Undergraduate Review
Volume 4 | Issue 1
Article 6
1991
Jermiads For Hire: An Ethnography of the
Televangelist "Community"
Eric Gardner
Illinois Wesleyan University
Recommended Citation
Gardner, Eric (1991) "Jermiads For Hire: An Ethnography of the Televangelist "Community"," Undergraduate Review: Vol.
4: Iss. 1, Article 6.
Available at: http://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/rev/vol4/iss1/6
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Gardner: Jermiads For Hire: An Ethnography of the Televangelist "Communit
Jermiads For Hire:
An Ethnography of the
Televangelist "Community"
f£ric gardner
Published by Digital Commons @ IWU, 1991
21 1
Undergraduate Review, Vol. 4, Iss. 1 [1991], Art. 6
Perhaps the most prol
American culture's oral stol)
tian evangelist ministers whc
sion. When emotions are set
distinct "community" whose
through ethnographic and Ii:
sermon/story has traceable I
Miller and especially Sacvan
"Fire in each eye, and papers in each hand,
They rave, recite, and madden round the land."
-
jeremiad: the stories empha:
begins) with ideal faith (a fai
many viewers "already havE
YIle~antfer Pope
ety and hope, and have close
Christianity, the Bible. But t
some facets not included in I
which we will term "the call
pitch." All of these facets ca
sentative nation-audience Te
pseudo-news magazine sho~
his televised Crusade), and Je
guest preaches on The Old-T
All of the Televangeli
sermons and the stories witl:
"the ritual of a culture on er:
on a faith in process" (Berc()
Strack by saying that his me
find the way." And Strack,
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Gardner: Jermiads For Hire: An Ethnography of the Televangelist "Communit
Perhaps the most prolific and certainly the most public of the
American culture's oral storytellers are the Televangelists - Chris­
tian evangelist ministers who have moved their message to televi­
sion. When emotions are set aside, we can see the Televangelists as a
distinct "community" whose stories and storytelling can be studied
through ethnographic and linguistic methods. The basic form of
sermon/story has traceable roots in the tradition of what Perry
Miller and especially Sacvan Bercovitch described as the American
d papers in each hand,
[den round the land."
-
.9lfe;r..anaer Pope
jeremiad: the stories emphasize a religious errand that ends (or
begins) with ideal faith (a faith that, according to Pat Robertson,
many viewers "already have the beginnings of"); they combine anxi­
etyand hope, and have close relationships with the written text of
Christianity, the Bible. But the stories of the Televangelists contain
some facets not included in the traditional Jeremiad - characteristics
which we will term "the call," "the modern-day miracle," and "the
pitch." All of these facets can be seen within three generally repre­
sentative nation-audience Televangelists, Robertson (through his
pseudo-news magazine show The 700 Club), Billy Graham (through
his televised Crusade), and Jay Strack (a Jerry Falwell protege who
guest preaches on The Old-Time Gospel Hour).
All of the Televangelists in the study design both their
sermons and the stories within them in the tradition of the jeremiad:
"the ritual of a culture on errand - which is to say, a culture based
on a faith in process" (Bercovitch 23). Jerry Falwell introduces Jay
Strack by saying that his message is one for "young people trying to
find the way." And Strack, who is billed as a recovered drug and
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Undergraduate Review, Vol. 4, Iss. 1 [1991], Art. 6
alcohol addict, speaks a message of errand and Irreligious quest" as
that combines "both threat ar
Bercovitch would call it (11); his theme, which is printed in text on
somewhat sexist discussion c
the screen, is even one of journeying: "How to Shake off the Dust of
Your Past." Strack tells how he shook off his own dust -"a crum­
Homes are in troublE
bling family," "an alcoholic, abusive father," and finally "track
of Satan... against tl
marks up and down my arm" - and found "the message of Jesus
home is the basic un:
Christ." Falwell is quite right, after Strack's tale is done, to call this
society is indeed in t
"victory over Satan" an "old, old story"; it is a motif that comes up
Again using the "fellow
again and again in the Televangelists. Pat Robertson's pseudo-news
story on Shirley Walker,"a woman who believed in miracles" is a
the definite anxiety of Satani
story of her journey "to be worthy of the Lord and his healing." Billy
contrasts it with the hope of
Graham actually tries to live this journey, touring on a worldwide
family." Jay Strack and espE
"Crusade of Hope."
Robertson also combine anx:
their commentary. Robertsc
In all of these appeals to viewers to "journey toward Christ,"
the Televangelists are quick to point out that the viewers themselves
diatribes against communist
are special, and this commentary from within is also typical of the
audience,
jeremiad. Strack's appeal is characteristic:
of a fundamental di
Some of you are sitting here and watching [pause] I know
beings [pause] Is a:
what it's like [pause] drugs, physical abuse, emotional
God and therefore E
abuse, [pause] sexual abuse [long pause]. But thanks to
Creator or is a persc
Jesus Christ! I am a member of the Family of God! [pause]
entitled to norights
Listen to me, friend, you can be in the Family of God!
Robertson then goes into a c
were no "true Christians."
Here Strack attempts to get viewers to identify with him by sharing a
Essential not only to
litany of pains, by using that address "friend" (which is common to
some Televangelists), and by portraying himself as "one of you"
to the stories as a whole is t:
who has found happiness through the errand of faith.
of "true Christians." Every
viewers to read along in thE
The errand, as can be seen in Strack's statement, is also one
24
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Gardner: Jermiads For Hire: An Ethnography of the Televangelist "Communit
rrand and "religious quest" as
that combines ''both threat and hope" (10). Graham, in his long and
Ie, which is printed in text on
somewhat sexist discussion of the American family says that:
"How to Shake off the Dust of
,off his own dust -"a crum­
Homes are in trouble ... [there is currently] an attack
:ather," and finally "track
of Satan... against the Christian home because the Christian
found "the message of Jesus
home is the basic unit of our society and if it falls, then
:rack's tale is done, to call this
society is indeed in trouble ...
(; it is a motif that comes up
Pat Robertson's pseudo-news
Again using the "fellow Christian" approach, Graham combines
ho believed in miracles" is a
the definite anxiety of Satanic attack and a society in trouble and
:he Lord and his healing." Billy
contrasts it with the hope of Christianity - here the "Christian
ley, touring on a world wide
family." Jay Strack and especially the politically-oriented Pat
Robertson also combine anxiety and hope in both their "stories" and
rs to "journey toward Christ,"
their commentary. Robertson is especially interesting in his constant
ut that the viewers themselves
diatribes against communists. "It is a question," Robertson tells his
I
within is also typical of the
audience,
stic:
of a fundamental difference in the treatment of human
i\d watching [pause] I know
beings [pause] Is a person made in the image of Almighty
I\ysical abuse, emotional
God and therefore entitled to rights given them by the
mgpause]. But thanks to
Creator or is a person a creation of the State's and therefore
f the Family of God! [pause]
entitled to norights except what the State gives it ...
e in the Family of God!
Robertson then goes into a discussion of what could happen if there
identify with him by sharing a
friend" (which is common to
were no "true Christians."
Essential not only to the combined sense of anxiety/hope but
19 himself as "one of you"
to the stories as a whole is the textual reference to the Bible, the text
errand of faith.
of "true Christians." Every Televangelist examined asked his/her
'ack's statement, is also one
viewers to read along in their Bibles. Billy Graham starts his ser­
25
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,
5
Undergraduate Review, Vol. 4, Iss. 1 [1991], Art. 6
mon/set of stories in the traditional way of the jeremiad (see, for
tual" element to the Telev<
example, John Cotton in Bercovitch 8), quoting and citing his "text"
the Bible is a long standin~
To the concept of a
(for example, "My text for tonight is Matthew 24:36"). Graham's
stories all relate back to his central text, and running through his
jeremiad story, the Televal
sermon is his interpretation of his text. Robertson goes even further:
acteristics. The three that,
he prints part of his text on a blackboard behind him after he cites it.
"modern-day miracle," thl
He then takes viewers through the text step by step, all the while
the "modern-day miracle,'
applying it to his story (in this case, the denial of Christ). Jay Strack's
errand - not only does it
(and the other Falwell guest-preachers') use of text in his story is
certain proximity, a "this-I
most prevalent. He opens his story with "If you have your Bibles
vangelists' stories. Raben
please turn with me now ..." and miraculously, a box appears in the
the pseudo-news-magazir
lower right corner of the screen not only giving the text by chapter
ing examples; he characte
and verse but also by page number "in your Faith Partner Study
"and also tonight, the am
Bible" which is available from Falwell's organization through mail­
miracles" with a quick cli:
order.
Walker is among the mas
The Televangelists seem to use this textual interplay mainly to
was in an accident where
give credence to their stories and beliefs: Strack said "the Bible says"
tion, along with suitable)
no less than a dozen times in a fifteen minute sermon. Also, there
catalogue of injuries, the :
appears to be a light encouragement for literacy within the Tele­
other injuries healed, but
vangelists' stories. All speak "Standard English," but their English is
and then a third accident
almost always in some ways colored by their Southern origins - this
interview - "1 never ask
can especially be seen in the rhythmic cadences (Southern Baptist
she tells the audience. ")
style) that some Televangelists fall into when excited. By and large,
beyond material possess'
they are "good" speakers - clearly understandable, exciting to
But one Sunday, a voice
watch, full of gestures and tonal/volume variations. They attempt
audience, "Shirley Walk.
to be accessible to a mass' audience and so seem to attempt to take on
Walker again speaks:
not only the persona of a charismatic "Man-of-God" but also a
literate, semi-intellectual. The concept of "studying" and/or "inter­
That Sunday [pc
preting" the Bible also lends what can be perceived as an "intellec­
[pause] on that.
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Gardner: Jermiads For Hire: An Ethnography of the Televangelist "Communit
way of the jeremiad (see, for
tual" element to the Televangelists and television Christianity. And
I), quoting and citing his "text"
the Bible is a long standing document emphasizing "errand."
Matthew 24:36"). Graham's
To the concept of a unique Christian errand and the old-style
xt, and running through his
jeremiad story, the Televangelists have added some "modern" char­
:1. Robertson goes even further:
acteristics. The three that appear most commonly we will call the
lard behind him after he cites it.
"modern-day miracle," the "call," and the "pitch." The first of these,
xt step by step, all the while
the "modern-day miracle," is central to the concept of modern-day
he denial of Christ>. Jay Strack's
errand - not only does it combine anxiety and hope but it gives a
rs') use of text in his story is
certain proximity, a "this-could-happen-to-you" element to the Tele­
"ith "If you have your Bibles
vangelists'stories. Robertson's stories of "modern-day miracles" on
raculously, a box appears in the
the pseudo-news-magazine 700 Club are among the most entertain­
nly giving the text by chapter
ing examples; he characteristically gives the audience a blurb like
In your Faith Partner Study
"and also tonight, the amazing story of a woman who believed in
l's organization through mail­
miracles" with a quick clip of car wreckage. The story of Shirley
Walker is among the most interesting surveyed: 17 years ago, she
! this
textual interplay mainly to
was in an accident where her car flipped seven times. This introduc­
efs: Strack said "the Bible says"
tion, along with suitable photos of car wreckage is followed by a
minute sennon. Also, there
catalogue of injuries, the most serious of which was in her hip. Her
:or literacy within the Tele­
other injuries healed, but her hip injury was aggravated by a second
rd English," but their English is
and then a third accident. The screen then shows Walker today in an
'y their Southern origins - this
interview - "I never asked God to heal me - I didn't deserve it,"
:cadences (Southern Baptist
she tells the audience. "I had a deep faith, but I was not yet living
o when excited. By and large,
beyond material possessions - I was not yet living for the Lord."
1derstandable, exciting to
But one Sunday, a voice over a still photograph of Walker tells the
lme variations. They attempt
audience, "Shirley Walker surrendered to the will of Jesus Christ."
d so seem to attempt to take on
Walker again speaks:
''Man-of-God'' but also a
t of "studying" and/or "inter­
That Sunday [pause] in January '88 God really spoke to me
be perceived as an "intellec­
[pause] on that day I just surrendered my heart [pause] said
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Undergraduate Review, Vol. 4, Iss. 1 [1991], Art. 6
'God, here I am' [long pausel people didn't believe me for 16
churches, and especially in
years when I said God would heal me ...
services). The "call" seems
practice of "testifying," in "
The segment ends with Walker voicing over "God still heals
vocalize their faith experier
today" as the viewers see her walking across a green park. "It's real,
vangelists serves to keep th
ladies and gentlemen," Pat Robertson immediately comments. From
figure of power in the story
here, he goes into a discussion of this story and then builds around it
storyteller. It also keeps th
with jeremiad-like remarks. One of Billy Graham's "modem-day
the storyteller. Finally, it 0
miracles" is Sandra Tolbert, a college student who is confined to a
discussed as the "pitch" be
wheelchair, but succeeds "because of her faith." Jay Strack, not
congregation come forwar<
content with the "modem-day miracle" of conversion he purports
vangelist and his/her Chri!
his own life to be, also speaks of his daughter, who is wracked with
dience calls in, they are alsc
The "pitch," which 1
medical problems but through her suffering still manages to enjoy
life. Most of the other Televangelists examined also used this
also most mocked) charactt
"modem-day miracle" concept in one form or another.
many forms, only one of w
The "call" is found in most Televangelists whose shows are
tion." All of these facets er
televised church services/revivals, and viewers are encouraged to
need for monetary supporl
view the response to the "call" as a small "modem-day miracle" in
that, to continue his crusae
its own right. The "call" is a group activity coming at the conclusion
"we need your prayers." l:
of the story. In Falwell's case, after his commentary on Strack's
we need an enormous arne
sermon, he simply tells audience members who have "felt the
you!" Like all of the other
presence of the Lord today" to come to the front of the church. As
toll-free phone number on
the people move down, he continues a repetition of "come, come,
"story." Falwell is a bit me
come" until it is almost a subliminal prod. As this takes place, the
published life story, but aL
toll-free number comes on the screen, encouraging viewers to share
home Bible college course~
their response to the story they have heard. Graham does much the
addition to all of this and I
same thing. Vocal responses from the congregation are not usually
Bible, traditional offerings
encouraged, at least in the upperI"cultured" level of Televangelists
more creative - his 700 C.
catering to a national television audience (it is in some of the local
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newsletter, Pat Robertson's
8
Gardner: Jermiads For Hire: An Ethnography of the Televangelist "Communit
~]
people didn't believe me for 16
dheal me ...
churches, and especially in locally televised black/inner city church
services). The "call" seems to be a modified version of the old
practice of "testifying," in which congregation members would
roicing over "God still heals
vocalize their faith experiences. The modem "call" of the Tele­
19 across a green park. "It's real,
vangelists serves to keep the focus on the Televangelists as both the
n immediately comments. From
figure of power in the story (next, of course, to God) as well as the
"story and then builds around it
storyteller. It also keeps the tone of the service under the control of
Billy Graham's "modem-day
the storyteller. Finally, it opens up possibilities for what will later be
~
discussed as the "pitch" because when members in the actual
student who is confined to a
f her faith." Jay Strack, not
congregation come forward, they are given '1iterature" on the Tele­
:le" of conversion he purports
vangelist and his/her Christian beliefs, and when the television au­
jaughter, who is wracked with
dience calls in, they are also given similar "information."
lffering still manages to enjoy
i
examined also used this
The "pitch," which has become one of the most known (and
also most mocked) characteristics of the Televangelists, takes on
e form or another.
many forms, only one of which is the dissemination of "informa­
Ievangelists whose shows are
tion." All of these facets emphasize the Televangelists' never ending
nd viewers are encouraged to
need for monetary support. Billy Graham tells his television viewers
mall "modem-day miracle" in
that, to continue his crusade to share Christianity with the world,
ctivity coming at the conclusion
"we need your prayers." He also tells them, "but, needless to say,
.is commentary on Strack's
we need an enormous amount of money, ... we're counting on
mbers who have "felt the
you!" Like all of the other major Televangelists, Graham flashes a
to the front of the church. As
toll-free phone number on the screen at intervals throughout his
a repetition of "come, come,
"story." Falwell is a bit more creative: he offers not only his newly­
prod. As this takes place, the
published life story, but also a combined audio cassette-text book
, encouraging viewers to share
home Bible college course, for sale to his viewers. And, of course, in
heard. Graham does much the
addition to all of this and the above-mentioned Faith Partner Study
e congregation are not usually
Bible, traditional offerings are solicited. Pat Robertson is even a bit
I1tured" level of Televangelists
more creative - his 700 Club is an actual organization with a
mce (it is in some of the local
newsletter, Pat Robertson's Perspective, that viewers can join. The
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29 9
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Undergraduate Review, Vol. 4, Iss. 1 [1991], Art. 6
Robertson reasons that his p
membership fees ($15 minimum) per month support Robertson in
his endeavors. Robertson, too, ends his pitch with "we're counting
on you;" like Graham, he is advancing the concept that monetary
Would Jesus Christ 1
support of the Televangelist is a vital step in the errand of faith. The
bet He would! [pam
"pitch" also, like some of the characteristics above, reasserts the
control room ... He'
identity of the Televangelist as storyteller and controller (note, too,
the language of "submitting yourself to the will of Jesus Christ").
The irony in all of this is tha
Beyond these, some critics would argue, is the reason for the Tele­
emphasize Christianity as st
vangelists (and, hence, the reason for their stories): they want
serted that, indeed, their sto
money and jeremiad-style storytelling is a good way to get money.
and not just "modem-day je
Regardless, the "pitch" is an identifiable element in the stories of the
Televangelists.
With the "pitch," as well as other modem-day modifications,
the Televangelist community has molded the traditional Puritan
jeremiad into a mass media storytelling style. The stories hold many
of the characteristics that made the jeremiad a cultural form ­
stressing Christian errand as the purpose for their sermons/ stories
and an intrinsic concept of Christian identity, style, and duty. They
also appeal to mass audiences - their English is covered lightly with
an accent (almost always Southern) and add entertaining facets
("miracles" and some audience participation, as well as a quasi­
intellectual aspect mixed in with emotional response). And, beyond
their mass audience appeal (which has, in some cases like Jimmy
Swaggert and Jim Bakker, turned against them in the wake of sex
and monetary abuses of this appeaD, they seem fascinated with
power. This power is the power of the storyteller: Televangelists not
only use the language of "submitting to Jesus Christ and Christian­
ity," but keep close control on both the content and interpretation of
their stories, as well as the audience response to the stories. Indeed,
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Gardner: Jermiads For Hire: An Ethnography of the Televangelist "Communit
~r month support
Robertson in
Robertson reasons that his power comes directly from Christ:
;his pitch with "we're counting
ng the concept that monetary
Would Jesus Christ be on TV if He were here today? ... you
II step in the errand of faith. The
bet He would! [pause] Jesus Christ is right here in our
teristics above, reasserts the
control room ... He's in our midst!
·teller and controller (note, too,
.f to the will of Jesus Christ").
The irony in all of this is that, subtly, the Televangelists seem to
gue, is the reason for the Tele­
emphasize Christianity as story. What would they say if one as­
r their stories): they want
serted that, indeed, their stories were really the "Supreme Fiction"
19 is a good way to get money.
and not just "modern-day jeremiads?"
able element in the stories of the
ther modem-day modifications,
)lded the traditional Puritan
ing style. The stories hold many
~remiad a cultural
form ­
'pose for their sermons/stories
identity, style, and duty. They
ir English is covered lightly with
md add entertaining facets
cipation, as well as a quasi­
otional response). And, beyond
as, in some cases like Jimmy
ainst them in the wake of sex
,they seem fascinated with
he storyteller: Televangelists not
; to Jesus Christ and Christian­
he content and interpretation of
response to the stories. Indeed,
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31 11
Undergraduate Review, Vol. 4, Iss. 1 [1991], Art. 6
A NOTE ON SOURCES
Cited television programs:
Graham, Billy. The Family Revolution (part of the Crusade of Hope).
19 March 1989. Chicago: WGN-TV.
Robertson, Pat and Sheila Walsh. The 700 Club. 20 March 1989.
Chicago: TV-38.
Strack, Jay. "How to Shake off the Dust of Your Past." The Old Time
Gospel Hour with Jerry Falwell. 19 March 1989. Atlanta: WTBS-TV.
Other cited work:
Bercovitch, Sacvan. The American Jeremiad. Madison: University of
Wisconsin Press.
Note:
In addition to the cited programs, I viewed several other epi­
sodes of The 700 Club and The Old Time Gospel Hour, as well as
several hours
of Chicago's religious channel, TV-38.
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