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Old lutherans frOm Prussia tO america
M
any aspects of GermanAmerican culture and
history cannot be appreciated or understood without tracing their beginnings back to past
times and to Germany itself. Thus
the present discussion will span
nearly five centuries and take the
reader from Brandenburg/Prussia
to Buffalo and Missouri. Political
history, history of religion, and
biography conspire to tell a
remarkable story of conflicts,
struggles, successes, and failures.
The Background
The Protestant Reformation, beginning with Luther’s posting of
the Ninety-five Theses in 1517
and his famous stand at the Diet of
Worms in 1521, did not follow the
same course in all the German
lands. It was introduced in the
Margraviate of Brandenburg rather late and only gradually by the
Elector Joachim II Hektor (r.
1535–1571) and took a rather conservative course, leaving behind
some “strands of papalism,” to the
dismay of the Calvinists.1 The
elector did not abandon his devotion to relics,2 for instance, and in
other ways was far removed from
fully embracing Lutheranism.
Only on All Saints Day, November
1, 1539, did he take communion in
both kinds, and his church ordinance of 1540 retained many traditional liturgical embellishments.3 The vast majority of people in Brandenburg were Lutherans, but there was also a
Calvinist presence. Differences, in
both belief and observance, between Lutherans and Calvinists
find expression even today in the
interior of Lutheran and Calvinist
(Reformed) churches respectively.
On Christmas Day of 1613
the Elector John Sigismund took
communion according to the
Calvinist rite, signifying his conversion to the Calvinist faith, and
in so doing creating a division
between the bulk of the population
in the Electorate, who were
Lutheran, and the ruling dynasty.4
A few months later, in 1614, he
defended his move in a document
known as the Confessio Sigismundi and at the same time
announced a policy of toleration.5
His and his successors’ efforts to
bring about a “Second Reformation” were to encounter many difficulties. One such difficulty lay in
the fact that the religious peace of
Augsburg, in 1555, had extended
recognition to Lutheranism and
Catholicism, but not to Calvinism.
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OLD LuTHERANS
Only the Peace of Westphalia in
1648 was to do that.6 Another difficulty lay right in the Hohenzollern family itself.
John Sigismund’s wife, Anna
of Prussia, was a strong defender
of Lutheranism, even after her
husband’s conversion; separate
Lutheran services were held for
her in the chapel of the castle.7
While John Sigismund’s successors adhered to the Calvinist faith,
they generally married women of
the Lutheran faith.
In 1788, King Frederick
William II, nephew and successor
of Frederick the Great, issued an
edict which affirmed the right of
the three major Christian confessions to the protection of the
monarch.8 The General Code of
1794 once more affirmed this
right, while, in a limited way,
allowing for freedom of conscience and belief.9
The Prussian union
In 1793, Frederick William III (r.
1797–1840) married a Lutheran
princess, Luise of MecklenburgStrelitz, who was much beloved
for her charm, intelligence, kindness, and courage and much
mourned at her early death.10 But
it is he who brought about a major
change in the relationship which
had prevailed between the
Lutheran and Calvinist confessions in Brandenburg-Prussia for
the two centuries prior. He did so
when, on September 27, 1817, the
tercentenary year of Luther’s
Ninety-five Theses, he announced
that he intended to merge the two
confessions in a single church.11
The text of the proclamation suggests that he underestimated the
differences between the two confessions. On October 31, 1817,
Reformation Day, he and his family took communion in the Courtand-Garrison Church in Potsdam.12 The next day he attended
service in Wittenberg and laid the
foundation stone for Johann
Gottfried Schadow’s monument to
Martin Luther.13 His actions were
quite in the spirit of the union and
cooperation he hoped to bring
about.
The union which he desired
was not to be limited to governance, but was to encompass confession, sacraments, and liturgy as
well. He himself took the lead in
designing a new liturgy (or
“Agende”). He issued regulations
for the decoration of altars and the
use of candles, vestments, and crucifixes.14 The new church was first
named the “Evangelische Landeskirche,” then the “Evangelische
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Kirche der altpreußischen union”
(APu), and finally the “Evangelische Kirche der union” (EKu),
but is often simply called the
“Prussian union.”15 The king
himself was the “supreme bishop”
of this new entity.16 He was aided
by Karl von Altenstein, his minister for education and culture
(Kultus­minister).17
In the remaining years of his
reign, Frederick William devoted
much of his energy to bringing
about the union of the two confessions.18 Little resistance was
offered initially. Then, in 1830, the
Lutherans observed the tricentennial anniversary of the Augsburg
Confession, which may have
served to encourage opposition to
the king’s policy of integration.19
Opposition did increase in the
1830s, and the government’s
measures became increasingly
coercive.20 Opponents of the
king’s policy were especially
numerous in Silesia, where they
sought to establish an autonomous, self-governing church of
their own.21 These separatists
became known as “Old Lutherans.”22 The government did not
shy away from employing harsh
measures against the separatist
movement.23
A case in point: In Hönigern
(now Miedary), a small town in
the district of Namslau (now
Namyslów), east of Breslau,
Eduard Kellner, a pastor firmly
opposed to joining the government-ordered union, was first suspended and then, when he continued to minister to his congregation, arrested and imprisoned. His
parishioners refused to surrender
the church to his appointed successor. Soldiers were sent, who
broke into the church on Christmas Eve 1834, overwhelmed the
parishioners who guarded their
church, and made numerous
arrests. Nonetheless, coercive
measures proved ineffective. In
1836, seventy-two families from
Hönigern formally declared their
withdrawal from the state church
(the Prussian union).24 Kellner
was imprisoned for four years; he
died in 1878, while still serving as
a pastor. In the neighboring
Neumark, in the district of Züllichau (now Sulechów), approximately 600 separatists were counted in 1836.25
Another case in point: Johann
Gottfried Scheibel (1783–1843)
was a professor of theology at the
university of Breslau and pastor of
the Lutheran Church of St. Elisabeth in Breslau. He was consis-
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OLD LuTHERANS
tently opposed to the Prussian
union church and the new Agende
(liturgy). The conflict came to a
head in 1830, apparently occasioned by the tricentennial anniversary of the Augsburg Confession. Scheibel’s petitions to the
government were rejected; he was
dismissed and ordered to leave
Breslau. For the remaining years
of his life he lived in Dresden,
Hermsdorf near Dresden, Glauchau in Saxony, and finally in
Nuremberg.26 Scheibel had a
strong and capable supporter in
Philipp Eduard Huschke (1801–
1886), a professor of law at the
university of Breslau.27
There were old Lutherans to
be found elsewhere in Prussian
lands, especially in Pomerania.
Among activist leaders of the Old
Lutheran movement elsewhere
Johannes Andreas August Grabau
(1804–1879) takes on special importance. He studied theology and
philosophy at the university of
Halle from 1825 to 1829 and in
1834 became pastor of St.
Andrew’s Church in Erfurt. In
1837 he was dismissed from his
post and subsequently twice jailed
for his resistance to the king’s
ecclesiastical agenda.28 He and
Scheibel were at opposite ends of
a difficult issue: whether to escape
persecution by emigrating or
whether to stay and fight for the
good cause. Scheibel was strongly
opposed to emigration,29 while
Grabau argued forcefully in favor
of it.30 Both sides sought and
found support for their position in
various passages of scripture.
Thus “Wer glaubt, der braucht
nicht zu fliehen” (Isaiah 28:16
Einheitsübersetzung) was employed to support one view, and
“Wenn man euch in der einen
Stadt verfolgt, so fliehet in eine
andere” (Matt. 10:23 Einheits­übersetzung) the other.
Several thousand of the
Lutheran separatists did respond
to the government’s oppression by
emigrating to Australia or America.31 By 1840 some 2000 Old
Lutherans had emigrated; approximately 10,000 remained.32 That so
many felt it necessary to leave to
avoid persecution for their religious beliefs is both sad and ironic given the official policy of religious toleration and a history of
putting word to deed. Frederick
William, the Great Elector, had
opened his lands to the Huguenots33 with his “edict of Potsdam”
in 1685, and King Frederick
William I had received 12,000
Salzburg Protestants (Lutherans)
in 1732.34 Indeed, Frederick
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William III himself granted asylum to some Protestant exiles from
Zillertal in the Tyrol in 1837.35
As crown prince Frederick
William IV had not supported his
father’s policy of oppression. He
was, rather, inclined to be tolerant.36 One of his first acts upon
succeeding to the throne was to
grant amnesty to political and religious dissidents. All Old Lutherans serving prison time were
released.37 Furthermore, the Old
Lutherans were given the right to
establish a separate church of their
own in 1845.38 Thus the first independent, autonomous Evangelical
Lutheran church on German soil
was born.39 It should also be noted
that Prussia made no attempt to
merge the Lutheran church of
Hannover into the Prussian
union.40 when it annexed the
kingdom of Hannover in 1866.
The exodus
In 1835 a group of Old Lutherans
in the villages of Klemzig and
Langmeil, district of Züllichau, in
the Neumark of Brandenburg
(now Klepsk and Okunin in the
Polish province of Lubaskie)
decided to emigrate. Having first
considered Russia and America as
possible destinations,41 they finally decided on South Australia.
Although emigration was a basic
right, there were various legal
requirements to be met before the
necessary exit permits were
issued.42 Thus the emigrants were
long held up by the Prussian government and were not able to
begin their journey until 1838.
They traveled to Hamburg on
barges via the Oder, the Friedrich
Wilhelm Canal, the Spree, the
Havel, and the Elbe.43 On July 8,
1838, they set sail on the ships
Prince George and Bengalee;
nearly five months later they landed at Port Misery, just north of
Adelaide. They numbered 250
people in fifty-three families.
They were accompanied by their
pastor, August Ludwig Christian
Kavel, who had made the necessary arrangements with George
Fife Angas and the South Australian Company of London. They
established their own settlement
and named it Klemzig after their
former home.44 Three more
groups followed later in 1838, in
1839, and in 1841.45
Other Old Lutherans, the
greater number of them, were anxious to make their way to
America; the government required
of them that they be accompanied
by a pastor. At the same time
Pastor Grabau had been released
from prison on the condition that
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OLD LuTHERANS
he should emigrate as soon as his
health had improved.46 The two
parties found each other and
reached an agreement. The king
on this occasion made it very clear
that he considered the Lutheran
church as being contained within
the new united church which he
had created and that he would tolerate no other Lutheran church.47
Pastor Grabau was reunited
with his family in Hamburg,
where some 1000 persons were
awaiting
transportation
to
48
America. Between June 28 and
July 27, 1839, five steamships
transported them to Hull
(Kingston-upon-Hull), and from
there canal boats took them to the
port of Liverpool. From there
again five sailing vessels took
them to New York. The last of
these, carrying Pastor Grabau and
his family, left Liverpool on
August 14, was badly beaten up in
a violent storm, but arrived in New
York without any loss of lives on
September 18. A few members of
the group stayed in New York, but
most continued to Buffalo, utilizing river boats on the Hudson as
far as Albany and then canal boats
on the Erie Canal. At Buffalo they
joined a small advance party of
Old Lutherans.49
old luTherans in Buffalo
Once he had reached Buffalo,
Grabau lost no time in organizing
his followers in a church of their
own rather than having them join
any of the churches already existing in Buffalo. Rented quarters at
various locations were found and
services were held from the first
Sunday on. The new church was
incorporated in 1840 as the Old
Lutheran Church, but became
known as the EvangelicalLutheran Church of the Holy
Trinity (Dreifaltigkeitskirche) or
as Trinity Old Lutheran. Still in
that first year a lot was bought and
construction of a church building
was begun. The first service in the
new church was held on June 7,
1840 (Pentecost Day), and the
building was dedicated on October
6, 1843. Grabau served as pastor
of the church until his death. The
church was located at the corner of
Goodell and Maple Streets.50
At meeting in Milwaukee on
June 25, 1845, four pastors, led by
Grabau, and eighteen lay delegates
formed a synod, which was originally known as the Synod of the
Lutheran Church Emigrated from
Prussia, but later became known
as the Buffalo Synod.51 The
Buffalo Synod, the Ohio Synod,
and the Iowa Synod joined in 1930
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to form the American Lutheran
Church. In 1988 that organization,
in turn, joined with the Lutheran
Church in America and the
Association of Evangelical Lutheran Churches to form the Evangelical Lutheran Church in
America, which is headquartered
in Chicago.52
Beginning in 1840 Grabau
had informally given instruction to
candidates for the ministry, but in
1845 he formally founded Martin
Luther Seminary. The older of his
two sons, William [Wilhelm Heinrich] Grabau (1836–1906), became a professor in the new institution. The seminary ceased operation in 1929.53
In 1858 a branch congregation, St. Andrew’s, was established
and a new church was built on
Peckham Street in the eastern part
of the city. William Grabau
became the pastor of this new
church.54
Being very authoritarian by
nature, Grabau had to contend
with dissension within his congregation. He believed strongly in
pastoral authority based on ordination and expected obedience,
while many in the various
Lutheran churches held a more
congregational view of the ministry.55 In a long Hirtenbrief (pas-
toral letter) of December, 1840,
addressed to the Saxon Lutherans
in Missouri (see below), he
defended his position.56
In 1864 the pastor’s residence
at Maple and Goodell Streets was
destroyed by arson. In 1866 half of
the parishioners left and joined
First Trinity Lutheran Church,
which was affiliated with the
Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod.57
Pastor Grabau continued in
his ministry to the very end. He
died peacefully, surrounded by his
family, on June 2, 1879. He was
buried in Holy Rest (Zur­heiligen
Ruhe) Cemetery, which is located
on Delevan Avenue near Pine
Ridge Road.58
Martin Burk, having previously served as an assistant to
Pastor Grabau, served as pastor of
the church from 1879 until his
death in 1893. He, in turn, was
succeeded by John Nathaniel
Grabau, a grandson of the founder,
who served until his retirement
and death in 1940.59
A new church building for
Trinity Old Lutheran was erected
in 1923 and 1924 at a new location, 26 Brunswick Blvd. The
older building on Goodell and
Maple Streets eventually was
acquired by St. John Baptist
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OLD LuTHERANS
Church.60 Finally, in 1960, when
demographic changes in the city
made yet another move advisable,
Trinity Old Lutheran joined with
Sheridan Drive Lutheran Church,
and thus 3445 Sheridan Drive is
now its new location.61 The former building now houses the
Lutheran Church of Our Savior.
Yet one other member of the
Grabau family needs to be recognized here: Amadeus William
Grabau (1870 Cedarburgh, WI –
1946 Peking, China), son of Wilhelm Heinrich Grabau and grandson of Johannes Andreas Grabau,
was a renowned paleontologist
and geologist and the author of
numerous books in his field. He
earned his D.Sc. degree at Harvard
university and held faculty
appointments first at Columbia
university and then at the
National university of China in
Peking.62
oTher luTheran immigranTs
The Old Lutherans whom Grabau
led from Prussia to Buffalo were
neither the only Lutherans nor the
only Germans who came to
America in the years 1838–1840.
Perhaps most famously the small
town of Hermann in the “Missouri
Rhineland” was founded during
those same years by the German
Settlement Society of Philadel-
phia. There was a political rather
than a religious dimension to this
founding. The town was to be part
of an island of German language
and culture; some even hoped to
establish a German state.63 The
town partakes of a distinctly
German character to this day and
cultivates its German heritage.
A closer parallel to the settlement of the Old Lutherans in
Buffalo is found in the so-called
Stephanite emigration, which
takes its name from Martin Stephan, a Saxon Lutheran minister
and long-time pastor of St. John’s
Church in Dresden. Stephan led
some 600 Lutheran emigrants
from Saxony to St. Louis and to
nearby Perry County, Missouri.
He and his followers, of a conservative and orthodox persuasion,
were protesting the unionism and
the Rationalism which, in the
wake of the Enlightenment, had
come to prevail in the Lutheran
churches of Saxony.64 Not too
long after arrival in the united
States, in May, 1839, Stephan was
accused of financial and sexual
misconduct, deposed, and ex-communicated.65 In 1847 the Lutherans of Missouri, then under the
strong leadership of C. F. W.
Walther, formed the Missouri
Synod.66 The relationship between
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the Missouri Synod and the
Buffalo Synod was a contentious
one at all times.67 The Missouri
Synod has remained outside the
American Lutheran Church which
was formed in 1930 and outside
the Evangelical Lutheran Church
in America which was formed in
1988.68
The Old Lutherans deserve
our attention not only in the context of German-American studies
but in the larger context of the history of religion in Germany and in
the united States.
― HANS A. POHLSANDER
EAST GREENBuSH, NY
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Johannes graBau
courTesy hans a. Pohlsander
Pohlsander Old Lutherans_Steinwehr.qxd 12/23/2011 11:44 AM Page 69
nOtes
1
Allgemeine­ Deutsche­ Biographie
[ADB] 14 (1881), 78–85; Neue
Deutsche­ Biographie­ [NDB] 10
(1974),
436–438;
Deutsche
Biographische­ Enzyklopädie [DBE]
5 (1997), 329; Brandenburgisches
Biogra­phi­sches­ Lexikon (Potsdam,
2002) [BBL], 198–199; Sebastian
Haffner, Preußen­ohne­Legende, 4th
ed., (Hamburg, 1980) 27 and 47;
Sebastian Haffner, The­Rise­and­Fall
of­ Prussia (London, 1980), 17;
Helmut Neuhaus, “Die brandenburgischen Kurfürsten im Jahrhundert
der Reformation (1499–1598),” in
Frank-Lothar Kroll, ed., Preußische
Herrscher­ von­ den­ ersten
Hohenzollern­ bis­ Wilhelm­ II.
(Munich, 2000), 52–73; Christopher
Clark, Iron­ Kingdom:­ The­ Rise­ and
Downfall­ of­ Prussia,­ 1600–1947
(Cambridge, MA, 2006) 118–119.
2
Bodo Nischan, Prince,­ People,­ and
Confession:­The­Second­Reformation
in­Brandenburg (Philadelphia,1994),
18 and 32.
3
Nischan, Prince,­ People,­ and
Confession, 20–21.
4
ADB, 14 (1881), 169–175; NDB 10
(1974), 475–476; DBE 5 (1997),
338–339; BBL 205; Andrew Landale
Drummond, German­ Protestantism
since­ Luther (London, 1951), 185;
Hajo Holborn, A­ History­ of­ Modern
Germany (New York, 1959–1964),
I:301; Haffner, Preußen­ ohne
Legende, 83; Haffner, The­ Rise­ and
Fall­ of­ Prussia, 45; Klaus
Deppermann, “Die Kirchenpolitik
des Großen Kurfürsten,” Pietismus
und­ Neuzeit, 6 (1980), 99–114;
David A. Gerber, “The Pathos of
Exile: Old Lutheran Refugees in the
united States and South Australia,”
Comparative­ Studies­ in­ Society­ and
History 26 (1984), 498–522; Volker
Press, Kriege­ und­ Krisen:­ Deutsch­land­ 1600–1715 (Munich, 1991),
106–107 and 183; Nischan, Prince,
People,­ and­ Confession, 92–94;
Wilhelm Iwan, Um­ des­ Glaubens
willen­nach­Australien:­Eine­Episode
deutscher­ Auswanderung (Breslau,
1931); English: Because­ of­ Their
Beliefs:­ Emigration­ from­ Prussia­ to
Australia, tr. and ed. David Schubert
(Highgate, South Australia, 1995), 5;
hereafter cited as Iwan-Schubert;
Bodo Nischan, Lutherans­ and
Calvinists­ in­ the­ Age­ of­ Confes­sionalism (Aldershot, Hampshire,
and Brookfield, VT: Ashgate,
Variorum, 1999), I:207, IV:18,
VIII:155 and 163–164, IX:203,
X:181 and 200, and XII:392–393;
Rodney Gothelf in Philip G. Dwyer,
The­ Rise­ of­ Prussia,­ 1700–1830
(Harlow, Essex, 2000), 71; Philip S.
Gorski, The­Disciplinary­Revolution:
Calvinism­and­the­Rise­of­the­State­in
Early­ Modern­ Europe (Chicago
2003), 86; Clark, Iron­ Kingdom, 17
and 115.
5
Drummond, German­ Protestantism
since­ Luther, 185; Martin Lackner,
Die­ Kirchenpolitik­ des­ Großen
Kurfürsten (Witten, 1973), 47–48;
Gorski, The­Disciplinary­Revolution,
86; Nischan, Lutherans­ and­ Cal­vinists,­ I: 209 and 212, III:44,
VIII:166, and XII:393. The text of
Pohlsander Old Lutherans_Steinwehr.qxd 12/23/2011 11:44 AM Page 70
OLD LuTHERANS, NOTES
the Confessio is found in Ernst
Gottfried Adolf Böckel, Die
Bekenntnisschriften­der­evangelischreformierten­ Kirche, Pt. 1 (Leipzig,
1847) 432–440.
6
Press, Kriege­ und­ Krisen, 135 and
263–64; Hans-Walter Krumwiede,
“Konfessionelle Tradition und landeskirchliche Identität in Hannover
(luth.) 1814–1869,” in Wolf-Dieter
Hauschild, ed., Das­ deutsche
Luthertum­ und­ die­ UnionsProblematik­ im­ 19.­ Jahrhundert
(Gütersloh, 1991), 216; Steven E.
Ozment, A­ Mighty­ Fortress:­ A­ New
History­of­the­German­People ( New
York, 2004), 121–122; Clark, Iron
Kingdom,115.
7
Iselin Gundermann, “Die Salbung
Königs Friedrich I. in Königsberg,”
Jahrbuch­ für­ Berlin-Branden­burgische­ Kirchen­ge­schich­te 63
(2001), 73–88; Clark, Iron­Kingdom,
120.
8
Christopher Clark, “Confessional
Policy and the Limits of State Action:
Frederick William III and the
Prussian union 1817–1840,” The
Historical­ Journal 39 (1996),
985–1004 at 995; Clark, Iron
Kingdom, 418.
9
Ernst Rudolf Huber, Deutsche­ Ver­fas­sungs­geschichte­seit­1789 (3 vols.
Stuttgart 1957–1963) I:106–107 and
109; H. M. Scott in Dwyer, The­Rise
of­ Prussia, 197; Clark, Iron
Kingdom, 281–83, 418, and 430.
10
Thomas Stamm-Kuhlmann, König­in
Preußens­ großer­ Zeit:­ Friedrich
Wilhelm­III.:­Der­Melancholiker­auf
dem­ Thron (Munich, 1992), passim;
Heinz Ohff, Ein­ Stern­ in
Wetterwolken:­ Königin­ Luise­ von
Preußen (Munich, 1989, 1992, and
1994); Karin Feuerstein-Praßer, Die
preußischen Königinnen (Regensburg, 2000), 215–275, with pedigree
chart, p. 216; Günter de Bruyn,
Preußens­ Luise:­ Vom­ Entstehen­ und
Ergehen­ einer­ Legende­ (Berlin,
2001); Friedrich Ludwig Müller,
Luise:­ Auf­zeich­nungen­ über­ eine
preußische­ Königin, 3rd ed. (Bonn,
2003); Philipp Demandt, Luisenkult:
Die­Unsterblichkeit­der­Königin­von
Preußen­ (Cologne 2003); Dagmar
von Gersdorff, Königin­ Luise­ und
Friedrich­Wilhelm­III.:­Eine­Liebe­in
Preußen, 5th ed. (Hamburg, 2004).
11
—70—
Walter O. Forster, Zion­ on­ the
Mississippi:­ The­ Settlement­ of­ the
Saxon­ Lutherans­ in­ Missouri
1839–1841 (St. Louis, 1953) 16–17;
Bernhard Klaus, “Der Theologe
unter den Königen: Friedrich
Wilhelm III.,” in Friedrich Wilhelm
Prinz von Preußen, ed., Preußens
Könige (Gütersloh, 1971) 127–158;
Clifford Neal Smith, NineteenthCentury­ Emigration­ of­ “Old­ Luthe­rans”­ from­ Eastern­ Germany­ to
Australia,­ Canada,­ and­ the­ United
States (McNeal, AZ, 1980), 1–2;
Gerber, “The Pathos of Exile”
498–499; Stamm-Kuhlmann, König
in­ Preußens­ großer­ Zeit, 477;
Iwan–Schubert, Because­ of­ Their
Beliefs, 5–6; Christopher Clark,
“Germany 1815–1848: Restoration
or pre-March?” in John Breuilly, ed.,
Pohlsander Old Lutherans_Steinwehr.qxd 12/23/2011 11:44 AM Page 71
POHLSANDER
19th Century­ Germany:­ Politics,
Culture­ and­ Society­ 1780–1918
(London­ and­ New­ York,­ 1997­ and
2001), 40–65 at 62–63; Jens Grühn,
“Preußische union,” in Lexikon­ für
Theologie­ und­ Kirche [LThK] 8
(1999), col. 556. An earlier account
is that of Erich Foerster, Die
Entstehung­der­preussischen­Landes­kirche­ unter­ der­ Regierung­ König
Friedrich­Wilhelms­des­Dritten­nach
den­ Quellen­ erzählt, 2 vols.
(Tübingen, 1905–1907). The text of
the proclamation is given in Klaus
Wappler, Der­ theologische­ Ort­ der
preußischen­Unionsurkunde­vom­27.
9.­1817 (Berlin 1978), 9–10; also in
J. F. Gerhard Goeters and Rudolf
Mau, eds., Die­Geschichte­der­Evan­gelischen­Kirche­der­Union, I (Leipzig 1992), 88–92 with commentary
by Klaus Wappler, 93–115.
12
Wappler in Goeters and Mau,
112–113.
13
Hans A. Pohlsander, National
Monuments­ and­ Nationalism­ in­ 19th
Century­ Germany­ (Bern 2008)
106–107.
14
Stamm-Kuhlmann,
König­
Preußens­großer­Zeit, 480–481.
15
Wilhelm Hüffmeier, “Evangelische
Kirche der union (EKu),” in LThK 3
(1995), col. 1044.
16
Drummond, German Protestantism
since Luther, 194, 233, and 242;
Huber, Deutsche­ Verfassungs­ge­schichte, I:453–454 and 464–472;
Holborn, A­ History­ of­ Modern
Germany,­ II:488–490; Haffner,
Preußen­ohne­Legende, 217; Haffner,
The­Rise­and­Fall­of­Prussia, 96 and
98; Clark, “Confessional Policy and
the Limits of State Action,” 985–986;
Clark, Iron­Kingdom, 415 and 420.
17
NDB 1 (1953), 216–217; DBE 1
(1995), 98–99; Martin Kiunke,
Johann­ Gottfried­ Scheibel­ und­ sein
Ringen­ um­ die­ Kirche­ der
lutherischen­ Reformation (Kassel
1941; repr. Göttingen 1985), passim;
Friedrich Wilhelm Bautz, “Altenstein, Karl Freiherr vom Stein zum
Altenstein,” Biographisch-Biblio­gra­phisches­Kir­chen­lexikon [BBKL]
1 (1990), cols. 127–128; StammKuhlmann, König­ in­ Preußens
großer­ Zeit:­ Friedrich­ Wilhelm­ III,
passim; Wappler in Goeters and Mau,
Die­ Geschichte­ der­ Evangelischen
Kirche­ der­ Union, I:115–125;
Iwan–Schubert, Be­cause­ of­ Their
Beliefs, 7–8; Clark, Iron­ Kingdom,
416.
18
Gerber, “The Pathos of Exile,” 502;
Stamm-Kuhlmann, König­ in­ Preu­ßens­ großer­ Zeit, 481; Iwan–
Schubert, Because­ of­ Their­ Beliefs,
7; Clark, “Confessional Policy and
the Limits of State Action,” 1003.
19
Clark, “Confessional Policy and the
Limits of State Action,” 991.
20
Wolfgang Nixdorf in Goeters and
Mau, Die­ Geschichte­ der­ Evan­ge­lischen­Kirche­der­Union, I:231–36.
21
Clark, “Confessional Policy and the
Limits of State Action,” 987; Clark,
Iron­King­dom, 416–17.
in
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OLD LuTHERANS, NOTES
22
Iwan–Schubert, Because­ of­ Their
Beliefs, 6–7; Clark, “Confessional
Policy and the Limits of State
Action,” 989.
26
23 Werner Klän, “Johann Gottfried
Scheibel,” in Peter Hauptmann, ed.,
Gerettete­ Kirche:­ Studien­ zum
Anliegen­ des­ Breslauer­ Lutheraners
Johann­
Gottfried­
Scheibel,
1783–1843 (Göttingen 1987), 11–29;
Charles Meyer, A­ History­ of
Germans­ in­ Australia,­ 1839–1945
(Monash university 1990), 82.
24 Gerber, “The Pathos of Exile,” 504;
Klaus-Gunther Wesseling, “Kellner,
Eduard Gustav” in BBKL 3 (1992),
1326–1328; Hermann Sasse, “Das
Jahrhundert der preußischen Kirche:
Zur Erinnerung an das Weihnachtsfest 1834 in Hönigern,” in Sasse, In
Statu­ Confessionis, 2 vols. (Berlin,
1975–1976) II:184–193.; Wolfgang
Nixdorf in Goeters and Mau, Die­Ge­schichte­ der­ Evangelischen­ Kirche
der­ Union, I:232–233; Clark,
“Confessional Policy and the Limits
of State Action,” 992; Arthur
Kalkbrenner, “Aus der Geschichte
unserer Heimat: Kriegerisches
Christfest in Hönigern, Kreis
Namslau, im Jahr 1834,” Namslauer
Heimatruf 48, No. 195 (December
2007) 5–11; online www.namslauschlesien.de/heft 195.pdf. (erroneously referring to Frederick
William II, instead of Frederick
William III).
25 Clark, “Confessional Policy and the
Limits of State Action,” 992.
—72—
ADB 30 (1890), 693–699; DBE 8
(1998), 586.; NDB 22 (2005)
623–624; Gerhard Gesch, “Scheibel,
Johann Gottfried,” The­Encyclopedia
of­ the­ Lutheran­ Church [ELC] 3
(1965) 2117; Friedrich Wilhelm
Kantzenbach, “Johann Gottfried
Scheibel und der Breslauer Protest
gegen die preußische union,” in
Kantzenbach, Gestalten­ und­ Typen
des­ Neuluthertums:­ Beiträge­ zur
Erforschung­ des­ Neokonfes­sionalis­mus­ im­ 19.­ Jahrhundert (Gütersloh,
1968), 44–65; Kiunke, Johann
Gottfried Scheibel, esp. 278–290,
309–320, and 411; Volker Stolle,
“Johann Gottfried Scheibel: Zur 200.
Wiederkehr seines Geburtstages am
16. 9. 1983,” Lutherische­ Theologie
und­ Kirche 3 (1983), 81–107;
Gerber, “The Pathos of Exile”
502–503; Peter Hauptmann, ed.,
Gerettete­ Kirche:­ Studien­ zum
Anliegen­ des­ Breslauer­ Lutheraners
Johann­
Gottfried­
Scheibel,
1783–1843­ (Göttingen, 1987), with
selected texts, 138–185; Werner
Klän,
“Die
altlutherische
Kirchenbildung in Preußen,” in
Hauschild, Das­ deutsche­ Luthertum
und­ die­ Unionsproblematik, 153–
170; Wolfgang Nixdorf in Goeters
and Mau, Die­ Geschichte­ der
Evangelischen­ Kirche­ der­ Union,
I:221–229; Wolfgang Heinrichs,
“Scheibel, Johann Gottfried,” in
BBKL 9 (1995), cols. 48–56; Peter
Hauptmann, ed., Vom­ innersten
Wesen­des­Christentums:Auszüge­aus
dem­Schrifttum­des­Breslauer­Luthe­-
Pohlsander Old Lutherans_Steinwehr.qxd 12/23/2011 11:44 AM Page 73
POHLSANDER
ra­ners­ Johann­ Gottfried­ Scheibel
(1783–1843) (Göttingen, 2009),
21–125, esp. 62–82.
27
28
Kiunke, Gottfried­ Scheibel, passim;
Friedrich Wilhelm Bautz, “Huschke,
Eduard,” in BBKL 2 (1990), cols.
1198–1204; Werner Klän, “Die altlutherische Kirchenbildung in Preußen,” in Hauschild, Das­ deutsche
Luthertum­ und­ die­ Unions­problematik, 153–170; Wolfgang
Nixdorf in Goeters and Mau, Die­Ge­schichte­ der­ Evangelischen­ Kirche
der­ Union, I:222 and 225–227;
Hauptmann, Vom­ innersten­ Wesen
des­ Christentums, 72–73 and 469–
470.
NDB 6 (1964), 693–694; ELC 2
(1965), 946–947; DBE 4 (1996),
115; Johannes Andreas Grabau,
Lebenslauf­ des­ Ehr­würdigen­ J.­ An.
A.­ Grabau (Buffalo, 1879), 3–35;
Wilhelm Albert Grabau, Die­ Ge­schichte­ der­ Familie­ Grabau
(Leipzig, 1929) 185; Gerber, “The
Pathos of Exile,” 508–509; Friedrich
Wilhelm Bautz, “Grabau, Johannes”
in BBKL 2 (1990), cols. 278–279.
29
Wilhelm Iwan, Die­ Altlutherische
Aus­wanderung­ um­ die­ Mitte­ des­ 19.
Jahr­hunderts, 2 vols. (Ludwigsburg
1943), II:19–26; Gerber, “The Pathos
of Exile” 505.
30
Iwan, Die­ Altlutherische­ Auswan­derung, II:26–32 and 80–94; Gerber,
“The Pathos of Exile” 505.
31
Gerber, “The Pathos of Exile” 500;
Wolfgang Nixdorf in Goeters and
Mau, Die­ Geschichte­ der­ Evange­lischen­Kirche­der­Union, I:234–235;
Clark, “Confessional Policy and the
Limits of State Action,” 998; Clark,
Iron­Kingdom, 419.
32
Clark, “Confessional Policy and the
Limits of State Action,” 1003.
33
Lackner, Die­ Kirchenpolitik­ des
Großen­ Kurfürsten, 302–303; HansGeorg Tautorat, Um­ des­ Glaubens
willen:­ Toleranz­ in­ Preußen—Huge­notten­ und­ Salzburger (Düsseldorf
1985) 21–34; Clark, Iron­ Kingdom,
122–23. The text of the edict is found
in Christian Otto Mylius, ed., Corpus
Constitutionum­Marchicarum (Berlin
and Halle, 1737–1751; repr.
Genschmar, 2003) II, section 1,
183–188, no. 65 (German), and VI,
Appendix 8, 43–48 (French); also in
Ernst Mengin, Das­Recht­der­französisch-reformierten­Kirche­in­Preußen
(Berlin, 1929), 186–196 (German
and French), and in Tautorat, Um­des
Glaubens­willen 174–181 (German).
34
Tautorat, Um­ des­ Glaubens­ willen,
93–98 and 188–190; Mack Walker,
The­Salzburg­Transaction:­Expulsion
and­ Redemption­ in­ Eighteenth­ Cen­tury­ Germany (Ithaca, 1992); Clark,
“Confessional Policy and the Limits
of State Action,” 998; Robert A.
Selig, “The Salzburger Exulanten of
1731 to 1732,” German­ Life, February/March 2011, 36–39 and 62.
35
Iwan–Schubert, Because­ of­ Their
Beliefs, 13; Wilfried Beimrohr, “Die
Zillertaler Protestanten oder Inklinanten und ihre Austreibung 1837,”
Tiroler­ Landesarchiv, 2007 [http://
www. tirol.gv.at/filead min/ www.
tirol.gv.at/themen/kultur/landes
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OLD LuTHERANS, NOTES
a r c h i v / d o w n l o a d s / Z i l l e r t a l e rInklinanten-ProtestantenAB.PDF];
Clark, “Confessional Policy and the
Limits of State Action,” 998, n. 56.
The Zillertal Protestants, ca. 400 of
them, were settled at Erdmannsdorf
(now Myslakowice), Kreis Hirschberg (now Jelenia Góra), Lower
Silesia.
36 Walter Bußmann, Zwischen­Preußen
und­Deutschland:­Friedrich­Wilhelm
IV.:­ Eine­ Biographie (Berlin, 1990)
121; Goeters in Goeters and Mau,
Die­ Geschichte­ der­ Evangelischen
Kirche­ der­ Union, I: 36; David E.
Barclay, Frederick­ William­ IV­ and
the­ Prussian­ Monarchy­ 1840–1861
(Oxford, 1995), 93.
liche Identität in Hannover (luth.)
1814–1869,” in Hauschild, Das
deutsche­ Luthertum­ und­ die
Unionsproblematik, 213–268.
41
Clifford Neal Smith, NineteenthCentury­Emigration, 2.
42
Iwan, Die­ Altlutherische­ Auswan­derung, II:59–81; Gerber, “The
Pathos of Exile,” 506–507.
43
Maps in David Schubert, Kavel’s
People (Adelaide, 1985) 25 and 50.
See also Barry Sheffield, Inland
Waterways­ of­ Germany (St. Ives,
Cambridgeshire, 1995), 8–9, 91–92,
113–14, and 117.
44
E. Clifford Nelson, The­Lutherans­in
North­ America, rev. ed. (Philadelphia, 1980), 154; Gerber, “The
Pathos of Exile” 506 and 515; Ian
Harmstorf and Michael Cigler, The
Germans­ in­ Australia (Melbourne,
1985) 12–14; Gordon Young, “Early
German Settlements in South Australia,”
Australian­ Historical
Archaeo­­logy 3 (1985), 43–55, with
map;
http://ashadocs.org.aha/03/
03_O4_Young.pdf; Schubert, Kavel’s
People, 72–74 and 145–159; Johannes H. Voigt, Australien­ und
Deutsch­land:­ 200­ Jahre­ Begeg­nungen,­ Beziehungen­ und­ Verbin­dungen (Hamburg, 1988); English:
Australia–Germany:­ Two­ Hundred
Years­ of­ Contacts,­ Relations­ and
Connections (Bonn, 1987), 17–18
and ill. 35; Meyer, A­ History­ of
Germans­ in­ Aus­tralia, 82; Ian A.
Harmstorf, Insight­ into­ South
Australian­ History, II: South
Australia’s German Heritage and
37 Wolfgang Nixdorf in Goeters and
Mau,
Die­ Geschichte­ der
Evangelischen­ Kirche­ der­ Union,
I:239; Clark, Iron­ Kingdom, 438;
Hauptmann, Vom­ innersten­ Wesen
des­Christentums, 113.
38
Goeters in Goeters and Mau, Die­Ge­schichte­ der­ Evangelischen­ Kirche
der­ Union, I:36; Christopher Clark,
“Germany 1815–1848: Restoration
or pre-March?” in Breuilly, 19th
Century­ Germany, 40–65; Clark,
Iron­Kingdom, 41.
39
Werner Klän, “Johann Gottfried
Scheibel” in Peter Hauptmann, ed.,
Gerettete­ Kirche:­ Studien­ zum
Anliegen­ des­ Breslauer­ Lutheraners
Johann­
Gottfried­
Scheibel,
1783–1843 (Göttingen, 1987),
11–29.
40
Hans-Walter Krumwiede, “Konfessionelle Tradition und landeskirch-
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POHLSANDER
History (Adelaide, 1994), 18 and 33;
Iwan–Schubert, Because­ of­ Their
Beliefs, 17–25; Jürgen Tampke, The
Germans­ in­ Australia­ (Cambridge,
2006), 25–31; Clark, Iron­ Kingdom,
418–419. For Kavel, Angas, and the
South Australian Company see:
George Sutherland, The­ South
Australian­ Company:­ A­ Study­ in
Colo­nisation (London and New
York, 1898); Siegfried P. Hebar
“Lutheranism in Australia and
Oceania,” in ELC I (1965), 144–154
at 144–145; Schubert, Kavel’s
People, 61–63 and 149.
45
Iwan, Um­des­Glaubens­willen­nach
Australien, 28; Schubert, Kavel’s
People, 160–176; Harmstorf and
Cigler, The­Germans­in­Australia, 14
and 16–17; Voigt, AustraliaGermany, 18–19; Iwan-Schubert,
Because­ of­ Their­ Beliefs, 25–32;
Gerber, “The Pathos of Exile,” 518;
Meyer, A­ History­ of­ Germans­ in
Australia, 82–84; Tampke, The
Germans­in­Australia, 31.
46
Johannes
Andreas
Grabau,
Lebenslauf­ des­ Ehrwürdigen­ J.­ An.
A.­Grabau, 35.
47
Johannes Andreas Grabau, ibid.;
Gerber, “The Pathos of Exile,” 506.
48
150th Anniversary Committee, Trinity Old Lutheran Church, “The
Story of Trinity Old Lutheran
Church: 150 Years under God’s
Guidance, 1839–1989;” Eggertsville,
NY,
1989;
http://trinityold
lutheran.org/TOL/history_of
_tol_07.htm. Clifford Neal Smith,
Nineteenth-Century­ Emi­gration, 16,
counts 1156 Old Lutherans emigrating to America in 1839.
49
Johannes
Andreas
Grabau,
Lebenslauf­ des­ Ehrwürdigen­ J.­ An.
A.Grabau, 42; Ge­schichte­ der
Deutschen­ in­ Buffalo­ und­ Erie
County,­N.Y. (Buffalo 1898) 268–269
(English) and 269–270 (German);
Iwan, Die­ Altlutherische­ Auswan­derung, II:91; Abdell Ross Wentz, A
Basic­ History­ of­ Lu­theran­ism­ in
America, rev. ed. (Philadelphia,
1964), 100; “The Story of Trinity Old
Lutheran Church” (see n. 47); Nelson, The­ Lutherans­ in­ North
America, 154–155.
50
Johannes Andreas Grabau, Lebens­lauf­ des­ Ehrwürdigen­ J.­ An.­ A.
Grabau, 42–43; Geschichte­ der
Deutschen­ in­ Buffalo, 269–270
(English) and 270–271 (German);
Wilhelm Albert Grabau, Die­ Ge­schichte­ der­ Familie­ Grabau,
185–86; “The Story of Trinity Old
Lutheran Church” (see n. 47).
51
Johannes Andreas Grabau, Lebens­lauf­ des­ Ehrwürdigen­ J.­ An.­ A.
Grabau, 50; Nelson, The­ Lutherans
in­ North­ America, 176. Abdel Ross
Wentz, The­ Lutheran­ Church­ in
American­ History (Philadelphia,
1923), 157, observes that the synod
was very rigid in doctrine and discipline and has not grown very rapidly;
similarly Wentz, A­ Basic­ History­ of
Lutheranism­in­America 114 .
52
Wilhelm Albert Grabau, Die
Geschichte­der­Familie­Grabau, 186;
Gerber, “The Pathos of Exile,” 513;
“The Story of Trinity Old Lutheran
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OLD LuTHERANS, NOTES
Church” (see n. 47); Fred W. Meuser,
The­ Formation­ of­ the­ American­ Lu­theran­Church:­A­Case­Study­in­Lu­theran­Unity (Columbus, 1958), esp.
226–27; Wentz, A­ Basic­ History­ of
Lutheranism­ in­ America, 67 and
287–291; Nelson, The­ Lutherans­ in
North­America, 176–177.
53
Wilhelm Albert Grabau, Die
Geschichte­der­Familie­Grabau, 187.
54
Wilhelm Albert Grabau, Die
Geschichte­der­Familie­Grabau, 186;
“The Story of Trinity Old Lutheran
Church” (see n. 47).
55
56
Theodore G. Tappert, ed., Lutheran
Confessional­ Theology­ in­ America
1840–1880 (New York, 1972)
252–254; Tappert, ibid., 29, speaks
of Grabau’s “hierarchical pretensions.”
Wentz, The­ Lutheran­ Church­ in
American­ History, 156; Walter A.
Baepler, A­ Century­ of­ Grace;­ A
History­ of­ the­ Missouri­ Synod
1847–1947 (St. Louis: Concordia
Publishing House, 1947), 137–142;
Wentz, A­ Basic­ History­ of
Lutheranism­ in­ America, 113;
Nelson, The­ Lutherans­ in­ North
America, 176–177. The text of this
letter, in an English translation by
William Schumacher, together with
an introductory essay, is found in
Robert A. Kolb and Thomas E.
Manteufel, eds., Soli­ Deo­ Gloria:
Essays­ on­ C.­ F.­ W.­ Walther­ in
Memory­ of­ August­ R.­ Suelflow (St.
Louis: Concordia Publishing House,
2000) 133–154; for the text see also
www.ctsfw.net/media/
pdfs/grabauhirtenbrief.pdf.
57 Johannes Andreas Grabau, Lebens­lauf­ des­ Ehrwürdigen­ J.­ An.­ A.
Grabau, 44–49; Geschichte­ der
Deutschen­ in­ Buffalo, 270 (English)
and 271 (German); Baepler, A
Century­of­Grace, 142; Gerber, “The
Pathos of Exile,” 512; “The Story of
Trinity Old Lutheran Church” (see n.
47).
58
Johannes Andreas Grabau, Lebens­lauf­ des­ Ehrwürdigen­ J.­ An.­ A.
Grabau, 74–75; “The Story of
Trinity Old Lutheran Church” (see n.
47).
59
Geschichte­der­Deutschen­in­Buffalo,
270–71 (English) and 271 (German);
Wilhelm Albert Grabau, Die­ Ge­schichte­der­Familie­Grabau, 189.
60
“The Story of Trinity Old Lutheran
Church” (see n. 47).
61
“The Story of Trinity Old Lutheran
Church” (see n. 47).
62
Dictionary­of­Scientific­Biography, 5
(1972), 486–488. The catalog of the
New York Public Library lists twenty-five different titles. Wilhelm
Albert Grabau, Die­ Geschichte­ der
Familie­Grabau, 188.
63
Gustav Philipp Körner, Das­deutsche
Element­ in­ den­ Vereinigten­ Staaten
von­ Nordamerika,­ 1818–1848 (Cincinnati, 1880), new ed., Patricia A.
Herminghouse (New York, 1986), 71
and 313–14; William G. Bek, The
German­ Settlement­ Society­ of
Philadelphia­ and­ Its­ Colony,
Hermann,­ Missouri (Philadelphia,
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POHLSANDER
1907), rev. ed. Dorothy Heckmann
Shrader (Boston, 1984); Richard
O’Connor, The­ German-Americans:
An­ Informal­ History (Boston, 1968)
80–82; Forster, Zion­ on­ the
Mississippi, 250; Gustav Koerner,
“German Immigration and Settlement,” in Don Heinrich Tolzmann,
Missouri’s­German­Heritage, 2nd ed.
(Milford, OH, 2006), 6–37. The town
is named after Hermann, better called
Arminius, the Germanic chieftain
who defeated the Romans in the
Battle of the Teutoburg Forest in 9
A.D. The town observed the twothousandth anniversary of that battle
with elaborate festivities in 2009.
64
Forster, Zion­ on­ the­ Mississippi,
Chapters I–IX; O’Connor 230–232;
Wentz, A­ Basic­ History­ of
Lutheranism­ in­ America, 100;
Nelson, The­ Lutherans­ in­ North
America, 155–157; Oliver K. Olson,
“The Landing of the Saxons
1839–1989,” Lutheran­ Quarterly
(new series, Milwaukee, WI), 3
(1989), 357–411; Thomas K. Kuhn,
“Stephan, Martin,” in BBKL 10,
(1995) 1402–1403; Koerner, “St.
Louis as a German-American
Center,” in Tolzmann, Missouri’s
German­Heritage, 58, n. 4.
65
Baepler, A­Century­of­Grace, 32–33;
Forster, Zion­ on­ the­ Mississippi,
418–422; Nelson, The­ Lutherans­ in
North­America, 178.
66
Wentz, The­ Lutheran­ Church­ in
American­History, 154–155; Baepler,
A­Century­of­Grace, 97–106; Wentz,
A­ Basic­ History­ of­ Lutheranism­ in
America,112 and 202; Forster, Zion
on­the­Mississippi, 532–533; Nelson,
The­ Lutherans­ in­ North­ America,
178; August R. Suelflow, Servant­of
the­Word:­Life­and­Ministry­of­C.­F.
W.­Walther (St. Louis, 2000); Daniel
Schwenzer, “Walther, Carl Ferdinand
Wilhelm,” in BBKL 18 (2001)
1472–1476; Koerner, “St. Louis as a
German-American Center,” in
Tolzmann, Missouri’s­ German­ Heri­tage, 58, n. 4, and 61, n. 19.
67
Roy A. Suelflow, “The Relations of
the Missouri Synod with the Buffalo
Synod up to 1866,” Concordia
Historical­ Institute­ Quarterly 27
(1954), 1–19, 57–73, and 97–132;
Wentz, A­ Basic­ History­ of­ Lu­theranism­ in­America, 139 and 203;
Nelson, The­ Lutherans­ in­ North
Ame­rica, 227–228.
68
Baepler, A­ Century­ of­ Grace,
319–330; Wentz, A­ Basic­ History­ of
Lutheranism­in­America, 342–343.
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maP of The area under discussion
courTesy hans a. Pohlsander