D3 SYSTEMS, INC.
Educational Attainment and its Impact on
Women’s Status in Central Asia
A Comparative Analysis of Public Opinion of Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan
Stephen Hornbeck
Research Analyst
March, 2012
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Table of Contents
Introduction ......................................................................................................................3
History of Education in Central Asia ...............................................................................4
Differences Among Neighbors ........................................................................................6
History’s Impact on Education ........................................................................................7
Employment Opportunities ..............................................................................................9
State of Economic Dependence: Payment of Wages .....................................................10
Conclusion .....................................................................................................................13
Methodology ..................................................................................................................15
Works Cited ...................................................................................................................22
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Introduction
Survey research has a role to play in providing Muslim women with a public voice where custom and
culture do not permit them their own. It can be used to inform and shape empowerment policies from the
perspective of each population. The Women in Muslim Countries (WIMC) study is designed to measure
women’s empowerment in actual daily practice, providing an in-depth look into the oft-perceived gap
between current public policy and empowerment initiatives, as well as actual practice on the personal and
local level. The answers are intended to yield a metric for promoting excellence in public policy by
informing policymakers on women’s attitudes about the effects of policy initiatives, as well as a measure
of the degree of effectiveness of those policies.
As part of a collective effort to understand the status of rights (in practice and beliefs) of Muslim women
around the world, D3 Systems, Inc. (www.d3systems.com) sponsors and manages the 26 country WIMC.
The nationwide Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan survey, the focus of this report, consists of
interviews with 1121, 1027, and 999 randomly selected Muslim women nationwide in Kazakhstan,
Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan respectively. The respondents were interviewed in person by native speakers,
from November 14 to November 27, 2007. With a 95% confidence interval, results from this survey can
be expected to have a margin of error of +/- 3 percent.
This report provides analysis of differences between three countries of the same region with overlapping
histories. It addresses women’s attitudes and opinions on their rights, analyzes their economic status and
looks at each of these factors through the lens of varying levels of education across and within the three
countries. It provides a historical context, focusing on Soviet occupation and later independence in the
late twentieth century, for how and why the educational standards vary between the countries. The
results of this study indicate that the history of each country has created distinct social structures and
conditions that have left lasting impressions on the status of women within each.
Due of the stark differences in Tajikistan’s history since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, this paper will
focus on the educational conditions of women within Tajikistan in comparison to both Kazakhstan and
Kyrgyzstan. It will demonstrate that of the three countries, Tajikistan has the highest percentage of
women who did not attend university and who stated their highest desire would be for a better education
(19%). This limited access to education has inhibited much of the female population from working in
higher paying jobs and has decreased their economic independence, as those with lower levels of
education tend to work in jobs where the payment of the wages are made to other members of the
household.
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History of Education in Central Asia
With the advent of Soviet control of Central Asia in the early twentieth century, government programs
were designed and instituted to decrease the power and influence of religious leaders and the local
oligarchs, subjugate the influence of Islam in the Soviet states, and increase the power of the lower and
middle class segments of society as well as their loyalty to the state. These programs included land
redistribution, educational reform and public works programs, such as the construction of libraries and
cultural centers. Though these programs were originally designed to increase loyalty to the state, they
had many unintended consequences.
Soviet education programs replaced traditional Arabic and Latin scripts with the Cyrillic alphabet and
required primary education for the entire population. Bright and talented youth were recruited from the
countryside and brought to urban centers to receive a higher quality education and to demonstrate the
progress that the Soviet Union was making for the people. This also served to bring different ethnic,
religious, and social segments of the population together to exchange ideas and dissipate ethnic tensions
that had traditionally led to conflict within these societies.
Educational opportunities in the urban centers led to the retention of the educated youth in these areas
due to the limited number of jobs in the rural areas. This movement and retention of the population in
urban areas continues in Central Asia today. WIMC data indicates that in Kazakhstan, 67% of women
who have enrolled in or have completed a university education currently live in urban areas compared to
33% who live in rural areas. Similarly, in Kyrgyzstan, 59% of university students or graduates are living in
urban areas compared to 44% living in rural areas. In Tajikistan, which has a similar urban and rural
population as Kyrgyzstan, the opposite situation exists where 65% of college students or graduates live in
rural areas and 35% live in urban areas. The difference in Tajikistan may be due to the lack of
employment opportunities currently available in urban Tajikistan as well as displacement of the urban
population as a result of the Tajik civil war which left over 1 million people displaced.
Figure 1:
Residence of College Educated Women
67%
56%
44%
33%
Kazakhstan
Kyrgyzstan
Country
65%
35%
Urban
Rural
Tajikistan
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This theory concerning the lack of employment opportunities in urban Tajikistan is supported by the
WIMC data which reveals that women with higher education that live in rural areas actually have a higher
rate of employment. Overall, 62% percent of Tajik women with a college degree living in rural areas are
employed full-time compared to 45% of their urban counterparts. Furthermore, these educated Tajik
women living in rural areas are more likely to work in areas of public health (28% rural women, 17% urban
women) and education or culture (38% rural women, 20% urban women) while their educated urban
counterparts have higher rates of working in trade (14% urban women, 3% rural women) and commercial
services (14% urban women, 7% rural women).
Figure 2:
Percentage of Employed College Educated Women by
Residence
76%
Tajikistan
52%
40%
Kyrgyzstan
Rural
Urban
50%
43%
Kazakhstan
59%
0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
Educational programs instituted by the Soviet Union also helped to increase literacy rates among the
population, improve the educational standards in both urban and rural areas, and increase the
population’s perceived value of education. For example, the literacy rate in Tajikistan increased from
2.2% in 1926; to 71.7% in 1939 (Hiro, 2009, pg 56); and again to 93% in 1989 (Falkingham, 2000, pg 7).
Although these numbers may have been inflated by the government of the period, they do represent a
tremendous increase in literacy rates in Central Asia.
Soviet rule also set the minimum age of marriage to 16 for females while polygamy, payment of kalym
(payment for a bride), and marriage without the bride’s consent were all banned. (Falkingham, 2000, pg
7) These initiatives helped to curtail traditional religious and social practices imposed on women which
prevented them from pursuing a basic education.
During this time, social safety nets were provided to women when they started a family. Women were
given two years maternity leave and guaranteed free health care for themselves and their children. (Hiro,
2009, pg 56) These circumstances provided women with the opportunity and ability to pursue ambitions
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beyond raising children. This further improved the educational achievement levels of women throughout
Central Asia.
Through these programs, women of Central Asia were able to pursue higher education and were
provided with the tools necessary to compete with men in the now accessible workplace. Access to the
job market also led to an economic independence never before experienced by women in the region.
Though there were few job opportunities after graduation and familial restraints prevented many women
from joining the workforce, by the 1960’s, the average marriage age of women increased from 17 to 22
(Whitlock, 2003, pg 103). This gave women a greater decision making role within the family, and
decreased the need for women to stay married for financial security.
Upon the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the legacy of these policies provided foundations for the Central
Asian countries to develop their own distinct educational policies and structures. Although Kazakhstan,
Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan continued to promote policies of universal education and high literacy rates
(approximately 99% in these countries), social conditions after independence drastically affected the
potency of these programs. (United Nations Development Programme, 2009, pg 171-173) The results of
the WIMC study in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan also demonstrate how these varied social
conditions have shaped the educational achievement levels of women within these countries and affected
their socio-economic status and financial independence. Of the countries polled, in no country is the
impact of today’s level of education on the respondent’s socio-economic status more evident than in
Tajikistan.
Differences Among Neighbors
After the Soviet Union disbanded, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan went through relatively peaceful transitions
to independence. Because of this transition, the countries were able to keep a large percentage of their
primarily Russian bureaucracy and public servants (including professors and intelligentsia). Though the
transitions in these countries did result in varied levels of corruption, violence, election rigging, ethnic
tensions and protests, these countries also kept relatively close relationships with Russia, the United
States and China. This ensured the retention of experienced bureaucratic employees, eased travel
restrictions of migrant workers across local borders, bolstered economic support, and improved security.
At the same time, the governments of Kyrgyzstan privatized industry, helping to secure international
investment. These factors, as well as other social conditions and governmental policies, have led to
higher standards of living and educational standards in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan today.
In contrast to its neighbors, Tajikistan, upon independence from the Soviet Union, plunged into a
prolonged and violent civil war among various political, religious and ethnic factions. The civil war and the
ensuing violence led to the mass emigration of Russian and European citizens who had made up much of
the government and infrastructure of Tajikistan.
As many of the teachers and university faculty in Tajikistan were of Russian and European decent, the
quality of post-secondary education and educational standards fell sharply during this period. The civil
war also created thousands of war widows who now had the burden of raising children without the social
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safety nets that were available during the Soviet occupation, in an increasingly uncertain time. Adding
further to these problems, in 2003 the government held a referendum to amend the constitution to
eliminate free higher education in Tajikistan. This resulted “in falling literacy rates and life-spans of
citizens.” (Hiro, 2009, pg 350) These issues led many families to place a higher priority on the education
of the male bread-winners in the family and caused many families which were faced with poverty to marry
off daughters or place them in religious schools that place a higher emphasis on the homemaking skills
for women to make them more attractive as future brides.
As a result, the literacy rates of women have declined, especially in rural areas of Tajikistan. These
conditions have also led to an increase in the frequency of child marriage and have left many women
vulnerable to domestic abuse. In 2009, Amnesty International reported that nearly half of all Tajik women
are abused or raped. (BBC News, 2009) In some extreme cases, women are victims of sexual trafficking
to criminal elements preying on vulnerable families with few options and naive women looking for jobs.
These criminal organizations promote themselves to under educated women or women looking for
husbands as a means to be financially secure.
History’s Impact on Education
The differing development paths of each country after independence, combined with the current social
and cultural systems of each country, have greatly affected the standards of education within each
country. Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan today have higher ratios of women enrolled in school (combined
primary, secondary, and tertiary) than men. Kazakhstan has a ratio of 1.08 females to males (ranked
nd
rd
32 in the world) and Kyrgyzstan with 1.06 females to males (ranked 43 in the world). In contrast,
th
Tajikistan has a ratio of 0.84 females to males enrolled in school (ranked 154 in the world) (United
Nations). These findings are reflected in the WIMC study which indicates that the percentages of women
who are enrolled in or have completed a university education are significantly higher in Kazakhstan and
1
Kyrgyzstan than in Tajikistan.
Figure 3:
Educational Levels by Country
Kazakhstan
1%
Krygyzstan
1%
34%
Primary School
49%
50%
1%
Tajikistan
Secondary School
College/University
12%
74%
14%
0%
1
No Education
65%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
Tajikistan was the only country in the study in which respondents stated that they had received no education.
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The WIMC study asks women what they believe would make their lives happier as a measure of their
perceptions of what they most desire. When the women of the three countries were asked what one thing
could change in their lives to make them happier, the highest percent of women who mentioned a better
education came from Tajikistan (19%) compared to 7% of women in Kazakhstan and 8% of women in
Kyrgyzstan (See Figure 4).
Better
Education
Figure 4:
If you could change one thing to make your life happier, what would it
be?
50%
40%
30%
20%
19%
7%
10%
8%
0%
Kazkhstan
(n=1121)
Kyrgyzstan
(n=1027)
Tajikistan (n=999)
Although Tajikistan has a high literacy rate (99%) and has mandatory primary education for the
population, after primary school there is a sharp decline in the percent of women who continue with their
education. Women are regularly taken out of secondary school due to the need to work for the family,
religious reasons, lack of financial resources to pay for education, or to get married and start a family.
The practices of “polygamy and child marriage [are] on the rise” (Hiro, 2009, pg. 351) throughout
Tajikistan and women are frequently married off at a young age to prevent “kidnappings and rape by
soldiers” and also because the families cannot afford to keep, support or educate them (Newman, 2006).
These child marriages frequently end women’s paths to education, leave women without the economic
resources to leave a marriage, sometimes resulting in abusive relationships.
Although 95% of females in Tajikistan enroll in primary school, 93% of these women complete primary
school and only 75% enroll afterward in secondary school. Enrollment drops further as only 11% of
women enter tertiary education (UNESCO, 2009). In comparison, 90% of females are enrolled in primary
school in Kazakhstan, 86% are enrolled in secondary school and 42% enroll in tertiary education. These
statistics are supported in the findings of the WIMC project in which Tajikistan shows high levels of
respondents with secondary education (73%) and a sharp decrease in respondents that have tertiary
education (14%).
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Employment Opportunities
The benefits of education can be seen through the differences in the employment status of women of
varying educational backgrounds. As women attain higher levels of education, the likelihood that they are
a housewife/homemaker reduces drastically. In Tajikistan, 76% of females who did not make it past
primary education are housewives compared to 52% of women who are enrolled or completed secondary
education and 32% of females who are enrolled or have completed tertiary education. Similarly in
Kazakhstan, 62% of women with primary education are homemakers compared to 43% of women with a
secondary education and 32% of women enrolled in or graduated from the university level. Also, in
Kyrgyzstan, 67% of women enrolled only in primary school and 64% of those enrolled in secondary
school are housewives. There is a sharp decrease among women enrolled in or completing college who
report being housewives in Kyrgyzstan at 36%.
As women’s education increases and their likelihood of being a housewife decreases, their opportunity for
employment can be seen to increase. In Tajikistan, 9% of women with a primary education, 27% of
women with secondary education and 55% of women with a tertiary education are currently employed or
own a business. Women who had not received an education were either unemployed or were
homemakers. These results are similar with the other countries of this study as 14% of women with
primary education, 29% with secondary education and 54% of women enrolled in or graduated from
college are employed in Kazakhstan. In Kyrgyzstan, no women who received only primary education are
employed while 15% who received a secondary education and 46% of women who enrolled in or
graduated college are currently employed. These comparisons are statistically significant with a p value
of less than .05.
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Figure 5:
Employment Status By Education Level
Kazakhstan (n=1121), Kyrgyzstan (n=1027), Tajikistan (n=999)
100%
78%
80%
67%
60%
54%
40%
29%
15%
46%
Unemployed
40%
36%
32%
Housewife
34%
26%
17%
17%
18%
15%
10%
8%
Employed
51%
43%
20%
67%
64%
62%
20%
14%
14%
10%
0%
0%
4%
10%
Kazakhstan
Kyrgyzstan
Tertiary
Secondary
Primary
No Education
Tertiary
Secondary
Primary
Tertiary
Secondary
Primary
0%
Tajikistan
Not only does higher education increase women’s chances of being employed, it also increases their
access to fields that are traditionally associated with higher pay. For example, of those in Tajikistan that
say they are employed, 49% of those with secondary education work in the agriculture. However, among
Tajik women that have a university education, the percentage of those working in agriculture drops to 2%
while those that work in education or culture increases from 4% to 33%, those working in public health
increases from 3% to 26% and those in public service increases from 7% to 14%. Similarly, in
Kyrgyzstan, 12% of those with secondary school education work in agriculture or forestry compared to
3% of those with a university education. Furthermore, as education increases, the number of Kyrgyz
women working in education or culture related positions increases from 7% to 24% and those working in
public service increases from 10% to 22%. These figures indicate that as a woman’s education increases
so does her access to employment opportunities outside agriculture.
State of Economic Dependence: Payment of Wages
In many patriarchal societies, wages for employment are sometimes paid directly to the head of the
household in lieu of paying them directly to females. Women in the WIMC study who were employed
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were asked about the payment practices of their employer and whether payment was made directly to
them or to someone in the household on their behalf. In the countries of Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan it
appears that the education of women did not have an effect on whether the wages were paid directly to
them, as over 90% of women in each education bracket reported the wages were being paid directly to
them.
However, in Tajikistan, as women’s educational attainment increases, so too does the likelihood that their
wages will be paid directly to them. Of the women who were working and had only a primary education,
only 33% received their wages directly from their employer while 58% had their wages paid to the
household. Of employed women who had received a secondary education 79% received wages directly
while 20% had their wages paid to someone in the household. A majority of women who were employed
and were enrolled in or completed college were paid directly (90%), while 10% had their wages paid to
someone in the household.
Figure 6:
Payment of Wages by Education (Tajikistan; n=354)
90%
79%
58%
Paid Directly
33%
20%
10%
Paid to Someone Else
in Household
Primary Secondary Tertiary
Education
Payment of wages directly to the women is an important aspect of ensuring economic independence of
women and is also an important leveling factor in a marriage concerning who makes decisions on
purchasing the daily needs of the family. As the results of the WIMC study show, increased education of
a woman acts as a leveling device in the daily decision making of the family and gives women a greater
voice within their own family unit. These results can also be seen when looking at the education of
women and their decision making role in determining and meeting the daily needs of the family. As the
level of education of the woman increases, the likelihood that their spouse will make all the daily
decisions decreases dramatically. To reflect this finding, of married women who received primary
education, 39% list the spouse as the decision maker compared to 36% of those with secondary
education and 21% of women who have enrolled in or have completed college. Similarly, as women’s
education increases, the likelihood that she will be included in the daily purchasing decisions increases.
Of married women with only a primary education, 49% list the daily decisions as being made jointly while
59% of women with a secondary education and 69% of women with a university education list the daily
decisions as being made jointly.
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Figure 7:
Tajikistan (n=735) Who in your household decides what purchases are
made to meet daily household needs like food, clothing and cleaning
supplies?
80%
69%
59%
49%
60%
39%
40%
36%
21%
Spouse
Joint
20%
0%
Primary
Secondary
University
Respondent Education
Socio-Economic Standing
Educational attainment has an important impact on the socio-economic status of women within Central
Asia. Women who are able to complete their education are more likely in every country to have a higher
socio-economic status than their less educated counter-parts. Across all countries, 57% of women who
attended only primary school were either middle or upper class while 43% were working or lower class.
The number of middle and upper class women increases to 75% of women who attended secondary
school, while the number of women who are working or lower class decreases slightly to 25%. The
number of upper or middle class women increases even more dramatically among women who have
enrolled in or completed a university education with 85% belonging to the middle or upper class and 15%
belonging to the working or lower class. As the following chart will show, education’s effect on women’s
socio-economic status is consistent among all of the countries included in this study. The comparisons
are statistically significant with a p value of less than .05.
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Figure 8:
Socio-Economic Status By Education and Country
100%
90%
89%
88%
83%
82%
80%
75%
80%
70%
67%
62%
67%
55%
60%
40%
Upper/Middle
45%
50%
38%
33%
30%
25%
20%
18%
17%
20%
Working/Lower
33%
12%
11%
10%
Kazakhstan
Kyrgyzstan
Tertiary
Secondary
Primary
No Education
Tertiary
Secondary
Primary
Tertiary
Primary
Secondary
0%
Tajikistan
Conclusion
History has played a substantial role in the educational achievement levels of the women of Central Asia.
Educational attainment available to women in these countries not only plays a vital role in their socioeconomic conditions, employment and economic independence but also stands as an indicator of the
progress and the level of economic development within each country. The data from the WIMC study
demonstrates how the effect of educational achievement on women’s socio-economic success, economic
independence and status within the household.
The history of Tajikistan has lowered the educational attainment levels of women compared to its
neighboring countries. However, as with its neighbors, women in Tajikistan that have achieved higher
levels of education show higher rates of employment, economic independence and decision making
abilities within their household. More emphasis should be placed on increasing access to education to
Tajik females as a means to promote economic empowerment in Tajikistan.
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More research should be conducted to determine the causative sources of women ceasing to pursue
higher educational opportunities after secondary education in Tajikistan and determine why women in
these countries choose or are forced to end their education. These are the issues that must be addressed
and resolved before women who aspire to greater education as their path to happiness can pursue their
dreams.
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Methodology
Kazakhstan
For Kazakhstan, a multi-stage, random selection of households, distributed proportionately to the
national population, and a random selection of respondents is the method of choice for this survey.
Interviews are completed in the homes of respondents.
For the purpose of this survey, Kazakhstan was divided into six regions (Almaty, Northern, Central,
Eastern, Southern, and Western) different from each other by geographic position and major
economic, social and demographic characteristics. In each of the regions, areas representing the
different key demographic, ethnic, and economic characteristics are selected. The number of
interviews for each region was proportional to its population. The selection of localities in each
territory was done as follows:
a) Urban: The sample includes all territorial centers and villages of the selected territories;
b) Rural: Villages were selected randomly from the list of all villages of the given oblast.
Table 1:
Distribution of Interviews by Region and Urbanization
Region
Total
Percent
Urban
Percent
Rural
1. Almaty
176
8.8%
176
14.8%
0
2. Northern
332
16.6%
180
15.1%
152
3. Central
368
18.4%
286
24.0%
82
4. Eastern
412
20.6%
192
16.1%
220
5. Southern
444
22.2%
204
17.1%
240
6. Western
268
13.4%
154
12.9%
114
2000
100%
1192
100%
808
TOTAL
Percent
0.0%
18.8%
10.1%
27.2%
29.7%
14.1%
100%
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Survey points were selected as follows: (1) every city was divided into three districts – central,
‘bedroom,’ and industrial; (2) every village was divided into two districts – the central and the outlying
streets.
Random route sampling was used to select households. The regional supervisor defined the
starting location in each survey point. Interviewers were instructed to attempt to conduct an interview
with every fifth household in neighborhoods consisting of one and two story houses. In multi-storied
buildings, the interviewer was to begin on the top floor of every second apartment building, choosing
the apartment with the highest number, then skipping a floor, and choosing the next apartment the
same way. In villages every third household was selected.
The “last birthday” method (to the date of the visit) was then followed to select a respondent, 18+
years of age. If the selected person was not available, the interviewer was to return there twice (in
total, three visits).
Interviews were conducted in Russian and the Kazakh languages.
Kyrgyzstan
The sample in Kyrgyzstan is multi-staged and stratified by region, residence (town/village) and
gender. According to the administrative and territorial division of Kyrgyzstan, the country is
divided into eight regions (Chujskaja, Issyk-Kul’skaja, Narynskaja, Talasskaja, Oshskaja, DzhalalAbadskaja, Batkenskaja, and Bishkek). The sampling points are allocated proportionately to the
country’s population.
Table 2:
Distribution of Interviews by Region and Urbanization
Region
Bishkek
Chujskaja
Narynskaja
Issyk-Kul’skaja
Talassakaja
Oshskaja
Dzhalal-Abadskaja
Total
374
321
165
94
77
473
344
Percent
18.7%
16.1%
8.3%
4.7%
3.9%
23.7%
17.2%
Urban
374
67
49
16
14
122
86
Percent
48.7%
8.7%
6.4%
2.1%
1.8%
15.9%
11.2%
Rural
0
254
116
78
63
351
258
Percent
0.0%
20.6%
9.4%
6.3%
5.1%
28.5%
20.9%
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Batkenskaja
TOTAL
152
2000
7.6%
100%
40
767
5.2%
100%
112
1233
9.1%
100%
The number of interviews is determined for each region in proportion to the population. Each
region is divided into urban and rural areas. The urban and rural population in every region is
stratified by gender and age. Cities, towns, villages and rural localities are selected in proportion
to the 18+ population with larger rural regions having an advantage over smaller regions. Closely
located sampling points with a small share in the sample are combined into one, so that each
sampling point could have at least ten respondents.
Random route sampling is used to select households. The regional supervisor defined the
starting location in each survey point. Interviewers are instructed to attempt to conduct an interview
at every fourth household.
The “closest birthday” method is then followed to select a respondent – the person whose
birthday was closest to the date of the visit. Only household members who are citizens of Kyrgyzstan
are selected. If the selected person is not available, the interviewer is to return there twice (in total,
three visits).
Interviews were conducted in Kyrgyz and Russian.
Tajikistan
The nationally-representative sampling method is multi-stage and stratified by region and
urbanization. The sampling is random for the selection of sampling points, households and
respondents, though quotas are retained to avoid bias on key variables.
Tajikistan is divided into five regions (Dushanbe, Gorno-Badakhshanskaya autonomous oblast,
Sodiyskaya/Leninabudskaya, Khatlonskaya, and the districts of the direct republican
administration). Selection of city and village clusters was then selected proportionally to the urban
and rural population. Rural localities were selected by lottery from the general list of villages in a
given oblast. For each region, its proportion to the population determined the number of
interviews.
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Table 3:
Distribution of Interviews by Region and Urbanization
Region
1. Dushanbe
2. Gorno-Badakhshanskaya (GBA)
3. Khatlonskaya
4. Sodiyskaya/Leninabudshaya
5. Districts of Direct Republican Administration
TOTAL
Total
200
80
660
620
440
2000
Percent
10.0%
4.0%
33.0%
31.0%
22.0%
100%
Urban
200
20
180
100
60
560
Percent
35.7%
3.6%
32.1%
17.9%
10.7%
100%
Rural
0
60
440
560
380
1440
Percent
0.0%
4.2%
30.6%
38.9%
26.4%
100%
All city centers in a region, regional centers, and capitals are included in the survey, as are town
settlements, which are selected using the random numbers generator. Rural settlements are
selected by lottery using the general list of villages in each region, which are selected using a
random numbers generator.
Each city was divided into districts in accordance with boundaries of the network districts of the
Municipal Electric Network. Using a lottery, the required number of areas is selected from the list
of network areas in accordance with the size of population. There are 28 urban survey points.
Villages are divided into two districts – the central and the outlying streets, with the number of
interviews divided equally. The survey covers 72 rural survey points.
Random route sampling is used to select households. The regional supervisor determines the route
starting point. Interviewers are instructed to attempt to conduct an interview with every third
household in neighborhoods consisting of one and two story houses. In blocks of flats, interviewers
are to conduct interviews at every fifth household.
In households where more than one family occupies the household, the appropriate family is chosen
by listing the names of the heads of the family in alphabetical order. The respondent is chosen from
the family that appears first in the list. The “closest birthday” method is then followed to select a
respondent, linked to the quota. If the selected person is not available, the interviewer is to return
there twice (in total, three visits).
Interviews were conducted in Tajik and Russian.
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Fieldwork
Fieldwork was conducted during the times and places shown in Table 4. Across the board, the pace of
fieldwork and delivery was within contract specifications.
Table 4:
Timelines for Fieldwork and Data Delivery
Country
Sample
Size
Start
Field
End
Field
Duration
of field
Data
2
Rcvd
Data Lag
(Working
Days)
Kazakhstan
Kyrgyzstan
Tajikistan
Average
2000
2000
2000
2000
11/14
11/14
11/14
11/27
11/28
11/28
14 Days
15 Days
15 Days
15 Days
12/13/07
12/17/07
12/17/07
2
4
4
3
Table 5:
Composition of the Field Teams
Metric
Size of Field Team
Percent Female
Percent Male
% New to These Polls
Kazakhstan
97%
92%
8%
15%
Kyrgyzstan
83
67%
33%
67%
Tajikistan
59
42%
58%
27%
Refusal Rate
Across all countries in this wave the average refusal rate was 25% (Table 6). The refusal rate is based
on those who refused outright at the door; those who refused to participate for various reasons (including
illness, drunkenness, or a household member not allowing the interview to take place) and those who
broke off the interview (a very small share). This figure does not include the whole litany of non-contacts
2
This date is the day final, clean data were received by D3.
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(nobody home, respondent not home at the time interviewer was there, address not found, address is not
a residence, unable to gain entrance because of code, no suitable respondent, etc.).
The former statistic (refusals) is more useful for political researchers as it speaks to public attitudes
toward polling in general, the topics of this poll and their willingness to participate. The latter statistic
(non-contacts) is relatively more important for field managers, as it speaks to the time and resources
needed to complete fieldwork.
Table 6:
Refusal Rates by Country
Country
Refused
Completed
Col. A
Col. B
1407
241
564
737
2000
2000
2000
2000
Kazakhstan
Kyrgyzstan
Tajikistan
Average
Total
Eligible
Contacts
C = A+B
3407
2241
2564
2737
Refusal Rate
D = (A/C)*
100
41%
11%
22%
25%
Breakoffs
as a Percent
of Refusals
2%
0%
4%
2%
Data Processing
The first data files from each country arrived in a timely manner and generally within contract
specifications. The data are weighted in all countries to adjust for minor statistical imbalances. While we
recommend the use of the weight factor, it makes little difference in the results because the underlying
samples are almost on target, and stable across waves.
Statistical weighting is a common procedure. The variables in all four countries are the same: gender,
age and type of residence (urban/rural). The samples are designed to be representative of each country
by region and urban/rural strata.
Quality Control Measures
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D3 and its suppliers apply a number of quality control measures at different points in the survey process.
We focus here on QC as it applies to fieldwork. In F2F field situations, most of the interviewers work
independently, without direct supervision.
Table 9:
Field Quality Control Measures by Country
Country
Kazakhstan
% Backchecked
35%
During
Interview
9%
By
Supervisor
17%
Central
Office
75%
Kyrgyzstan
15%
0%
53%
47%
Tajikistan
24%
17%
52%
31%
D3 also conducts an overall quality assessment for its in-person surveys. Survey results, coded by
interviewers, were tested for a pattern of straight responses, substantive response bias – straights across
respondents, non-response, and productivity. We include the results of these tests in a separate report
on quality control of the field team.
The key advantages of this approach are that it:
•
Is based on all of the work of all interviewers and their full body of work,
•
Is quantitative and replicable across waves and studies, and
•
It is comparative – it rigorously compares the performance of each interviewer against that of the
team as a whole.
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Works Cited
BBC News. (2009, November 24). Amnesty: Nearly half of Tajik women 'regularly abused'. Retrieved December
18, 2009, from BBC News: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/8375617.stm
Falkingham, J. (2000). Women and Gender Relations in Tajikistan. Asian Development Bank.
Hiro, D. (2009). Inside Central Asia; A Political and Cultural History of Uzbekistan Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan,
Kyrgzstan, Tajikistan, Turkey and Iran. New York: Overlook Duckworth, Peter Mayer Publishers, Inc.
Newman, D. (2006, December 7). Tajik Girls Drop School to Marry. Retrieved February 16, 2010, from BBC
World Service: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/6207472.stm
UNESCO. (2009). UIS Statistics in Brief. Retrieved January 30, 2010, from UNESCO Institute for Statistics:
http://stats.uis.unesco.org/unesco/TableViewer/document.aspx?ReportId=121&IF_Language=eng&BR_Co
untry=7610
United Nations Development Programme. (2009). Overcoming Barriers: Human Mobility and Development. New
York: Palgrave Macmillan.
United Nations. (n.d.). International Human Development Indicators. Retrieved January 14, 2010, from Human
Development Reports: http://hdr.undp.org/en/statistics/
Whitlock, M. (2003). Land Beyond the River: The Untold Story of Central Asia. Thomas Dunne Books.
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