Three Articles from WIN magazine. 1973.
(1) Cesar Chavez On The Strike by Frank Greer and Jerry Kay; (2)
Nonviolence In The Vineyards by Bob Levering; (3) Empowering The People
by Wendy Batson and Bob Eaton.
Special Section on the United Farmworkers
Cesar Chavez On The Strike
(Frank Greer and Jerry Kay interviewed Cesar Chavez, United Farmworkers Union president, just after
the strike was called in Delano in early August, 1973.)
Question: Three years ago you had many, many contracts. Today you have only a few. How
would you describe the strength of your union right now?
Chavez: We have more people than we had three years ago, so we are stronger. Losing a
c
ont
r
a
c
ti
sonl
yat
e
mpor
a
r
yt
hi
ng
.
We
’
l
l
g
e
tt
he
mba
c
k
.
Question: What are some of the central issues in this strike?
Chavez: Well, there are many issues. The employers want to take back from us what we got
in 1970. What we gained in 1970 they want to take back in 1973, and we are not about to
give it back.
The hiring hall is the only way we can eliminate the hiring boss, the crew chiefs, the
l
a
borc
ont
r
a
c
t
or
s
,a
ndwewa
ntahi
r
i
ngha
l
l
.Thee
mpl
oy
e
r
sdon’
twa
ntahi
r
i
ngha
l
l
because they want to perpetuate the hated and feared labor contract system, and we want
to end it; the workers want it to comet
oa
ne
nd.Tha
t
’
soneoft
hebi
gi
s
s
ue
swea
r
ef
a
c
e
d
wi
t
h.
We
’
r
enota
bou
tt
og
i
v
ei
tu
p.
Weha
di
tf
ort
hr
e
ey
e
a
r
sa
ndi
twor
k
e
dwe
l
l
—there are
some administrative problems, but in the main it worked well and on those problems we
are willing to negotiate and try to find solutions. There is nothing wrong with the concept,
bu
tt
hee
mpl
oy
e
r
sdon’
twa
nti
ts
owea
r
ef
i
g
ht
i
ngi
t
.
Question: Youc
a
l
l
e
das
t
r
i
k
et
oda
yi
nDe
l
a
no,a
ndIt
hi
nky
ou
’
v
ebe
e
nou
ti
nt
hef
i
e
l
ds
a
mongt
hepe
opl
e
.
Wha
t
’
sy
ou
rs
e
ns
eoft
he spirit and the determination?
Chavez: There is great spirit in Delano as well as in Lamont. We have about 2500 out on
strike in Delano now, which really means we have about 90 percent of the work force out
on strike. There was quite a bit of confusion today—the first day always is like that. A lot
of people are very difficult to mobilize and to structure but a lot of work is being done this
afternoon to get the meetings going.
We struck the largest table grape grower in the United States, the Guimarra company,
and we took about 80 percent of its workers out. We could have gotten more, but we just
di
dn’
tha
v
et
i
met
og
ot
oa
l
lt
hef
i
e
l
ds
.Fory
out
omobi
l
i
z
e3
0
0
0pe
opl
eonapi
c
k
e
tl
i
ne
when the distance is anywhere from ten to fifteen to fifty miles is a very difficult thing to
accomplish in one day. So we will be better organized tomorrow and better structured and
we will be able to make better use of our time.
Question: How would you describe the conviction of the workers, many of them old people
who have worked in the fields for long periods of time?
Chavez: They look at the union in this instance as a great hope for them. They respond to
it in a way that makes trade unions throughout the United States marvel at the spirit of the
people. They are totally committed to it. They have tremendous and unending love for the
idea of unionism and the idea of brotherhood and cooperation. There is more love on this
picket line for one another than you could find anywhere in the world. That kind of
commitment and love and concern sees us through many of the difficulties we have.
There is more love on this picket line for one another than you could find anywhere in the
world.
Question: I
s
n’
tt
hec
e
nt
r
a
li
s
s
u
ewho’
sg
oi
ngt
oc
ont
r
olt
hewor
k
e
r
s
?I
t
’
snotr
e
a
l
l
yt
he
wa
g
e
s
,
i
t
’
snotr
e
a
l
l
yt
hehi
r
i
ngha
l
l
,
i
t
’
sonewor
d,
a
ndt
ha
t
’
sc
ont
r
ol
.
Chavez: No.Thee
mpl
oy
e
r
st
r
yt
oma
k
et
ha
tt
hei
s
s
u
e
,t
ha
t
’
snott
hei
s
s
u
e
.Forpu
bl
i
c
r
e
l
a
t
i
onspu
r
pos
e
st
he
ywa
ntt
os
a
yi
ti
sc
ont
r
ol
.Nons
e
ns
e
,i
ti
snotc
ont
r
ol
.I
t
’
sawhol
e
question that—wes
a
yt
hewor
k
e
r
s
’onl
yc
ommodi
t
yi
swor
k
;t
ha
t
’
sa
l
lt
he
yha
v
e
.The
y
should have a right to their own democratic processes in the union to establish hiring
procedures, hiring hall rules and regulations, and to establish a way to preserve and to
guard their seniority which is a very cherished thing among them.
The big problem is that the people who work here year in and year out—who do the
pruning during the very cold months, who do all of the non-harvest and pre-harvest
work—these people find themselves excluded from the better jobs when the harvest time
comes around. Other people who come from the outside take their jobs away, and that is
the fight. The fight is, we say, if a worker works for the employer ten months out of the
year—nine months, eight months, out of the year—he certainly has a right to the picking
and packing jobs when they come up. And these people should not have to wait two or
three weeks or sometimes a month until there are jobs left over from other people who
come here from the outside.
Question: During the three years you had contracts here, what were some of the changes
you were able to start?
Chavez: Oh well, the right to have bathrooms in the fields, especially for women; the whole
idea of having clean portable ice cold water with individual drinking cups; ten minute rest
periods; no more mass firings. Now if a worker gets fired and he has a grievance, the union
will move immediately on it, and we were able to get many of those workers back in their
jobs. No more labor contractors; no more having to stand for a shake up; no more having
to give kickback money to persons to get a job.
Al
lt
he
s
et
hi
ng
sha
v
edi
s
a
ppe
a
r
e
d.Tha
t
’
swhyt
hewor
k
e
r
sl
i
k
et
heu
ni
on.Thewor
k
e
r
s
fight for the union because the union fights for t
hewor
k
e
r
s
.Andt
he
r
e
’
snot
wowa
y
s
a
bou
ti
t
;
t
heu
ni
oni
smi
l
i
t
a
nt
sa
bou
twor
k
e
r
s
’r
i
g
ht
sa
ndt
hewor
k
e
r
sa
r
emi
l
i
t
a
nta
bou
tt
he
union.
Question: How would you compare your relationship to the workers with the Teamsters
relationship to farm workers?
Chavez: The
ydon’
tr
e
a
l
l
yc
ou
nt
.The
ydon’
te
v
e
nha
v
eme
e
t
i
ng
sbe
c
a
u
s
et
he
ydon’
tha
v
ea
me
mbe
r
s
hi
p.Wec
a
n’
tc
ompa
r
e
—we have a membership, we have a following, we have a
great rapport with the workers. We are with them, we are part of them; we came from the
same fields and we are going through what they are going through. We speak their language
and they trust us, and we have infinite trust in them. There is no comparison.
Question: What do you see is the role of the boycott in this critical period of time when the
contracts are out and the struggle is beginning almost all over again?
Chavez: The boycott is crucial—v
e
r
yne
c
e
s
s
a
r
y
,v
e
r
yi
mpor
t
a
ntf
oru
s
.Yous
e
e
,wedon’
t
believe in cracking heads and using violence and intimidation tactics to get the people out.
Our approach is one of convincing people, and we feel that we have things going for us
that are in the workers interest. Those who oppose us are not too sure about what we are
a
ndc
a
nbec
onv
i
nc
e
di
fwewor
kha
r
de
r
.
Andt
ha
t
’
swha
twea
r
ea
l
l
a
bou
t
.
So, because of that, we are always going to need the boycott at the other end in terms
of building economic pressure on the employer while we are taking our time, because it
takes a lot of time to convince people nonviolently. We have great support for the boycott
from the clergy, from the labor unions, from the young people, from the students, from
many ethnic groups, and many professional organizations, civic groups, politicians. The
s
u
ppor
tf
ort
heboy
c
ot
ti
st
r
e
me
ndou
sa
ndi
t
’
sg
r
owi
nge
v
e
r
yda
ya
ndwe need that to win.
Question: You are a person who means a lot to a lot of people. What do people mean to
you? Obviously you dig being with them. You like touching hands a bit.
Chavez: Well, you see, the source of strength comes only from one place: it comes from
people. And in order to get the strength, to be patient, to do the work the way we are doing
it, you have to touch base with them, you have to be with one another so that the skin is
touching and you are really one and the same with them. We come here and we get
tremendous strength from them, and vice versa: they get strength from us. But we get
more from them and this helps and encourages us to continue the job of getting the work
done.
Ultimately there are some decisions that I have to make. Every day I am faced with
some very difficult decisions and they are the source of help in making those decisions. If
you touch base with the workers and you keep pace with them and you keep your ear to
t
he
m,y
ouc
a
n’
tg
owr
ong
.Youc
a
ng
owr
ongonl
yi
fy
ouwa
ntt
o,bu
ty
our
e
a
l
l
yc
a
n’
tg
o
wr
ong… t
he
ya
r
et
he
r
e
,
a
ndt
he
ya
r
et
e
l
l
i
ngy
ouwha
tt
odoa
ndy
ouf
ol
l
ow.
Question: Would you say this is one of the most important movements?
Chavez: Idon’
tk
now.
I
ti
soneoft
hemos
te
x
c
i
t
i
ngmov
e
me
nt
si
nmyl
i
f
e
,
a
nd I am certain
it is so for a lot of workers. And if we can just get our friends to understand that these
things take time, that they are not done overnight, and keep the support we now have
throughout the country, then the workers will carry through the struggle and we are going
to be victorious at the end.
Question: Negotiations have stopped. How are you going to regain some of the contracts
t
ha
ty
ou
’
v
el
os
t
?
Chavez: We
l
l
,
t
hes
a
mewa
yweg
ott
hec
ont
r
a
c
t
si
nt
hef
i
r
s
tpl
a
c
e
.
Wedi
dn’
tg
e
tt
he
mu
nt
i
l
we had enough economic pressure on the employers, until it became difficult for them to
sell their grapes. When their grapes were being sold very cheaply, far below cost, then they
got interested in talking. And so again they will not be interested in talking about contracts
u
nt
i
lt
he
yc
a
n’
tpi
c
kt
heg
r
a
pe
s
,a
ndwhe
nt
he
ypi
c
kt
he
mt
he
ywon’
tbea
bl
et
os
e
l
lt
he
m,
not even for half of what it cost them to pick them. At that point they are going to want to
talk with us, and at that point we will get together and we will work things out.
This is a most critical time for the farm workers. Winning is the difference between
having an honest, democratic union—a union of the workers and by and for them—and
either not having a union at all or having a union that doesnotr
e
pr
e
s
e
ntt
hewor
k
e
r
s
’
interests. So it is a very critical moment in our lives and in the lives of the workers.
The base of the union, the direction of what type of union these workers are gong to
have depends very much on what our friends throughout the United States and in the cities
do about the boycott. If they stop eating grapes, if they help the boycott, if they pass the
word around to everyone like they did back in 1968 and 1969, we will win again and these
workers will have an honest and a democ
r
a
t
i
cu
ni
onoft
he
i
rownc
hoos
i
ng
.I
ft
he
ydon’
t
,
t
he
r
e
’
sg
oi
ngt
obenou
ni
on.Atmos
tt
he
r
ewi
l
lbeau
ni
ont
ha
ti
snotg
oi
ngt
or
e
pr
e
s
e
nt
their interests, and that is going to be a very sad, sad day not only for the workers but for a
whole concept and idea of democracy.
What to Boycott
If you want to be sure, boycott:
all table grapes
and once again supply pressure on store owners not to carry these foods until the UFW
holds the contracts once again.
Wines to boycott:
1. All Gallo wine, and wines under the following labels (a simple rule of thumb — if
i
t
’
sf
r
om Mode
s
t
o,
i
t
’
sGa
l
l
o)
:
Paisano
Andre Champagne
Thunderbird
Bo
o
n
e
’
sFa
r
m
Carlo Rossi
Spanada
Eden Roc
Tyrolia
Red Mountain
Ripple
Triple Jack
2. All Francia Bros. Wine.
3. From White River Farms:
Tavola Red
Tres Grande
Winemasters Guild
Cooks Imperial
Roma
Roma Reserve
Familigia Cribari
Cribari Reserve
J. Pierrot
J
e
a
n
n
ed
’
Ar
c
La Boheme
Ceremony
Cresta Blanca
Versailles
Mendocino
Saratoga
Garrett
Alta
C.V.C.
Virginia Dare
Lodi
LaMe
s
a(
Sa
f
e
wa
y
’
s
)
Guild Blue Ribbon
Saint Mark
Citation
Old San Francisco
Ocean Spray Rose
Vin Glogg
Wines you CAN drink:
Italian Swiss Colony and any other wine produced by Heublein.
Christian Bros, Paul Masson, Almaden
Write: United Farmworkers, Box 62, Keene, Ca 93531
Nonviolence In The Vineyards
Bob Levering
Eight years ago, a struggling Farm Workers Association joined the Filipino Agricultural Workers
Organizing Committee in a strike against the grape growers in Delano, California. Together they called
themselves the United Farm Workers and their five years of striking and boycotting won the original
contracts with the table grape industry. The 1970 union agreement raised base pay from $1.20 an hour to
$2.05 and ended the ten to twenty cent kickback to the labor contractor by creating the first hiring hall in
grape growing history.
The three-year contracts expired early this year, and the International Brotherhood of Teamsters,
Chauffeurs, Warehousemen and Helpers of America moved in to sign contracts with the growers covering
the grape workers. None of the field workers had been consulted in advance by the Teamsters or by the
g
r
o
we
r
sa
b
o
u
tt
h
en
e
wc
o
n
t
r
a
c
t
s
.Ass
o
o
na
si
tb
e
c
a
mec
l
e
a
rt
h
a
tt
h
eg
r
o
we
r
sh
a
ds
i
g
n
e
d“
s
we
e
t
h
e
a
r
t
”
agreements with the Teamsters, Cesar Chavez, United Farm Workers Union national chairman,
responded by calling a strike.
Thousands left the fields as the strike and harvest moved northward from the Coachella Valley to
Arvin, Lamont, Delano, and the San Joaquin Valley. The growers responded with court injunctions
severely limiting picketing and strike activity, while the Teamsters simply hired what reporter Harry
Be
r
n
s
t
e
i
nc
a
l
l
e
d“
t
h
u
g
swh
or
i
d
eh
e
r
do
nwo
r
ke
r
st
h
r
e
a
t
e
n
i
n
gt
os
t
r
i
kemu
c
ha
sc
o
wb
o
y
sr
i
d
eh
e
rd on restless
c
a
t
t
l
e
.
”
Besides the close collusion between the growers and the Teamsters (who AFL-CI
O’
sGe
o
r
g
eMe
a
n
y
h
a
sa
p
t
l
yc
a
l
l
e
d“
s
t
r
i
ke
rb
r
e
a
ke
r
s
”
)
,wh
a
ts
t
a
n
d
so
u
ti
nt
h
i
ss
t
r
u
g
g
l
ei
st
h
eFa
r
mWo
r
ke
r
sd
r
a
ma
t
i
ca
n
d
consistent dedication to nonviolence. It is this militant nonviolent action in pursuit of social justice for the
workers—on the picket lines, strike lines, marches, and nationwide boycott lines, in the fields, jails,
supermarkets, and organizing offices throughout the country—which has infused the movement with life and
hope and drawn tremendous international support.
Opportunities to talk directly with strikebreakers were rare on the mammoth farms, but
when possible, personal explanations were often successful. When striking workers,
together with Institute UFW session people, explained the Union to these scab
fieldworkers, they abandoned their partially-filled crates to join the strike.
Against the sort of odds which many men and women would find hopeless, the United Farm Workers
have taken the nation of nonviolence and turned it into a real, dynamic social force which can and will win
democratic right s for field workers.
Bo
bLe
v
e
r
i
n
gh
a
sr
e
c
e
n
t
l
yb
e
e
na
c
t
i
v
ei
nAFSC’
sCa
r
r
i
e
rPr
o
j
e
c
ti
nSa
nFr
a
n
c
i
s
c
o
.Th
i
ss
u
mme
rh
e
made numerous tri
p
st
ot
h
eVa
l
l
e
yt
oh
e
l
pwi
t
ht
h
es
t
r
i
kea
n
dt
or
e
p
o
r
to
nt
h
eUn
i
o
n
’
ss
t
r
u
g
g
l
e
.
Po
r
t
i
o
n
so
f
this article originally appeared in the San Francisco Bay Guardian and in Fellowship.
“
Byou
rpos
i
t
i
onofnonv
i
ol
e
nc
e
,t
heTe
a
ms
t
e
r
ss
t
oodou
tl
i
k
eas
or
et
hu
mb,
”Bi
l
l
Encinas explained. Bill, a United Farm Worker Union organizer, was referring to Teamster
attacks on the UFW picket lines in the Coachella Valley in Southern California.
The UFW is engaged in a fight for survival. After a five-year struggle and a national
grape boycott, the 1970 contracts the UFW signed with grape growers, now expiring, are
going to the Teamsters.
Be
f
or
ee
mba
r
k
i
ngont
hes
t
or
yoft
hepr
e
s
e
ntba
t
t
l
e
,i
t
’
si
mpor
t
a
ntt
opl
a
c
et
hewhol
e
Farm Worker vs. Teamster struggle in its real national perspective. Consider the following
chronology.
In late November, 1972, less than a month after his re-election, Nixon met with
Teamster President Frank Fitzsimmons at the San Clemente White House. Present at the
meeting was Charles Colson, who, beside
sl
e
a
di
ngt
heAdmi
ni
s
t
r
a
t
i
on’
s“
di
r
t
yt
r
i
c
k
s
”
de
pa
r
t
me
nt
,
wa
st
hec
hi
e
fa
r
c
hi
t
e
c
tofNi
x
on’
sl
a
borpol
i
c
i
e
s
.
On December 9, the Teamsters announced they were switching their $100,000-a-year
legal business from the Democratic Party-related Washington law firm of Williams,
Connolly and Califano to the Republican-related firm of Morin, Dickstein, Shapiro, and
Galligan. That same day, it was disclosed that Charles Colson would join the Morin firm
soon after he left the White House in March, 1973.
On December1
2
,Fi
t
z
s
i
mmonss
pok
ebe
f
or
et
heAme
r
i
c
a
nFa
r
m Bu
r
e
a
uFe
de
r
a
t
i
on’
s
a
nnu
a
lc
onv
e
nt
i
oni
nLosAng
e
l
e
s
,s
t
a
r
t
i
ngt
ha
thewou
l
d“
we
l
c
omea
na
l
l
i
a
nc
e
”wi
t
h
agribusiness interests. Fitzsimmons acknowledged that his appearance at the convention of
American agribu
s
i
ne
s
s
’pr
i
ma
r
yl
obby
i
ngbodyha
dbe
e
na
r
r
a
ng
e
dbyLa
u
r
e
nc
eS
i
be
l
ma
n,
Ni
x
on’
sUnde
r
s
e
c
r
e
t
a
r
yofLa
bor
.
Several days later, the Western Conference of Teamsters announced that it had
renegotiated with lettuce growers un-expired 1970 lettuce contracts which covered almost
30,000 workers in California and Arizona. Later in December, the California Supreme
Court upheld the UFW contention that those 1970 lettuce contracts between growers and
Te
a
ms
t
e
r
swe
r
e“
s
we
e
t
he
a
r
tc
ont
r
a
c
t
s
”whi
c
hdi
dnotr
e
pr
e
s
e
ntt
hewor
kers.
Whether or not it was in December, 1972, when Teamster officials began meeting with
California grape growers as well, the contracts began soon. By mid-April, 1973, the
Teamsters and the grape growers of the Coachella Valley announced the signing of
c
ont
r
a
c
t
sc
ov
e
r
i
ngne
a
r
l
y8
0
% oft
hev
a
l
l
e
y
’
sg
r
a
pewor
k
e
r
s
,
t
hi
swi
t
hi
nj
u
s
t1
2hou
r
soft
he
expiration of the 3-year UFW contracts. This signing began in earnest the joint effort of
agribusiness, the Teamsters and the Nixon administration to destroy CesarCha
v
e
z
’
4
0
,
0
0
0
me
mbe
ru
ni
on.Att
het
i
me
,t
he ba
s
e oft
he UFW’
ss
t
r
e
ng
t
h—and 30,000 of its
members—wa
si
nCa
l
i
f
or
ni
a
’
st
a
bl
eg
r
a
pev
i
ne
y
a
r
ds
.
Tha
t
’
show t
hec
u
r
r
e
ntba
t
t
l
ewa
sj
oi
ne
d,aba
t
t
l
ebe
t
we
e
nt
heTe
a
ms
t
e
r
s(
l
e
dby
Fitzsimmons, paid $125,000 a year plus expenses and a private jet by his union) and the
UFW (led by Chavez, paid $5,144 in 1972 by his union, including $1.904 for medical
expenses resulting from his Arizona fast). And unless the UFW can muster the nationwide
public support it has won in the past, this is a battle which will dramatically cut back the
gains of the farm workers over the last eight years in wages, working conditions and
protection against pesticides.
Priest Beaten
When Cesar Chavez and the union membership—charging collusion between the
growers and the Teamsters that has now resulted in a grand jury inquiry—called a strike,
the Teamsters responded by hiring (at $67 a day plus expenses) quite a number of shortfused, anger-or
i
e
nt
e
d“
g
u
a
r
ds
.
”Fort
hr
e
emont
hs
,ada
i
l
ydr
a
mawas re-enacted between
hundreds of UFW strikes, clinging to nonviolence, and Teamster guards who have often
moved quickly from threats and taunts to physical attack.
Fr. John Bank, whose nose is presently hidden under a mass of bandages, was beaten
badly by Teamster employees in a Coachella restaurant. He described to me 40 separate
minor Teamster attacks—mostly in June—in which arrests were made by police, as well as
one major Teamster attack. The latter assault resulted in the injury of more than two dozen
UFW s
t
r
i
k
e
r
s
.“
The u
ni
on l
e
a
de
r
s
hi
p wa
snonv
i
ol
e
nti
ne
v
e
r
yi
ns
t
a
nc
e
.
” Fr
.Ba
nk
commented, despite the use of iron pipes, bat-sized wooden stakes and even iron chains by
t
heTe
a
ms
t
e
r“
g
u
a
r
ds
.
”
Mos
toft
he
s
e“
g
u
a
r
ds
”we
r
er
e
c
r
u
i
t
e
df
r
om Te
a
ms
t
e
rl
oc
a
l
sin the Los Angeles area.
Bud Novinn, of LA Teamster Local #208, told me that an International Teamster Union
official (identified by Carlos Valdez, business representative of #208 as Ray Griego)
“
Of
f
e
r
e
dt
og
i
v
eme$
1
0
0ada
yt
og
odownt
he
r
e(
Coa
c
he
l
l
a
)a
g
a
i
ns
tt
hef
a
r
m wor
k
e
r
s
.
”
Ac
c
or
d
i
ngt
oNov
i
nn,Gr
i
e
g
o“
r
e
c
r
u
i
t
e
dme
nwhowe
r
ebr
ok
ea
ndne
e
de
dt
hemone
y
,
”
t
e
l
l
i
ngt
he
mt
he
ywe
r
eg
oi
ngt
oCoa
c
he
l
l
at
opr
ot
e
c
tt
heTe
a
ms
t
e
r
swor
k
i
ngt
he
r
e
.“
Mos
t
ofu
sdi
dn’
te
v
e
nr
e
a
l
i
z
et
he
r
ewa
ss
t
r
i
k
eg
oi
ngon.
”Nov
i
nnrecalls, adding that many of his
fellow Teamsters left Coachella as soon as they learned what was really happening.
Unf
or
t
u
na
t
e
l
y
,nota
l
lGr
i
e
g
o’
sr
e
c
r
u
i
t
sr
e
t
u
r
ne
dt
oLosAng
e
l
e
s
,a
ndt
heUFW ha
s
c
ha
r
g
e
dt
ha
tt
he
i
r“
g
u
a
r
ds
” we
r
ee
ng
a
g
e
di
n as
y
s
t
e
ma
t
i
creign of terror aimed at
intimidating both the strikers and the strike-breakers—and at attempting to provoke the
UFW supporters to retaliatory violence.
“
I
n oneme
mor
a
bl
es
c
e
ne
,
”wr
i
t
e
sHa
r
r
yBe
r
ns
t
e
i
n,LA Ti
me
sl
a
borr
e
por
t
e
r
,“
a
Catholic priest was leading a large crowd of Mexican-American workers in prayer. The
workers were kneeling in the dust. Facing them, standing, was a line of a dozen beefy
Anglos, several with dark glasses, staring contemptuously at the praying workers. The
Te
a
ms
t
e
r
s‘
mu
s
c
l
e
,
’i
n white T-s
hi
r
t
s
,ha
r
d ha
t
s
,a
nd bl
u
ej
a
c
k
e
t
swi
t
h‘
Te
a
ms
t
e
r
s
’
emblazoned on the back, had been hired for $50 a day, plus expenses. Most were armed
with bats, hoe handles, sharpened grape stakes, and other weapons which were later
c
onf
i
s
c
a
t
e
dbys
he
r
i
f
f
’
sdeputies. With such enforcers, growers felt workers would stay in
t
hef
i
e
l
d,
a
ndma
nyd
i
d.
”
Teamster Dissent
Nota
l
lTe
a
ms
t
e
rme
mbe
r
sa
r
epr
ou
doft
he
i
rI
nt
e
r
na
t
i
ona
l
’
sa
c
t
i
v
i
t
i
e
si
nCa
l
i
f
or
ni
a
’
s
fields. At a recent United Farm Worker rally, more than a hundred UFW –supporting
Teamsters were present. One of them, Harry Orr of Local 85 in the Bay area, told me at
t
her
a
l
l
y
,“
The
r
e
’
snor
e
a
s
onwhyt
heTe
a
ms
t
e
r
ss
hou
l
dbes
pe
ndi
ngou
rdu
e
sf
or‘
g
oons
’
…I
fy
out
ookapol
loft
heg
u
y
si
nmyl
oc
a
l
,y
ou
’
df
i
nd 9 out of 10 think the International
i
su
pt
onog
ooddownhe
r
e
.
”Hea
ndot
he
rTe
a
ms
t
e
r
spr
e
s
e
ntpr
e
di
c
t
e
dme
mbe
r
s
hi
p
oppos
i
t
i
ont
ot
hena
t
i
ona
l
Te
a
ms
t
e
r
s
’
f
a
r
mwor
k
e
rpol
i
c
i
e
swou
l
dg
r
owq
u
i
c
k
l
y
.
Bill Encinas, who was physically assaulted after having his car forced off the road by
Te
a
ms
t
e
r
s
,
e
x
pl
a
i
ne
dt
ha
tt
he“
g
u
a
r
ds
”we
r
et
r
y
i
ngt
opr
ov
i
det
hes
t
r
i
k
e
r
sonpi
c
k
e
tl
i
e
nst
o
violence. According to Bill, Teamster guards would single out one picket on the line to
a
s
s
a
u
l
t
.Whi
l
et
ha
tpe
r
s
ont
r
i
e
dt
o“
pr
ot
e
c
t
”himself or herself, others on the picket line
ha
dt
or
e
f
r
a
i
nf
r
om j
oi
ni
ngi
na
ndc
a
u
s
i
ngag
e
ne
r
a
lme
l
e
e
.“
Wel
e
a
r
ne
dt
ha
ti
fk
noc
k
e
d
down,
t
hebe
s
tr
e
s
pons
emi
g
htbet
os
t
a
ydowna
ndnotf
i
g
htba
c
k
,
”Bi
l
l
e
x
pl
a
i
ne
d.
Bill gives much credit for maintainingdi
s
c
i
pl
i
net
ot
hepi
c
k
e
tc
a
pt
a
i
ns
.“
Thepi
c
k
e
t
c
a
pt
a
i
nsha
v
et
r
e
me
ndou
sr
e
s
pons
i
bi
l
i
t
i
e
sbe
c
a
u
s
ei
t
’
sdi
f
f
i
c
u
l
tt
oc
ont
a
i
nt
hepe
opl
e
—very
difficult: the heat (usually over 110 by noon in Coachella), the pressures, the long hours,
the brutalities, and the provocations. But we have proven it. Si se puede! Weha
v
epr
ov
e
ni
t
!
”
From June 19-2
6
,t
hef
ol
l
owi
nge
v
e
nt
soc
c
u
r
r
e
di
nCoa
c
he
l
l
a
:aUFW me
mbe
r
’
sc
a
r
was blown up by a home-made bomb: a strike-breaker, mistakenly identified as UFW, was
kidnapped, beate
na
nds
t
a
bl
e
ds
i
xt
i
me
swi
t
ha
ni
c
epi
c
k
;
Ce
s
a
rCha
v
e
z
’c
a
rwa
ss
t
one
dby
“
g
u
a
r
ds
,
”as
t
r
i
k
e
r
’
st
r
a
i
l
e
rhou
s
ewa
sbu
r
ne
ddown;s
e
v
e
r
a
ls
t
r
i
k
e
r
s
’c
a
r
swe
r
ef
or
c
e
dof
f
t
her
oa
dsa
ndt
he
i
roc
c
u
pa
nt
sa
t
t
a
c
k
e
dbyTe
a
ms
t
e
r“
g
u
a
r
ds
.
”Themos
ts
e
r
i
ou
sa
t
t
a
c
kt
ha
t
week took place June 23 when almost 200 Teamsters attacked a UFW picket line of 100150 men, women and children with lead pipes, knives and clubs, injuring 35, hospitalizing
four.
S
t
i
l
l
,t
hes
t
r
i
k
ec
ont
i
nu
e
d.Ac
c
or
di
ngt
o Fr
.Ba
nk
,“
The
r
ewe
r
emor
et
ha
n1,400
registered strikers who picketed daily. With the 900 workers at the two ranches under UFW
contract, that means that we had 2,300 workers who directly supported the union in
Coa
c
he
l
l
aou
tofat
ot
a
l
wor
kf
or
c
eof3
,
8
0
0
.
”
Cha
v
e
z
’g
oa
li
nCoa
c
he
l
l
awa
s o block picking or shipping, through the strike, of as
many as possible of the normal table grape shipment of 3,000,000 boxes from the
Coachella Valley, and to go for a massive consumer boycott on those which slip through.
Already, Fr. Bank claims a partial success, saying that because of the strike much of
Coa
c
he
l
l
a
’
sg
r
a
peha
r
v
e
s
tha
s
n’
tme
tt
hef
e
de
r
a
ls
we
e
t
ne
s
ss
t
a
nda
r
ds
,a
ndt
hepr
i
c
ef
or
g
r
a
pe
sha
sg
e
ne
r
a
l
l
ydr
oppe
dbe
l
owt
heg
r
owe
r
s
’
br
e
a
k
-even profit point of $7.50/box.
“
We
’
r
eg
oi
ngt
os
e
ndy
oua
l
l
homet
oda
y.
.
.
“
After Coachella in early June, the next front was the Arvin-Lamont region (near
Bakersfield) where grape ranchers also abandoned their expiring UFW contracts in favor
of new Teamster pacts. Here, in the San Joaquin Valley, the UFW is up against both the
Teamsters and some agribusiness giants with potent political connections.
Roberts Farms, one of the largest grape growers in the Lamont to Delano area, is
managed by Hollis Roberts, whose chief financial backer is C. Arnholt Smith. Smith, a San
Diego businessman and close personal friend of Nixon, recently made the news when his
financial empire was attacked by the SEC, the IRS and the Justice Department for a variety
of alleged improprieties. Also in the area is Tenneco, the huge conglomerate which ranks
#26 on the Fortune magazine list of the top 500 U.S. corporations.
The Lamont signings with the Teamsters brought on an instant replay of Coachella:
UFW s
t
r
i
k
e
,pi
c
k
e
t
s
,i
nj
u
nc
t
i
ons
,Te
a
ms
t
e
r“
g
u
a
r
ds
”a
nds
u
bs
e
q
u
e
ntv
i
ol
e
nc
e
.
OnJ
une 28,
just five days after a similar attack in Coachella, there was large-scale violence at the
Kovacavich ranch near Lamont. More than 90 people were injured when some 40
Te
a
ms
t
e
r“
g
u
a
r
ds
”c
ha
r
g
e
daUFW pi
c
k
e
tl
i
ne
.
Victoria Medina, one of the picketers
,de
s
c
r
i
be
dt
ha
ts
c
e
net
ome
:“
The
yha
dwood
s
t
i
c
k
sbi
g
g
e
rt
ha
nba
s
e
ba
l
lba
t
s
.“
The
yj
u
mpe
df
r
om t
he
i
rc
a
r
sa
ndapi
c
k
u
pt
r
u
c
ka
nds
a
i
d
,
‘
We
’
r
eg
oi
ngt
os
e
ndy
oua
l
lhomet
oda
y
.
’Wes
a
woneoft
he
m hi
tDa
ni
e
lDe
l
a
r
os
aont
he
back of the neck with a stick. He fell down. When he tried to get up, about six guys kicked
hi
mwi
t
ht
he
i
rf
e
e
tu
nt
i
l
hedi
dn’
tmov
e
.
”
Four strikers were hospitalized, including 60-year-old Juan Hernandez, with severe
head injuries.
Unl
i
k
et
heCoa
c
he
l
l
aa
t
t
a
c
k
,i
nLa
monts
he
r
i
f
f
’
sdeputies intervened and arrested 30 of
t
heTe
a
ms
t
e
r“
g
u
a
r
ds
”onc
ha
r
g
e
sr
a
ng
i
ngf
r
om a
s
s
a
u
l
twi
t
hade
a
dl
ywe
a
pon,a
s
s
a
u
l
ta
nd
ba
t
t
e
r
y
,t
odi
s
t
u
r
bi
ngt
hepe
a
c
e
.Bu
tl
a
t
e
r
,onJ
u
l
y1
2
,t
heKe
r
nCou
nt
yDA’
sof
f
i
c
et
ol
d
UFW lawyer Jerry Cohen that ll the felony charges would be dropped, and only the
disturbing the peace charge was to be pressed.
One unlooked-for result of the Teamster violence has been its propaganda value for
the UFW. Guadalupe Huerta, a former strike-breaker who has now joined with the UFW,
e
x
pl
a
i
nshe
rownc
a
s
e
:“
Atf
i
r
s
tIdi
dn’
tbe
l
i
e
v
ei
nt
heu
ni
on.Ine
v
e
rr
e
a
dne
ws
pa
pe
r
sor
anything. I thought the Teamsters were good the way the ranchers used to tell us about
them. But then I began reading about them in the ‘
h
u
e
l
g
i
s
t
a
s
’[
s
t
r
i
k
e
r
s
’
]pa
per. Then I saw
t
heTe
a
ms
t
e
r
swe
nta
r
ou
ndbe
a
t
i
ngu
ppe
opl
e
.
Tha
t
’
swhyIwa
l
k
e
dou
t
.
Iwa
l
k
e
dou
ta
bou
t
awe
e
ka
f
t
e
rt
hebi
ga
t
t
a
c
kbe
c
a
u
s
eIwa
nt
e
dt
obeont
hehu
e
l
g
as
i
de
,nott
heTe
a
ms
t
e
r
s
’
,
because they were no good.
“
Ru
r
a
l
Ca
l
i
f
or
ni
ai
sl
i
k
eMi
s
s
i
s
s
i
ppi
.
”
Shortly after the June 28 attack in Lamont, William Grami, director of organizing for
t
heWe
s
t
e
r
nConf
e
r
e
nc
eofTe
a
ms
t
e
r
s
,a
nnou
nc
e
dt
ha
tt
he“
g
u
a
r
ds
”we
r
ebe
i
ngr
e
mov
e
d,
bu
tde
f
e
nde
dt
he
i
ru
s
e
.“
La
we
nf
or
c
e
me
nti
nt
hos
ea
r
e
a
s
,
”hec
l
a
i
me
d,“
wa
snot adequate
to protect workers from intimidation, harassment and physical violence by UFW
s
u
ppor
t
e
r
s
.
” He we
nton t
os
a
yt
he Te
a
ms
t
e
r
swe
r
e now s
a
t
i
s
f
i
e
d wi
t
hl
oc
a
ll
a
w
e
nf
or
c
e
me
nt
,
a
ndc
a
l
l
e
dont
heUFW l
e
a
d
e
r
st
o“
e
nf
or
c
et
he
i
rpol
i
c
yofnonv
i
ol
e
nc
e
.
”
Thi
si
st
hes
a
meWi
l
l
i
a
mGr
a
mi
whowhi
ms
i
c
a
l
l
yt
ol
dHa
r
r
yBe
r
ns
t
e
i
nt
ha
t“
S
ome
t
i
me
s
If
e
e
ll
i
k
eoneoft
hos
ehi
r
e
dg
u
ns
l
i
ng
e
r
sy
ous
e
ei
nol
dWe
s
t
e
r
nc
owboymov
i
e
s
.
”(
“
Bu
t
,
”
a
ddsBe
r
ns
t
e
i
n,“
t
heme
nwhohi
r
e
dt
heTe
a
ms
t
e
r
sa
r
enotha
pl
e
s
sr
a
nc
he
r
s[
i
nne
e
dof a
gunslinger]. They are corporate owners who are faced with the prospect of losing control
of work force which for decades has accepted backbreaking jobs in almost stolid silence at
below-pov
e
r
t
ywa
g
e
s
.
”
)
I
nt
hewor
dsofUFW l
a
wy
e
rJ
e
r
r
yCohe
n:
“
Thewhole power of the county is lined up
against us to break our strike. Sheriffs act like a private army of the growers. Most people
don’
tr
e
a
l
i
z
et
ha
ti
t
’
sl
i
k
et
heS
ou
t
hdu
r
i
ngt
hee
a
r
l
y‘
6
0
’
sa
r
ou
ndhe
r
e
.Ru
r
a
lCa
l
i
f
or
ni
ai
s
l
i
k
eMi
s
s
i
s
s
i
ppi
.
”
The departur
eoft
he“
g
u
a
r
d
s
”di
dn’
te
ndt
heLa
montv
i
ol
e
nc
e
.On J
u
l
y1
0
,f
or
example, a man (later identified by a local owner bar owner as a Teamster organizer)
smashed the windows of the Lamont UFW storefront office. And on July 13 an employee
of the Sabovich ranch near Lamont sprayed a UFW picket line of some 150 people with a
chemical pesticide.
According to picketers at the scene, the employee, Marle Pace, drove a tractor out of a
vineyard onto a highway in front of the picket line and started spraying. More than a dozen
people immediately began vomiting; 18 women and two men were sufficiently affected to
be taken to the Delano UFW clinic, and two were kept there for several days. UFW striker
Ma
r
i
aS
a
e
nzde
s
c
r
i
be
df
ormewha
tha
ppe
ne
dne
x
t
:“
Twooft
hec
opss
t
opped him and
talked to him for about five minutes, and then he took off without being arrested or
a
ny
t
hi
ng
.
”
By mid-July, with the grape harvest at hand, Lamont growers went to court to
strengthen their position. And on July 12 Kern County Judge John N. Naim tightened the
restrictions on strikers, restricting picket lines to 25 people, each person at least 100 feet
from the next, and prohibiting use of the bullhorn (the primary way of communicating
with strike-breakers in the field) more than one hour a day. Faced with these restrictions,
the UFW strikers defied the injunction and the mass arrests began—more than 2,000
between July 18-2
1a
l
one
.
“
We
’
r
eou
tpi
c
k
e
t
i
ngt
oc
onv
i
nc
et
hes
t
r
i
k
e
-breakers to come out
oft
hef
i
e
l
ds
,
”a
r
g
u
e
sJ
ohnGa
nz
a
,
oneoft
hea
r
r
e
s
t
e
dwor
k
e
r
s
.“
I
fy
our
e
a
dt
hei
nj
u
nc
t
i
on,
a
l
l
wec
a
ndoi
st
os
t
a
ndou
tt
he
r
ewi
t
haf
l
a
g
.
”
Cesar Chavez, who has faced this kind of odds many times before, retains a strong
pu
bl
i
copt
i
mi
s
m:“
Weha
v
emor
es
u
ppor
tnow t
ha
na
ta
nyt
i
mei
nt
hehi
s
t
or
yofou
r
mov
e
me
nt
,
”he
’
sq
u
i
c
kt
opr
oc
l
a
i
m.Andi
nt
hes
t
r
i
k
ea
r
e
ai
t
s
e
l
f
,t
hes
u
ppor
ti
si
nf
a
c
t
becoming visible, particularly from the Catholic church and several liberal Protestant
denominations.
Non-vindictive Attitude
Nagi Daiffullah, a 24-year-old farm worker from Yemen, became the first United Farm
Worker Unin fatality of the strike when he died August 15th from injuries suffered at the
ha
ndsofaKe
r
nCou
nt
yDe
pu
t
yS
he
r
i
f
f
.Al
t
hou
g
ht
hei
nc
i
de
ntwhi
c
hl
e
dt
oDa
i
f
f
u
l
l
a
h’
s
death occurred outside of a Lamont bar near midnight, the UFW has reacted to the death
as being directly linked to the struggle.
“
The
r
e
’
sapa
t
t
e
r
nofe
x
c
e
s
s
i
v
ef
or
c
ebe
i
ngu
s
e
dbyt
hes
he
r
i
f
f
,
”s
a
i
dUFW a
t
t
or
ne
y
J
e
r
r
yCohe
n.
“
I
ft
he
i
rs
k
i
ni
sadi
f
f
e
r
e
ntc
ol
or
,
t
he
ya
r
eg
oi
ngt
ou
s
ee
x
c
e
s
s
i
v
ef
or
c
e
.
”
Ne
a
r
l
y1
0
,
0
0
0UFW me
mbe
r
sa
nds
u
ppor
t
e
r
sa
t
t
e
nde
dDa
i
f
f
u
l
l
a
h’
sf
u
ne
r
a
li
nDe
l
a
no
on August 17th. Mourners walked in silence for several miles from a funeral home in
De
l
a
not
ot
heUFW’
she
a
dq
u
a
r
t
e
r
sj
u
s
tou
t
s
i
deoft
own.
Da
i
f
f
u
l
a
h’
sc
of
f
i
nwas followed by
a contingent of nearly 400 fellow Arab farm workers, most of whom had also come to the
U.S. seeking opportunity and economic security but found themselves mired in the
exploitative farm labor system in California. The Arabs were followed in the procession by
thousands of mostly Mexican farm workers with black armbands, many of whom carried
UFW flags with a background of black instead of bright red in honor of their slain Arab
brother.
The funeral itself was both Muslen and Christian with most of the comments being
t
r
a
ns
l
a
t
e
di
nt
oAr
a
bi
c
,Eng
l
i
s
h,S
pa
ni
s
h,a
ndTa
g
a
l
og
.Ce
s
a
rCha
v
e
z
’e
u
l
og
ys
t
r
e
s
s
e
dt
he
UFW’
snon-v
i
ndi
c
t
i
v
ea
t
t
i
t
u
det
owa
r
dt
hes
l
a
y
i
ng
;
“
Theha
ndt
ha
ts
t
r
u
c
kBr
ot
he
rNa
g
i
now
trembles in fear. It too is the victim of the climate of violence, racism and hatred created by
t
hos
eme
nwhoowne
v
e
r
y
t
hi
nga
ndk
i
l
l
wha
tt
he
yc
a
nnotown.
”
Cha
v
e
zc
ont
i
nu
e
d:“
Fa
r
m wor
k
e
r
se
v
e
r
y
whe
r
ea
r
ea
ng
r
ya
ndwor
r
i
e
dbu
twea
r
enot
going to fall into the trap that our persecutors have fallen into. We do not need to kill or
de
s
t
r
oyt
owi
n.Wea
r
eamov
e
me
ntt
ha
tbu
i
l
dsa
ndnotde
s
t
r
oy
s
.Le
tBr
ot
he
rNa
g
i
’
sde
a
t
h
be a reminder to us that persistence, hard work, faith and the willingness to sacrifice will
bring us victory. In this way we can win and keep our self-respect, build a great union, and
dohonort
ot
heg
r
e
a
ts
a
c
r
i
f
i
c
eBr
ot
he
rDa
i
f
f
u
l
l
a
hha
sma
def
ora
l
l
ofu
s
.
”
Chavez called on all UFW members and supporters to engage in a three-day fast in
honorofDa
i
f
f
u
l
l
a
ha
ndwhi
c
hwa
st
obe“
at
i
met
ot
hi
nkagain about violence and
nonv
i
ol
e
nc
e
.
”
Notonl
ydi
dt
hes
t
r
i
k
e
r
sha
v
eDa
i
f
f
u
l
l
a
h’
sde
a
t
ht
omou
r
nt
ha
tda
y
,bu
tl
e
s
st
ha
n2
4
hours before the funeral, Juan de la Cruz was shot to death while standing on a UFW
picket line near Arvin. According to strikers at the scene, de la Cruz was standing with
mor
et
ha
nadoz
e
not
he
rpi
c
k
e
t
sa
tt
hee
nt
r
a
nc
et
ooneofGu
i
ma
r
r
a
’
sr
a
nc
he
swa
i
t
i
ngf
or
strike-breakers to leave. One of the strike-br
e
a
k
e
r
’
sc
a
r
spa
s
s
e
dt
hel
i
nea
tahi
g
hs
pe
e
d
whe
noneoft
hec
a
r
’
soc
c
u
pa
nt
s
,a 20-year-old Filipino strike-breaker named Bayani
Advincula, started firing a gun toward the picket line. Juan de la Cruz immediately grabbed
his wife, and as he was pushing her out of the way, was hit in the chest by a bullet which
pierced his heart.
Del
aCr
u
z
’
de
a
t
hha
sbe
e
nad
e
e
ppe
r
s
ona
l
l
os
st
oma
nyoft
heUFW’
sl
e
a
de
r
s
.
The6
0
year-ol
df
a
r
m wor
k
e
rha
dbe
e
noneoft
heUFW’
sor
i
g
i
na
lme
mbe
r
swhe
nhej
oi
ne
dt
he
grape strike in the Lamont-Arvin area in 1965.
The two deaths followed weeks of violence aimed at the farm worker strike. The day
be
f
or
edel
aCr
u
zwa
sk
i
l
l
e
d,Fe
r
na
ndoCha
v
e
z
,Ce
s
a
r
’
se
l
de
s
ts
on,wa
ss
hota
twhi
l
e
picketing a grape ranch near Delano. Fortunately, the six shot fired in his direction
narrowly missed him. However, three other strikers were not so lucky in previous shooting
incidents earlier in August near Delano. Though none was killed in the shootings, the
i
nc
i
de
nt
si
ndi
c
a
t
et
ha
td
el
aCr
u
z
’
de
a
t
hwa
snotaf
r
e
a
ka
c
c
i
de
nt
.
5,000 Arrested
Besides the shootings, three other strikers were run over by cars near Lamont, dozens
of others have been beaten by Teamsters and police throughout the San Joaquin Valley.
And more than 5,000 have been arrested mostly as a result of defying court injunctions
which place severe restrictions on picketing.
Despite the considerable amount of violence that the UFW has been subjected to,
incidents in which UFW strikers have responded violently have been infrequent and
isolated. Yet they have happened. On August 16th, at one of the Gallo wine ranches near
Livingston (also in the San Joaquin Valley), I witnessed a rock-throwing incident. A strikebreaking tractor driver pulled his tractor off a road to enter a field which was being
picketed by some 150 strikers. Although he was not apparently trying to run over any
strikers, he did drive nest to the picket line and soon was surrounded by dozens of pickets.
There ensued a great deal of loud shouting, and as the tractor driver started to pull into the
field, several rocks were thrown in his direction. None hit him though one hit a fellow
striker in the back of the head (with no apparent injury to the striker).
Soon after that incident, the strikers left the line for their usual noon lunch break and
held a general meeting to discuss the events of the morning. One of the strike leaders, Jose
Vi
l
l
a
s
a
z
e
,be
g
a
nbyl
e
c
t
u
r
i
ngt
hes
t
r
i
k
e
r
s
:“
I
’
v
et
ol
dy
out
hou
s
a
ndsoft
i
me
snott
ot
hr
ow
r
oc
k
sa
ndnott
ot
a
l
kba
dt
os
c
a
bs
.Wedon’
tk
nowwha
tt
he
i
rt
a
c
t
i
c
sa
r
e
.The
y
’
r
ebr
i
ng
i
ng
the pickers close to the road because they might be able to get us mad enough to do
something drastic so they can lock us up—ors
ot
ha
twe
’
ddos
ome
t
hi
ngs
t
u
pi
ds
ot
ha
tt
he
y
c
a
ng
e
ta
ni
nj
u
nc
t
i
ona
g
a
i
ns
tu
s
.
”
Att
hi
spoi
nt
,a
not
he
rs
t
r
i
k
e
r
,Fe
l
i
z
i
a
noUr
r
u
t
i
ac
hi
me
di
n,“
Whe
nt
ha
tr
oc
khit our
ownpe
r
s
on,t
ha
t
’
snots
howi
nghowr
e
a
l
l
ya
ng
r
ywea
r
ea
bou
tt
hes
c
a
bs
,i
t
’
sj
u
s
ts
howi
ng
hows
t
u
pi
dwea
r
e
.
”
Villasaze then began talking about abusive language toward the strike-br
e
a
k
e
r
s
:“
The
way to gain their confidence is to talk nice to them and not throw rocks. We have to talk to
them as if we were angels. If we start treating people bad, when we meet them in town,
t
he
y
’
l
lj
u
s
tc
a
l
lt
hepol
i
c
eonu
s
.Tha
t
’
snott
hewa
y
.Weha
v
et
ot
a
l
kt
ot
he
me
v
e
r
yc
ha
nc
e
weha
v
e
.
”
The UFW policy of trying to win over workers nonviolently has seen considerable
success in the Gallo strike. On the first day of the Gallo strike, June 27th, 130 of the 150
year-round Gallo workers went out on strike. Their number had grown to more than 200
by the middle of August. On the first day of the grape harvest, August 16th, the impact of
t
hes
t
r
i
k
ewa
sdr
a
ma
t
i
c
.Ac
c
or
di
ngt
os
t
r
i
k
e
rBobbydel
aCr
u
z
,“
Nor
ma
l
l
yt
he
r
ea
r
e4
0
crews in the fields picking grapes on the first day. Today there were only 11 crews working.
There wer
e
n’
tmor
et
ha
n5
0s
c
a
bsi
nt
hef
i
e
l
d.
Nor
ma
l
l
yt
he
r
ea
r
ea
bou
t2
5
0
.
”
“
Li
v
e
-i
n”Pr
e
v
e
nt
sEv
i
c
t
i
on
The Gallo strikers have had other chances to test their nonviolence. In early August,
the Gallo strikers engaged in a five-da
y“
l
i
v
e
-i
n”whi
c
hpr
e
v
e
nt
e
dt
he eviction of Rogelio
and Maria Ramirez and their eight-month-old child Antonio from a Gallo-run labor camp,
Rogelio Ramirez has worked with Gallo for four years and has lived in the labor camp
housing all of that time. Camp #2 where the Ramirezes live is typical of the housing which
mi
g
r
a
ntf
a
r
m wor
k
e
r
sha
v
ebe
e
npr
ov
i
de
dwi
t
hbyt
he
i
re
mpl
oy
e
r
s
.The
r
e
’
snohotwa
t
e
r
;
the four families and 20 people who live in the camp share the same toilet and shower
facilities, and those bathrooms emit an awful stench because there has obviously been no
attempt to fix any of the toilets for months, if not years.
Ramirez was fired by Gallo on May 14th for protesting to a Gallo supervisor the
c
ompa
ny
’
ss
a
nc
t
i
oni
ngofaTe
a
ms
t
e
rr
a
l
l
yf
orwor
k
e
r
s(
whi
c
honl
ya
bou
taha
l
f
-dozen
showed up for). On the same day he was fired, Ramirez was given an eviction notice. On
June 27th, when other UFW members struck Gallo, those how lived in Gallo labor camps
were similarly given eviction notices at the same time they were fired.
Since Ramirez had been fired first, the outcome of the attempt to evict him affected
some 71 other families and more than 400 people.
On August 1st, after weeks of legal maneuvers, the Merced County Deputy Sheriffs
informed Ramirez while he was on a picket line that they were going to evict him that day.
Whe
nRa
mi
r
e
za
r
r
i
v
e
da
thi
shome
,
t
heS
he
r
i
f
f
’
sde
pa
r
t
me
ntha
dpu
l
l
e
du
pamov
i
ngv
a
nt
o
his camp. Shortly thereafter, more than a hundred UFW pickets came to the camp from
the picket line. According to Ramirez, “
The
ys
a
i
dt
he
ywe
r
ewi
l
l
i
ngt
og
ot
oj
a
i
lbe
f
or
e
t
he
y
’
dl
e
tu
sbee
v
i
c
t
e
d.
”Be
c
a
u
s
et
hepe
opl
ewe
r
et
he
r
e
,t
hes
he
r
i
f
f
sde
c
i
de
dt
or
e
t
r
e
a
ta
nd
to wait for further instructions.
Two days later, Ramirez received a court order in the mail which indicated that his
eviction could take place immediately. Upon receipt of this notice, dozens of UFW strikers
reappeared at the camp and commenced a five-day and night long vigil at the Ramirez
hou
s
e
.“
The
r
ewe
r
e7
0ofu
st
ha
tf
i
r
s
tni
g
ht
,
”a
c
c
or
di
ngt
oI
ne
zRoz
e
.“
After that we had
ov
e
rahu
ndr
e
ddu
r
i
ngt
heda
ya
nda
bou
t2
0or3
0a
tni
g
ht
.
”
Fi
na
l
l
y
,onAu
g
u
s
t7
t
h,t
heS
he
r
i
f
f
’
sDe
pu
t
i
e
sr
e
a
ppe
a
r
e
dwi
t
ht
hei
nt
e
nt
i
onofe
v
i
c
t
i
ng
the Ramirez family. However, when confronted by dozens of strikers who insisted that
they also would have to be taken to jail, the police decided to negotiate the issue. Because
the eviction order had been written so as to specify only Room No. 8 of the camp, the
deputies indicated that they would accept Ramirez moving next door to the vacant Room
No.9
.“
I
ft
hepe
opl
eha
dn’
tbe
e
nhe
r
et
hou
g
h,t
he
ypr
oba
bl
ywou
l
dha
v
et
a
k
e
nu
sou
tof
bot
hr
ooms
,
”Ra
mi
r
e
zde
c
l
a
r
e
dwhe
nIt
a
l
k
e
dwi
t
hhi
ma
tt
hec
a
mp.
When asked where he would go if evicted, Rogelio Ramirez gave an answer typical of
the response ofot
he
rs
t
r
i
k
e
r
sIi
nt
e
r
v
i
e
we
d:“
Nos
e
.[
Idon’
tk
now.
]Pr
oba
bl
ywe
’
de
ndu
p
ou
tt
he
r
e[
poi
nt
i
ngt
ot
her
oa
d]
.Ig
u
e
s
swe
’
dpu
tmys
t
a
t
i
onwa
g
onou
tt
he
r
ea
ndu
s
ei
ta
s
ou
rhome
.
”
Other strikers talked of setting up tents outside the labor camps I evicted. What is clear
from the attitude of the strikers is that Gallo will not be able to break their strike by
evicting the strikers. As many of the other growers in the San Joaquin Valley are learning,
their attempts to destroy the UFW are being met by a movement united in their
commitment to nonviolent resistance.
“
WeWi
l
l
Wi
n”
Still, despite the buoying effect of the local support and the now-depleted AFL-CIO
money, the UFW is having trouble lighting the fires under its traditional national
supporters, the liberal voters, consumers and politicians who were so stoutly behind the
UFW cause during the last big boycott.
“
I
ts
e
e
ms
,
”wr
i
t
e
sJ
ohnFr
yi
nChristianity and Crisis ma
g
a
z
i
ne(
J
u
l
y9
,1
9
7
3
)
,“
t
ha
twha
t
the UFW people want is to stay alive in the hardest fight they have ever been in. And since
all they can ask for is justice or help in another consumer boycott of Safeway, A&P, lettuce
and—yawn—table grapes, they are tiring their friends. If only the UFW had had the good
sense to get all their grape contracts renewed, to throw the Teamsters out of the fields and
to win favorable national legislation for agricultural workers, they could now enjoy all that
dy
na
mi
t
es
u
ppor
tf
r
oms
oe
a
s
i
l
yf
a
t
i
g
u
e
dc
ons
u
me
r
sa
ndq
u
i
c
k
l
ybor
e
dl
i
be
r
a
l
pol
i
t
i
c
i
a
ns
.
”
Chavez andhi
sf
e
l
l
owu
ni
oni
s
t
sa
r
ehope
f
u
l
:
“
I
tma
yt
a
k
ea
not
he
rf
i
v
ey
e
a
r
st
owi
nt
hi
s
s
t
r
u
g
g
l
e
,
”Cha
v
e
zt
ol
daCoa
c
he
l
l
ag
r
ou
pi
nMa
y
,“
Bu
twewi
l
lwi
n.Weha
v
enopl
a
c
ee
l
s
e
t
og
o.
”Towi
nt
hi
sba
t
t
l
ehowe
v
e
r
,t
heUFW a
g
a
i
nne
e
dst
hek
i
ndofna
t
i
ona
lc
ons
u
me
r
boycott and political pressure which worked against growers in 1970. Now the fight will be
t
ou
g
he
r
,a
sl
onga
s“
f
r
i
e
ndofl
a
bor
”l
i
be
r
a
l
sbr
u
s
hi
tof
fa
same
r
ej
u
r
i
s
di
c
t
i
ona
ldi
s
pu
t
e
,
one union against another, and keep their hands off.
The collusion between the growers, Teamsters and the Nixon administration proves
t
ha
tt
hi
si
s
n’
toneofy
ou
rf
r
a
t
e
r
na
ls
q
u
a
bbl
e
sa
mongwor
k
e
r
s
.I
ti
s
,a
sAFL-CIO President
Ge
or
g
eMe
a
nys
a
i
d,“
oneoft
hemos
tv
i
c
i
ou
su
ni
on-bu
s
t
i
nge
f
f
or
t
sweha
v
ee
v
e
rs
e
e
n.
”
The farm workers won their organizing battle and the UFW was born in 1970 with the
help of a concerted national campaign. Now, the two-million-member Teamster
organization joining with the agribusiness monopoly to crush the UFW and jettison its
gains in wages and working c
ondi
t
i
ons
,i
t
’
st
i
met
ohe
a
ronc
ea
g
a
i
nf
r
om t
hel
i
be
r
a
l
swho
have been so vocally behind Chavez in the past.
“
I
fa
l
ly
ou
’
r
ei
nt
e
r
e
s
t
e
di
ni
sg
oi
nga
r
ou
ndbe
i
ngnonv
i
ol
e
nta
nds
oc
onc
e
r
ne
da
bou
t
saving yourself, at some point the whole thing breaks down — y
ous
a
yt
oy
ou
r
s
e
l
f
,‘
We
l
l
,
let them be violent, as long as I
’
mnonv
i
ol
e
nt
.
’Ory
oube
g
i
nt
ot
hi
nki
t
’
sok
a
yt
ol
os
et
he
battle as losing as you remain nonviolent. The idea is that you have to win and be
nonv
i
ol
e
nt
.Tha
t
’
se
x
t
r
e
me
l
yi
mpor
t
a
nt
.You
’
v
eg
ot to be nonviolent — a
ndy
ou
’
v
eg
ott
o
wi
nwi
t
hnonv
i
ol
e
nc
e
.
”
Cesar Chavez (in the September 6 issue of Win)
win
Peace and Freedom Through Nonviolent Action
“
Th
el
i
v
e
l
i
e
s
tma
g
a
z
i
n
eo
nt
h
el
e
f
t
.
”(The Village Voice)
“
.
.
.
p
r
e
t
t
yg
o
o
dl
i
t
t
l
er
a
g.
.
.
“(The Institute Journal)
Published weekly in Rifton, New York with the support of the War Resisters League.
Subscriptions: $7 a year; $4 for six months. A real bargain!
WIN
*
BOX 547
*
RIFTON, N.Y. 12471
Empowering The People
Thef
a
r
mwor
k
e
r
s
’
s
t
ruggle — perhaps the most important experiment with the social force
of nonviolence going on today — is raising fundamental questions around workers rights,
democratic control, the nature of power and the way in which conflict is handled.
(This is an edited transcription of a recent conversation between Institute worker Wendy Batson and Bob
Eaton of the Philadelphia Resistance. It was taken from a Monday night discussion at the Institute on the
Union and the implications of its work.)
Wendy: It
hi
nki
t
’
simportant to understand that the struggle happening now between the
Teamsters and the growers and the United Farmworkers is not the same as the one that
happened five years ago. New and stronger elements have been introduced, and what
comes out will be different. If the Farmworkers and the growers once again sit down and
renegotiate a new set of contracts, those people are going to be very different from who
they were the last time they sat down at that table.
The situation right now is specifically different because of the introduction of the
Teamsters, which gives the growers an option they never had before, and it tends to slow
downt
ha
twhol
epr
oc
e
s
sofl
e
a
r
ni
ngt
ode
a
lwi
t
honea
not
he
rt
ha
t
’
sg
oneonbe
t
we
e
nt
he
Farm Workers and growers the past three years. But one option is gone: the idea that they
c
a
nha
v
enonu
ni
onf
a
r
ms
.Tha
t
’
sg
onec
ompl
e
t
e
l
ya
ndmos
toft
he
ms
a
yi
ta
ndt
ha
t
’
sar
e
a
l
change.
I think that the kind of conflict which the strike and boycott bring out is inevitable.
Wha
tI
’
mi
nt
e
r
e
s
t
e
d in, though, is some sort of assumption that, in relationships such as
those between farmworkers and growers, the conflict does not necessarily have to be fatal.
Andbe
c
a
u
s
ei
tdoe
s
n’
tha
v
et
obef
a
t
a
l
,i
tc
a
nbeav
e
r
ys
t
r
ongl
e
a
r
ni
ngpr
oc
e
s
sbe
t
we
e
n
grou
psofpe
opl
e
.To me
,i
t
’
st
hee
x
pe
c
t
a
t
i
on pe
opl
eha
v
et
ha
ts
u
c
hc
onf
l
i
c
ti
ss
o
ne
c
e
s
s
a
r
i
l
yf
a
t
a
lt
ha
t
’
ss
ot
e
r
r
i
f
y
i
nga
ndbe
g
i
nss
hov
i
ngt
he
m of
fi
nal
otofna
s
t
ydi
r
e
c
t
i
ons
.
Oneoft
het
hi
ng
st
ha
te
x
c
i
t
e
smei
st
ha
ti
t
’
spos
s
i
bl
et
ha
tt
heFa
r
mwor
k
e
r
sa
nd the
Teamsters and growers will go through this process again, will sit down and renegotiate
contracts, and once again learn that conflict with one another does not have to be fatal and
there are many doors which did get left open along the way for communication. Some of
the growers should begin reaching that point.
Out of the sixty growers in the Valley, two growers who went through extreme
economic straits for the five years of the first grape boycott decided this time around to
stick with the Farm Worke
r
sUni
on.
Andt
he
ydi
dn’
te
v
e
nt
a
l
ka
bou
ti
ti
nav
e
r
yc
ha
r
i
t
a
bl
e
,
loving way, but they did say that they had come to understand that it was necessary that
there was going to be a union in their fields. Given that basic fact of life, they respected
what the Farmworkers had done the previous five years in establishing their union and
t
he
y
’
dbed
a
mne
di
ft
he
y
’
ds
i
g
nwi
t
ht
heTe
a
ms
t
e
r
s
.Tha
t
,t
ome
,i
st
hei
mpor
t
a
nts
t
e
pt
ha
t
happens during this kind of struggle and, perhaps this time there will be five more who feel
this way.
Bob: Ia
g
r
e
ewi
t
hy
out
ha
twe
’
l
lne
v
e
rg
e
tr
i
dofc
onf
l
i
c
t
.It
hi
nkt
ha
t
’
sg
oi
ngt
oe
x
i
s
t
;Is
e
e
e
nou
g
hofi
ti
nmy
s
e
l
ft
ha
tIc
a
n’
ts
e
ei
tg
oi
nga
wa
y
.Bu
tt
hei
mpor
t
a
ntt
hi
ngt
ha
ty
oul
ook
for in a social system is what are the elements in the social/political/economic/cultural
structure which are making conflict inherent and also preventing people from organizing
and acting against it or allowing them to somehow wage an equal battle. It seems to me
that the situation with the Farm Workers is that you have a whole structure at work which
has denied them any ability to organize effectively, to somehow or other at least come out
on a relative par with the people who are controlling those grapes. And so anything that
begins to redress that balance is not a comprehensive solution by any means, but is
nonetheless a step forward because it has empowered some people.
One of the great strengths of the Farm Workers has been that it has been a union in
the fields, built from the bottom up. We were in Fresno when they announced that the
strike benefits were out. The strike benefits were not great anyway, and the announcement
wa
sma
dei
nt
e
r
msof
,“
The
r
ea
r
enomor
ebe
ne
f
i
t
s
;we
’
r
eg
oi
ngt
oha
v
et
oc
a
l
lof
ft
he
s
t
r
i
k
e
.
”Andt
hepe
opl
eu
na
ni
mou
s
l
ys
a
i
d,“
Thehe
l
lwi
t
ht
ha
t
.We
’
r
enotg
oi
ngt
oc
a
l
lof
f
t
hi
ss
t
r
i
k
e
.
”Tha
tdoe
s
n’
tha
ppe
ni
nv
e
r
yma
nyu
ni
onsi
nt
hi
sc
ou
nt
r
ywhe
ns
t
r
i
k
ebe
ne
f
i
t
s
dr
yu
p,
a
ndt
ha
t
’
sar
e
a
l
s
ou
r
c
eofpowe
r
.
Thedi
l
e
mmai
st
ha
tt
heboy
c
ot
ti
sg
oi
ngbe
y
ondi
t
’
sa
ppe
a
l
i
ngorpe
titioning for aid
a
nds
u
ppor
t
.Pe
opl
ec
a
ne
i
t
he
rg
o‘
t
hu
mbsu
p’or‘
t
hu
mbsdown.
’Bu
tt
oac
e
r
t
a
i
ne
x
t
e
nt
t
ha
t‘
s
we
e
tl
i
g
htofr
e
a
s
on’wet
a
l
k
e
da
bou
te
a
r
l
i
e
ra
tl
e
a
s
tc
a
nf
u
nc
t
i
oni
nt
ha
tr
e
a
l
m
be
c
a
u
s
ei
t
’
sr
e
a
s
on—and a little emotion, too—t
ha
t
’
sg
ongt
omake me support or not
support that boycott. The sweet light of reason will never be a functioning element, it
s
e
e
mst
ome
,i
nt
hede
c
i
s
i
onofma
na
g
e
me
ntt
oc
onc
e
d
et
owor
k
e
r
s
’de
ma
nds
.Wha
t
management is going to concede to is pressure, and only pressure by and large.
There are enough people working on farms that if farm workers throughout the
c
ou
nt
r
yor
g
a
ni
z
e
dt
he
y
’
dbet
hebi
g
g
e
s
tu
ni
oni
nt
hec
ou
nt
r
y
.Oneoft
hei
nt
e
r
e
s
t
i
ngt
hi
ng
s
in terms of dynamics is that the struggle the Farm Workers have now has been brought on
byt
he
i
rowns
u
c
c
e
s
s
,
be
c
a
u
s
et
he
y
’
v
epr
ov
e
donet
hi
ngwhi
c
hnobodybe
l
i
e
v
e
dbe
f
or
e
,
a
nd
that is that the farm workers can be organized. Particularly in this area where illegals and
scab labor can be brought in so simply for short periods oft
i
me
,t
he
y
’
v
es
howni
tc
a
nbe
done
.Tha
t
’
sbe
e
nr
e
g
i
s
t
e
r
e
dnow;ma
na
g
e
me
nta
c
c
e
pt
si
t
.Te
ny
e
a
r
sa
g
oma
na
g
e
me
nt
wou
l
dha
v
ef
ou
g
htt
heTe
a
ms
t
e
r
sa
sha
r
da
st
he
y
’
r
ef
i
g
ht
i
ngCha
v
e
z
,bu
tnow t
he
y
’
v
e
invited the Teamsters in.
Really, the critical difference be
t
we
e
nt
het
wou
ni
onsi
swha
tt
he
y
’
r
ede
ma
ndi
ngi
n
terms of power for the workers: the question of controlling the conditions in which they
have to labor; the question of hiring halls and the question of pesticides—those are two
very simple things, really
,bu
tt
heTe
a
ms
t
e
r
swon’
tt
ou
c
ht
he
m.Al
lt
he
y
’
r
ei
nt
e
r
e
s
t
e
di
ni
s
getting the minimum wage—and they are doing that, though it is an even lower wage than
the Farm Workers are struggling for. But what is critically different is that the Farm
Workers are demanding hiring halls and some democratic control from the ground up by
the workers in terms of conditions they must work under.
Wendy: I got a much better understanding of that one night while I was down in Fresno
when I spent about three hours talking with one of the larger packer-growers in the Fresno
area. I asked him about the Teamster-Farmworker dispute and whether he had a
pr
e
f
e
r
e
nc
ea
ndwha
thewa
sg
oi
ngt
odo.Andhes
a
i
dt
ome
,“
TheTe
a
ms
t
e
r
sa
r
eareal
labor union; they make wage demands and theyl
e
a
v
et
her
e
s
tofi
tu
pt
ou
sa
ndt
ha
t
’
s
wha
t
’
sou
rbus
i
ne
s
s
.
” And he s
a
i
d,“
I
’
l
lbe g
odda
mne
di
fI
’
l
le
v
e
rr
e
c
og
ni
z
et
he
Fa
r
mwor
k
e
r
sUni
onbe
c
a
u
s
eI
’
l
lne
v
e
rr
e
c
og
ni
z
et
hehi
r
i
ngha
l
l
.
”I
twa
sa
tt
ha
tmome
nt
that I realized that the hiring hall was one of the most crucial elements in that very struggle
for a different kind of power. The Teamsters do just talk in terms of minimum wage and in
t
e
r
msofpot
e
nt
i
a
l
l
ybe
c
omi
ngc
ons
u
me
r
s
,a
ndi
t
’
sal
a
ng
u
a
g
et
ha
tt
heg
r
owe
r
su
nde
r
s
t
a
nd.
The Union talks in terms of pesticide control and the hiring hall which gives them a great
deal more to say about who works where, how they work and under what conditions they
wor
k
.It
hi
nki
t
’
st
ha
te
l
e
me
ntpa
r
t
i
c
u
l
a
r
l
yt
ha
t
’
sg
oi
ngt
oma
k
ei
ts
u
c
hadi
f
f
i
c
u
l
ts
t
r
u
g
g
l
e
with the growers.
The San Joaquin Valley has also been literally destroyed in the last fifty years. It looks
nothing like it looked when settlers first came over. One of the main reasons for its
destruction has been the unlimited use of pesticides, and since that directly connects to
farm worker lives in the central area of California, it is one of the nonnegotiable items of
t
heUni
onc
ont
r
a
c
t
swi
t
ht
heg
r
owe
r
s
.I
t
’
sc
a
l
l
e
dapr
ot
e
c
t
i
onc
l
a
u
s
e
,notonl
yf
ort
he
worker but for the consumer, because they in their way are beginning to try to make that
kind of link between what happens in the field and what happens to the food that is
produced for our tables.
I
t
’
soneoft
hea
r
e
a
swi
t
hwhi
c
ht
heg
r
owe
r
smos
ts
t
r
ong
l
ydi
s
a
g
r
e
e
.The
ya
r
enot
particularly interested at this time in enforcing more stringent pesticide laws either among
grapes or any other crop. The Union refuses to back down. Statistics around the deaths of
Uni
onme
mbe
r
si
nt
hec
e
nt
r
a
la
r
e
aofCa
l
i
f
or
ni
aa
r
ev
e
r
yhi
g
h.I
t
’
se
s
t
i
ma
t
e
da
tonet
i
me
that one thousand people in a year were killed due to use and lack of control over
pesticides.
The hiring hall is the other important issue. There are two major methods which a
union uses to supply workers to any sort of production: the labor contractor system and
the hiring hall system. In the past, up until the Farm Workers Union came along, the
growers always used a labor contractor system, which means that a major grower hires a
ma
nwho’
sc
a
l
l
e
dal
a
borc
ont
r
a
c
t
ora
ndt
u
r
nsov
e
ras
u
m ofmone
yt
ohi
m.Thel
a
bor
contractor is then responsible to go out and recruit the number of workers that grower
wants in his field. All the communication between the grower and the workers is handled
through the labor contractor, and he is also in many cases responsible for things like
building bathrooms in the fields, water, transportation to the fields, housing, etc. The labor
contractor has a great deal of power indirectly through the grower over what kind of
conditions the workers have.
In a hiring hall system, which is what the Union uses at this point, the communication
is direct between the Union and the grower. The grower comes to the hiring hall, tells them
how many people he wants in any particular field and for what particular length of time,
and then everything else is handled by the hiring hall. They decide who goes where (usually
i
nt
e
r
msofs
e
ni
or
i
t
y
)
,whog
e
t
swha
tk
i
ndofj
obs
,wha
ts
or
tofpa
yt
he
y
’
r
eg
oi
ngt
oha
v
e
,
a
ndwha
ts
or
tofc
ondi
t
i
onst
he
y
’
r
eg
oi
ngt
owor
ku
nde
r
.I
tma
k
e
sc
ommu
ni
c
a
t
i
onmu
c
h
more direct betweenau
ni
ona
nda
ne
mpl
oy
e
r
,a
ndt
ha
t
’
soneoft
her
e
a
s
onst
heg
r
owe
r
s
don’
tl
i
k
ei
ta
ta
l
l
.
The reason they usually say is because of the seniority system. Every union has a
s
e
ni
or
i
t
ys
y
s
t
e
mwhe
r
e
byy
oude
c
i
dewhog
e
t
shi
r
e
dwhe
ny
ou
’
v
eg
ott
ooma
nywor
k
e
r
s for
a
nyonea
r
e
aorwho’
sg
oi
ngou
tt
owha
tf
i
e
l
ds
.TheUni
ons
t
a
r
t
e
dou
twi
t
has
e
ni
or
i
t
y
s
y
s
t
e
m ba
s
e
donhowl
ongy
ou
’
v
ebe
e
ni
ns
i
det
heUni
ona
ndt
he
yt
r
i
e
dt
ha
tf
ora
bou
ts
i
x
and half months and decided it was disastrous because a lot of workers resented it. It
me
a
ntt
ha
tt
he
ydi
dn’
tg
e
tt
og
oba
c
kt
ot
hef
i
e
l
dst
he
yha
dwor
k
e
di
nf
orpe
r
ha
pst
he
previous ten years, and a lot of growers resented it because they wanted workers back in
their fields who had some previous knowledge of their particular crops. So at that point the
Union switched over to a ranch seniority system, and the whole system whereby decisions
a
r
ema
dei
ns
i
det
heUni
oni
snowba
s
e
dont
ha
tr
a
nc
hs
e
ni
or
i
t
ys
y
s
t
e
m ma
d
eu
pofwha
t
’
s
known as ranch committees.
S
oi
fy
ou
’
v
er
e
t
u
r
ne
dr
e
g
u
l
arly over a period of time to one ranch you get first priority
a
tg
e
t
t
i
ngs
e
ntba
c
kt
he
r
ewhe
ny
oug
ot
oahi
r
i
ngha
l
lt
og
e
taj
ob.The
n,whi
l
ey
ou
’
r
eon
that ranch, you elect yourselves a committee and the committee elects a representative who
directly deals with the full-time Union officials. The decisions about when to go on strike,
about what kind of demands are made, about how things are going inside the fields are all
discussed through the ranch committee, and the representative of that committee goes
back and tells the Union in their series of meetings about how things are going out in the
fields.
I
ta
l
s
oma
k
e
st
heg
r
owe
r
sdi
r
e
c
t
l
yr
e
s
pons
i
bl
ef
orhow t
he
y
’
r
et
r
e
a
t
i
ngpe
opl
e
,how
t
he
y
’
r
epa
y
i
ngpe
opl
e
,
a
ndhowr
e
l
a
t
i
ons
hi
psa
r
ei
ng
e
ne
r
a
la
ndt
ha
t
’
ssomething they really
don’
twa
ntt
obe
.Tha
t
’
ss
t
i
l
la
not
he
rr
e
a
s
onwhyt
he
y
’
r
es
oa
nx
i
ou
st
or
e
c
og
ni
z
et
he
Teamsters.
So the struggle goes on, and the only real question is at what point do you stop it? You
could stop it right now, and things would be significantly different from what they were ten
years ago. I would say, though, that that event had then become a reformist rather than a
radical process because people had stopped at that particular point. If the Farmworkers
quit right now, those fields would be unionized, wages would be higher, working
conditions would essentially be better, child labor laws would be enforced — a whole series
of important kinds of reforms would have happened inside the fields. The thing that
excites me about the FarmworkersUni
oni
st
ha
tt
he
y
’
v
et
a
k
e
nt
ha
ts
t
e
pbe
y
ondr
e
f
or
ma
nd
are willing to go through the next process of struggle from which something significantly
di
f
f
e
r
e
ntwi
l
lc
omeou
t
.Tha
tr
e
f
or
mi
s
te
l
e
me
nti
nt
e
r
msofpe
opl
e
’
sa
c
t
u
a
lda
y
-to-day lives
being significant
l
ybe
t
t
e
ri
snote
nou
g
hbe
c
a
u
s
ewha
tt
he
y
’
r
et
a
l
k
i
nga
bou
ti
sa
c
c
e
s
st
oa
di
f
f
e
r
e
ntk
i
ndofpowe
rwhi
c
ht
heg
r
owe
r
sdon’
twa
ntt
og
i
v
et
he
m.I
t
’
sak
i
ndofpowe
r
which goes beyond $2.10 an hour, it goes beyond having toilets in the fields and having
cold drinking water every two hours provided by the growers.
Bu
tt
ha
ts
t
e
pbe
y
ondr
e
f
or
mc
a
n’
tbet
a
k
e
na
l
one
.TheFa
r
mwor
k
e
r
sne
e
dou
rhe
l
pt
o
bring enough economic and public pressure on the growers so that they will recognize the
f
a
r
mwor
k
e
r
s
’ownu
ni
on.Consumer boycott work is the most important thing to do now,
pa
r
t
i
c
u
l
a
r
l
ys
i
nc
ene
a
r
l
ya
l
l
s
t
r
i
k
ewor
ki
nt
heVa
l
l
e
yha
sbe
e
nc
a
l
l
e
dof
f
.
Andi
t
’
si
nt
e
r
e
s
t
i
ng
,
too, on the boycott line you can find out, or begin to experience in a way that a lot of us
don’
ta
tt
hi
spoi
nt
,al
otofwha
t
’
sg
oi
ngoni
ns
i
deAme
r
i
c
a
n’
smi
ndsa
bou
tt
hes
t
a
t
eoft
hi
s
c
ou
nt
r
ya
ndwhe
r
ewe
’
r
eg
oi
ng
.
I
’
v
eg
ot
t
e
ni
nt
os
omeoft
hemos
tf
a
s
c
i
na
t
i
ngc
onv
e
r
s
a
t
i
ons
recently on the boycott line. And I also start losing my temper when people are being
c
ons
i
s
t
e
nt
l
yr
u
det
omea
ndpr
e
t
t
ys
ooni
t
’
sas
t
r
u
g
g
l
enott
obec
ons
i
s
t
e
nt
l
yr
u
deba
c
kt
o
them.
So one of the things I gradually begin trying to do is to think about being a young
woman, 24 years of age, and probably having two or three children. I try to think about
be
i
ngi
nahou
s
e
hol
dwhe
r
eI
’
m wor
k
i
ngonal
i
mi
t
e
dma
na
g
e
dbu
dg
e
t
,whi
c
hmos
tof
t
he
s
ewome
na
r
e
,
a
ndIt
hi
nki
fIpu
tmy
s
e
l
fi
nt
he
i
rpos
i
t
i
on… Iwa
l
kou
tt
ot
hedr
i
v
e
wa
y
carrying all three kids and I get in the car. I drive down El Camino Real, which is a hell of a
drive on the best of days, to my nearby Safeway in Menlo Park and I get out. I walk across
the parking lot, one kid crying because one kid in three usually is, carrying my purse, trying
to buy my shopping for that day and what hits me but this freak dashing across the parking
l
ots
a
y
i
ng
,“
Don’
ts
hopa
tt
hi
ss
t
or
e
.
”Thi
nkofwha
tt
ha
t
’
sg
oi
ngt
ome
a
ni
fy
ou
’
r
ei
ns
i
d
e
t
ha
tpos
i
t
i
on.You
’
v
eg
ott
ot
hi
nka
bou
tt
a
k
i
nga
l
lt
hr
e
eoft
hos
ek
i
dsa
ndg
e
t
t
i
ngba
c
ki
nt
o
that car, andq
u
i
t
eof
t
e
ni
nt
hec
a
s
eoft
hes
t
or
e
swe
’
r
eboy
c
ot
t
i
ng
,dr
i
v
ea
ny
whe
r
ef
r
om
a
not
he
rt
woorf
i
v
emi
l
e
st
og
ot
oa
not
he
rs
u
pe
r
ma
r
k
e
t
.I
t
’
sr
e
a
l
l
yg
ongt
obu
r
ny
ouou
t
,
a
ndwe
’
v
eg
ott
ok
e
e
pt
ha
ti
nt
heba
c
kofou
rmi
ndsa
l
lt
het
i
mewhe
nwe
’
r
ewa
l
k
i
nga
c
r
oss
that parking lot.
When I finally flashed on that one day it was because a third young woman in row, as
s
oona
sIg
otou
tmy
,“
Goodmor
ni
ng
,m’
a
m,wou
l
dy
oul
i
k
et
onots
hopa
tS
a
f
e
wa
y
t
oda
y
?
”t
u
r
ne
dt
omea
nds
a
i
d,“
Got
ohe
l
l
”i
nar
e
a
l
l
yl
ou
dv
oi
c
e
.And the other line I
mos
tof
t
e
ng
otf
r
om pe
opl
el
i
k
et
ha
ti
s
,“
don’
tt
e
l
lmewha
tt
odo,
”whi
c
hi
sas
t
a
t
e
me
ntI
got not just from young women, who are in the process of raising kids and dealing with a
di
f
f
e
r
e
nta
ng
e
ra
ndf
r
u
s
t
r
a
t
i
ona
l
r
e
a
dy
,
bu
tI
’
ds
a
yi
t
’
soneoft
hemos
tc
ons
i
s
t
e
ntr
e
s
pons
e
s
I
’
v
eg
ot
t
e
nf
r
ompe
opl
ewhoa
r
ei
ns
omes
e
ns
ea
ng
r
y
.
It
hi
nkt
ha
t
’
sav
e
r
yi
nt
e
r
e
s
t
i
ngr
e
s
pons
es
howi
ngwha
t
’
sg
oi
ngoni
ns
i
deAme
r
i
c
a
n’
s
he
a
ds
.Andbe
f
or
ea
ns
we
r
i
ngIof
t
e
nt
r
yt
of
i
g
u
r
eou
twhe
r
et
ha
t“
Don’
tt
e
l
l me what to
do”c
ome
sf
r
om.S
ome
t
i
me
sIj
u
s
tba
c
kof
fa
nds
a
y
,“
I
’
ma
s
k
i
ngy
out
ohe
l
p,
”whi
c
hr
e
a
l
l
y
in tone and in quality, if you mean it when saying it, is a very different thing from saying,
“
Don’
ts
hopa
tS
a
f
e
wa
y
,
”whi
c
his telling them what to do. The
y
’
r
eal
otofv
e
r
yv
a
l
i
d
reasons to me why many people are really resenting that right now—after the last ten years,
after the process of the Vietnam war, after this wholly thing with Watergate, and with food
prices going up as they are. They are pretty d
a
mns
i
c
koft
hewhol
et
hi
nga
ndt
he
yha
v
e
n’
t
been able to come up with any new answers which account for it all or consistently order
t
heu
ni
v
e
r
s
ei
ns
u
c
hawa
yt
ha
tt
hi
spa
r
t
i
c
u
l
a
rt
i
mema
k
e
ss
e
ns
e
.AndIdon’
tt
hi
nkt
he
r
e
’
s
anything harder than living a
i
nat
i
met
ha
t
’
snotma
k
i
ngs
e
ns
et
oy
ou
.
So, I tend to try to find a response that is not hostile but leaves enough space for the
pe
r
s
onI
’
mt
a
l
k
i
ngt
o,wi
t
ht
he
i
ra
ng
e
r
,t
ot
e
l
lmes
pe
c
i
f
i
c
a
l
l
ywha
tt
hea
ng
e
ri
sa
bou
t
.
Al
t
hou
g
hs
ome
t
i
me
si
t
’
sha
r
d,It
hi
nki
t
’
si
mpor
t
a
ntt
og
e
ty
ou
r
s
e
l
fi
nt
ot
hek
i
ndoff
e
e
l
i
ng
t
ha
ty
oudon’
tt
a
l
kba
c
kt
os
ome
bodywhe
nt
he
yc
omeou
twi
t
ht
ha
t“
Got
ohe
l
l
!
Don’
tt
e
l
l
mewha
tt
odo.
Ge
tou
tofmywa
y
.
”S
ome
t
i
me
swhe
nt
he
y
’
r
es
oa
ng
r
yIj
u
s
ts
t
e
pa
s
i
dea
nd
s
a
y
,
“
We
l
l
,
a
tl
e
a
s
tdon’
tbu
yg
r
a
pe
sorl
e
t
t
u
c
e
,
”a
ndl
e
ti
tg
of
ort
hene
x
tt
i
mea
r
ou
nd.
Ot
he
rt
i
me
si
t
’
sbe
e
ni
nt
e
r
e
s
t
i
ngt
oi
ns
omewa
yphr
a
s
eaq
u
e
s
t
i
on ba
c
kwhi
c
h
e
s
s
e
nt
i
a
l
l
ya
s
k
st
he
m,“
Whya
r
ey
oua
ng
r
ya
ndwha
ta
r
ey
oua
ng
r
ya
bou
t
?
”Onc
eIe
v
e
n
a
s
k
e
dd
i
r
e
c
t
l
y
,“
Why are you angry at me?
”a
nds
het
ol
dme
,v
e
r
ys
pe
c
i
f
i
c
a
l
l
y
,whys
hewa
s
angry at me. She told me about being hot and tired and the kids cross and one was sick and
she wanted to get her goddamn shopping done. And we then got into a little bit of talking
that there were a lot of people who felt that kind of anger, who felt that kind of frustration,
and what were different ways we could deal with that. We finally struck a compromise
agreement—s
he
’
ds
hopt
oda
ya
tS
a
f
e
wa
ya
ndwou
l
dn’
tbu
yg
r
a
pe
sorl
e
t
t
u
c
ea
ndperhaps
the following week would consider going somewhere else.
Bob: Ultimately it seems to me that it really comes down to a question for us, who are
basically consumers, for better or worse, and for those people down in the Valley who are
producers and consumers, how is it that we find ways to seek power, power over those
t
hi
ng
st
ha
tdomi
na
t
eu
s
.Idon’
tt
hi
nkt
ha
tu
l
t
i
ma
t
e
l
yt
hei
ndi
v
i
du
a
ls
ol
u
t
i
onma
k
e
sa
ny
s
e
ns
e
.Wha
t
’
se
x
c
i
t
i
ngt
o mea
bou
tt
heFa
r
mwor
k
e
r
s
,a
nd wha
ti
st
hef
u
nda
me
nt
a
l
difference in my mind between them and the Teamsters, is the way in which they pose this
question. The Farm Workers are clear: yes, they want power, they want power over their
own lives and how decisions are made which affect their own lives. The Teamsters,
however, havec
omei
nwi
t
ha
nol
du
ni
onor
g
a
ni
z
i
nga
ppr
oa
c
ha
nds
a
i
d,“
Wedon’
twa
nt
powe
r
,
a
l
lwewa
nti
smone
y
,
”be
c
a
u
s
et
he
yt
hi
nkt
he
yc
a
ng
e
tt
he
i
rpowe
rt
hr
ou
g
hmone
y
.
So the Teamsters go in as a union, and things are better for Teamsters workers than they
were for nonunion workers, but all they come out with is money. They think that if they
have the money that can go out and begin to control something.
Wha
tCha
v
e
z
’
u
ni
oni
st
r
y
i
ngt
odoi
nf
a
c
ti
st
or
a
i
s
emu
c
hmor
ef
u
nda
me
nt
a
l
q
u
e
s
t
i
ons
about power over their workplace, power over the conditions and how they live their lives,
and one of the questions which comes back to us as consumers is when are we as
consumers (and also producers in other areas) going to demand the same kind of power?
And then how do we mesht
ha
ts
ot
ha
ti
tdoe
s
n’
tbe
c
omeac
ompe
t
i
t
i
v
et
hi
ng
,whe
r
e
e
v
e
r
y
bodyi
ss
c
a
pe
g
oa
t
i
nge
v
e
r
y
bod
ye
l
s
ea
nds
a
y
i
ng
,“
Thos
eg
odda
mnFa
r
m Wor
k
e
r
s
,we
wou
l
dn’
tha
v
et
opa
ys
omu
c
hf
orourmont
hl
ys
hoppi
ngbi
l
li
ft
he
ywe
r
e
n’
tor
g
a
ni
z
e
d.
”
Tha
t
’
spa
r
toft
hei
ns
t
i
nct, I think, among a lot of people who walk through that Safeway.
Ul
t
i
ma
t
e
l
yi
t
’
ss
e
l
f
-defeating because the power is there. The power now is monopolized in
places we have little access to and the Union, in trying to break that down, is trying one of
the most difficult things in the world. Few Unions have tried it in this country and few
have fought as tenaciously for it. A lot of them tried, a lot of them started out that way but
g
a
v
eu
ppr
e
t
t
yq
u
i
c
k
l
y
.
TheTe
a
ms
t
e
r
sa
r
eone
;
i
tdoe
s
n’
tha
v
eadi
s
honor
a
bl
e history, but it
ha
sapr
e
t
t
ydi
s
honor
a
bl
epr
e
s
e
ntbe
c
a
u
s
ei
t
’
sg
oi
ngf
ort
hebu
c
ka
ndal
otofpe
opl
es
e
et
he
buck as power.
I think one of the interesting dynamics you strive for in any nonviolent campaign you
wage skillfully is the understanding that conflict is inherent in most social systems and that
y
ouc
a
nnoti
nc
r
e
a
s
ec
ommu
ni
c
a
t
i
onbys
ome
howma
i
nt
a
i
ni
ngt
ha
tc
onf
l
i
c
ti
s
n’
tt
he
r
e
.I
n
fact, one of the best ways of getting people talking and understanding is to go in and
expose that sore, just as a cancer—you just take a knife and start whittling at it, and in fact
heighten the tensions, and heighten stereotypes perhaps. All of these things are probably
going to flow; they flow very naturally whenever anybody jiggles the status quo a little or
challenges it. But one of the mechanisms that comes into play in a nonviolent campaign is
t
ha
t
,be
c
a
u
s
ey
oudon’
ts
t
e
r
e
ot
y
pepe
opl
ea
st
hee
ne
myne
c
e
s
s
a
r
i
l
y
,y
ous
e
e
kt
ol
ooka
tt
he
ov
e
r
a
l
l
s
y
s
t
e
mt
ha
t
’
sope
r
a
t
i
nga
ndhowt
ha
t
’
sc
ha
ng
e
d.
One of the things that gets in the way and breaks down communication is defining
e
ne
mi
e
s
,
be
c
a
u
s
eu
l
t
i
ma
t
e
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t
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snote
ne
mi
e
st
ha
ta
r
et
hepr
obl
e
m;
i
t
’
st
hes
y
s
t
e
m.
The
r
ea
r
e
always people who man the outposts of the system, who do bad things. But the boycott
forces the growers to begin to look at a situation they grew up in that they never had to
l
ooka
tbe
f
or
e
.Idon’
tk
now i
fr
e
a
s
onwi
l
le
v
e
rc
ha
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et
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r
owe
r
spe
rs
e
,u
l
t
i
ma
t
e
l
yI
think it will be pressure, but how that change takes place is important. And in a nonviolent
campaign you try to keep that communication open. You never see those growers as being
e
v
i
l
.Youu
nd
e
r
s
t
a
ndt
ha
tt
he
y
’
r
et
r
a
ppe
di
nt
he
i
rownl
i
t
t
l
ebox
e
sj
u
s
ta
se
v
e
r
y
bodye
l
s
ei
s
in a certain sense and you try to ease that change so that the communication in fact opens
up in such a way that there are no final victors.
In a nonviolent campaign, ultimately everybody wins. In fact, some people are going to
l
os
et
he
i
rr
ol
e
s
.Thos
eg
r
owe
r
sa
r
eg
oi
ngt
ol
os
et
he
i
r‘
bi
gg
r
owe
r
’ma
c
hor
ol
e
s
—t
ha
t
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sa
f
a
c
ta
ndt
ha
t
’
sg
oi
ngt
og
o.S
omeoft
he
ma
r
e
n’
tg
oi
ngt
ol
i
k
ei
t
’t
he
y
’
r
eg
oi
ngt
or
e
s
i
s
ti
t
a
nddi
ee
mbi
t
t
e
r
e
dol
dme
na
ndt
ha
t
’
su
nf
or
t
u
na
t
ebu
ti
t
’
sg
oi
ngt
oha
ppe
n.Ot
he
r
s
perhaps are going to begin to change. Hopefully, though, the whole social fabric will begin
to c
ha
ng
ea
ndt
he
y
’
l
lbe
g
i
nt
ou
nde
r
s
t
a
ndt
ha
ti
ti
si
nf
a
c
tl
e
g
i
t
i
ma
t
ef
orf
a
r
m wor
k
e
r
st
o
organize for their rights.