Society for History Education "Glory," the 54th Massachusetts Infantry, and Black Soldiers in the Civil War Author(s): Joseph T. Glatthar Source: The History Teacher, Vol. 24, No. 4 (Aug., 1991), pp. 475-485 Published by: Society for History Education Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/494706 Accessed: 29/04/2010 09:06 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=history. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Society for History Education is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The History Teacher. http://www.jstor.org "Glory,"the 54th MassachusettsInfantry, and Black Soldiers in the Civil War Joseph T. Glatthar Universityof Houston IN 1988, PERHAPS THE MOST POWERFULFILM of the year was "MississippiBurning."Based on a real-life experience,it was the storyof the murderof three civil rights workers in a small, 1960s Mississippi community and the ensuing searchfor the culprits.To all its viewers, the violence, intimidation,andsolidarityof the white populationleft a marked impression.Unfortunately,the screenwritersalteredtheroleof theFederal Bureau of Investigation, converting obstructionists into heroes. Such tamperingwith reality evoked a steady streamof criticism and may have cost the film the prize for best picturein the 1989 Academy Awards. The succeeding year,"Glory"may have been the year's most powerful movie. It, too, was a storyof real life, aboutCol. RobertGould Shaw and the 54th Massachusetts(Colored)Infantryin the Civil War.And although the film failed to receive a nominationfor best picture at the Academy Awards, much to the chagrinof critics and viewers, the film received the second largesttotal of "Oscars."Butjust how accuratewas the film? Did it portrayblack soldiersand theirwhite officers in a properlight?Was the regiment highlighted, the 54th Massachusetts, representativeof black militaryservice in the Civil War?If not, what sortsof misguidedperceptions did this movie teach the uniformedpublic? My answers to these questionswill be basedon archivalevidence andon my own book dealing with blacksoldiersandwhiteofficers in theCivil War.I will pointout what The History Teacher Volume 24 Number 4 August 1991 476 Joseph T. Glatthar I considerto be excusableandinexcusabledistortionsof historyin thefilm andask, wherethe film is purelyfictional,whetherit is or is not conveying a real sense of actual events and humanrelationships. "Glory" revolves around two sets of characters,Col. Robert Gould Shaw and his close friend,the fictional Maj.CabotForbes, andfour black soldiers, also fictional. One of those black men, an intellectualand longtime friendof Shaw andForbes,servesas a nexus betweenthe two groups, and throughout much of the film this character named Thomas fits comfortablywith the white men. The movie begins, appropriatelyenough, at the battle of Antietam, where Shaw sustainsa wound and wherea Federalrepulseof the Confederate invading force enables President Abraham Lincoln to issue the EmancipationProclamationfrom a position of greaterstrength.We see, betterthanin any otherCivil Warfilm, the confusion,brutality,andhorror of the battlefield,butalso its pageantryandexcitement.The viewercannot help butadmiretheenormouscourage,andpowerfulsense of commitment to a cause, thatenables these tightly-packedranksto fight in a seemingly hopeless situation. Fromthis point, however,themovie conformsonly loosely to historical fact. After a savage hospital scene, the movie picks up young Shaw at a cocktail party,where MassachusettsgovernorJohn Andrew offers him a commission to raise a black regiment,by implication(false) the first one of its kind, in the presenceof an apparentlyaged FrederickDouglass, who was actuallyin his mid-fortiesduringthe war.Shaw promptlyaccepts this monumentaltask and calls upon his friend CabotForbes to assist him. At Readville, Massachusetts,Shaw begins to assemble his black command. There he and an Irish sergeantdrill and toughen the men for the hardshipsof combat. Shaw andForbesclash as they reconcile abolitionist principles and friendship for Thomas with military structureand the necessity to prepare the men for battle. At the same time, a strongly independentex-slave namedTripgrappleswith thenotionof takingorders from others,especially white men, as well as coming to rely on others for his safety. Slowly, throughattentionto duty and supportfor the principle of equaltreatmentamongblackandwhitetroops,Shawwins over themen, except for the recalcitrantTrip. Finally, after a rousing paradethroughthe streets of Boston, the 54th Massachusettsembarksfor the war zone, a theatreof tertiaryimportance, SouthCarolina.ThereShawandhis men encounterprejudiceagainstblack service in combat.Militaryauthoritiesemploy themon a plunderingraid, which humiliatesShaw and his men, and it is only throughblackmailthat the 54th is allowed to join an active campaignthat will enable its men to demonstratevalor on the field of battle.In its first fight, the 54th Massa- "Glory," the 54th Massachusetts Infantry, and Black Soldiers in the Civil War 477 chusetts performsheroicallyand disproves all notions thatblacks did not possess the characterto standup in combat. Trip, with years of pent up frustrationagainst the white race, is a terror-possibly savage--on the battlefield,as he alone disposes of numerousConfederates.The intellectual Thomas, on the other hand, is shaken by the horror of battle. Nevertheless, Thomas rises above his fear and a painful wound to kill a man and save Trip's life. Thomas thenearnsthe respectof Trip, who had ridiculed the accommodationistThomas as "Snowflake"throughoutthe movie, and also of the officers and men of the 54th, because of his insistence on staying with the regimentdespite a nasty wound. Trip, too, gains enormousrespectfrom the men and is nominatedfor a commendation by the black sergeantmajor. As the 54th Massachusettsmoves into position for an attackon Fort Wagnerthe next day, white soldiers who had disparagedthese black men just days earlier, now cheer them and urge, "Give 'em hell, 54th." The attackon Fort Wagneris near suicidal, as Shaw, Trip, and othersdie and are buried together. In that failed assault, however, the courage of the officers and men of the 54th convinces the governmentto recruitmore black soldiers. Their death won opportunityfor others. The Shaw we see is a sober,disciplinedyoung man, older and wiser in characterthanhis twenty-fiveyears.He appearsstaunchlyabolitionistbut tempersthis with knowledge of whatcombat is like and thatdiscipline is necessary if his regiment is to perform well in battle. Only through segments of actual lettersto his parents,which are read periodicallyand sometimes do not correspondwith the time frame of the movie, do we obtain a glimpse into his personal side. Shaw is shown to be deeply philosophical(he readsRalphWaldoEmersonin his tentat night),warmly devoted to his family and the cause, impressedby the greatresponsibility of being a company and latera regimentalcommander,and surprisedto discover his fine leadershipqualities. While the missives Shaw sent to his parentsenable us to see certain components of his personality,his actual letters in the archives (but not sharedwith the viewers of the film) to best friend Charley Morse reveal somethingvery different.This Shaw is lively and passionate,much more the witty and frolicsome twenty-five year old. He is a popularman, with scores of friends,and is deeply in love with a New York woman.Like the film version, this Shaw is a staunchabolitionistand recognizes the great responsibility of commanding a black regiment, but he also likes and appreciatesthe promotionto the rankof colonel. The movie viewer also gets no real sense that Shaw carried racial baggage. In the lettersto CharleyMorse we see Shaw as a white manof his times. There he refers to the debate over the use of black troops as "the 478 JosephT. Glatthar nigger question"andplays upracialstereotypes.In one letter,for example, Shaw draws upon the white man's caricatureof blacks and claims that physical differences interferewith a black soldier's ability to drill: "The heel questionis not a fabulousone-for some of themarewonderfulin that line-[.] One man has them so long that they actually preventhim from makingthe facings properly."This is a very differentShaw thanwe see in his letters to his parentsand in the film.' Unlike Shaw, thefourblacksoldiersarenot basedon any individualsin the 54th Massachusetts.Along with the intellectualThomas, there is the recalcitrantTrip, a runaway who had sustained severe whippings in slavery; the sergeantmajor, an ex-slave and formergrave digger whose sage counsel and solid characterhelp the 54th develop into an excellent regiment; and a stuttering freedman from South Carolina, naive yet endearing in his deep sense of religion and the way he cherishes the prospects of freedom. In fact, the screenwriter,KevinJarre,may havefoundgreateremotional power had he reliedon the actualblacksoldiersof the 54th Massachusetts. What could be more dramaticthana regimentwith FrederickDouglass's son as sergeantmajor, or a sergeantlike William Carney,the first black Medalof Honorrecipientwho rescuedthe flag at FortWagnerdespitefour wounds (one in each leg, anotherin his chest, and the last one in his right arm), or even Sgt. Robert J. Simmons, who sustaineda mortal wound fighting for reunionand freedomthreedays aftera white New York City mob had terrorizedhis motherand sister and clubbed to deathhis sevenyear old nephew?2 By comparison,the real 54th was quitedifferentfrommost black units. It was a regimentraised with considerablefanfarethroughoutthe North, andover seventy-five percentof its black soldierswere bornin free states. Except for Louisianaregimentsmade up of free blacks, it tendedto have more skilled workersthanmost otherblack commands,and based on the numberof lettersthathave survivedor were publishedin newspapers,its men were highly literate,probablymore so thanother black troops.3 Because the 54th Massachusettsattractedmany of the finest young black men the North had to offer, it took the lead in several key issues. Along with its sister regiment, the 55th MassachusettsInfantry,which drew a numberof its blackand white leadersfrom the 54th, it initiatedthe fight for equalpay, andsteadfastlyrefuseda substandardwage for the same work and risks. When Governor Andrew attempted to intervene and provide the difference between the U.S. Government'spay for black and white soldiers, the regiment again protested.The equal pay issue was a matterof principle, that the federal governmenttreatall its soldiers the same, and not one of money.4 "Glory,"the 54th MassachusettsInfantry,and Black Soldiers in the Civil War 479 In anotherareaof discrimination,its blacknon-commissionedofficers challenged the policy thatkept qualifiedblack men from commissions as officers in combatunits.Althoughblacksandmanywhites in the regiment failed to win the fight over the promotionof Hospital StewardTheodore Becker to assistant surgeon, due to the objections of two white officers, they eventuallywon the promotionof threemen to lieutenancieslate in the war.5 The 54th's white officers, too, were differentfrom those of most black units. GovernorJohnAndrewhad sought"forits officers-particularly its field officers-young men of military experience, of firm anti-slavery principles,ambitious,superiorto a vulgarcontemptfor color, andhaving faith in the capacity of colored men for militaryservice."6With the likes of Shaw, Edward and Penrose Hallowell, and many others, Andrew probablyassembledmoreactiveabolitionistsforit andthe55th Massachusetts Infantrythanfor any otherblackunits which servedin the war.Many of them fully supportedtheir black men in the battles over equal pay, promotion of qualified individuals, and the use of black regiments in combat.7 Apparently,in departingfromhistoricalfact the screenwriterwas using the 54 Massachusettsas a vehicle to representtheexperienceof most black soldiers. In the film the viewer senses correctlythat a preponderanceof black soldiers were ex-slaves. Of the 178,000 black males who actually served in the Union Army, 144,000 came from slave states. In the movie (again,contraryto fact), Shawrelied on a white sergeantto drillhis troops. The impression conveyed is correct, however, because during the war, most blackregimentsdid have white firstsergeants,whose purposewas to teach various tacticalmaneuversto the troopsand who served as replacements when vacancies as lieutenants developed. The real 54th Massachusetts,however,used blackenlistees, "whohave been well drilled,& are acting sergeants-[.] They drill their squads with a great deal of snap," insisted Shaw.8 Ratherthanadhererigidlyto historicalaccuracy,the screenwriteropted to createaffairsandevents thatdramatizedcertainimportantexperiences. They depict Tripas the leaderin the rejectionof unequalpay, when Shaw was actuallythe one who declaredunacceptable$7 per month,plus $3 for a clothing allowance, while white privatesearned$13 per month and $3 for clothing and higher ranks received higher pay. By having a black soldier lead the protest, though, the screenwriterconveyed a critical message, that even within the circumscribedworld of military service, blacks were a force. In truth,they had means of influencing the world aroundthem, of takingmattersinto theirown hands when individualsor the system were treatingthem unfairly.9 480 Joseph T. Glatthar Again, the screenwritermanufactureda fictionalconfrontationbetween Colonel Shaw and a major who is a quartermaster,to obtain necessary shoes for his troops. Shaw coerces the quartermasterthroughphysical intimidationinto providingbasic necessities for his men. Inretrospectthis event smacksof improbability.It is difficultto believe thata colonel could not obtain shoes and uniforms from a major for his troops who were stationed in Massachusettsin close proximity to where the shoes and uniforms were made, or that the major would justify his actions on a shortage.'0However,the incidentdoes highlighttheintenseracialdifficulties anddownrightobstructionistattitudethatmanywhitesadoptedtoward black soldiers. Time after time, particularlyin 1862 and 1863, Union soldiersandNortherncivilians attemptedto undercutthe greatexperiment of black militaryservice. White mobs in and out of uniformstoned black commandsandpickedfights withblacksoldiers.Blackunitswereassigned to the most degrading duties and provided with inferior to inadequate equipment to accomplish assignments. It was a conscientious effort to debase black soldiers and theirwhite officers, and only theirperformance in combat quelled this abuse." Shaw's fight for shoes also suggests the very real importanceof white officers standingup for theirblack soldiers. Racial discriminationin the North and enslavement in the South had convinced blacks to look upon whites with a jaundicedeye. Certainlya willingness on the partof whites to commandblack soldiersgave themstandingwith theirenlistedmen, but it was still imperativethatwhite officers performacts thatindicateda real interest in the well-being of their black troops. Often white officers accomplished this by assisting black soldiers in personaldifficulties that arose in the transitionfrom slavery to freedom,or by takinga public stand in oppositionto whites andin supportof theirblack men. In the film it was only when Shaw took a personal interest in the welfare of his men in fighting discriminationand obtaining shoes that he really began to win their confidence. A willingness to command them gave Shaw some respect; waging a successful battle against discrimination won their hearts.'2 Even though Shaw never, as the movie incorrectly depicts, had to blackmail his superiorofficers into sending the 54th Massachusettsinto battle, the hesitancy and in many cases unwillingness of high-ranking officers to employ black troops in combat was very real. Many whites, includinggeneralofficers, believed the black race lacked the characterto sustain itself during the arduousnessof combat. One, in fact, Maj. Gen. TrumanSeymour,was second in commandof the attackon FortWagner. While planning the assault Seymour told his superiorofficer, "Well, I guess we will let Stronglead andputthose d d niggers fromMassachu- "Glory,"the 54th MassachusettsInfantry,and Black Soldiers in the Civil War 481 setts in the advance;we may as well get ridof themone time as another." Clearly Seymour was suggesting thatthey dispose of the problemof the black soldiers in the department,and the entire issue of black military service, in this one assault." Where the screenwriter excelled is his masterful portrayal of the "human" dimensions of the military experience. Nothing was more thrillingfor black soldiers,as the movie indicates,thanreceiving weapons and donning the blue uniformfor the first time. In thatmomentthe federal governmentwas acknowledging thatblacks could contributein real and significant ways in times of nationalcrisis. The Union was admittingthat blacks were an integralcomponentof this nation,and the enormouspride that black soldiers felt at that instant was something they never forgot. "This was the biggest thing thatever happenedin my life," recalled one black veteran."Ifelt like a man with a uniformon and a gun in my hand." Anotherblacksoldier, a formerslave, may have describedit best when he wrote, "I felt freedom in my bones."'14 Moreover,when thefederalgovernmentplacedthatblue uniformon the black man, and a rifled musket in his hand,it signalled more clearly than ever before that he was to take an active role in freeing his family and ancestors from bondage. "We are fighting for liberty and right," pronounceda blacksergeant,"andwe intendto follow the old flag while there is a man left to hold it up to the breeze of heaven. Slavery must and shall Black soldiers became the embodimentof the hopes and pass away.""'5 dreamsof millions andmillions of blacksthroughoutthe NorthandSouth, and theyvowed to endureany andall hardshipsto terminatethe institution of slavery. The movie displays with wonderfulclaritythe way combatdrawsmen together. Soldiers in battle depend on one anotherfor survival, and that forges powerful bonds among them. That first engagement of the 54th MassachusettsforeverendearedShaw to the men. All the drilling,all the training,all the hard work paid dividends in battle. He had preparedthe men well for combat and then stood alongside them throughoutthe fight. All now knew he hadbeen hardon them to save lives and to enhancetheir performanceon the battlefield. Even more strikingis the relationshipthatdevelops between Thomas andTrip. Otherthantheirracialheritageand theiroutsiderstatuswith the other soldiers, the two men have little in common. Thomas is an intellectual who has enjoyed the benefits thatfew of his racehave. He is polished, urbane,and gentlemanly.Trip, on the other hand, is an ex-slave, beaten terribly during bondage, who has survived by looking out for himself. Unlike Thomas,he has very little hope the whiteman will reformhis ways of mistreatingmen andwomen of Africandescent,andhe is openly hostile 482 Joseph T. Glatthar to all who take ordersfrom whites. Trip regularlytauntsand humiliates Thomas, until the two men enter combat. There, with their lives in jeopardy,Thomasrises up in a fit of passion and saves Trip's life. At that instant a bond is establishedbetween two very dissimilarmen, and also between each one of them and their comrades in the 54th. From that momenton, when lives areat stake,bothsoldiersknow thattheycan count on one anotherand theirfellow soldiers. The night before the assault on Fort Wagner,in what may be the most effective scene of the entiremovie, the blacksoldierssit arounda campfire and sing spirituals.They are an entirely differentset of fellows thanhad assembled in Massachusettsjust five months earlier, and have gathered togetherto cleanse theirsouls on the eve of combat.Therethey find solace in religion and one another.Soldiers announcetheir belief in a just God who will see them throughthe day or take theirlives in a noble cause and permitthementryinto a new worldof everlastingpeace andfreedom.From God they derive strengthand collectively they will harnessthatmight in battle.Aroundfromone soldierto anotherit goes, andwhen it is Trip'sturn he makesa confession. He neverhada family andhadalways been a loner. But for the first time in his life he feels thereareothersupon whom he can rely. In an act that requires all his courage, he admits that the 54th Massachusettsis now his family. Such adaptationswith historicalfact help to develop very real underlying concepts, but some errorsin the movie serve no apparentpurposeand only convey a false image. In such instancesthe uninformedaudience is misled and the film loses credibility with knowledgeableviewers. What was the benefit of conveying the impressionthat the 54th Massachusetts was the first black regimentcreatedin the war?Was it necessaryfor the screenwriterto alterthechronologyandhave Shawdiscussingthe"recent" battleof Fredericksburg,foughtin December 1862, while he was whipping his black soldiers into shape, even though Governor Andrew did not receive authorizationfrom the War Departmentto organize the 54th Massachusettsuntil the end of January1863? Why did the screenwriter include the fictional execution by Col. James Montgomeryof a black soldier for striking a white women? Did not the viewer already get the impressionthatMontgomerywas a hardman, who advocateda harshwar and had a low opinion of his black troops?In real life, priorto the assault on FortWagner,Gen. Strongrodeup to the 54th, gave its men some words of encouragement,and asked if the flag carrierfell, who would take over his duties. Shaw removed a cigar from his lips and replied calmly, "I In the movie, though, it is Shaw asking the questionand Thomas will."''16 delivering the response.Was not the real experiencemore dramatic?Was it necessary for Thomas to step forward?Had not his performanceat the "Glory," the 54th Massachusetts Infantry, and Black Soldiers in the Civil War 483 fight on James Island, and his insistence on staying with the regiment despite a fairly serious wound,convinced us thathe had bondedwell with his comrades?And what was the point of feeding the viewers inaccurate and misleading information at the end of the film? The screenwriter asserted that over one-half the 54th MassachusettsInfantrywere "lost," whichconveys to the less informedviewer the message thatthey perished. In fact, slightly over forty percent were casualties (killed, wounded, missing, or captured),no doubta huge number,butconsiderablydifferent in magnitude.They thenstatethat"FortWagnerneverfell," whichis flatly wrong and misleads the viewer into thinking that the attack lacked purpose. Fort Wagner controlled some gun positions on Morris Island, which in turnwerevital in theprotectionof partof Charlestonharbor.After the attack,Federalsemployed a traditionalsiege and within two months forced the Confederatesto abandonFortWagner.'7 The most unfortunateepisode, though, was the whipping of Trip for desertion. Other than the battle scenes, this was easily the most savage moment of the film, one fraughtwith errorsthatworkedat cross purposes with otherevents in the movie. First,Trip's offense was absence without leave, not desertion. Of all infractions,AWOL was probably the most common in the Civil War, usually punishable by some fatigue duty, docking one's pay for a month,or a few days in the guardhouse. Second, Trip received no trial by general or regimentalcourt martial, which is requiredby the Articles of War.'"Third,whippinghad been a rarepunishment before the war and was abolishedby Act of Congress on August 5, 1861.19The scene, then, assigns to Shaw qualities of brutalitythat he probablydid not possess andalso a willingness to disregardthe Articles of War, which probablywould have led to his own courtmartial.20It leaves the viewer with theimpressionthatwhippingwas a fairlycommonpractice in black units, when extensive researchuncoveredonly one instance of flogging. An officer has two drummerboys whippedand as a result the black troops mutinied when they believed that officer would go unpunished. In the end, the officer was dismissed fromthe service andtwo black soldiers were executed for mutinyandsix othersreceivedjail sentences.21 The whipping episode also conveys to the viewer the sense that black soldiers would toleratesuch abuse. It stripsfrom blacks the role of active players in their world and suggests that as free men they would meekly accept this brutality.In the Civil War,even thoughblacks were subordinate to white officers and within the structuredenvironmentof the army, they were able to assertthemselves anddevelop individualandcollective identities. There were naturalbonds among them forged through the institution of slavery, racial discrimination and, most importantly, combat. They were, therefore, highly sensitive to acts by whites that smacked of 484 Joseph T. Glatthar unfairnessorphysicalbrutality.Even suchpunishmentsas tying up unruly soldiers were perceived as excessive. Time after time black troops responded by cutting comrades free, and on numerous occasions they launchedfull-scale mutinies against this sort of mistreatment.22 Despite these shortcomings,"Glory"is a fine movie thatall shouldsee. While it does misinformits audienceandfrequentlydivergesfromhistorical accuracy,the film depicts many of the personalexperiencesof service in theUnitedStatesColoredTroopsextremelywell. Since mostAmericans probablyhadno idea blacksfoughtin the Civil War,let alone so valiantly, thatknowledge may help to alter the public's perceptionof black contributions to the developmentof this country.And thatis all for the good. If we are to treat minorities with justice in the future, we must begin by acknowledging and lauding theirefforts in the past. I give "Glory"thumbsup. Notes 1. R.G.S. to Charley, 4 March 1863. Robert Gould Shaw Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society. See the author's Forged in Battle. The Civil War Alliance ofBlack Soldiers and 2. White Officers (New York: The Free Press, 1990), pp. 139-40. The 54th Mass. had 75% born in free and 25% born in slave states. In prewar 3. occupations, 12% were skilled and 2% were what we would refer to as white collar workers. Descriptive Books of 54th Mass. Record Group 94, National Archives. For a sample of other black troops, see Glatthaar, Forged in Battle, Appendix I. Literacy figures do not exist. My statement is subjective, although based on wide research. 4. Glatthaar, Forged in Battle, pp. 170-71. See Fort Green to Recorder, 24 Aug. 1864. Christian Recorder, 24 Sep. 1864. 5. 6. [Gov. Andrew] to Francis G. Shaw, 30 Jan. 1863. Luis Emilio, A Brave Black Regiment: History of the Fifty-Fourth Regiment of Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry. (Boston: Boston Book Company, 1894), pp. 3-5. 7. Of the officers in the 54th Mass., 14% were skilled, 5% were unskilled, 3% were farmers, and 76% were white collar workers before the war. See Emilio, Brave Black Regiment, pp. 328-38. By comparison with other white officers, they were less skilled, had fewer farmers and unskilled workers, and had a much higher percentage of white collar workers. See Glatthaar, Forgedin Battle, Appendix I. As for its number of abolitionists, that is based mainly on the process in which white officers were assigned to other black units. Andrew controlled these assignments, while the War Department did it for most other black units. Andrew was particularly concerned about abolitionists in the 54th. 8. R.G.S. to Charley, 4 March 1863. Robert Gould Shaw Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society. 9. For the fight over unequal pay, see Glatthaar, Forged in Battle, pp. 169-76. "Glory," the 54th Massachusetts Infantry, and Black Soldiers in the Civil War 485 10. At that stage of the war, Northern manufacturing had converted magnificently to wartime production. The Union had little difficulty manufacturing such items; its problem was shipping them to troops throughout the vast regions, North and South. The screenwriter may have intended this as a particularly absurd effort to deprive black troops of necessities by claiming a shoe shortage in Massachusetts, but it still seems ridiculous. The real 54th Massachusetts issued clothing, shoes, and weapons to its men upon enlistment. See R.G.S. to Charley, 4 March 1863. Robert Gould Shaw Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society. See Glatthaar, Forged in Battle, pp. 195-200. 11. 12. See Glatthaar, Forged in Battle, pp. 93-6. 13. Testimony of Nathaniel Paige, Special Correspondent of the New York Tribune, before the American Freedmen's Inquiry Commission. "The Negro in the Military Service in the United States, 1607-1889," pp. 2586-87. Record Group 94, National Archives. Also see Glatthaar, Forged in Battle, pp. 81-5, 121-2, and 143-68. 14. Quoted in John Cimprich, Slavery's End in Tennessee (University, AL: University of Alabama Press, 1985), p. 90; Elijah Marrs, Life and History of the Rev. Elijah P. Marrs (Louisville: The Bradley & Gilbert Company, 1885), p. 22. 15. John W Pratt to Sir, 30 Nov. 1864. Christian Recorder, 24 Dec. 1864. 16. Emilio, Brave Black Regiment, p. 77. 17. See Glatthaar, Forged in Battle, p. 140. 18. A general court martial involves more serious offenses. A regimental court martial has restrictions on the severity of punishment and does not permit witnesses from outside the regiment. See John P. Callan, ed. The Military Laws of the United States Relating to the 19. Army, Volunteers, Militia, and to Bounty Lands and Pensions, From the Foundation of the Government to the Year 1863 (Philadelphia: George W. Childs, 1863). Also see Edward M. Coffman, The Old Army.: A Portrait of the American Army in Peacetime, 1784-1898 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), for information on punishments in the Regular Army. Courts martial frequently punished officers for infractions, even in the USCT 20. when black troops testified against them. See Glatthaar, Forged in Battle, p. 114. 21. 22. Glatthaar, Forged in Battle, pp. 114-16 and 222-24.
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