Ruben Gowricharn “Glocalisation and bonding in the Indian diaspora”
1. The cohesion of the Indian diaspora
This paper addresses the question of what binds the Indian diaspora together. Like most
diasporas, it is heterogeneous, for several reasons; most notably, that the migration occurred
in different eras and people moved to various places. The first wave of migration was to other
Asian societies and Africa (Parekh et al., 2003); this was followed in the nineteenth century
by the export of indentured labourers to plantation economies (Tinker, 1974), while in the
modern era the phenomenon has been characterised by several forms of international
migration, including from India and former plantation economies to western states (Clarke et
al., 1990). In most of these societies, the Indians and their descendants succeeded in
constituting distinctive ethnic groups. However, the disparities in migration selection, cultural
descent, host societies and historical epochs has muddied the waters, meaning that these
ethnic groups do not necessarily feel akin, but they do feel related. The question that presents
itself is how this bonding between the diverse segments is forged.
The unity between diaspora communities has often been described in terms of
concepts such as family bonding, social networks and ethnic identity (cf. Vertovec, 2009;
Faist et al., 2013). These concepts assume cultural similarity and common interests, but the
problem is that they are restricted to relatively short periods of time. What happens with the
bonding process after a few decades or after a generational change is unclear. In addition, the
concepts are valid at different levels: family bonding refers to individual attachments, while
ethnic identity presupposes some degree of groupism (Brubakers, 2006). Since the bonding of
diasporas presupposes ethnic communities, the question is one of how these groups are and
remain affiliated.
The central argument of this paper is that the connection occurs through glocalisation.
This concept refers to the absorption of global cultural elements by local culture. Oft-referred
to examples of glocalisation include the worldwide ubiquity of MacDonalds and Coca-Cola.
Robertson (2012, p. 196), in outlining the micro-marketing origins of the concept, argued that
there is no contradiction between the global and the local; rather, globalisation has been
involved in the definition of ‘home’, ‘locality’ and ‘community’. In this view, glocalisation is
an aspect of globalisation. However, such representation gives slight cause for concern; first
of all, it clouds the distinction between globalisation and localisation and blurs the role of the
actors as regards how they form their homes and communities, as well as how localities are
shaped. In addition, if locality is subsumed into the concept of globalisation – which, by
definition, is homogenising – it would be difficult to make a case for why localities are
different and how these differences originate.
Departing from the global and local forces that foster community and locality, it
should be emphasised that global elements are selectively adopted and adjusted to local
practices and uses. This is not a new phenomenon; many scholars have pointed to this
selective incorporation. Examples include Douglas (1982), who argued the selectivity of
adopted elements in acculturation, while Hall (1980) accentuated the encoding and decoding
performed by the actors involved. In this context, a crucial difference should be pointed out
between the type of globalisation that is usually referred to as emanating from the USA and
Europe and the sort that originates from the Indian subcontinent. While the former is based on
a global cultural hegemony and a corollary of the Western economic, political and military
supremacy, the latter is restricted to its diaspora communities. Consequently, the Indian
globalisation is less wide-ranging and is predominantly governed by a historical and cultural
affinity.
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Ruben Gowricharn “Glocalisation and bonding in the Indian diaspora”
In the tableau of Indian diaspora communities, India occupies a pivotal position as it
supplies the rest of the world with material and spiritual culture. Glocalisation, thus
conceptualised, presupposes some degree of integration of Indian culture into the local
society. The bonding is only understandable if these communities share similarities, even
when these similarities are allotted different meanings. One example is Bollywood, which
represents a ‘fictive culture’, but impacts the daily life of diaspora communities in various
ways (Gowricharn, 2016; Kaur & Sinha, 2005). Because global Indian culture, particularly
Bollywood and religion, fuses with the existing culture of the local community, it tends to
exert a culturally homogenising impact over all the different regions. This phenomenon is
crucial for the cohesion of the diaspora.
In order to investigate these connections and transmissions, I have employed the
concept of lived culture, which was described by Schutz and Luckmann (1974, pp. 3-4) as
“…that province of reality which the wide-awake and normal adult simply takes for granted
in the attitude of common sense”. It is a natural world, obvious for participants, until further
notice; it is shared and intersubjective. Gowricharn (2012) juxtaposed this concept of the lived
world with the Habermassian idea of the ‘system world’. The latter is formal, abstract and
public and comprises a large number of systems and institutions that broadly structure public
life. In contrast, the former is informal, concrete and private and pertains to the reality of daily
life. Both concepts are typical in the Weberian sense and can be both complementary and
contradictory; they refer to different realities.
With this in mind, the concept of lived culture needs to be narrowed down to ethnic
groups. One concept that captures live culture and ethnicity is that of ‘everyday ethnicity’
(Smith, 2015). This notion has been suggested in the context of everyday racism and
racialisation, but is also useful in terms of recording the daily activities of ethnic group
members, since it refers to their quotidian cultural routines. However, this ‘everyday
ethnicity’ is a broader concept, as it is a condensation of ethnic institutions, networks,
traditions, behavioural norms, moral values, customs and so on. This daily culture of the
diaspora communities is inherited from the past and adjusted in and through migration,
absorbs culture from the host society and is ‘updated’ with new cultural flows from India.
Below, I will consider three aspects of this lived culture that are typical of the Indian
diaspora community: the daily culture (as distinct from lived culture), the ‘invention of
traditions’ and Indian aesthetics. The community described in this paper is the Dutch
Hindustanis, who are descended from former indentured labourers who were shipped to
Suriname, then a Dutch colony, from the late nineteenth to the early twentieth centuries. They
migrated to the Netherlands in the 1960s and 70s and, at present, are estimated to number
175,000. This community is actually a ‘diaspora within a diaspora’ and is at a great distance
from its home country of India. Being a member of the community, I have been participating
for decades in all kinds of gatherings and community activities, enabling me to obtain data
from the lived culture, including daily life. The major loci were the big cities in the
Netherlands, specifically The Hague, which has the largest concentration of Hindustanis on
the European continent, and Rotterdam.
2. Daily culture
The everyday ethnicity of the Dutch Hindustanis falls into several categories of activities. One
consists of daily activities; specifically, how members of the ethnic community consciously
and unconsciously spend their time in the reproduction of their ethnic life. This daily culture
is manifested in the ‘home culture’. A second component of the everyday ethnicity is
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Ruben Gowricharn “Glocalisation and bonding in the Indian diaspora”
recurrent activities outside the home; notably weekend pastimes, family celebrations and
community festivals, the organisation of beauty contests and annual religious festivals. A
third component is rather occasional, comprising events such as public appearances from
visiting Bollywood movie stars, but it is undoubtedly part of community life. While daily
culture is largely restricted to home life, everyday ethnicity also comprises community life,
including regular and incidental activities.
The Dutch Hindustani community shares some features with the Indian culture, one
being the element of religion. About 50% of Hindustanis profess to follow the Sanatan
Dharm, often described as a conservative and orthodox variant of Hinduism; about 20% are
followers of the Arya Samadj, which is considered more in line with western monotheistic
practices; 20% are assumed to be Muslims, while the rest are either Christian or profess no
religion at all (Choenni, 2014). Most of the religious rituals are conducted in a traditional
way, using Sankrit or Hindi texts, which the audience hardly understands. Surinamese
Hindustanis have developed a local vernacular (known as Sarnami Hindustani), which is a
mixture of Indian Bhojpuri and Dutch and Creole words (Gobardhan, 2001). Until a few
decades ago, this language was the lingua franca within the community; however, it is
increasingly being replaced by Dutch. As a result, the connection with the Indian culture is
disappearing.
The food of the Surinamese Hindustanis is recognisably Indian, with specific elements
including dal, roti, the standard use of curry and pepper, several vegetables familiar to
Indians, the rejection of beef and so on. Among the younger generation, however, the
consumption of beef and pork is on the rise. At traditional feasts, such as weddings and
masses (katha and hawan), the standard meals consist of traditional vegetarian Indian food. In
contrast, daily modes of dress are highly westernised. For women, the sari is reserved for
special occasions and men are also tending to wear Indian outfits less. Annual festivals, such
as holi phagwa, diwali and nawratan, are firmly entrenched as community celebrations. In
some pious families, a greater amount of religious festivities is observed.
A distinguishing feature of the Hindustani community is the high degree of endogamy,
although racial intermarriage is increasing in both Suriname and the Netherlands. Other
aspects of the community that are typical of daily life are Indian (Bollywood) music and the
enjoyment of Indian movies. In the Netherlands, the daily ‘Indian’ entertainment of the
Hindustani community is taken care of by radio and TV. Local radio stations, which are
concentrated in the major Dutch cities and their agglomerations, broadcast in Hindi (often
alternated with Dutch and Sarnami). In terms of the music, the radio connection with India is
fostered daily by the stations playing Indian music around the clock. This is subject to
competition from YouTube, but people, especially women, are generally more comfortable
listening to the radio while doing other work. Another connection is through the
advertisements, which exhort listeners to travel to India or diaspora communities in Mauritius,
Fiji or Australia or in cities such as London, Birmingham and Singapore. Such travel is a
highly flourishing business.
With the advent of Zeetvee and ZING, Indian television has gained increased traction
with the Dutch Hindustanis. In some cities, such as The Hague, this ‘Indian facility’ is offered
by Dutch municipalities. As well as music, Indian TV broadcasts Bollywood movies, talk
shows, singing contests and documentaries on movie stars. In a similar manner to the radio, it
is common to have the TV on while working. While listening to the radio is often an
individual act, families tend to view Bollywood movies or talk shows together. In addition to
television, a major Dutch cinema chain, Pathé, regularly offers Bollywood movies to the
public. The cinema is also a place to people-watch, to be seen and to engage in social relations
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Ruben Gowricharn “Glocalisation and bonding in the Indian diaspora”
with co-ethnics. Thanks to the combination of music, television and cinema, Indian culture is
almost all-pervading.
3. The invention of tradition
When we consider the fabrication of “cultural stuff” (Barth, 1969), several concepts come to
mind. One of the most obvious is the idea of “the invention of tradition” (Hobsbawm &
Ranger, 1983), which was developed in the context of nationalism and refers to the
reactivation or invention of traditions to politically mobilise people. Others, such as the
invention of ethnicity (Conzen et al., 1992) and symbolic boundaries (Lamont & Fournier,
1992) presuppose or complement this fabrication of ‘cultural substance’. The ‘invention’ of
tradition, ethnicity and symbolic boundaries presupposes or shapes group identity, but not
necessarily that of ethnic groups. However, in diaspora communities, it is more likely that
these traditions are copied from the source culture rather than invented independently. What,
for reasons of convenience, is here labelled ‘invention’ is predominantly an adjustment of
familiar elements or a result of the incorporation of new traditions into the community. These
adopted elements connect the local community with the diaspora, although the meanings
ascribed to them may vary (Burke, 2009).
Dutch Hindustanis have been subjected to processes of ethnification. As in Suriname,
they have always been aware that they are part of an ancient civilisation that is now
worldwide (Gowricharn, 2013). They took pride in the increasing international appreciation of
India after the 1980s as a regional superpower. India’s economic development, its political
and military power and the increasing popularity of Bollywood in the West has been hugely
gratifying for Dutch Hindustanis. In this alignment, Indian cultural items are modified,
reactivated and, in some cases, invented. Older traditions have been retained and adjusted to
the new environments. There are a few examples that illustrate this process of cultural
‘invention’.
Traditionally, three festivals were celebrated in the community: Holi, an exuberant
Hindu festival taking place in March and distinguished by its use of coloured water and
powder; Diwali, the festival of lights; and Ram Lilah, a play consisting of a part of the Hindu
epic Ramayan. The latter has vanished from the community, But Holi and Diwali are still
observed all over the Indian diaspora. Holi has been adapted to conditions in the Netherlands,
partly due to the low temperature in March. Nowadays, it takes place in confined public areas
in Dutch cities and the use of water has largely been replaced by powder and perfume. It is
still a popular attraction for Hindustani youngsters. Similarly, Diwali is celebrated modestly
with lights in small potteries (called ‘dia’) and, occasionally, with larger flames coming out of
bamboo trunks. However, it is mainly small dias or electric substitutes that are used, in
accordance with fire department regulations. Despite the changes, these time-honoured
community festivals remain lively events.
However, new forms of cultural traditions and identity have also emerged. One
activity that is enjoying increasing popularity is weekend festivals, which mainly feature
dancing with appearances from community music bands. Special singing festivals are a
variation of this activity, in which several singers from the Indian diaspora take part. These
festivals are especially common on heydays. In the summer, they are supplemented by
festivals featuring showing a range of Bollywood movies, dancing and other activities. These
events culminate around the 4th of June, which commemorates the arrival of the first British
Indians in Suriname. While the social activities of the Hindustani community are most
concentrated during the summer, they continue throughout the whole year. They are part of
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Ruben Gowricharn “Glocalisation and bonding in the Indian diaspora”
community life, especially for youngsters. The agenda is widely broadcast via radio, websites
and social media (cf. Bihari-Elahi, 2014).
Another practice is the increasing use of the tika, a red mark on the forehead of
women, and the sindhoer, a red line in the middle of the head that symbolises women’s
married status; both are often seen in Bollywood movies. It has been widely observed that
these symbols are increasingly being used by the younger generation of female Hindustani
women. Also borrowed from Bollywood is Raksha Bandhan, the ritual underscoring the
relationship between sisters and brothers. Another similarly imitated item is the wedding
ceremony, including the lavish decoration of one’s house. The similarity in terms of the
design, the specific type of electric lamp, the wedding outfit and the colours is striking. The
organisation of annual beauty contests, as in other diaspora communities, is another type of
imitation. This practice is inspired by the participation of some Bollywood actresses in
international beauty pageants.
An unexpectedly established new tradition is the observance of holy days in other
European locations. For over 30 years, Hindustanis have been travelling by bus, notably to
London and Birmingham, several parts of Spain and other destinations. Bihari-Elahi (2016)
described one such ten-day excursion that saw about 2000 Hindustanis journey from the
Netherlands to Lloret de Mar in Spain. Families were accompanied by musical groups, while
local entrepreneurs offered them a range of items, most notably food and alcohol. The scale
and duration of these journeys is rarely seen, and exerts a bonding effect on the travellers.
Similar long-distance expeditions have been reported by Trotz (2006), who, referring to the
case of Guyanese in the US and Canada, argued that transnational bonds are not restricted to
bonds between home and host societies, but ‘stretched’ to forge community feelings.
Finally, change is also occurring in the field of religion; the number of rituals is
decreasing and they are getting shorter. They are now largely restricted to births, weddings
and deaths, although they are occasionally observed after recovery from sickness or when
good fortune has been had. For quite some time, rituals have been replaced by the practice of
yoga; more recently, ‘spirituality’ has made increasing ingress, a concept that can be
interpreted in several ways; however, most of the time it consists of an outline of the
philosophical meaning of Hindu customs. These interpretations are most often taken from
Indian websites and presented in an easily digested manner in order to enable comprehension
by a western audience. A parallel development is the growing popularity of the nine-day
religious festival Navratan, celebrated by Dutch Hindustanis twice a year. This event was
most likely picked up by Hindustani pilgrims to India. All of these religious adaptations, as
well as those in the field of yoga, are supported by the internet and Indian gurus.
4. Indian aesthetics
Aesthetics are an element of taste (Bourdieu, 1984); they not only reflect group markers, but
also foster bonding. However, the Bourdieuan conception of taste is restricted to class culture,
while most Hindustanis tastes also comprise bodily features, notably Caucasian somatic
features that, allegedly, are also typically Indian. In order to capture the various aspects of
Indian aesthetics, I hereby employ the concept of norm images. These are conceptions of man
that are present in every culture, therefore; they are a culturally specific ideal and actually
function as a selection device. The concept of norm images originated in a study on the choice
of marriage partners in Curacao in the 1960s; it was revealed that bodily features, notably skin
colour, were considered major elements by the actors involved. Hoetink (1967), the
progenitor of the concept, termed these ideal images “somatic normative images” and
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Ruben Gowricharn “Glocalisation and bonding in the Indian diaspora”
emphasised that they reflect both aesthetics and socio-economic position, as was dictated by
skin colour in the Curacaoan society of that time.
Much later on, and building on Hoetink, Gowricharn (1992, 2002) extended the
concept of the cultural norm image to encompass several types of behaviour and selection,
notably as regards the labour market and at the counters of social service agencies.
Gowricharn focussed on the social roles of actors and their inclusion or exclusion in specific
domains of life. In his view, cultural norm images include somatic and aesthetic aspects, as
well as moral and behavioural elements. The social role of ‘student’ implicitly carries the
expectation of behaving like a good student (in terms of performance, appearance, behaviour
and diligence). Similarly, the role of ‘mother’ correlates to certain presupposed moral and
social aspects of behaviour. The precise behaviour, particularly the moral aspects, differs
between cultures and ethnic groups. Somatic, cultural and aesthetic norm images change over
time, although some elements may remain recognisable over a long period. When connecting
Indian aesthetic norm images with the lived culture of the Hindustani community, I will
restrict myself to three items: beauty, dresses and fashion, and home decorations.
The major taste-maker, when it comes to Indian beauty ideals, is Bollywood. In this
arena, the conveyance of the desired somatic features of a beautiful woman or handsome man
is restricted to Indian actors and actresses. The phenotypes do display small variations,
especially regarding skin colour: women are supposed to be light-skinned, while males are
sometimes allowed to be somewhat darker. It should be borne in mind, however, that
conceptions of beauty change over time. While a few generations ago the body shape of most
of the actresses could easily have been described as chubby, today they are more in line with
Western images of beauty. Next, we will consider somatic features, where we can see that
beauty is underscored by fashion. For women, this is a matter of daily routine, especially
when it comes to body care and cosmetics. The daily use of kadjer to underline the eyes, oil
and other cosmetics, based on Ayurveda principles, is a case in point. Indian costumes, such
as the sari for women and sherwani for men, are only worn on special occasions. These
aesthetic norm images are advertised and distributed by the community radio, television and
new media, while local firms offer the relevant commodities in the major Dutch cities.
In addition to these items, Indian aesthetics is also highly characterised by sound,
specifically music and songs, as well as the associated dancing. Songs and music are easily
incorporated in the community, since ethnic radio and TV stations broadcast them regularly.
At celebrations, it is customary to have a musical band playing. A large proportion of this
music is of Indian origin. The qualification of ‘beautiful’ songs or music depends to some
extent on the lyrics and is sometimes limited to the memory and language of a generation.
Unlike music and songs, dance moves are not copied from Indian movies, since in the latter
they are too complicated and the music is not connected to the dancing styles that Hindustanis
are accustomed to. Nevertheless, the Netherlands has witnessed the emergence of many
dancing schools that teach classical Indian dances. These dances are intended for public
performance in the community and are appreciated for their beauty and cultural significance.
Finally, home decorations of Indian origin are a key element in the houses of many
Hindustanis. The volume as well as the composition of such decorations varies, depending on
the degree of identification with Indian culture. They also signify what the occupiers consider
a pleasant home or indicate how they have improved it. Decorations are obtained on visits to
India or received as presents from family members or friends. They usually include small
religious statues and pictures, musical instruments, photos of visits to India, souvenirs, music
CDs, DVDs, incense and tapestries. Many Hindustanis take pride in these artefacts from
India. It has been reported that Indian emigrants to the USA took home possessions with them
in order to recreate a culturally familiar environment (Mehta & Belk, 1991). In contrast, the
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Ruben Gowricharn “Glocalisation and bonding in the Indian diaspora”
Hindustanis in the Netherlands increasingly use Indian culture to shape their identity in a
newly constituted lived culture.
5. Summary
In this paper, I have argued that the cohesion of the Indian diaspora, in spite of its differences,
is shaped by cultural similarities that manifest in the lived culture of the various communities.
Using the case of the Dutch Hindustanis, I have explored three elements of this lived culture:
the daily culture, the invention (or rather the adaptation) of Indian traditions, and Indian
aesthetics. These elements of Indian culture have been incorporated through a process of
glocalisation; that is, the adaptation of selected cultural elements from India to a new
community. Glocalisation therefore connects Indian global culture and the local community
and generates bonding and cohesion in the Indian diaspora.
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Ruben Gowricharn “Glocalisation and bonding in the Indian diaspora”
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