UNIT
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1
‘Old corruption?’: parliament before
the Great Reform Act
What is this unit about?
This unit introduces key ideas about historical evidence and interpretation. In it
you will:
• find out about using sources as evidence;
• explore different historical interpretations;
• assess how far the political system before 1832 deserved its reputation for ‘Old
Corruption’;
• examine the changing ideas and attitudes of Whigs and Tories over time.
Key questions
• How did the British political system function?
• What were the principal features of parliamentary elections before 1832?
• Why do historians aim to go beyond judging the past in terms of present-day
ideas and attitudes?
Source A
SKILLS BUILDER
SA
The sturdy trunks are
topped by a crown, a
mace, and a bishop’s
mitre together with
a duke’s coronet.
The junction of these
trunks is labelled
‘res publica’, which
is Latin for ‘public
affairs’ and which can
also mean ‘republic’.
1.1 The Constitution of England
An undated print from the
mid-1770s that represents the
institutions and values of the
English political system.
1 What do each of
the sturdy trunks
represent?
2 What do the scales
represent?
3 What keeps the
scales in balance?
1
Britain, 1830–85: Representation and Reform
A rotten system
Rotten boroughs
Rotten boroughs were
small towns that elected
Members of Parliament
despite having declined in
economic significance
and population.
Source B
Source B shows various politicians including Lord Grey, leader of the Whigs
(on the left, carrying ‘Grey’s Family Chopper’) and Tory opponents of
reform such as Sir Robert Peel (at the right-hand base of the tree) and the
Duke of Wellington (immediately to the right of Peel). The tree contains
‘Foul Nests’, labelled with the names of so-called ‘rotten boroughs’ such as
Dunwich which fell into the hands of profiteering borough-mongers. In the
cartoon the borough-mongers cry ‘You take our lives when you do take the
means whereby we live’. Many rotten boroughs were scheduled to lose
their representation in Parliament under the Whigs’ reform proposals. In
the background William IV stands on ‘Constitution Hill’ receiving thanks
from figures representing England, Scotland, and Ireland.
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Definition
1.2 The Reformers’ Attack
A print produced in April 1831,
showing reformers chopping
down a decayed tree, labelled
‘Rotten Borough System’.
SA
Understanding the British political system
2
The symbolism in Sources A and B is easy to interpret in terms of the
monarchy, the House of Lords, and the House of Commons. Although
there are important differences between the overall message of Source A
and that of Source B, there is continuity in that they both show respect for
the institution of monarchy. There was widespread pride in a political
system that seemed to have squared the circle between the competing
influences of monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy. Britain, according to
some political commentators, was a stable ‘republic’ precisely because it
had subjected its monarchy to limitations by Parliament, which in turn
represented both aristocratic and popular interests.
Parliament before the Great Reform Act
Constitution
Monarch
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Source A refers to the ‘English’ constitution even though this included
Wales, Scotland and Ireland: this was because people in England generally
regarded Wales, Scotland, and Ireland as junior and inferior partners. It is
also important to point out that there was no formal English constitution,
in the sense that applies to the United States of America, which has a
specific constitutional document that establishes rights, responsibilities,
and powers. In contrast the constitution for the British Isles was an
accumulation of various legal documents and traditions – the most
famous being Magna Carta of 1215. The fact that there was no single
fountainhead of constitutional wisdom was judged to be a strength. The
constitution had developed naturally; its peculiarities and inconsistencies
were valuable and unique. Commentators would sometimes describe how
the constitution had grown naturally by comparing it to a tree. This
positive image of natural growth was contrasted negatively with the idea
that a constitution could be invented by reason alone. No political
philosopher would have designed such a quirky system. Yet it worked.
In theory the monarch was the active head of state. The king, or queen,
chose the government and could dismiss ministers at will. The monarch
also had the power to dissolve Parliament, bringing it to an end in order
to hold fresh elections. In practice the monarch’s choice was limited by
the need for the Prime Minister to have the confidence of Parliament,
especially the House of Commons. By the early nineteenth century the
king played little role in day-to-day decisions, but could still prevent
ministers from bringing forward unwanted policies on major issues.
House of Lords
The influence of the crown was particularly noticeable in the House
of Lords, which contained hereditary peers – dukes, marquises, earls,
viscounts, and barons – together with bishops and archbishops of the
Church of England. The creation of peers, and their advancement
in the peerage was a personal decision of the monarch, who as head
of the Church of England also appointed and promoted bishops and
archbishops.
House of Commons
The House of Commons was also subject to influence from the crown
and the aristocracy. The king’s ministers could use the power of
patronage (salaries, contracts, favours, and honours) to influence certain
elections and the political behaviour of some individuals. The aristocracy
possessed vast swathes of land and were able to influence, and even in
some instances directly control, elections and political conduct in
Parliament.
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3
Britain, 1830–85: Representation and Reform
Old Corruption?
Radicalism (radical)
This term comes from the
Latin word ‘radix’ which
means ‘root’, which also
gives us the word ‘radish’,
a root vegetable. A radical
proposal is one that aims
to get to the root of a
problem. The label has
been applied to different
groups, but generally
indicates a critical
attitude towards accepted
practices. Radicalism
can take opposite forms –
such as proposing
greater intervention by
government and higher
taxes, or less government
intervention and lower
taxation.
Sinecures
Salaries paid for little or
no work done
Nepotism
SA
Giving jobs and favours to
family members and their
associates.
1.3 The System that Works
so Well
A print by George Cruikshank, a
celebrated satirical artist,
published in March 1831.
4
In the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century the existing political
system was criticised from a variety of radical perspectives. One common
demand was for a comprehensive reform of Parliament.
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Definitions
• Pressure for a radical reform of Parliament had fluctuated greatly since
the 1770s. Moderate reform had even become a respectable minority
viewpoint in Parliament during the 1780s. Yet in the 1790s the French
revolution and the rise in Britain of potentially revolutionary agitation
caused a repressive backlash that persisted even after the defeat of
Napoleon in 1815.
• Radical agitation for reform did resurface; then it peaked and withered
away by the mid-1820s. No petitions for reform were received by the
Commons between 1824 and 1829. Despite these ups-and-downs in
radical activity, there had been one clear outcome. Radical attacks on the
unreformed Parliament in newspapers, pamphlets, and prints had
succeeded in publicising the extent of government spending and
exposing bizarre variations in electoral practice.
• According to some radicals this was a system of ‘Old Corruption’ in
which a network of powerful interests controlled Parliament in order to
burden the population with unfair taxes that were then channelled back
into already privileged pockets through salaries for civil, military and
diplomatic posts. Some of these were just sinecures.
If you re-examine Source A carefully, you will notice that Lord Grey is not
taking a lead in chopping down the tree of corruption. Behind his back he
carries a piece of paper with the word ‘Nepotism’, written on it. This
suggests that this print has radical overtones, since Grey, a Whig aristocrat,
is suspected of wanting to preserve elements of ‘Old Corruption’.
Source C
Parliament before the Great Reform Act
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SKILLS BUILDER
Study Source C.
1 What is the message of this source?
2 Suggest one possible reason why this print was made?
3 How far does Source C support what you have learned so far about
attitudes towards parliamentary reform?
In Source C the House of Commons is identified as ‘St Stephens’ and is
metaphorically portrayed as a mill, complete with a wheel labelled with the
names of rotten boroughs. A spout, labelled ‘Borough Bridge’, another
rotten borough, spews forth gold and paper to hungry tax-eaters, who are
filling their pockets (and even large sacks) from an enormous bowl labelled
‘Public Money’. The flow contains ‘pensions’, ‘places’, ‘preferments’,
‘contracts’, etc. Under the mill, which is supported by upturned cannons,
there is pile of enfeebled and dying bodies.
Many radicals believed that only universal manhood suffrage would be
capable of shattering the old system. It was predicted that various benefits
would ensue. Sinecures would be abolished and government would become
cheaper and more efficient. As the cost of government fell, it would be
possible to reduce taxation and promote greater prosperity for all. Source D
was published in June 1832, showing ‘John Bull’, a stock character who
represents England and Englishness, gazing into a future world after
parliamentary reform. A two-year political struggle over reform had just
ended with the passage of the Reform Act. In a future ‘Land of Promise’
John Bull sees roast beef, beer, and plum-pudding, together with the
abolition of the Corn Laws (which prevented cheap imports of wheat and
similar grains in order to keep up prices in Britain) and the Window Tax
(which had been massively increased during the long wars against France
1793–1815 and had been halved in 1823). The Corn Laws actually survived
until 1846 and the Window Tax lasted until 1851.
The way in which various radicals analysed ‘Old Corruption’ was a mixture
of carefully researched details and fanciful theories. Some historians are
fascinated by these early radical ideas because they prefigure later political
theories. It is an inescapable conclusion, however, that early nineteenthcentury radical ideas failed to convince many leading politicians and were
regarded with extreme suspicion by large sections of the middle- and
upper-classes, who were terrified by the possibility of manhood suffrage.
Although it is important to take the complaints of early nineteenth-century
radicals seriously, their criticisms should not simply be accepted at face
value. The functioning of the British parliamentary system was certainly
complex and interconnected. Yet the notion that it was merely corrupt is
too simplistic.
Definition
Suffrage
The right to vote.
Moderate reformers
favoured suffrage based
on property or wealth.
Radical reformers usually
demanded ‘manhood
suffrage’, which was the
right of all men to vote.
This was sometimes
described as ‘universal
suffrage’ but referred
only to men (that is
until ‘suffragists’ and
‘suffragettes’ campaigned
for votes for women in the
later nineteenth century).
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Britain, 1830–85: Representation and Reform
Definitions
Constituency
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Source D
An area with the right to
send MPs to Parliament.
There were two main
types of constituency:
rural ones, called
‘counties’ and urban
ones, called ‘boroughs’.
County
SA
A rural constituency,
based on traditional
regions such as
Oxfordshire or Somerset.
The franchise was based
on property and each
county sent two MPs to
parliament. Counties were
traditionally represented
by local families. In order
to avoid the expense of a
contest, agreements were
often arranged to
maintain the ‘peace of the
county’. MPs were
frequently chosen without
any formal vote taking
place because only two
candidates were
proposed.
6
1.4 The Stepping Stone, 1832
The House of Commons
Members of Parliament (MPs) were elected to sit in the House of
Commons. They held their seats for the lifetime of a Parliament, which
was limited to seven years, and usually lasted four or five years. The
ending of a Parliament was called a dissolution, which was followed by a
general election. Any seats falling vacant between general elections, for
example because of death or retirement, resulted in a by-election for that
particular seat. Party leaders and electoral managers had much less control
over the choice of candidates than in the twenty-first century. Nowadays
national political parties have local branches to select candidates. Under
the unreformed system candidates were elected for a wide variety of
reasons, and personal choice about becoming an MP was very important.
This had a profound effect on how Parliament functioned.
The House of Commons contained 658 MPs, having risen from 558 in 1801
with the addition of 100 Irish MPs as a result of the Union. Constituencies
in England still predominated, however, returning a total of 489 MPs.
Scotland returned 45 MPs and Wales 24 MPs. There was a wide variety of
voting rights and a range of different-sized constituencies. The electoral
system was based on constituencies that were divided into counties and
boroughs.
Parliament before the Great Reform Act
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SKILLS BUILDER
Study Source D
1 What does Source D suggest might be some of the anticipated
consequences of parliamentary reform?
2 What made the Corn Laws unpopular, and how does this connect
to the image of a cheap loaf of bread?
Definitions
Borough
English counties possessed a standard franchise. Voters were described as
‘forty-shilling freeholders’: this meant that they owned land to the value of
£2. Inflation over hundreds of years had made this a low threshold and
some freeholders only owned small parcels of land. Also, those with
sufficient rental property in land were often allowed to vote even if they
were not, technically speaking, freeholders.
An urban constituency,
based on rights that had
been previously granted
by the crown. The
borough franchise and
the size of the electorate
varied tremendously.
Those with large numbers
of voters were known as
‘open’ boroughs because
they could not be
controlled; those with
small electorates were
called ‘closed’ boroughs,
and were often controlled
by a local patron. The
boroughs that received
the most criticism from
reformers were the socalled ‘rotten boroughs’,
whose seats were sold to
the highest or most
influential bidder.
• Each county returned two MPS and each elector had two votes.
Franchise
3 The banner labelled ‘Union’ refers to Thomas Attwood’s Political
Union, a middle-class reform movement that hoped parliamentary
reform would lead to a reduction in import and export duties
thereby promoting freer trade. Can you identify any other
symbolic support for such ideas in Source D?
4 In what ways do the imagery and language of this print suggest
that the artist had doubts about the future after reform?
Study Sources C and D and use your own knowledge.
5 How far does the evidence of Source D support the impression
given in Source D about ‘Old Corruption’?
Counties
• Forty English counties provided a total of 80 MPs.
• The smallest English county was Rutland with about 800 voters.
• Yorkshire was the largest county with over 20,000 voters. In 1821,
following investigations of corruption, Grampound, a small town in
Cornwall, was stripped of its two parliamentary seats, which were
transferred and added to Yorkshire at the next general election.
Elections in counties were notoriously expensive, since there was only one
polling station in the county town and candidates would be expected to pay
the cost of transportation, lodging, food, and drink for their supporters. In
1807, three candidates competing for two seats in Yorkshire spent about
£228,000 in total (which even at a very conservative estimate would be
equivalent to over £4.5 million today).
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Understandably, many candidates for county seats tried to find ways of
avoiding the expense of a poll. Arrangements were made between local
interests so that only two candidates came forward. In the preliminary
Similar in meaning to
‘suffrage’ but referring to
the specific entitlement to
vote in a constituency.
Under the unreformed
system the franchise was
very varied. In some
places, for example, it
was granted to people
paying local taxes and in
others to those living in
particular properties.
Removing the right to
vote is called
disfranchisement.
7
Britain, 1830–85: Representation and Reform
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stages voters would be entertained and placated, but at a much lower
overall cost. In the period 1790–1820 only one in six possible contests in
English counties actually went to the polls (63 out of 362).
What strikes modern eyes as a highly unrepresentative system was hardly
criticised. Despite being often returned without a single vote being cast,
English county MPs were believed to represent the genuine interests of
their locality.
Counties in Wales, Scotland and Ireland were different in significant
respects from those in England.
• Scottish counties only returned a single MP and had smaller electorates
that were often controlled by a small number of substantial landowners.
• There were three pairs of Scottish counties with such small electorates
that they alternated between parliaments.
• Welsh counties were also single-member constituencies, generally
returning MPs from families with natural territorial interests.
• Irish counties had a different franchise from those in England, and
political and religious differences between Protestants and Catholics had
significant effects on voting behaviour.
Boroughs
The other main type of constituency was the borough. Boroughs ranged
from small (and even decayed) towns to the largest cities. Most boroughs
returned two MPs, but the City of London returned four MPs and smaller
boroughs such as Abingdon and Banbury had only one MP. The universities
of Oxford and Cambridge also elected two MPs each. In total there were 203
English boroughs, returning 405 MPs. In Scotland the urban constituencies
were called ‘burghs’ and returned 23 MPs. With the exception of the capital
Edinburgh, Scottish burghs were joined into small groups, collectively
electing a single MP, with each town taking its turn in presiding over the
election. Some Welsh boroughs also followed a similar system, returning
14 MPs in total.
SA
Figure 1.5 provides details about the different types of borough franchise
in England and gives selected examples of particular constituencies. There
were about 123,000 qualified electors in English boroughs at the general
election of 1818, many of whom did not have the chance to exercise their
vote. In the period 1790–1820 only 529 borough contests took place out of
2,245 potential contests. Uncontested returns resulted from a variety of
factors, involving varying degrees of persuasion, negotiation and control.
8
Patrons of some boroughs were able to ‘nominate’ candidates of their
choice. Higham Ferrars in Northamptonshire was under the control of
Earl Fitzwilliam, who had inherited vast wealth from the Marquis of
Rockingham. No contest took place at Higham Ferrars from 1702 to 1832,
when it was finally disfranchised. Boroughs under tight control were
described as ‘closed’; and the most tightly controlled were referred to as
Parliament before the Great Reform Act
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‘pocket-boroughs’ because the choice of MP was ‘in the pocket’ of a patron.
Some closed boroughs had so far decayed in terms of population and trade
that they were described as ‘rotten’. Those who controlled rotten boroughs
were often described as ‘borough-mongers’ because they sold seats openly.
Some boroughs were ‘open’; but this did not mean that elections were
respectable affairs. Treating, bribery, and corruption (often described as
‘venality’) were commonplace. Open boroughs showed signs of venality
more publicly than closed ones.
In counties and boroughs there were a sizeable proportion of uncontested
elections. On average, during the fifty years before 1832, some two-thirds
of all elections were uncontested.
1.5 Types of franchise in English parliamentary boroughs c.1820
Franchise
Constituencies
Analysis
Householder
All male inhabitant
householders had the
right to vote (but not
paupers or almsmen),
subject to residential
qualification (usually
one year); also known
as ‘Potwalloper’,
boroughs in reference
to households with
a fireplace big enough
to boil a pot.
13 boroughs, including
Aylesbury
St German’s
Northampton
Ilchester
Preston.
The total electorate for householder boroughs was about
8,000, ranging from St German’s with 7 voters to Preston
with nearly 3,000. Ten of these boroughs had relatively
large electorates and were open to bribery and corruption.
Aylesbury with 500 voters was disfranchised in 1804 after
proven corruption and the electorate was doubled by
extending the franchise to nearby freeholders. Ilchester
changed patron seven times between 1790 and 1820, three
times by trickery. At Northampton one of the two seats was
controlled by a local family in alliance with the
corporation; the other seat was held by anti-corporation
interests, and contests were frequent. Preston had the
largest working-class electorate, which was variously
influenced by local aristocratic and manufacturing interests,
and by radicals who also began to make their mark.
Freeman
All men who had been
granted ‘freedom’ of the
borough had the right
to vote. Freeman status
was granted by the
town corporation and
could also be earned
by apprenticeship, or
gained by marriage
or inheritance
91 boroughs that may
be sub-divided into
26 large boroughs (over
1,000 voters), e.g.
Bristol
Norwich
Liverpool.
The total electorate for freeman boroughs was about
83,000 and included large boroughs such as London with
about 10,000 voters (which was also a special case because
it returned 4 MPs and the franchise was restricted to
members of the livery companies). Other large boroughs
were Bristol with about 5,000 voters; Norwich more than
3,000; and Liverpool over 2,000.
26 medium boroughs
(200–1,000 voters), e.g.
Carlisle
Guildford
Southampton.
Out of 26 medium-sized boroughs all apart from 4 had
electorates over or approaching 500 voters, such as Carlisle
with about 700 voters. Some freeman boroughs had a
mixed franchise such as Guildford and Southampton that
allowed freeholders and/or ratepayers to vote.
39 small boroughs
(fewer than 200
voters), e.g.
Dunwich
Aldeburgh.
Small freeman boroughs included various ‘rotten’ ones
such as Dunwich, a seaport that had mostly disappeared
due to coastal erosion (32 voters at most) and Aldeburgh
(about 80 voters), which was sold to a businessman for
£39,000 in 1818.
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continued over the page…
9
Britain, 1830–85: Representation and Reform
1.5 Types of franchise in English parliamentary boroughs c.1820 continued…
Analysis
Scot and Lot
Male inhabitant
householders paying
local taxes (usually
described as ‘ratepayers’)
had the right to vote.
37 boroughs (excluding
those with a mixed
franchise), including
Westminster
Southwark
Shaftesbury
Gatton.
The total electorate for scot and lot boroughs was about
25,500. The largest was Westminster with about 12,000
voters and which was regarded as a prestigious seat of
national significance in public affairs. Nearby Southwark
had 2,000–3,000 voters and was also keenly contested
because of its association with the capital. Both Westminster
and Southwark witnessed lively challenges from radical
candidates. Of the smaller scot and lot boroughs Shaftesbury
with about 350 voters was contested six times between 1790
and 1820 as rival interests sought to purchase influence
and outwit each other. The smallest was Gatton with at
most 7 voters. It was also bought and sold several times.
Corporation
The right to vote was
restricted to members
of the town corporation.
25 boroughs, including
Helston
Brackley
Buckingham
Calne.
The total electorate was about 700 voters. The largest was
Helston (70 voters), which was also slightly unusual in that
the corporation could create unlimited numbers of
freemen voters. More typical, with about 13 voters, was
Buckingham. This seat was a ‘pocket borough’, controlled
by Lord Buckingham. Likewise Brackley (33 voters) was in
the pocket of Lord Stafford, and Calne (17 voters) was
controlled by Lord Lansdowne, who suffered a brief
rebellion in 1807 when he tried to impose as MP one of his
wife’s relatives. Lansdowne backed down, which shows
that sometimes there were practical limits to what a
patron could do even with a ‘pocket-borough’.
Burgage
The right to vote was
attached to the tenancy
of a house or property
designated as a burgage
for parliamentary
elections.
30 boroughs, including
Richmond and
Old Sarum.
Burgage boroughs were the most likely to be in someone’s
‘pocket’, simply because control could be gained by buying
up the relevant properties and insisting on electoral
obedience from tenants. As a result burgage boroughs saw
few contests: only 20 out of 368 possible occasions for
1790–1820. The largest borough of this type was Richmond
with 270 voters; but the average number of voters in
burgage boroughs was about 90, and in practice much
fewer. The smallest was the notorious Old Sarum, an
entirely depopulated village (see main text for further details).
Freeholder
All freeholders within
the borough were entitled
to vote. (Voting was
sometimes restricted to
resident freeholders and
sometimes supplemented
by certain leaseholders
and copyholders).
7 boroughs, including
Reigate
Cricklade
Weymouth & Melcome
Regis.
Freeholder boroughs, like burgage ones, were dominated
by wealthy property owners. For example, There had been
no contest at Reigate since 1722 and by the early
nineteenth century was securely controlled by an
agreement between Lords Hardwicke and Somers, who
acted as if it was a burgage borough. This stirred up some
opposition in 1804, but the proprietors united in defence
of their shared interest. Cricklade allowed certain
leaseholders and copyholders to vote because the franchise
had been extended and reformed in 1782. Weymouth and
Melcome Regis was slightly unusual as a combined constituency, returning 4 MPs. In the early nineteenth century this
borough was partially reformed by forbidding the proprietors
to split freeholds in order to create extra voters.
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Constituencies
SA
Franchise
Data from Roland Thorne (ed.) The House of Commons, 1790–1820, published in 1986.
10
Parliament before the Great Reform Act
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SKILLS BUILDER
Make an ideas map to show the key features of the electoral system
before 1832.
• Place major points towards the centre, such as the difference
between counties and boroughs, then radiate outwards, summing
up key features, and then giving specific examples towards the
outer edges of the diagram.
• Use different colours or sketch in simple icons to make your
diagram more memorable.
• Practise reproducing this from memory or try explaining it to
someone – first with the aid of
your diagram and then without.
Working in pairs or small groups will help you to refine your ideas
and memorise them through active engagement rather than just
learning by rote. These are very useful techniques that can be
applied to most topics.
Rotten boroughs
It is important to recognise that Figure 1.5 only gives outline details of a
few examples. Nevertheless, it is apparent that there was considerable
variety in a system that had developed gradually over centuries without
systematic planning or review. In Unit 3 we will consider the impact of the
Reform Act upon the size and composition of the electorate. It is worth
noting, however, that 56 rotten boroughs were completely disfranchised in
1832, and 30 small boroughs were reduced to single-member
constituencies. It is not necessary to detail all the idiosyncrasies of these
small boroughs; but the following examples give a characteristic flavour.
The borough of Appleby, in the county of Westmorland, was controlled
by two family interests that nominated one member each. Philip Francis
had paid several thousand pounds to Lord Thanet for the privilege of
representing Appleby. In theory there were 200 voters, but this was a
burgage borough and there had been no contests since the mid-eighteenth
century. Appleby was disfranchised in 1832.
Castle Rising in Norfolk was likewise a burgage borough that was
disfranchised in 1832. There had been no poll there for over a hundred
years, and the two seats were shared by nominees of the Howard and
Walpole families. In 1797, Lord Cholmondeley inherited the Walpole family
interest. He was keen to extract its full value. A Whig candidate paid
£4,000 into the party election fund at Praed’s bank and was promised the
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Britain, 1830–85: Representation and Reform
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seat on ‘the usual terms’. The funding of electoral campaigns by political
parties was very different from today. Opposition parties tried experiments
with various joints funds; but private individuals were also needed to
supply money or influence in order to secure particular seats. The
government had access to more resources than the opposition; some
money was provided under the heading ‘secret service’.
Old Sarum
The most infamous rotten borough was Old Sarum, which had been
controlled by a branch of the Pitt family since 1692. In 1801, Thomas
Pitt, 2nd Baron Camelford (who was ‘half-mad’ according to some
commentators) insisted on the election of the radical John Horne Tooke,
another unconventional character. The election would have been invalid,
since in his youth Horne Tooke had been a clergyman in holy orders and
was therefore ineligible to become an MP. If his nominee was rejected
Camelford threatened to have a black servant elected instead. No decision
was taken on the case before the dissolution of Parliament and soon
afterwards Camelford sold Old Sarum to Lord Caledon, who paid £43,000
for 11 burgages that existed only as parchment documents. Two years later
Caledon bought some neighbouring property for £24,000 just to be on the
safe side. Voting rights were conveyed to his friends and there was
therefore never any need for electoral contests.
Source E
Source F
Yesterday morning, between 11 and 12, I was
unanimously elected by one elector, to represent this
ancient borough [of Appleby] in parliament… There
was no other candidate, no opposition, no poll
demanded, scrutiny, or petition. So I had nothing to
do but to thank the said elector for the unanimous
voice by which I was chosen. Then we had a great
dinner at the castle, and a famous ball in the evening
for that part of the community which my Lady
[Thanet] calls the raggamuffins. On Friday morning I
shall quit this triumphant scene with flying colours,
and a noble determination not to see it again in less
than seven years.
SA
Letter from Philip Francis to Harriet Francis,
17 July 1802
12
No grants have been made for the purpose of
creating votes since 1740… I apprehend that the right
of voting for this borough has never been decided
upon in the House of Commons – and that there has
never been a contest.
Letter from an attorney, Joseph Hill
to Lord Howard, 25 July 1795
Source G
I fear his lordship means £4,000, in which case we
shall receive no more than we pay, and consequently
gain nothing for the stock purse. Some noblemen let
us have their interest a good deal cheaper, that is to
say require no more than the actual expense to which
they are put for an election.
Letter from George Tierney to
Lord Holland, October 1797
Parliament before the Great Reform Act
SKILLS BUILDER
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Source H
Old Sarum is… [an] area about one hundred yards in diameter taking in the whole
crown of the hill, and thereby rendering the ascent very difficult. Near this there
is one farm-house, which is all the remains I could see of any town in or near the
place… and yet this is called the borough of Old Sarum, and sends two members
to Parliament. Whom those members can justly say they represent would be hard
for them to answer.
From Daniel Defoe, A Tour thro’ the Whole Island of Great Britain (1724–27)
Interests and virtual representation
Study Sources E, F, G
and H.
What was ‘rotten’
about ‘rotten
boroughs? Explain
your answer using
your own knowledge
and evidence
from Sources E, F,
G and H.
The examples of rotten boroughs from Appleby, Castle Rising, and Old
Sarum create an impression that the unreformed system was ridiculous
and hopelessly inadequate. Reform therefore seems inevitable and the only
difficulty is explaining why change took so long to arrive. Yet this would be
to misunderstand the historical circumstances. Focus needs to shift from
looking at the numbers of voters to considering the different interests that
were represented in Parliament.
The main function of the House of Commons was not to represent
individual voters but rather the interests of different types of property.
The counties represented the landed interest; the boroughs represented
various interests in trade, finance, and manufacturing. It was not deemed
necessary for each interest to be represented in every location. It was
argued that Bristol and Liverpool, for example, represented the interests
of ports.
Other boroughs represented various trading interests; and the City
of London represented vital financial interests. The expression ‘virtual
representation’ was sometimes used to express this concept. It was
not necessary for all individuals and their particular interests to be
represented since they were virtually represented by those with
similar hopes and needs.
SKILLS BUILDER
Even the existence of ‘rotten boroughs’ was considered in some ways
useful because it allowed wealthy merchants and manufacturers to buy
their way into Parliament, where they could voice their particular
concerns. One well-established parliamentary interest, for example, was a
group of merchants connected to the West Indies.
1 Re-examine
Sources E and F.
How might Philip
Francis and George
Tierney have
justified the
existence of ‘rotten
boroughs’?
In contrast, the existence of constituencies with a wide franchise allowed
some, but not too much, pressure from what might be called the ‘popular’
interest. Whereas, at the other end of the social scale, the aristocratic
interest also made its presence felt – and not solely in the House of Lords.
Younger sons of peers occupied about a fifth of seats in the Commons.
Moreover, pocket and rotten boroughs had also brought recognisable
2 Using your own
knowledge, what
do you understand
by the phrase
‘virtual
representation’?
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benefits by allowing talented individuals to enter Parliament at a young
age. William Pitt, a future Prime Minister, had first entered Parliament in
1781, aged only 21 years, for the rotten borough of Appleby, as the
nominee of the notorious borough-monger Sir James Lowther. Other
outstanding parliamentarians such as Charles Fox, George Canning, and
Robert Peel also first entered the Commons as the nominees of electoral
patrons. In his later career Charles Fox, for example, would contest the
open and prestigious constituency of Westminster, under the slogan ‘Man
of the People’, but he took care also to be returned for a nomination
borough – just in case he lost.
SKILLS BUILDER
Prepare a short
speech by an
opponent of reform,
explaining why
changing the system
of representation
would be undesirable
and dangerous.
Despite seeming haphazard and illogical, the British political system
had proved remarkably robust and successful. Admirers claimed that
it provided ways for wealth or talent to gain public influence, and
gave due weight to the influence of landed property, which still
provided one of the mainstays of the economy. The land tax was
the bedrock of taxation and this was voted for and collected by those
who paid it. All financial measures were initiated in and determined
by the Commons. This generated a sense of security that had allowed
Britain to finance warfare and global expansion on credit that was
underwritten by parliamentary guarantee. Once such features of the
unreformed parliament are understood, it becomes easier to understand
why some politicians, and substantial sections of the public, were
reluctant to make changes.
Changing times
SA
There were some changes that were difficult to ignore. Growth and
movement of population, together with the rise of new manufacturing
industries, were transforming Britain (see Figure 1.6). The existing
parliamentary system was failing to keep pace. There was a strong
case to be answered even if the radical notion of manhood suffrage
was rejected. New industrial towns possessed wealth and interests
that were not properly represented in Parliament. Lancashire, with a
population of 1.3 million, elected only 14 MPs, whereas Cornwall with a
population of only 300,000 sent 42 MPs to Westminster. Important towns
such as Manchester, Leeds, Sheffield and Birmingham elected none. It
seemed increasingly unreasonable that property owners in such towns
should be limited to voting for MPs in their local county.
14
Rotten boroughs and the failure of the electoral system to keep pace with
changes in the economy and population, provided a powerful case for
parliamentary reform. Nevertheless it would be mistaken to believe that
these issues were as clear cut for people in the nineteenth century as
they appear to us today. We should therefore attempt to understand the
problem of reform from various different perspectives otherwise there is
a danger of misunderstanding both those who supported and those who
opposed parliamentary reform.
Parliament before the Great Reform Act
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Source A
Areas of greatest population
increase ince 1760 resulting
from the industrial revolution,
and the movement of people
from the land to the towns
Large towns with no Members
of Parliament
Sunderland
Bradford Leeds
Blackburn
Halifax
Bolton
Oldham
Manchester Stockport
Sheffield
Macclesfield
Stoke
Wolverhampton
Birmingham
Cheltenham
Stroud
Greenwich
Brighton
Devonport
1.6 Population growth and
unrepresented towns in England
and Wales before 1832.
Adapted from Bob Whitfield
The Extension of the Franchise,
1832–1931 published in 2001
Party and faction
The words ‘party’ and ‘faction’ are often used in political history. They
have similar but distinct meanings. The most obvious difference between
them is that:
• A ‘party’ seems respectable and praiseworthy,
• A ‘faction’ is either a smaller group within a larger one, or a group that
has split away and seeks to establish an independent identity.
Political parties tend to have overall labels and these can change over time.
Modern political parties are very different from those that existed two
hundred years ago. Today we expect political parties to have national
organisations, policy manifestos, and various means of ensuring that
members (especially those in Parliament) generally follow the party line.
Early nineteenth-century parliamentary parties were very different. Party
lines were blurred by factional loyalties and significant, though decreasing,
numbers of politicians in both houses of parliament prided themselves on
their independence from political parties. During the nineteenth century a
two-party system of Whig-Liberal versus Tory-Conservative did develop;
but factions continued to split off. The most famous Liberal politician of
the century, William Gladstone, actually began his career as a follower
of the Conservative politician Sir Robert Peel. Political factions are often
described with the suffix ‘-ite’. Therefore Gladstone began his career
as a Conservative Peelite.
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Britain, 1830–85: Representation and Reform
Whigs and Tories
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Whigs and Tories comprised the two main opposing sides in the battle for
reform in 1830–32. They were both trying in their own way to preserve
what was most valued in the existing social and political system. The
political labels ‘Whig’ and ‘Tory’ can be traced back to the late seventeenth
century, when there were bitter struggles over the rights of the restored
Stuart monarchy. The first Whigs sought to exclude James, the brother of
Charles I, from succeeding to the throne. It was argued that his Catholic
faith made him unfit to rule. Although the Whigs failed to exclude James II
from the throne, he rapidly succeeded in alienating leading politicians on
all sides. Whigs and Tories therefore temporarily combined forces to
remove the king from power in 1688. This so-called ‘Glorious Revolution’
ushered in an enduring system of monarchy limited by Parliament,
together with a renewed period of intense party strife between Whigs
and Tories.
Whig and Tory parties of the nineteenth century can be traced to factional
loyalties, dating from the previous century. Two outstanding politicians,
Charles Fox and William Pitt, sowed the seeds of the Whig and Tory
parties that emerged after their deaths. Foxites rejoiced in the label ‘Whig’
but Pittites long avoided using the label ‘Tory’ about themselves. Pitt
described himself as an ‘independent Whig’. Pitt ousted Fox in 1783 and
served as Prime Minister almost without interruption until his death in
1806. It was therefore more common to talk of the Pittites as the party of
government or simply as the Administration. There was a Whig opposition
but this did not mean that there was a Tory party in power. Many Whigs
remained in opposition until after the death of Pitt, but some of them had
joined with the government in the 1790s in order to foster national unity
against revolutionary France.
SA
The early years of the nineteenth century witnessed some bewildering
political changes. Pitt resigned in 1801, returned to power in 1804, only to
die two years later. Fox thereupon briefly tasted power for the first time in
over two decades, but also died shortly afterwards in 1807. It was out of
this confusion of coalitions that the former Pittites began to regard
themselves as a coherent political party, and within certain limitations, to
act as such. In 1812 Lord Liverpool emerged as Prime Minister of a
ministry of former Pittites. The supporters of Liverpool became
increasingly comfortable with describing themselves as Tories.
16
After fifteen years in power Lord Liverpool’s health failed him in 1827 and
he resigned after suffering a stroke. The Tory party that had held together
under his leadership fragmented, and in 1830 the Whigs returned to power
after an inglorious and protracted period in the political wilderness.
Party loyalties were not entirely fixed and there were considerable
factional variations within parties. Nevertheless it is possible to outline
some key ideas and attitudes that separated Tories from Whigs by the
late 1820s.
Parliament before the Great Reform Act
The Whigs
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Whigs were named after ‘Whigamoors’, who were extreme Scottish
Protestant rebels from the era of the Civil Wars. Whigs feared conversely
that Tories wanted to surrender too much power to the crown and to
oppress those Protestants who refused conform to the Church of England.
As eighteenth-century politics developed it was the Whig label that
survived better. Gradually the Whigs succeeded in taking the lion’s share of
the credit for the Revolution settlement of 1688 and the Hanoverian
succession of 1714.
Other definitions of the Whigs:
• They sometimes used softer language about radical or popular unrest,
but in practice acted as vigorously as most Tories when their own
interests or property were threatened.
• They usually supported the cause of greater religious liberty, especially
towards Protestant Dissenters, but also in theory towards Roman
Catholics (partly because a Whig coalition ministry had been dismissed
by George III in 1807 for bringing forward a moderate measure of
Catholic relief).
• They prided themselves as staunch defenders of any attempt at
increasing the power of crown; much of this was exaggerated rhetoric,
but the Whigs had certainly been repeatedly excluded from power by
George III and George IV.
• They had a very mixed record on parliamentary reform. Lord Grey had
caused outrage when he proposed reform in 1792, thereby contributing
to a defection of conservative Whigs to the government. By the early
1800s reform had become an ‘open question’ which Whigs could chose to
support or oppose with varying degrees of enthusiasm. Grey himself
appeared to have become lukewarm on this issue.
In 1830 the Whigs enthusiastically embraced the cause of parliamentary
reform – much to the horror of the Tories. In some respects leading Whigs
only differed tactically from the Tories. Both wished to preserve the power
and status of the landowning classes and both were determined to prevent
revolution. The Whigs had come to believe that the best means of gaining
these ends would be to enact a substantial measure of parliamentary
reform.
Tories
Tories were seriously concerned that the Whigs wished to undermine the
monarchy and the established Church. Tories were named after Irish
Catholic ‘bog-trotting’ bandits. The Tories were lumbered with a damaging
suspicion of traitorous support for the exiled Stuart kings. By the middle of
the eighteenth century no leading politician seriously intent on gaining
power dared call himself a Tory. There were rural squires and some urban
mavericks who delighted in showing off their old-fashioned ‘Tory’ attitudes,
but there was no Tory party in national politics.
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Tories:
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• traditionally defended the rights of the monarch and the status of the
Church of England as the established Church;
• generally opposed granting full civil equality to Protestant Dissenters,
who refused to conform to the Church of England (not least because
most restrictions could be overcome in practice);
• often strongly disapproved of granting any further concessions to Roman
Catholics (though some Tories were mildly pro-Catholic, partly in
honour of William Pitt, who had famously resigned on this issue in
1801);
• advocated strong measures to maintain law and order, especially against
radical agitation or riots caused by economic distress.
Source I
A Tory party organised on modern, bureaucratic lines had not yet appeared in the
early 1820s but the conditions of its growth were steadily emerging… Liverpool
was acting on assumptions similar to those of the Whigs. His government
relied less on royal favour that upon its own strengths and merits, his own
indispensability and the probability that, had he resigned, he would surely not
have resigned alone. George IV would have had no alternative but to bring in the
Whigs. In theory it was a King’s government not a party one. The reality was
vastly different.
From Frank O’ Gorman The Emergence of the Two-Party
System, 1760–1832 published in 1982
Definition
Reciprocal
SA
Give-and-take. To do
something in expectation
of receiving something in
return. The classic
formulation of reciprocal
behaviour is ‘You scratch
my back and I’ll scratch
yours’.
Namierite
[[definition to come]]
18
Frank O’Gorman’s extensive research into party loyalties has demonstrated
how ideas and personnel changed whilst retaining important features of
continuity. Party loyalty was important to the Whigs in ways that went
beyond factional behaviour. Ideas were also important in shaping Whig
identity. Whigs had strong views on reducing the influence of the
monarchy in political life, and some actively campaigned for greater civil
and religious liberty. They were never united on all issues, but did form a
coherent party. When certain politicians defected, they did not destroy the
core identity of Whiggery and some later re-united with their old
colleagues. Secondly, by detailed research into how local elections were
conducted, O’Gorman challenged the idea that they were simply controlled
from the top downwards. He revealed a more complex picture of popular
involvement and reciprocal behaviour. This was rather different from the
Namierite view that the wealthy patrons simply dictated terms and
controlled elections.
O’Gorman’s views have not gone unchallenged (see Source K). Some
historians consider that the re-interpretation of ‘Old Corruption’ has been
slightly overstated.
Parliament before the Great Reform Act
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Source J
Most historians now accept, I believe, that the old Whig and radical picture of the unreformed electorate – corrupt,
narrow, and servile – was seriously wide of the mark. Towards the end of the eighteenth century the electorate
began to grow in size and political awareness… In the vast majority of constituencies, electoral life was never closed…
Fear of an expensive contest led local grandees to bargain for support from below, even sometimes to smother the
community with civic benefits. Political pressure from below could thus exist independent of polls and votes.
From Frank O’Gorman The Electorate Before and After 1832 published in
Parliamentary History12:2 (1993), and which replied to criticisms of
his book Voters Patrons and Parties published in 1989.
Source K
SKILLS BUILDER
The pendulum must not be allowed to swing too far. To read some pages
[by Professor O’Gorman]… one can almost be forgiven for wondering why any
significant head of steam should ever have built up in such a reciprocal and
beneficial political system. It cannot be denied that the old system sustained
huge flaws and anomalies… We should acknowledge that the workings of
the pre-reformed electoral system were complex and subtle. Perhaps the
phrase ‘participatory oligarchy’ might be coined to describe how it worked.
From Eric Evans The Great Reform Act published in 1994
Independents
Over 300 MPs were ‘Independents’. They might equally well be described
as ‘non-dependents’. In other words they had seats in Parliament because
of their local status and influence. They did not aspire to take a leading
role in Parliament and sat on the back benches. The stereotypical
independent MP was a ‘knight of the shire’: a country squire who
represented his local county. His characteristics were solidity and
respectability rather than ambition or ability in public speaking. In normal
times the majority of independents tended to support the government; but
their votes could not be taken for granted and disaffected independents
could bring down an unpopular or incompetent ministry.
Study Sources I, J
and K and use your
own knowledge.
1 Why do you think
that Evans refers to
a ‘pre-reformed’
electoral system,
rather than an
‘unreformed’ one?
2 What does Evans
mean by the
phrases ‘huge flaws
and anomalies’ and
‘participatory
oligarchy’?
The non-party political situation of the middle of the eighteenth century
was very different from what came before and after. Certainly, the
situation by 1830 was much closer to a two-party system; but this only
makes sense as having grown out of an earlier system of multiple factions.
Important changes had taken place from the late 1760s onwards. The
influence of government placemen was gradually reduced so that by the
early 1800s only about 30 MPs were directly influenced by government.
Likewise the number of genuinely independent MPs fluctuated but tended
overall to decline. Something approaching a two-party system, at least
within Parliament, had gradually developed by the 1820s and the
remaining independents tended to side more openly with one of the main
political parties – a tendency that increased after the 1830s.
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Unit summary
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What have you learned in this unit?
The concept of ‘Old Corruption’ helps to explain why some radicals wanted
reform, but it does not do justice to the complexity of historical
circumstances. There were undoubted strengths in a political system that
had proved its worth by ensuring stability. The principle of democratic
reform was not embraced by Whig politicians, and the very idea of
adjusting the franchise or removing traditional privileges was detested by
many Tories. The unreformed electoral system was complex but based on
the underlying principle that relevant interests should be represented in
Parliament. Moreover, the differences in representation that had grown up
over time were regarded by some people as advantages since they provided
opportunities for new interests and talented individuals to gain access to
Parliament, for example by purchasing seats. But the pace and extent of
economic change made it seem increasingly reasonable to consider
reallocating some seats from decayed boroughs to growing towns,
especially in the industrialising north.
What skills have you used in this unit?
You have considered the nature, origin, and purpose of sources and made
supported inferences. You have used context in assessing the
reasonableness and validity of inferences. You have used historiographical
analysis and noted that differences in interpretation are more than just
matters of personal opinion – because all interpretation derives ultimately
from evidence. The process of re-examining evidence and inferences is
how interpretations may be challenged and modified.
Exam tips
You will be dealing with sources in your study of this period. Here are the kinds
of questions which you need to ask of the evidence.
Nature, Origin and Purpose
When using a source as evidence, we need to consider what sort of thing it is
(nature), the time period from which it comes and how it came to exist (origin)
and to suggest why it was made (purpose).
SA
Inference
20
An inference is a provisional statement that goes beyond simple description. One
way to understand what is meant by an inference is to consider the following
deliberately frivolous example (which makes it easy to remember). If someone
sees an overweight male teacher with a receding hairline, they may shout out
‘Hey baldy! Hey fatty!’ but this is just name-calling not analysis.
Yet we can infer that the teacher is probably older than thirty (because of the
evidence of male-pattern baldness) and that with a slowing metabolism he
Parliament before the Great Reform Act
Review
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ingests more calories than he expends through exercise (because of the evidence
of additional weight stored as fat). All such inferences can be assessed for their
reasonableness. It is reasonable to make inferences about age, diet, and
exercise; but we cannot be entirely sure because the observable features could
have other explanations. Moreover, it would be unreasonable to infer pregnancy
as the cause of an extended stomach; but this situation would change if the
individual was female. Under such changed circumstances any inference from
‘male-pattern baldness’ would also become unreasonable. Context is therefore
very important in assessing the reasonableness and validity of historical
inferences.
Look back at your answers to previous Skills builder tasks.
Did you consider the Nature, Origin and Purpose of the sources?
Can you demonstrate how you made inferences and supported these with
detailed and clearly indicated evidence from the sources? Did you formulate your
inferences as reasonable suggestions (which is the right approach) or state them
as incontrovertible facts (which is an unhistorical approach)?
The language of conjecture
Improve your skills of historical expression by using verbs such as ‘suggest’,
‘indicate’, ‘show’, and ‘reveal’, together with qualifying expressions such as
‘seems to’, ‘may have’, ‘perhaps’, ‘possibly’, and ‘probably’.
RESEARCH TOPIC
As a result of the efforts of Sir Lewis Namier, a long-running project was established to research the
biography of every single Member of Parliament and to trace the history of every local
parliamentary election. Namier died before completing the first set of volumes on the period
1760–90.
1 Go to http://www.histparl.ac.uk to find out about the current status of the History of Parliament
project.
2 Find out about representation and reform in your local area. Who is your current MP? How long
have they represented your consistency? How old is your constituency? When was it last
reformed? Who represented your locality before 1832? What changed and what stayed the same
between 1832 and 1885?
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