saved cannot be stored and used later, and hence is less attractive than money saved. Individuals will spend substantially more money than planned, but are unwilling or unable to substantially increase the amount of time spent in the destination. One simple explanation could be that time is less flexible than money, and that consumers are always more likely to engage in more unplanned spending than extend the amount of time allocated to the particular task. Planned and Realized Activities. Respondents were queried about their intention and consumption of 13 leisure activities. Table 1 ranks the planned activities, ranging from the most popular, sightseeing (81% stating they intended to do sightseeing), to the least popular, nightlife (5%). (Respondents were asked to name their intended activities in two unaided stages: first, ‘‘What do you intend to do, while on the Island?’’ and, after naming one activity the respondent was asked 914 TOURISM BEHAVIOR Table 1. Comparison of Planned and Realized Activities Activity Sightseeing Visiting museums and historical sites Going to the beach Lobster supper General shopping Antiques and handcrafts shopping Live theater Active sports Land or harbour tour Nightlife Water sports Golfing Planned % (n = 2,131) 81 36 22 25 21 16 14 8 6 5 11 9 Done % (n = 2,239) 87 62 43 44 58 54 22 14 16 13 10 9 Chi-square 28.215 315.827 178.615 174.713 625.682 689.105 41.913 36.741 108.831 70.358 1.217 0.400 p< 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.672 0.842 ‘‘Anything else?’’). The particularly large increases in done versus planned behaviors found in Table 1 may reflect that doing certain activities occurs because of their availability rather than tourists’ plans. For example, antique and handicraft outlets are widespread throughout PEI. Table 2 compares the differences between the planned and reported activities. It orders the activities by the magnitude of increase between planned and reported behaviors. It was hypothesized that vacationers actually engage in a greater number of activities than they plan to, because they often find themselves in destination situations that include convenient-to-do and previously unknown attractions/activities. An independent-samples t-test was applied after recoding and combining the data from the entry and exit surveys. The mean for intended attractions in the entry survey was 2.7 (s.d. = 2.7), compared to a mean of 6.1 (s.d. = 2.5, p < .001) in the exit survey. This finding confirms hypothesis one. No significant differences occurred between planned and realized behaviors for two activities: water sports and golfing. These results may be unsurprising since both sports require prior experience in order to participate. But individuals without prior experience could undertake all other activities. In general, activities represent an overwhelmingly unplanned behavior. This finding may partly be explained by the leisure-oriented nature of Prince Edward Island as a destination. The leisure-oriented activities of sightseeing and going to the beach were easily the two most popular activities. Put another way, these were ‘‘top of mind’’ pull factors in attracting individuals to the destination. Another noteworthy finding is the sharp increase for ‘‘general shopping’’ and ‘‘shopping for antiques and handcrafts,’’ from 1.6% and 0.9%, to 20% and 15%, respectively. This finding reflects a typical pattern of behavior across most cultures. While shopping tends not to be reported as an intended holiday activity, it is often the main one cited at the conclusion of a vacation. MARCH AND WOODSIDE 915 Table 2. Ranking of Activities between Planned and Realized Behaviors Activity % Planned——% Done % Difference Behaviours Shopping for antiques and handcrafts Shopping in general Land or harbour tour Nightlife Active sports Visiting museums and historical sites Lobster supper Live theater Going to the beach Sightseeing Water sports Golfing 16 21 6 5 8 36 25 14 22 81 11 9 —— —— ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! 54 58 16 13 14 62 44 22 43 87 10 9 +235 +230 +171 +136 +80 +75 +67 +54 +48 +7 6 2 Contingency Influences on Planned and Realized Behaviors. While studies examining the relationships between planned and actual purchase behavior generally confirm a positive relationship (Manski 1990; Warshaw 1980; Young, DeSarbo and Morwitz 1998), the strengths of the relationship differ from case to case, depending on the product category and contingencies inherent in the research setting. In this study, the effects of three contingency influences are examined: product experience, group composition, and motivation. Research results support the conclusion that past experience affects intentions (Fazio and Zanna 1981; Kozak 2001; Kozak and Rimmington 2000; Morwitz and Schmittlein 1992; Muthukrishnan 1995). Product experience is critical when studying the dynamic choice processes of consumers new to a market (Heilman, Bowman and Wright 2000). Routine and habitual buyer behavior allows for purposive and intelligent behavior without deliberation (Katona 1975). Tourists who vacation at the same place regularly are likely to engage in little pre-arrival planning, relying instead on their accumulated knowledge and experience from previous visits (Fodness and Murray 1999). Table 3. Consumption Behaviors by Degree of Experience Planned Firsttimers n = 1236 Spending Lengthof-stay $394 3.0 Moderately experienced n = 489 $432 3.8 Realized Heavy experienced n = 637 Firsttimers n = 1184 Moderately experienced n = 397 Heavy experienced n = 524 $352 4.8 $518 3.5 $532 4.6 $453 5.5 916 TOURISM BEHAVIOR Table 3 summarizes the planned and realized levels of spending and length-of-stay for the three levels of experience. Planned comparisons of means support a significant main effect of strategy (means for realized strategy higher than means for planned strategy, t-test results, p < .05 for all six mean comparisons available from the table); a significant main effect is found for experience (p < .05 for all planned comparisons, for example, note how spending declines in Table 3 as experience increases for both planned and realized strategies); and no significant interaction effects—indicating that experience does not significantly influence the differences between planned and realized spending and planned and realized length-of-stay. Similar findings occur for the spending by ‘‘size of party’’ variables. Figure 1 shows the influences of planned and realized behaviors by the four levels of party size on spending while visiting PEI; Figure 2 indicates the same relationship for length-of-stay. In short, the interaction proposition that greater experience or smaller group reflects significantly smaller differences between planned and realized consumption behaviors is not confirmed. The survey assumes that respondents formulated plans for a whole range of trip activities (covering such aspects as accommodation, places to visit, and things to do). This view is clearly not the case. While respondents have the option of not answering these questions, they are not explicitly asked whether they indeed had plans to begin with. It can be safely assumed that not all behaviors investigated in Figure 1. Strategy and Group Influences on Spending MARCH AND WOODSIDE 917 the survey had been considered, formulated, or, in the case of a group greater than one, discussed or mentioned before the survey was administered. CONCLUSION This study reports the details of research findings with respect to the relationship between planned and reported consumption behaviors across two consumer samples. The key findings include empirical evidence supporting a contingency theory for understanding how realized tourism strategy varies systematically from that planned. The changes among activities done versus planned reflect what tourists actually find available to do when in-destination rather than when arriving. Among PEI tourists relatively few plan to engage in shopping during their Island stays; yet the majority do so. Consequently, the shopping reported done likely reflects a cultural-sightseeing consumption system among tourists. This cultural-sightseeing appears to be one of the two ‘‘key drivers’’ for experiencing PEI as a unique destination brand. The other key driver includes visiting museums and historical sites (PEI is recognized as the ‘‘birthplace’’ of the Canadian federation). These two key Figure 2. Strategy and Group Influences on Length-of-Stay 918 TOURISM BEHAVIOR drivers appear to offer the most effective brand positioning opportunity for marketing PEI as a leisure destination. Thus, rather than touting activities that call attention to the strengths of competing destinations (such as beaches and water sports available in the Carolinas and Florida), the unique cultural heritage sites and unique product offerings by PEI’s master craft persons reflect the planned-done conjunctive strength of the Island. Rather than concluding that studies focusing on one strategy type (planned or realized) is best, the more useful recommendation is that research combining data on tourists’ plans upon destination arrival and their realized behaviors offers unique and useful views toward understanding tourism and destination marketing strategy. Research on planned strategy is suited uniquely for gaining knowledge on how and why arriving tourists come to a specific destination. Research on realized strategy is suited for learning benefits realized and for studying post-experience attitudes and intentions (satisfactions with specific services and the destination gestalt experience). Second, time often is a critical variable. Buehler, Griffin and Ross (1994) found that, in general, people have a systematic tendency to underestimate their own completion times, a phenomenon they label ‘‘planning fallacy’’. Applying this argument to a tourism setting, consumers may plan to do more than they can actually complete within the time constraints of a trip away from home. However, the evidence here refutes this logic. People engage in more activities and visit more attractions than they had planned. Gross (1994) argues that responses to time pressures are contingent upon the degree of intensity of ‘‘objective’’ time pressure (clock and calendar time) and ‘‘subjective’’ pressure (perceived urgency in response to the objective pressures of clock or calendar deadlines). Another possible explanation for discrepancies between planned and actual behaviors may be that subjective time pressures have an influence on consumers, who are cautious in expressing intentions in an entry survey. Read and Loewenstein (1995) argue that consumers compress future time intervals when making combined choices and hence overestimate the effect of satiation. This factor helps explain the low levels of intended activity reported prior to entry. While time issues are important factors to consider, it would be na€ıve to assume—in the absence of further research—that time is a critical factor in the discrepancies between planned and actual behaviors. Third, situational factors are an obvious explanatory variable. The extent to which unforeseen events will change a person’s intention depends on how accurately people can predict how their preferences will change (Simonson 1993). Using the logic of the theory of reasoned action, intentions would most likely match behavior the more the purchase behavior is within the volitional control of the individual. Fourth, Shapiro and Krishnan (1999) state that consumers often forget intentions. They argue that marketing models used to forecast sales should incorporate memory as a variable to explain why some intentions do not lead to purchases. They also point out the complexity of memory processes (Krishnan and Shapiro 1999). Memory that a per- MARCH AND WOODSIDE 919 son had intended to do something is prospective (remembering to remember), whereas memory for the content of the intended action is retrospective (remembering what to remember). They found that increasing the importance of an intention facilitated both prospective and retrospective memory. Entry survey questions may ‘‘increase’’ the importance of intentions. Individuals are likely to more easily remember activity-based intentions because of their contingency on cues and their decoupling from ongoing behavior (Bagozzi and Dholakia 1999). Fifth, the timing of intercept surveys likely influences the nature of the responses. Wright and Weitz (1977) report that when the outcome of a choice is to be experienced in the near future, subjects are more averse to risk than for a more distant time. This finding suggests that respondents are more conservative in their reporting plans upon arrival than if they are surveyed some days or weeks prior to entry. Sixth, tourists and leisure consumers are confronted with multiple-option, not single-option, decisions for many experiences and services. As such, decisionmaking is more complex, involves higher risk, and is more susceptible to change and adaptation. In deciding the composition of a holiday, consumers make multiple choices among the bundle of destinations, bundle of activities and tours, all of which are interlaced with pre-arranged free time. Moreover, the relative importance of each tourism element (from destination, accommodation, lengthof-stay to budget) may change as couples advance through the family lifecycle (Cosenza and Davis 1981). In this study, respondents were unlikely foresee or account for the complexity of the cognitive decision tasks ahead when completing the entry survey. Abdul-Muhmin (1999) highlights the difficulty of understanding this complex task with his argument that consumers may make multiple-item consumption decisions as a strategy to either diminish cognitive dissonance or to test consumption or experiential alternatives that normally would not be ordinarily selected. Seventh, Weick (1998) suggests that behavior is not goal-directed but goal-interpreted. People are more comfortable and better able to describe what they did rather than what they plan to do. In applying this view of human behavior to the present study, two conclusions can be drawn. First, reports by individuals of their consumption behaviors immediately upon leaving the consumption space are likely to be fuller and more detailed than reports of their intentions immediately prior to entry. Second, and as a consequence of the first point, one may expect gaps between planned and reported behaviors and should also be extremely cautious in drawing lessons at all about ‘‘planned’’’ behaviors. Many tourists might only be able to report that they plan to ‘‘have fun’’ in the entry interviews without knowing or being able to retrieve any details for such a plan. Consider the response in the exit survey to the question regarding actual spending relative to budget. Only 7% of respondents in the exit actually reported spending ‘‘over budget.’’ At least two equally powerful explanations can be presented for this response. The theory and empirical work reported here supports Weick’s (1998) view of behavior, since the great majority of respondents in the entry survey did not craft a spending strategy for the impending 920 TOURISM BEHAVIOR duration on Prince Edward Island—and probably provided a ‘‘ballpark’’ figure for intended spending when surveyed. On the other hand, the more widely held view of behavior might suggest that the low figure of 7% reflects the desire of survey respondents to appear rational in their consumption behavior. The nature and effect of questioning in the pre-consumption (entry survey) and post-consumption (exit survey) phases also shed light on discrepancies between reported intentions and actual behavior. Questions asked in the exit point elicit a cognitive response from respondents. The survey requests simple facts derived from very recent memory—such as number of days stayed, places visited, attractions visited, and money spent. Affective reactions are not requested and may not be retrieved. One can compare this situation with the entry survey. Respondents are asked to make a series of choices among, for example, attractions and activities. This forces them to cognize places, objects and experiences, yet the reality is that the ‘‘decisions’’ (putting aside the doubtful legitimacy of this nomenclature) reported in the survey are much more likely to constitute affective reactions than be rationally conceived goals. In a sense, there is a psychic gap between the asking of the question and the moment in the consumption system that the decision to consume the product is considered (if in fact that moment does arrive). The magnitude and influence of this psychic gap far exceeds the time lapse between the surveying of intentions and the actualization of behaviors. Tests of the competing theoretical propositions as to why planned are often less than realized behaviors need to be examined in future research. This study focuses on probing the extent of the differences between planned and realized, not on providing a critical test as to the efficacy of the multiple rationales found in the literature regarding such differences. In sum, this report complements and extends Young, DeSarbo and Morwitz, who propose, ‘‘[I]ntentions appear to almost always provide biased measures of purchase propensity, sometimes underestimating actual purchasing and other times overestimating actual purchasing’’ (1998:189). 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