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SIT Study Abroad
Fall 2011
Cultural Relativism: Perspectives on Somali Female
Circumcision in Mombasa
Whitney Harkness
SIT Study Abroad, [email protected]
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Recommended Citation
Harkness, Whitney, "Cultural Relativism: Perspectives on Somali Female Circumcision in Mombasa" (2011). Independent Study Project
(ISP) Collection. Paper 1198.
http://digitalcollections.sit.edu/isp_collection/1198
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Cultural Relativism:
Perspectives on Somali Female Circumcision in Mombasa
Whitney Harkness
Fall Semester 2011
Kenya: Islam and Swahili Cultural Identity
Academic Director: Athman Lali Omar
Project Advisor: Linnet Masese
Acknowledgments
This project would not have been possible without the generous support and unwavering
encouragement of my teachers and mentors,
Athman Lali Omar
Ali Shariff
Linnet Masese
the loving care and kindness shown by my family, both near and far,
Rukia and Rahma Baddyi
Pegi, Tom, Allison, Franklin and Duke Harkness,
and the patience, wisdom, laughs, and unforgettable memories shared with my close friends
throughout this trip,
Claire Felter
David Lorish
Emilie Fitzpatrick
Jayme Tsutsuse
Micah Berman
Nidhi Mahajan
Phoebe Sumas,
who have made this not only an incredible learning experience, but the trip of a lifetime. From
the bottom of my heart, I thank each of you.
Table of Contents
Abstract………………………………………………………………………………………….. 4
Introduction …………………………………………………………………………………….. 5
Setting ………………………………………………………………………………………….. 12
Methodology……………………………………………………………………………………. 16
Discussion and Analysis………………………………………………………………………… 18
Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………… 32
Recommendation and Limitations……………………………………………………………... 35
Appendices……………………………………………………………………………………… 38
List of Terms and Abbreviations ….…………………………………………………… 38
Important Documents………………………………………………………………….. 40
Supplementary Diagrams………………………………………………………………. 41
Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………………..… 43
Harkness 4
Abstract
A harsh economy, tense politics, and culture clash have created a difficult environment
for Somali refugees flooding into Kenya. This climate is perfectly captured by various groups’
perspectives on female circumcision practices in the Somali community. The following study
looks at Somali circumcision and its roll in their culture as well as how their culture has been
influenced by living in Mombasa. Also, it will examine how social and political biases play a
large part in how other groups, such as NGOs, the Swahili and the Barawa view Somali female
circumcision. Finally it will evaluate the roll that circumcision plays in the Somali community
and whether or not it should remain a protected cultural rite, or if the government is right in
banning the practice through recent legislation. This study holds significance in its analysis of
the situation and its attempt to view female circumcision without cultural bias, something that is
very rarely done in dealing with cultural rites such as these.
Harkness 5
Introduction
Female genital mutilation, cutting, or circumcision has been practiced for centuries in 28
different African countries, including Kenya and Somalia (FIDA 1). Between 100 and 140
million girls have undergone female circumcision and approximately two million girls are added
to that total every year, or about 6,000 girls a day (Askew 1). The practice is a very important
coming of age ritual, a prerequisite for marriage, and fulfills values of aesthetics in many
different cultures. Although universally many women undergo this procedure, the types and
severity of circumcision vary greatly from one culture to another, as does the prevalence and
societal role of the cut.
In Somalia, female circumcision is essentially universal. It is a very important part of the
culture for both women and men, and is engrained into their religious and social structure. On
Kenya’s coast, however, female circumcision does not have such a positive and pronounced
cultural role. Kenyans are not the most welcoming of Somalis in the first place and the
relationship between them has not been helped by the recent outbreak of war between the
Kenyan military and Al-Shabbab terrorist forces in Somalia. With recent anti-female
circumcision legislation, practicing this ritual and holding onto their culture becomes harder each
day for Somali refugees. This study will examine not only the importance of female circumcision
in Somali culture, but will also show how cultural, political, and social biases influence the
movement against female circumcision.
Definition of Terms
For the purposes of this paper I will use the term female circumcision or FC as describing
procedures done to women for non-medical purposes that involve either partial or total removal
Harkness 6
of the external female genitalia for cultural, religious, or other non-therapeutic reasons. The term,
female circumcision, is used by the Somali community and to avoid cultural bias it is the phrase I
will use. Activist groups, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), the World Health
Organization and the United Nations use the term female genital mutilation, or FGM, instead.
They substitute “mutilation” for “circumcision” to reinforce “the idea that this practice is a
violation of the human rights of girls and women, and thereby helps promote national and
internal advocacy towards its abandonment” (FIDA 5). There has been much debate on the other
side about the use of “mutilation” as it implies that western bodies are “normal” and circumcised
women are “mutilated” and somehow wrong (African Women Are Free to Chose). Because of
this sentiment I will use the language used by the community itself, and only refer to it as FGM
when representing an opposing viewpoint or quoting a source. It is important to note, however,
that my use of the term “circumcision” is not intended to draw a connection between female and
male circumcision, as I could write another 40 pages on that debate alone. Female and male
circumcision are holistically different procedures done for different reasons, under different
contexts, and have very different outcomes for women and men.1 This paper strives to find the
truth about female circumcision and how people feel about it, so I will try to use as neutral as
possible language.
There are four defined types of female circumcision. The first type (Type I), also known
as Sunna circumcision in some communities, involves removal of the prepuce with or without
partial or total excision of the clitoris. Type II circumcision involves excision of the whole
1
This is a point to which many NGOs argue that FGM should be used instead, or FGC (Female Genital Cutting).
I’m not going to even get into the debate about female vs. male circumcision as it is a very controversial point and
frankly I do not have the time or space in this paper to even touch on that subject. There is plentiful information on
the debate, however, so interested readers could easily search the internet and find more information on this topic if
they so desire. It is an important point, however something I cannot tackle in addition to the research presented in
this paper during the course of a three week period.
Harkness 7
clitoris with partial or total removal of the labia minora (FIDA 1). The third type (Type III), also
known as infibulation, is the most commonly practiced form of circumcision among the Somali.
The circumciser cuts and removes all or part of the clitoris and labia minora and then scrapes the
labia majora to create raw surfaces. The labia majora is then stitched together so that the scar
tissue forms a cover over the vagina. Thorns or stitches are used to hold together the two sides
together and the legs may be bound preventing movement for up to 40 days. Only a small
opening is left to allow urine and menstrual fluids to exit, and often this is created after the fact
with a small twig or straw (Askew 1). Type IV female circumcision encompasses everything that
does not fall under one of the first three varieties, including pricking, piercing or incising the
clitoris or labia, stretching, cauterization by burning, scraping of tissue, cutting, introduction of
corrosive substances to cause bleeding or narrowing the vaginal canal, or any other non-medical
and non-therapeutic operation or procedure intended to prohibit sexual intercourse or promote
virginity in the woman, or for any other cultural belief (FIDA 1).2
Circumcision in Somalia
Infibulation, or Type III circumcision, is believed to have begun in Egypt and spread into
the Sudan and Somalia from there (FIDA 6). Oral tales of the practice claim the practice was
started and spread by Egyptian traders who came into Northern Somalia (Askew 7). It was
thought “to have been started by a legendary woman ruler in Northern Somalia, Arawelo, who
was known to castrate men and sew up women to suppress their sexual desire as a form of
punishment. It is not clear, however, how such an oppressive act would be adopted and converted
into a strongly celebrated cultural practice” (Askew 7). Today it is the form preferred by Somalis
2
For diagrams to better visualize and understand Type I, II, and III circumcision, please refer to the first page of the
third appendix, “Supplementary Diagrams,” included at the end of this paper.
Harkness 8
and is widespread throughout the community, however Type II cutting is also present to a lesser
degree (Askew 1).
Female circumcision itself plays a large part in many African societies, and Somalia is no
exception to this. It is important to note, however, that female circumcision for the Somalis
differs greatly from many other African cultures. First of all, the type of circumcision practiced is
the most severe in Africa due to the huge amount of tissue removed. Second, the actual
circumcision is not accompanied by ceremonies or celebrations. Girls around the same age may
be cut together at one girl’s home, however girls are never cut in public in the community. While
sometimes tea parties are arranged to offer prayers for the girls, there are no other cultural events
which mark the cut (Askew 13). It is instead a necessary part of being a part of the culture and
not a marker of age or role in the community, and is performed at any age.
For Somalis, infibulation is an essential part of a girl’s identity, usually done before the
age of ten so that the woman is eligible to marry young (Askew 12). The day before the wedding
the girls are checked physically to make sure that their vaginas are still intact and stitched, and
this is considered to be proof of virginity (Askew 8). Most men will reject women if they have
not undergone the cut as then they are unsure if they are virgin and pure (LandInfo 14). After the
wedding night, like in Swahili tradition, the bedclothes are checked for blood from breaking the
seal and the mother is rewarded for raising her daughter right if indeed the infibulation was good
and secure (Askew 8).
Most girls undergo the procedure between the ages of five and eight within Somalia and
during holidays from school, making December the most popular month for the cut (LandInfo
Harkness 9
13). At the circumcision there are four women present, two to hold each of the girl’s legs apart,
one to hold the head and hands, and the practitioner. According to one practitioner,
“We first cut the clitoris from its base, then the sides, the black feather like part
which comes down is cut up to its bottom and the sides which does not have the
black feather is scratched with a bent blade on both sides and virtually remove
everything between the legs and the edges are brought together and then smeared
with a paste locally called malmal3 . These days we stitch, but [for a] long time we
used acacia thorns for stitching” (qtd in Askew 13).
This method of infibulation is very similar to how the practice is done in the Sudan, one of the
few other regions that practice Type III circumcision (as this type only makes up around 15% of
total female circumcision in the world [Askew 1]).
Female circumcision, contrary to what many western human rights organizations may
think, seems to be a primarily female-dominated and supported ritual. The decision to circumcise
a girl comes from the mother and grandmother of a girl, who are considered her guardians and
have all the responsibility of raising her (Askew 12). Traditionally women are the practitioners,
or guddaay, and supporters of this rite, not men (LandInfo 13). The majority of circumcisions are
performed in the girl’s home, although it is also performed at another person’s home, the
practitioner's home, or occasionally health care facilities (Askew 13). These days there is an
increasing number of medical professionals involved in performing the cut, using more hygienic
conditions and local analgesia (LandInfo 13). Although the father must give consent on the final
decision, he traditionally respects the opinion and choices of the wife as to when and where the
3
Malmal is a paste made from mixing egg white with white flour and is used to arrest the bleeding and stick the cut
tissues together (Askew 13).
Harkness 10
girl will be cut (Askew 12).4 Thus it seems the cut is preserved not by a patriarchal sexist society
but by the society of women who perpetuate this tradition.
Legislation and Reception
Female circumcision is regarded in the international community very differently than
within places like Somalia. Since 1979, the World Health Organization has identified FC as a
threat to women. It is widely considered a violation of basic human rights of both women and
children by not only the WHO but also the International Conference on Population and
Development and the Fourth World Conference on Women in 1995. It is seen as a violation of
the rights of the child, freedom from torture, and rights to health and bodily integrity (FIDA 2).
The international community further rejects this practice as it does carry with it a number of
health risks, such as “physical and psychological trauma, sterility 5, damage to the urethra and
anus, tetanus, child and maternal mortality 6 and more recently HIV infection” (FIDA 2). In
addition, the forceable physical suppression of a woman’s sexual pleasure and freedom is foreign
and offensive to many western-based NGOs (AWA-FC).
NGOs have taken a number of different initiatives towards stopping female circumcision.
The most common initiatives against female circumcision are alternative rite of passage
ceremonies (ARP) and inter-generational dialogues (IGD). ARPs usually consist of educational
seminars for large groups of girls in a particular community in which they learn about health and
sexual well being, as well as about reproduction and motherhood and simultaneously encourages
4
This is a dynamic that will be further explored later in the paper.
5
Sterility as a side effect usually comes not from the procedure itself but from complications of the procedure,
including frequent urinary tract infections due to a bruised urethra and obstructed opening for menstrual fluids
which in turn infect the larger area and can causes poly-cystic ovarian syndrome and infertility (FIDA 2).
6
These complications are discussed at further length later in the paper as a result of my field research.
Harkness 11
them to take pride in their bodies and health. IGDs, on the other hand, aim at educating parents
and elders in specific communities to keep them from circumcising their daughters, nieces, and
granddaughters while encouraging open conversation about experiences with the practice. Other
popular methods of interference are creating safe haven houses for girls where they can be
“rescued” from the practice, religious dialogue conferences throughout the Muslim districts of
Kenya, community and personal education, and legislation (FIDA 3). There are a large number
of NGOs active in Kenya fighting FC or FGM through these means, including Maendeleo ya
Wanawake Organisation (MYWO), People’s Council and the Federation of Women Lawyers
Kenya (FIDA).
Many tribes within Kenya have practiced circumcision for years. The highest prevalence
rates are among the Somali refugees (97%), Kisii (96%), Kuria (96%) and Maasai (93%) (Supraregional Project 1). Overall, according to the 2003 KDHS survey, 32% of all Kenyan women
between the ages of 15 and 49 are circumcised, with a prevalence of 25% among girls 20-24
years and 20% among 15-19 year old girls (Center for Reproductive Health). Although these
numbers are trending downwards, it is nevertheless a big issue in the North Eastern province,
where percentages are still very high at 99% (FIDA 10). The most cited reasons for practicing FC
are, “the need to observe customs and traditions, the attempt to improve the marriage prospects
of women, the wish to curb women’s sexual desire and the need to mark the passage from
childhood to womanhood” (Supra-regional Project 1). Most circumcisions are done by traditional
practitioners, however there is a growing medicalization of the practice as more and more girls
go to nurses, doctors, and midwives to perform the circumcision in a more sterile and less painful
way (Supra-regional Project 1).
Harkness 12
Setting
At present, Kenya is engaged in a war against Al-Shabbab, the militant quasi-Islamic
terrorist organization that has taken much of Somalia hostage. Because of the presence of AlShabbab, many Somalis have escaped violence and destruction by moving to refugee camps
throughout the North East Province of Kenya. This outbreak of war is not the beginning of the
influx of Somalis into Kenya. Over the last few hundred wars, southern Somalia has been
plagued by “hostile takeover and exploitation of the south’s arable land and labour by
outsiders” (Eno 1). Due to political oppression, many Somali minority groups have migrated into
Kenya starting as early as 20 years ago, creating a growing and ever-present Somali presence in
Kenya (Eno 1). The state of chaos that the nation of Somalia has now seemingly fallen into is a
result of poorly written property laws and discrimination against these groups in the South that
have a long history of agricultural cultivation and peace, such as the Barawa (Eno 5-7). Yet with
the increasingly harsh conditions of Somalia thousands of Somali refugees have flooded into
Kenya over the last 20 years, the majority coming in more recent memory (Fatma 11/5). With AlShabbab now affecting Kenyan tourism due to kidnappings along the border, many Kenyans
have come to associate Somalis with the terrorists and treat them harshly (Muna, 11/10).
These refugees have mostly remained along the border of Kenya, living in the North East
Province. However, many have flocked to bigger towns such as Nairobi and Mombasa creating
small pocket Somali communities, causing tension with the local populations due to their cutthroat business sense, seemingly violent nature, and cultural practices, female circumcision being
often cited as the most “violent” and offense in particular to the Muslims of Mombasa (Mama
Aisha 11/12). Further, the overwhelming feeling that all Somalis are somehow related to Al-
Harkness 13
Shabbab causes huge tension between Kenyans and Somalis, due to the fact that not only is
Kenya at war against that group but also because Al-Shabbab is seemingly responsible for the
worsened economy. Somali female circumcision in particular continues to be a breaking point
between health care providers and the Somali population, not only due to language and cultural
barriers but also because of long-standing opinions on the matter.
Many countries throughout the world, due to urging by non-governmental and human
rights organizations, have developed legislation banning or limiting the practice of all three types
of female circumcision. Kenya is no exception as many ethnic groups in the country have a long
tradition of circumcising their women. In accordance with international views on FC, the Kenyan
government has ratified a number of international conventions including the recommendations of
the Fourth World Conference on Women (1995), the Convention on the Rights of the Child
(1990), the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (1990), and the Protocol on
the Rights of Women in Africa, or the “Maputo Protocol” (2003) (Supra-regional Project 2). In
November 1999 the government began its National Plan for Action for the Elimination of FGM 7
through the Ministry of Health, a movement which aimed to reduce the proportion of girls
affected by FC over the next 20 years and is still active today (Supra-regional Project 2). Finally,
the government enacted the first influential piece of legislation, the Children’s Act, in 2001. This
act, “describes girls who are likely to be forced into circumcision as children in need of special
care and protection” (Supra-regional Project 2). The initial incentive for this anti-FC movement
came not from the Kenyan government but from NGOs such as the infamous Maendeleo ya
7
This plan has four main parts: 1) Establish national and district mechanisms for the coordination of FGM
programs, 2) Establish multi-sectoral collaboration to ensure relevant intervention in key development programs, 3)
Map and coordinate new and ongoing FGM interventions, 4) Invest in human resource and organizational capacitybuilding, and 5) Establish pro-active mechanisms for resource mobilization for FGM elimination programs (Supraregional Project 2). Whether or not the government has actually followed through on this plan for action is a whole
other debate, one which I will touch on later in my discussion/analysis section.
Harkness 14
Wanawake Organisation (MYWO) and the Programme for Appropriate Technology in Health
(PATH) project (Supra-regional Project 2). 8
While these laws have made major strides towards stopping female circumcision
altogether in Kenya and rates of FC have continued to decline, there nevertheless are numerous
loopholes and limitations in these pieces of legislation. Because of this the Kenyan government
recently passed a new piece of legislation, the Prohibition of Female Genital Mutilation Bill,
2010, which outlaws, “offence of female genital mutilation, aiding and abetting female genital
mutilation, procuring a person to perform female genital mutilation, use of premises to perform
female genital mutilation, possession of tools or equipment, [and] failure to report commission of
offence” (Kenya Women Parliamentary Association). 9 The chairperson of the KWPA Hon. Linah
Jebii Kilimo, MP, has stated on this legislation, “This bill is a landslide victory for many
crusaders for FGM/C abandonment and once enacted into law will provide a legal framework for
punishing the perpetrators of this outdated and harmful practice” (KWPA). The bill was backed
not only by the KWPA but also by the Minister for Gender, Children and Social Development
and many NGOs active in Kenya. While leaders in the anti-FGM movement celebrate finally
having strong criminalization for practitioners and supporters of female circumcision, they also
recognize that “all these legal frameworks have gaps as it relates to seeking legal redress...even
8
This program in particular came into conjunction with the Kenyan Ministry of Health in June 2000, however it
started earlier in the 1990’s on a more localized level by introducing alternative rites of passage and education
initiatives. The goals of this project are “to increase within the communities the knowledge of the harmful nature of
FGM (its medical and social consequences) and of the fact that it is a violation of human rights, to change the
attitude of community members and to implement an accepted practice as an alternative to FGM, to identify and
support innovative approaches, and to work through district representatives of the relevant ministries and civil
society bodies to integrate the elimination of FGM into development plans” (Supra-regional Project 2). This project
centered in Trans Mara, Kajiado, Tharaka, and Kuria districts and among the Somali community in Dadaab Refugee
camp. The program mostly implemented alternative rites of passage within the communities as well as education of
the community, forums, and community dedications (Supra-national Project 2).
9
For the full text of the bill, please refer to the second appendix at the end of this paper, “Important Documents.”
Harkness 15
though it offers protection for persons, there are loopholes that still make young girls
vulnerable,” as said the Honorable Fred Kapondi, Member of Parliament and the mover of the
bill (Kenya Women Parliamentary Association). While this law is groundbreaking in its
criminalization of the practice, it nevertheless has limitations in execution as that is up to citizens
and public servants, such as the police and health care providers.
Harkness 16
Methodology
For this study I centered my research in Old Town, Mombasa. Although Somali refugees
and immigrants can be found throughout the city, the largest pockets are in town surrounding
Biashara street and the marketplaces. Many of my interviews took place in the Somali textile
market between Biashara and the old spice market. This market is predominantly made up of
Somali and Barawa merchants, many of whom have immigrated to Kenya in the last two to three
years. Although I spoke with many people in the market, only eight merchants were willing to
admit to coming from Somali and talk to me about their lives and experiences. In addition to this,
I spoke with one representative from FIDA Mombasa, one health-care provider from Bomu
Hospital, one midwife, and one patient at Mewa Hospital. I also befriended a Barawa woman and
interviewed her extensively as well as her brother, mother, sister, and three of her Somali friends.
Of my 24 interviewees, six were male and the rest female.
In traveling around the city and talking to Kenyans about my project, I received a number
of unsolicited opinions on the Somali and their culture that I never anticipated receiving. Almost
every day someone new would volunteer their own perspective on the subject, resulting in a total
of five very important informal interviews as well as a slew of comments from uncountable other
sources that came to form a seemingly homogeneous mindset about the Somalis. Of the most
important of these interviews, three were with men and two with women, all of whom were
Swahili Kenyans. The project in whole is thus a reflection of opinions expressed in 22 informal
and two formal interviews.
Due to the highly person nature of these interviews and the very heated subject matter, all
names have been omitted from the text with the exception of the two formal interviews with
Harkness 17
representatives from Bomu Hospital and FIDA Kenya, as they both verbally consented to being
cited in my paper. Some small details have been omitted so as not to disclose too much
information on the identities of many of these women and men as well, but the core of
knowledge remains intact.
With most of my interviewees, I began the conversation by asking how long they had
been in Kenya, what they thought about living in Mombasa versus their home towns, and if they
found the culture to be different. With Swahili interviewees, I asked them if they knew anything
about the Somali population and let them talk from there. The vast majority of useful information
came not from my questions, but by sitting back and just letting them talk.
Harkness 18
Discussion and Analysis
The situation between the Swahili and Somali is tense at best. The issue of how Somalis
circumcise their women comes up frequently and is often cited as an example of how harsh these
people can be. In my research, this topic was often brought up instead of being instigated by my
questions. The way in which both the Swahili and Barawa view Somali female circumcision is
revealing of their view on the Somali as a people due to socio-economic factors.
The Barawa, or Brava, people are a tribe originating from Yemen, however today the
tribe consists of a mix of pure arab, Somali, and other ethnic origins. They are agriculturalists
who live on the arable land of Southern Somalia and due to their fertile position have been
invaded and discriminated against by the ethnic Somalis of the north. Because of this, the
Barawa began immigrating to the more pleasant and hospitable lands of Kenya (Abu Bakr
11/11). Although things are much more pleasant than growing up in Somalia in the midst of civil
war, times are nevertheless getting more and more difficult. The culture in particular is hard to
adjust to as is learning Kiswahili, as most Barawa only speak Kibarawa and perhaps Kisomali.
The majority of Barawa have thus chosen to live in Mombasa due to the huge population of
Muslims - Islam, in the words of one interviewee, is “the great unifier. It is all one culture, it is
Islam” (Abu Bakr 11/11).
The Barawa in Kenya nevertheless have extreme difficulties living alongside the recent
Somali refugees, as they are as different as the Kikuyu to the Luo. They believe the Somali are
“violent” and “bad people” (Salama 11/11). The Barawas that I spoke to were very clear that they
were not Somali, especially when I asked if they were from Somalia and how long they had been
here; “I am a Barawa, which is not Somali. I have been in Mombasa for 20 years and been doing
Harkness 19
business here. They [Somalis] are not like us, they make us seem bad” (Abdul 11/10). The
Somalis likewise have to stick together as many of them have never learned neither English nor
Swahili. They find the culture of Mombasa overwhelmingly different from cities like Mogadishu
and Kismayu.
On the other hand, the Barawa and Somali do have a lot in common. The Swahili I spoke
with refer to both groups as being equally dislikable and similar. Both communities have a strong
need to stick together to make it through the tough economic times in a country which is growing
more and more hostile towards anyone from Somalia. Like the Somali, the Barawa people also
practice female circumcision and believe it is a requirement of Islam, however they practice Type
I circumcision in which they only prick the clitoral hood, creating very little blood and minimal
side effects later in life. They believe the Somali “do it harshly” and cause unnecessarily large
amounts of blood and pain (Salama 11/11). Their version, on the other hand, is “good” and they
want “to get very little blood, little pain” (Salama 11/11). The Somali, conversely, believe that
the Barawa do not circumcise properly and thus are doing their women a disservice. Both
groups, however, are well educated about the practices of the other. The Barawa similarly do not
have any rituals or special ceremonies that accompany the circumcision.
In my experience, Barawa and Somali women seem to have very similar personalities they are very quiet and conservative in the street, very often wearing a conservative, flowing,
plain bui bui with ninja and large hijab, but when they enter the household they become very
loud, joking, and outspoken. Though Swahili women also demonstrate these characteristics, in
my experience they are more free and joke in front of men and in the streets, whereas Somali and
Barawa women become immediately reserved when coming into contact with men or exiting the
Harkness 20
home. Swahili women have also noticed and remarked on this difference, claiming that Somali
women will never say anything to their husbands - their husbands’ word is the law and they will
not counter it with their own wants or desires (Mama Aisha 11/12).
Swahili people have a very similar opinion of the way in which Somalis circumcise their
women. One woman remarked that it was “violent” and emblematic of the ways in which women
are powerless to their men (Mama Aisha 11/23). In addition to finding female circumcision
repulsive, the overwhelming number of Swahili interviewees expressed disdain towards the
Somali, calling them “violent” and “bad people,” even going so far as to say that they are all in
Al-Shabbab and harming the Kenyan people (Ameena 11/6). One woman believed that the
women wear large bui bui so that they can conceal knives and other weapons and fight at any
minute (Christine 11/11). Part of this perception is due to the economic hardships and Somali’s
cut-throat approach to business (Abdul 11/10). Somalis dominate textile markets, like the ones
around Biashara street, they pedal goods and very aggressively change money on almost every
street corner. Whether or not they are actually prospering in the downturned economy, the
Swahili and Barawa individuals I spoke with all believed that the Somali were very well off, and
one Somali man even admitted it to me himself (Hassan 11/15). This feeling that the Somali are
very well off financially has clearly created some resentment towards them, which filters over
into disdain for the aspects of Somali culture that are different from Swahili or Barawa culture.
Despite recent Kenyan legislation and NGO’s work, Somalis still perpetuate female
circumcision as an important part of their culture and heritage, as well as their religious beliefs.
The reasons for continuing to practice circumcision in the community are fairly predictable and
universal: “a cultural tradition that brings honor for the family and girl, a means for controlling
Harkness 21
female sexuality, a perceived requirement of Islam, a necessary condition for marriage, and
genital beauty and cleanliness,” with tradition, prevention of immorality and preservation of
virginity being the most common defenses (Askew 7). One Somali shopkeeper who had grown
up in Europe and now lives in Kenya told me that being circumcised gave her a sense of her
heritage despite being raised abroad, as it connected her to her mother and grandmother, as well
as the Somali women she met in her travels (Muna 11/10). Many Somali girls living in Europe
and the US even travel all the way back to Kenya on their winter holiday to have the procedure
done, thus connecting them to their heritage and allowing for an opportunity to meet family that
still lives in the region (Mama Aisha 11/23).
Circumcision plays a large part in the suppression of the female libido. They believe that,
“If the girls are not circumcised, [they] will bring shame to [their] mother and also to [their]
relatives. A lady whose daughter is not circumcised is pointed [at] by others” (qtd in Askew 8).
These girls are open and cannot be controlled nor verified as virgin, and thus are dishonorable.
As one traditional practitioner said, an uncircumcised woman “will start chasing men because of
her uncontrollable sexual urge, excessive sexual desire, she will be very vulnerable, she has no
security and [will] subsequently [be] disgraced. Circumcised girls will not go for another man
because her husband will trust her” (qtd in Askew 8). Men can divorce their wives if they are not
cut, and men do not want to marry an “open,” or uncircumcised women as she will always need
to be with a man; “a woman who is open cannot be without a man...it makes a woman
complete” (Abu Bakr 11/11). Men can divorce their wives if they find them not to be infibulated
as then there is no “proof” of virginity. Somali men want their women to be indifferent towards
sex and marriage so that they do not have to worry about pleasing her. One man told me about
Harkness 22
how after he married his uncircumcised wife, a Mijikenda woman, she was crazy and always
wanted him and he could not live like that so they divorced (Abu Bakr 11/11).
For the Swahili, however, woman’s enjoyment of marriage is a key aspect of life. One
remarked that it made a woman “not enjoy being married” and a woman has a right to sexual
pleasure according to the Quaran (Mama Aisha 11/23). Another woman told me that the way
Somalis circumcise just keeps a woman from being fulfilled and that marriage should be fun, but
for them it is all work all the time and there is no enjoyment (Luna 11/25).
For Somali women, circumcision is not a violation of Islam and a woman’s right to
pleasure, but instead it is seen as a requirement of Islam. Non-circumcised women are afraid to
be thought of as non-believers by their husbands and neighbors. However, the debate as to
whether or not it’s sunna, or recommended practice by the prophet. One midwife remarked,
“They say it is sunna but then I say, show me where it is written and they cannot...I have read
just as much as them if not more and I have never seen it written that it is required of
Islam” (Mama Aisha 11/23). Many religious leaders agree that there is no basis for the
continuation of female circumcision and yet the practice continues as does the myth that it is
indeed a Muslim practice. In fact, the reason the Barawa practice the small degree of
circumcision that they do is that they believe the Prophet Mohammed has instructed them to do it
and they are fulfilling the minimum requirement (Salama 11/11).
Further, female circumcision forms a sense of camaraderie among women in the
community. As one mother said, “I was cut so I must cut her [my daughter] so that she feels what
I felt” (qtd in Askew 8). One woman told me that she had family, friends, and neighbors who all
did it, so that it was no big deal and something that everyone underwent (Salama 11/11).
Harkness 23
Likewise peer pressure is a large factor in influencing the girls themselves to want to be
circumcised as their peers refer to them as “outcasts” (Askew 8). All women, either Barawa or
Somali, continue to be cut even living in Kenya because it is such an important part of the
culture and tradition (Salama 11/11). Girls are also often cut in groups as large as 14-16, adding
more sense of sisterhood to the procedure (Mama Aisha 11/23).
Another reason for circumcision comes from the importance of children in Somali
culture. Men want to have many wives so that they may multiply, as it is written in many holy
texts such as the bible and Quaran. Thus most Somali men have at least two, if not three or four,
wives. Somali women try to have at least one child every year, often becoming pregnant just a
month-three months after giving birth. A woman’s role in marriage is therefore not to enjoy sex
and want to have it for pleasure, but to simply have as many children by one man as they can
(Mama Aisha 11/12). Further, the wife will remain faithful to the husband because she does not
desire to have sex for any other purpose than having children; “if she [the wife] stays with the
husband she is okay, and if she stays without it is okay, she does not feel like she is missing
something” (Askew 9). Uncircumcised women are also seen as unclean, as in Islam it is
forbidden to buy meat slaughtered by an uncircumcised man or woman, and the external
genitalia is thought to attract and keep dirt (Askew 10).
Many studies have been conducted on female circumcision, however many of these
studies are based on graphic images of worst-case scenarios for the few women that come
forward to talk about their negative experiences. Very few studies have actually been carried out
examining exactly how these women feel about circumcision. Further, the kinds of measurable
medical complications depend on the type of circumcision practiced, and many studies do not
Harkness 24
take this into account. In examination of Somali infibulation, many studies do not account for
potential confounding factors like poverty levels and motherhood services when comparing
mortality rates of cut and uncut women. 10 Further there is hardly any evidence for the impact of
circumcision negatively affecting a woman’s sex drive. The only evidence supporting this theory
is that for infibulated women sex is more painful and difficult due to the narrowed vagina
opening (Askew 3). While sex is uncomfortable for these women, sexual desires come from the
mind, not the genitalia, and thus these women still feel urges but cannot be satisfied as easily as
uncut women.
The complications arising from infibulation are further complicated by the types of
facilities Somali women frequent. Hospitals in the North Eastern Province have not enough staff
or training to help Somali women when they are in labor and have complications, which are very
common among these women (Askew 18). When the circumcision is being done a number of
medical risks are raised. A girl is usually cut using a razor blade or knife, but when girls are cut
together in a group often the same blade is used for all of the girls, raising the risk of blood-borne
illness transmission and infection. Moreover, traditional practitioners do not wear gloves nor do
they usually have the girl bathe or clean the genitalia prior to the procedure. When the procedure
is medicalized, however, the instruments are often sterile and the area cleansed before it is cut
(Christine 11/15). After the circumcision, the girl’s legs are bound for seven days to immobilize
the girl and hasten healing. After untying the girl, she is made to sit on a hole dug in the house
filled with hot charcoal and medicinal herbs to dry the wound and minimize infection by
10
From a recent study on Somali FC in Kenya, it was found that among the Somali in Garissa (North East Province)
maternal mortality was at a rate of 17/1000 versus 0.56/1000 among women in Nairobi or 0.45/1000 in Machakos. It
seems that this huge difference in mortality rate could be chalked up to the fact that women in the latter areas are
rarely or less severely cut than Somali women, but also these areas have much better access for safe motherhood
services and hygienic conditions (Askew 3).
Harkness 25
cauterizing it (Askew 13). The girls circumcised in less hygienic conditions will often come to
hospitals and clinics with septicemia, anemia, and other related infections and illnesses,
sometimes even resulting in death of the girl (Mama Aisha 11/23).
Following the healing of the area, there are sometimes more complications and additional
procedures. Often women must undergo a second procedure when they are married so that the
opening is wide enough for sexual intercourse (de-infibulation). It is preferred for the male
sexual organ to do this through sexual intercourse after the wedding, however if the scar is too
tough and this is impossible then the husband’s mother will arrange for the girl’s mother to come
and cut the vagina using a knife, razor blade, or scissors, or occasionally the man will bring sharp
instruments with him to do it himself. Sometimes the couple will go secretly to midwives or
other doctors as well to have this procedure carried out, which many Swahili doctors will do for
these women so the man does not appear weak to his family (Mama Aisha 11/23). Also, reinfibulation is sometimes requested by the women following childbirth so as to create a more
virgin-like appearance and increase sexual pleasure for the husband, however some women do
not desire this operation so as to allow for easier childbirth in the future and lessen the pain of
vaginal intercourse. Many Swahili midwives, however, refuse to execute this procedure due to
their disagreement with infibulation in the first place and so as to decrease further complications
during periods and urination (Mama Aisha 11/23).
During labor in particular, however, it becomes necessary to do a severe and large
episiotomy, otherwise the vagina altogether may tear. Because the vagina reforms into solid scar
tissue following infibulation, the vaginal walls and membranes cannot stretch as they naturally
do on an uncircumcised woman, so that the only way to get the baby’s head out of the small,
Harkness 26
quarter-sized hole is to make one large lateral and vertical incision to the perineum. 11 This
incision is required every time a Somali woman gives birth, which can be as many as 16 times in
her life. In Western countries, however, doctors opt out of natural childbirth in favor of simply
performing a caesarian section so as to prevent obstructed labour and prevent Somali women
from having more than three/four children (Mama Aisha 11/23).12
Throughout a woman’s life there are yet even more complications which seem to stem
directly from being infibulated. Some women report pain throughout their lives due to
circumcision, such as painful urination and menstruation, coitus, and childbirth. Because of the
very small opening created, often menstrual blood is blocked from fully leaving the vaginal
canal, thus flowing back and causing problems for the woman. Similarly urine is trapped in this
way and can cause very frequent urinary tract infections. Injury to the urethra during the
procedure can also result in permanent fibrosis, cysts, and other painful and hard to treat
conditions. Women know about the sexual complications of their circumcision and roughly ¾ of
the girls interviewed in the Askew study reported being afraid of marriage - only 5% said they
were happily awaiting their wedding night. Further, 72% of the study’s women reported “pain
and bleeding during penetration” (16). Once married, 73% of the women reported fear of sexual
penetration, psychological trauma, depression, and/or lack of sexual satisfaction or desire
(Askew 16). Of the women that I spoke with, none spoke fondly of being married or of their
husbands if they had been wed, and each unmarried girl said that she would like to put off getting
11
Refer to the diagram on the first page of the third appendix, “Supplementary Diagrams” for a rough outline of
what an episiotomy on an infibulated vagina works. Explained and illustrated for me by Mama Aisha, 11/12.
12
When a Caesarian, or “C” section occurs, the doctor cuts through the abdominal muscles to access the uterus and
extract the infant surgically. Because this cuts through muscle, a c-section can only be performed 3-4 times on a
woman, so the surgeon will tie the mother’s fallopian tubes making her sterile after her third or fourth delivery. It
was suggested that this is not only to prevent complications but also to limit population growth in the Somali
community abroad (Mama Aisha 11/23).
Harkness 27
married in favor of staying independent and avoiding being tied down to a man. Though no one
admitted to their circumcision and fears of sex being a part of this, it did seem to be a common
theme that women believe once they are married they are an object and property of their
husbands and that their lives stop being about their needs and instead revolve around their
husbands. In the modern world that we live in today, it is becoming easier and easier for women
to stay independent of men and postpone marriage as long as possible, as well as insist on having
fewer children. 13 However some women still feel pressure to submit to their husbands for fear of
divorce or their taking multiple wives (Salama 11/11). Thus infibulation seems to be a good
deterrent for sexual misconduct in women, however it does come with some glaring
complications and downsides.
Somalis do not see female circumcision as a human rights violation, but rather a
requirement of their religion. The international community, on the other hand, sees FC as a
human rights violation because at no point in the process is the girl’s consent sought (Askew 20).
Prior to the passing of the newest legislation, for those health care providers who circumcise
medically, the majority (84%) knew that the practice is illegal but only one third knew that it is
criminalized in Kenya through the Children’s Act, and very few health providers know about the
Ministry of Health (MOH)’s National Plan for Action for the Elimination of FGC (Askew 20).
For those Somali living in Mombasa, however, there is definitely an awareness of the legality of
female circumcision.
13
This new female tendency to embrace family planning and tell the husband not to have so many children is
limited and somewhat ineffective, as the rate of polygamy in the community continues to rise and Somali men do
not believe in family planning. Among older women in particular however this dynamic of equality and the woman’s
opinion does not seem to exist, whereas this phenomenon is mostly seen in younger couples (Salama 11/16).
Harkness 28
Mombasa Somalis are well aware that the Swahili do not practice circumcision and that
they look down on the practice, and they also know that it is now illegal and criminalized.
Despite this, they continue to cut their women because of the huge pressure put on women by
men as women must be infibulated to be married. Women will even go to Swahili midwives and
doctors to ask them to circumcise their girls. One midwife I spoke with reported having Somali
women come to her on a regular basis to ask for her circumcision services, and despite rejecting
them each and every time they continue to come and try to coerce her with good money into
infibulating their daughters during the December holiday. She even reported a truck full of 16
girls showing up at her doorstep one night asking to be circumcised for 500 shillings a piece
(Mama Aisha 11/23). Though they know it is illegal, they still feel strongly compelled to do it,
and thus seek to perform the task through any means possible.
The biggest drawback and challenge to reaching this community is the language and
educational barrier. Since many Somalis do not speak English nor Kiswahili, they must have
everything translated for them. At a clinic in Mombasa I witnessed a doctor telling a Somali
woman that her son was underweight and she needed to breast-feed by explaining in Kiswahili to
the mother’s aunt who then translated into Somali. Although health care providers will say
everything they can and attempt to lecture as much as possible, only so much of the information
is sure to be translated and conveyed.
Further, many of these women are not well educated due to the poor educational
structures in Somalia and the chaos of moving to a new country and attempting to adapt and
learn new languages and cultures. Even beyond circumcision, many of these women do not
understand that they should not feed their babies porridge and solid food at 6 months old, nor do
Harkness 29
they understand the importance of breast-feeding not only for the nutritional and immune system
benefits but also because of the connection it fosters between child and mother (Mama Aisha
11/12). Despite NGOs and health care providers best efforts, Somali women stay firmly
committed to their ways and tradition and a huge amount of education and experience is required
before behavior changes.
Whether or not the type of circumcision practiced has changed is a matter of some debate
currently. Since coming to Kenya, the Askew study concluded that the severity of circumcision
has declined from cutting everything to leaving some parts and/or leaving the opening larger or
not stitching at all (Askew 11). Further, the medicalization of the practice has led to less painful
circumcision and fewer immediate complications from use of local analgesia and hygienic
conditions. However, one midwife found in her dealings with the Somali that each and every
single one was circumcised, and only 1/20 had Type II, less severe circumcisions (Mama Aisha
11/23). Yet NGO’s efforts in other communities and regions of Kenya have proven more
successful (Mama Aisha 11/23). Part of this stems from the lack of NGO involvement with the
Somali community itself.
There are a number of NGOs that are currently working in Kenya to eliminate the
practice of female circumcision, however there are very few actually working with the Somali
population. Part of this comes from the nature of the Somali population in Kenya - many Somalis
are refugees and thus not permanent inhabitants of Kenya. Due to cultural-conflict between the
two different groups many Kenyan resources, services, and NGOs do not attempt to work with
this group in favor of devoting their energies towards “real Kenyans” (Christine 11/15). The
other reason this is the case is because of the nature of NGOs doing work with women in
Harkness 30
Mombasa. Organizations such as FIDA do work on a voluntary basis - that is to say that FIDA
helps women when they come in to the office with a problem, or self-report. Within the Somali
community, however, the practice of female circumcision is believed to be good and done at an
age young enough that very few women would seek help to avoid undergoing the cut or report
the circumcision of another girl (Susan Lewa 11/23). The few organizations that have done work
with the Somali population, such as the Population Council, focus on the refugee camps and in
larger cities such as Garissa that are comprised of primarily Somalis. In places like Mombasa
there is in fact very little being done to stop FC, as it is done so far under the surface and
education initiatives are being done on a much smaller, 1-on-1 basis.
The greatest limitation and challenge in executing their goals with the Somali community
to these NGOs comes from their own perceptions about how women themselves feel about
circumcision due to their own cultural biases. Many Somalis and health workers believe strongly
that the movement to encourage abandonment of FC is “driven by western influences, with an
aim of forcing the Somalis to forsake their traditional culture and become absorbed into a
westernized culture” (Askew 21). Following a statement by the Sierra Lione Association of
Journalists bashing a certain tribe of women for their circumcision practices, AWA-FC issued a
very important and controversial statement defending female circumcision and calling out the
bias of many western groups. The AWA-FC, interestingly enough, was started by a number of
black Americans who had spent time in Africa, studied female circumcision rituals, and
dedicated themselves to defending the act. AWA-FC summarizes many pro-FC arguments and
asks questions of NGOs previously untouched throughout all of Africa:
“Through political pressure from first world countries on whose aid they continue
to depend as well as internal political expediency, several African countries have
Harkness 31
introduced anti-FGM legislation over against the full knowledge, participation
and desires of the majority of affected women… While we respect and do not
support the coercion of the minority to uphold a tradition they find offensive, we
certainly will not allow the minority to impose their will and worldview on the
majority of women who are circumcised and their prerogatives as parents to make
this decision for their children… Free to Choose will not accept attempts to
delegitimize the positive experiences of most circumcised women and any
attempts to deny African women, circumcised or not, our rights to selfdetermination… to give up a practice that is culturally meaningful to many
African women… our western feminist sisters who pretend they do not have a
stake in seeing their own uncircumcised bodies as ‘normal’, ‘healthy’, and
‘whole’ and therefore morally superior to our own supposedly ‘mutilated”’African
bodies” (Statement by African Women Are Free to Choose).
This statement sums up the thoughts of many women in the Somali community who find value in
being circumcised as their status as such makes up a large part of their ethnic identity. Whether
or not circumcision is a good practice is still up in the air, however there are groups in support of
it that constantly fight against Western practices and biases.
Not many NGOs have actually stopped and asked themselves whether or not FC is a
good practice. Because of the negative side effects, it is assumed to be okay. In conversations
with Kenyans and NGOs, whenever I asked the question, “why is female circumcision bad?” my
response was usually something to the effect of, “It is bad for the woman because it mutilates
her, it ruins her sexuality, and it is barbaric.” Some of the things that we do to our bodies,
however, can be seen as equally barbaric. One Somali woman equated female circumcision with
a procedure common among American women following childbirth which similarly reshapes the
vagina and adds an extra stitch to tighten everything up again (Rukia 11/17). It is incredibly
possible and it seems to be the truth that very few people have actually considered FC from the
Somali perspective, as NGOs and government officials just look at the negative “side effects”
and assume this is the case and thus it must be stopped.
Harkness 32
Conclusion
Female circumcision is incredibly important for many different African cultures, but for
the Somali especially it is a key part of a woman’s identity and affects her for the rest of her life.
In my interviews and research I strove to understand why the Somali practice circumcision and
why other groups believe it is wrong. Ultimately, infibulation is practiced so that mothers can be
sure that their daughters remain pure and chaste, and so that new husbands can know that their
wives are exclusively theirs. Unfortunately it does carry with it a number of very negative side
effects and social stigmas.
Female circumcision, specifically infibulation, is a dangerous procedure. When done by a
traditional practitioner who often does not know to wear gloves or disinfect the area, illness,
infection and permanent damage are very real risks. Medicalization of the procedure has helped
to alleviate these dangers, however the circumcision still creates problems for women for the rest
of their lives. I am sure that there are some infibulated women out there who had very positive
experiences and have never had any sort of complication due to the cut. However, research and
my conversations with health care providers show that more often than not, this is not the case.
It is therefore very important to take into consideration the positive benefits of
infibulation, namely, creating a sense of camaraderie and preserving a community’s values. In
going into this project I strove to keep as clear a mind as possible about a procedure my Western
upbringing has taught me is grotesque, inhumane, and inherently wrong. The decision to start
circumcising girls does come from a fairly logical place, however in my opinion the risks
outweigh the benefits.
Harkness 33
Barawa and Swahili women present a very nice context for how Somali women enforce
essentially the same cultural and religious ideals. All three groups of these are Muslim, and thus
have very similar values and pursuits as a community. Despite being uncircumcised, Swahili
women remain chaste until marriage. And although they disagree with the theological
perspective, Swahilis still have a strong sense of community and chose not to circumcise their
women in favor of raising their daughters and allowing them to make their own decisions, not
limiting them or keeping them in line by performing a risky procedure.
The dilemma I see with Somali female circumcision is that it stems from another aspect
of Somali culture - the urge to have so many children. My recommendations for the future would
be to change the culture at its core. Having so many children puts considerable economic strain
on a family and as such I would recommend that Somali families have fewer children, 2-4 per
family so as to increase the health of the mother and child, give the mother time to breast feed
and pay attention to the baby as she should, educate her children, and save money. If children
were able to have more 1-on-1 attention in the home from their parents, they would have a
stronger educational and moral foundation and thus would not need to be circumcised so as to
keep their faith close and morals tight.
Further, if Somalis truly believe that circumcision must happen to be properly Islamic, I
would recommend reducing to Type II, if not Type I circumcision as the Barawa practice. These
methods limit the number of future complications and allow for easier childbirth and
unobstructed menstrual flow. With medicalized, sanitary practice, these methods do not remove a
woman’s entire ability to have an orgasm or enjoy sex. The evidence has shown that infibulation
does not limit a woman’s desire to have sex but rather makes it less enjoyable, and thus the way
Harkness 34
Somalis circumcise is not a good way of controlling these women. It should be a woman’s choice
that ensures her virginity and her moral character should ultimately be judged, not how tightly
sewn shut her body is.
For organizations working towards eliminating the practice, I think a more holistic and
thoughtful approach is needed. NGOs should work to understand why these women practice
female circumcision so that they can help women to be healthier and safer. By approaching an
incredibly important cultural act as wrong and calling it “mutilation” will not encourage these
women to even listen to what NGOs are saying. If these organizations really want to reach out to
the population, they need to get on their level and educate not from a position of power but on
the same level. Further, this community is not one that will reach out for help on this issue, as no
one (or very few people) finds female circumcision wrong. Further, this community is in great
need of maternal health care. If you educate the mother and help her, the child will follow. It is
my opinion that by educating Somali women about nutrition and health, then the practice will
slowly begin to be abandoned or lessened in its severity. At the very least, I would recommend
increasing the amount of medical resources for this population as they are struggling greatly to
make ends meet and disease and infection does not help with this.
Harkness 35
Recommendations and Limitations
This project was very limited. First, I was limited by time. I wish I could come back and
have a much large project examining the whole population, but one month was not enough time
to talk to everyone and get a good idea of the entire situation. Although I do feel that I got a
wealth of information out of this project, I only skimmed the surface of this issue. Second, I wish
I could have completed this project in Garissa, the hub of Somali refugees in the North Eastern
Province, however with the current political climate being what it is I doubt SIT would have
allowed me that chance. Likewise going to Nairobi for the ISP period was a less-than-appealing
prospect, so I conducted my research in Mombasa were the cultural climate is very compelling
but also has fewer Somalis than the previous two cities. This decision ultimately was a good one
as it colored my research in a whole different light, as religious differences were eliminated from
contributing factors.
Third, finding Somali people to talk to was very difficult. This was in part due to the
color of my skin and my nationality. Somalis do not like Americans as they feel that we are
behind the current war and downfall of their country, and they assume that if they tell me that
they are Somali I am either a CIA or an FBI agent coming to get them. Further, many Somalis in
Mombasa are here somewhat illegally as refugees and thus are fearful of anyone knowing what
they are. With great tension between the Somalis and Kenyans my original topic of examining
the cultural significance of FC took a back-seat to my research on why these groups don’t get
alone. Unfortunately I had to understand the history of Somali/Swahili confrontation before I
could understand what life is like for the Somalis and how living in Mombasa has affected them
Harkness 36
and their culture. This took more time and ultimately disallowed from me speaking with many
women about female circumcision.
If I were to make recommendations for anyone intending to study anything to do with
Somali culture, I would recommend that they find a friend in the community quickly. I found one
about 2 weeks into the ISP and wish I had met her sooner. She opened me up to me a wealth of
interviews. Somalis are very hard to talk to just by finding them and asking if they are Somali
and will answer few questions due to their hesitancies about Americans, but if you have a friend
they are much more open and willing to talk. Further, I wish that this project could have been
completed in the North Eastern province, however that is something I do not foresee SIT
allowing for the next few years.
Staying in Mombasa, though it had its disadvantages, also has a thriving Muslim culture
and a huge expanse of knowledge on the topic. It is harder to find information on this topic on
the coast, but it may be worthwhile to look at how Islam plays a role in justifying and continuing
female circumcision. If I would have had more time, I would definitely have wanted to speak
with a few Muslim leaders and scholars to discuss the debate from a theological perspective.
Likewise, it would be interesting to have more extensive conversations and focus group
discussions with Somali women, however these were few and far to come by.
For future projects having anything to do regarding medical procedures or health, I
recommend speaking with health care providers in the provincial hospital as well as small clinics
as they do not require a lot of the formalities that bigger hospitals like MEWA and Bomu ask for
before they will say anything. The most useful person I talked to was a midwife who ran her own
small clinic, and the least helpful was the human resource manager at MEWA hospital (the
Harkness 37
conversation was very surface due to the sensitive nature of the subject and his reluctancy to say
something which could get the hospital into trouble).
It was also quite difficult to be sure that people were telling me the truth. Not many
people were willing to talk about their personal experiences but instead wanted to speak in
generalities about the whole population. Those who did offer me their own experiences seemed
as if they could have had an agenda and spoke with me for reasons I could not quite make out.
My findings are a reflection of what these groups are willing to say to a young, white woman
from America, as opposed to a true representation of the situation on the ground. I strove to
eliminate these limitations as much as possible by gathering information from people I knew or
met through friends in Kenya, however that likewise limited by ability to get a good sample
group. Despite these limitations, I believe the above research paints a fairly acute picture of the
situation on the ground, how these groups interact, and how their cultural biases affect their
perceptions of a long-standing Somali custom.
Harkness 38
Appendices
List of Terms and Abbreviations
Al-Shabbab
a militant quasi-islamic terrorist organization present in southern
Somalia and along the border of Kenya
AWA-FC
African Women Are Free to Choose; An organization created to defend
female circumcision and the rights of women to chose how their own
bodies should look.
Barawa/Brava
a tribe of agriculturalists inhabiting southern Somalia
Children’s Act
a piece of legislation enacted in Kenya in 2001 which outlawed female
circumcision for children as a violation of human rights
episiotomy
a procedure done during childbirth by a doctor or midwife when the
vagina is not stretched wide enough to allow for the baby to exit. Types
and sizes of incisions vary - see figure below for infibulated episiotomy
diagram. Episiotomy is done to prevent the vagina from tearing on its
own, usually being more painful, ragged, and large then when
preemptively done medically.
FGC
female genital cutting; usually used interchangeable for FGM
FGM
female genital mutilation; the term for female circumcision used by
many NGOs and health organizations
FIDA
Federación Internacional de Abogadas; International NGO fighting for
women’s rights. In Kenya, it is known a the Federation of Women
Lawyers Kenya and has offices in Garissa, Mombasa, and Nairobi.
Guddaay
a traditional Somali female circumciser
hadith
a book accompanying the Quaran in the Islamic faith that details the
life of the Prophet Mohammed and his teachings
NGO
Non-Governmental Organization; an organization ranging in size from
very local or international that is not associated or funded by any
government in particular. Many international not-for-profit human
rights organizations would fit into this category
Harkness 39
Quaran
the holy book of Islam
Sunna
a type of circumcision referring to anything from very light pricking of
the clitoris to total excision of the clitoris and labia minora and vulva.
The word “sunna” means following in the Prophet’s (Mohammed’s)
teachings, however there is no clear evidence that the prophet endorsed
such a practice, however many practitioners use this term in justifying
the establishment of female circumcision in a community.
Type I
Circumcision
circumcision in which the prepuce is removed with or without partial or
total excision of the clitoris
Type II
Circumcision
excision of the entire clitoris with partial or total removal of the labia
minora
Type III
Circumcision
Also known as infibulation, removing all or part of the clitoris and
labia minora, cutting or scraping the labia major, and stitching the labia
majora together leaving only a small opening at the bottom for urine
and menstrual blood to flow through
WHO
The World Health Organization; An international non-governmental
organization that defines international standards of health care and
medical practice.
Harkness 40
Important Documents
Harkness 41
Supplementary Diagrams
Harkness 42
Harkness 43
Bibliography
Written Sources
Askew, Ian, Guyo W. Jaldesa, Carolyne Njue, Monica Manjiru. “Female Genital Cutting among
the Somali of Kenya and Management of its Complications.” February 2005. United
States Agency for International Development (USAID), [www.popcouncil.org/pdfs/
frontiers/FR.../Kenya_Somali.pdf], Accessed 10 November 2011.
Center for Reproductive Rights. “Bringing Rights to Bear: Other Harmful Practices, Government
Duties to Protect the Rights of Women and Girls.” Briefing Paper, October 2008, Center
for Reproductive Rights and Federation of Women Lawyers Kenya [fidakenya.org/wpcontent/.../03/Bringing-Rights-to-Bear_FGM.pdf], Accessed 6 November 2011.
Eno, Omar A., Mohamed A. Eno, and Daniel J. Van Lehman. “Defining the Problem in Somalia:
Perspectives from the Southern Minorities.” Anglo-Somali Society 47 (2010): 19-31.
Federation of Women Lawyers Kenya (FIDA Kenya). “Protection Against Female Genital
Mutilation: A Review of Implementation of the Children’s Act, Lessons from Samburu
and Garissa Districts.” FIDA 2009, Federation of Women’s Lawyers Kenya,
[fidakenya.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/.../Child-Mutilation_Doc.pdf], Accessed 5
November 2011.
Hosken, Fran P. “The Hosken Report: Genital and Sexual Mutilation of Females.” Fourth
Revised Edition 1993, Women’s International Network News, [www.middle-eastinfo.org/league/somalia/hosken.pdf], Accessed 10 November 2011.
Kenya Women Parliamentary Association. Kenya Gazette Supplement No. 102 (Bills No. 27).
The Prohibition of Female Genital Mutilation Bill (31 December 2010).
Harkness 44
LandInfo. “Female genital mutilation in Sudan and Somalia.” 2008, LandInfo Country of Origin
Information Centre, [www.landinfo.no/asset/764/1/764_1.pdf], Accessed 15 November
2011.
"Media centre Fact sheet: Female Genital Mutilation." World Health Organization. http://
www.who.int/mediacentre/factsheets/fs241/en/ (accessed November 10, 2011).
“Statement by African Women Are Free to Choose (AWA-FC), Washington DC, USA.” The
Patriot Vangard 20 February 2009. Accessed on November 9, 2011, from http://
www.thepatrioticvanguard.com/article.php3?id_article=3752.
Supra-regional Project, Ending Female Genital Mutilation. “Female Genital Mutilation in
Kenya.” GTZ November 2007, Kenyan Demographic Health Survey, [www.gtz.de/en/
dokumente/en-fgm-countries-kenya.pdf], Accessed 10 November 2011.
World Bank. “Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting in Somalia.” November 2004. World Bank and
UNFPA, [http://siteresources.worldbank.org], Accessed 15 November 2011.
Interviews
Abu Bakr, Barawa man. Interview with Whitney Harkness. Personal Interview. Mombasa,
November 11, 2011.
Abdul, Barawa textile vender. Interview with Whitney Harkness. Personal Interview. Mombasa,
November 10, 2011.
Ahmed, Somali vender. Interview with Whitney Harkness. Personal Interview. Mombasa,
November 22, 2011.
Harkness 45
Ali, Somali merchant. Interview with Whitney Harkness. Personal Interview. Mombasa,
November 22, 2011.
Ameena, Swahili woman. Interview with Whitney Harkness. Personal Interview. Mombasa,
November 6, 2011.
Anwar, Swahili man. Interview with Whitney Harkness. Personal Interview. Mombasa,
November 24, 2011.
Christine, Human Resource Manager, Bomu Hopsital. Interview with Whitney Harkness.
Personal Interview. Mombasa, November 15, 2011.*
Fatma, Barawa woman. Interview with Whitney Harkness. Personal Interview. Mombasa,
November 16, 2011.
Fatima, Somali shopkeeper. Interview with Whitney Harkness. Personal Interview. Mombasa,
November 5, 2011.
Hassan, Somali merchant. Interview with Whitney Harkness. Personal Interview. Mombasa,
November 15, 2011.
Hussein, MEWA hospital worker. Interview with Whitney Harkness. Personal Interview.
Mombasa, November 17, 2011.
Khadija, Barawaw mother. Interview with Whitney Harkness. Personal Interview. Mombasa,
November 11, 2011.
Lewa, Susan, Legal Attorney and Representative for FIDA Kenya. Interview with Whitney
Harkness. Personal Interview. Mombasa, November 23, 2011.*
Luna, Swahili woman. Interview with Whitney Harkness. Personal Interview. Mombasa,
November 25, 2011.
Harkness 46
Mama Aisha, Swahili midwife. Interview with Whitney Harkness. Personal Interview. Mombasa,
November 12, 2011.
Mama Aisha, Swahili midwife. Interview with Whitney Harkness. Personal Interview. Mombasa,
November 23, 2011.
Muna, Somali Shopkeeper. Interview with Whitney Harkness. Personal Interview. Mombasa,
November 10, 2011.
Mohammed, Somali textile vender. Interview with Whitney Harkness. Personal Interview.
Mombasa, November 10, 2011.
Nadia, Somali woman. Interview with Whitney Harkness. Personal Interview. Mombasa,
November 17, 2011.
Rukia, Somali woman. Interview with Whitney Harkness. Personal Interview. Mombasa,
November 17, 2011.
Salama, Barawa woman. Interview with Whitney Harkness. Personal Interview. Mombasa,
November 11, 2011.
Salama, Barawa woman. Interview with Whitney Harkness. Personal Interview. Mombasa,
November 17, 2011.
Salama, Barawa woman. Interview with Whitney Harkness. Personal Interview. Mombasa,
November 24, 2011.
All names above have been changed to protect subjects’ identities, except the starred (*)