"In Affirming Them, He Affirms Himself": Max Weber's Politics of Civil Society
Author(s): Sung Ho Kim
Source: Political Theory, Vol. 28, No. 2 (Apr., 2000), pp. 197-229
Published by: Sage Publications, Inc.
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"IN AFFIRMING THEM,
HE AFFIRMS HIMSELF"
Max Weber'sPoliticsofCivilSociety
SUNG HO KIM
Riverside
University
ofCalifornia,
ofa Nonconforming
orself-made
Butwiththemember
howdifferreligious
community,
ent!The sectary'seigenegrosseErfindungen,
as Goethecallsthem,-thepreciousdisandhisfriends
forexpressing
theinexpressible
anddefining
coveriesofhimself
theuninpeculiarforms
oftheirown,-cannotbut,as hehasvoluntarily
chosenthem
definable
forthem,fillhiswholemind.He is zealoustodo battlefor
andis personally
responsible
themandaffirm
andthatis whatwe all
them;forinaffirming
them,he affirms
himself,
like.
-Matthew Arnold1
INTRODUCTION:STATECRAFT
SOUL CRAFT AND CIVIL SOCIETY
In discussingMax Weber'spoliticalthought,
two issues tendto preWeber'sattitude
to modernity
and theotherliberalvail-one interrogates
thesetwoissues,theconventional
ism.Closelyinterweaving
narrative
proceedsas follows.Weberwasmortified
ofthe"ironcage"and
bytheprospects
value fragmentation
in whichhis theoryof rationalization
culminated
and
tooka turnina protomythical,
consequently
irrational
direction
tocounteract
theinertiaofmodernsociety.In thisheroicandpessimistic
struggle
against
Webercametoa conclusionthatliberalmodernity
teleologicalinevitability,
anditsnormative
innatural
foundation
theories
hadbecomeobsolete,
rights
AUTHOR'SNOTE: Fortheirthoughtful
on thisarticle,bothin itspresentformand
comments
I thankDavid Blaney,MaryDietz,HarveyGoldman,JohnA. Hall, Gary
earlierincarnations,
Herrigel,Alan Houston,CharlesLarmore,ChrisLaursen,MarkLichbach,BernardManin,
andTracyStrong.
ThewholeprojectwouldhavebeeninconceivDavidMandell,MarionSmiley,
able without
theintellectual
andsupportofSusanneHoeberRudolph.Shedeserves
mentorship
myspecial thanks.
POLITICAL THEORY,Vol.28 No. 2, April2000 197-229
Inc.
C 2000 Sage Publications,
197
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198
POLITICAL THEORY /April2000
himto seek suchilliberalsolutionsas charismatic-elitist
whichprompted
At its worst,
and irrationalnationalism.
leadership,amoralrealpolitik,
withtheauthoritarian
affinity
revealsan alarming
Weber'spoliticalthought
pupilofWeber."
"thelegitimate
CarlSchmitt,
politicalideasof,especially,
At best, Weberembodies the "despair"thatpermeatedfin de siecle
liberalism.
whatstrikes
withthislineofinterpretation,
Asidefrommydisagreement
relevanceofWeber's
is theundiminished
narrative
me mostin thisfamiliar
ofmodinwhichthelegitimacy
politicaltheory,
questionsforcontemporary
challengedandseriousquestionsareraisedaboutthe
is increasingly
ernity
byJohnRawls.Giventhistimelias recanonized
ofliberalism
sustainability
bythelackofthedisI amequallystruck
however,
nessofWeber'squestions,
especiallyofliberal
Weberstudiesandthepoliticaltheories,
cussionbetween
persuasion;Weberis moreoftenthannotshutoutfromthevariousdebates
also remainslargely
to whichtheWeberscholarship
liberalism,
concerning
reconstructbytopically
oblivious.Myarticleaimstoredressbothproblems
aroundthemodemselfandcivilsociety-an
ingWeber'spoliticalthought
Weber'sideasintheconengaging
I argue,thatwillfacilitate
interpretation,
of
to a morebalancedunderstanding
debateswhilecontributing
temporary
hisliberalpolitics.
thearticleaddressesone
survey,
a comprehensive
Insteadof attempting
calledstatecraft,
bywhatcan be roughly
specificissue,andit is delimited
theroleof
Thequestionis,Howdo weunderstand
andcivilsociety.
soulcraft,
on one
ofa liberaldemocratic
polity,
civilsocietywithregardtothevitality
hand,and themoralcharactersand civic virtuesof its citizens,on theother?
letmefurofthisclassicallyTocquevillean
question,
thecontours
To sharpen
the
vast
cuts
across
that
arrayof
therfocusononerecentbrandofarguments
tothisneo-Tocquevillean
arguAccording
positions.
liberal-communitarian
politycannotbe sustainedin a robustform
a liberaldemocratic
ment,first,
2
initscitizens.Second,these
andcharacters
without
certainkindsofvirtues
an active,
andreinforced
through
reproduced,
typesofselvesarecultivated,
civilsociety.3
Third,
lifeina pluralistically
organized
associational
voluntary
someadhercivilsocietyis inseriousdecline,whichhasprompted
American
ofneuoftheliberaldoctrine
entsofthesepositionstocall fora "softening"
formof
a stronger
encouraging
if notits completeabandonment,
trality,
into
politicalandciviceducationofliberalcitizensviaan activeintervention
liberal
Contratheorthodox
ofitscivilsociety.4
andstructure
theorganization
theneoinshort,
andsoulcraft,
ofstatecraft
ofstrict
separation
reaffirmation
positionsuggestsa politicsofcivilsocietyin whichstatecraft
Tocquevillean
liberaldemocratic
polity.
tosustaina morerobust
arecombined
andsoulcraft
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Kim/WEBER'S POLITICS OF CIVIL SOCIETY
199
I willmaketwoclaimsaboutWeber'spolitical
Againstthisbackground,
withtheneo-Tocquevillean
to itsaffinity
thought-onepertains
politicsof
civilsocietyandtheothertoitscrucialdistance.First,Weberagreesthatculis
tivation
ofcertain
typesofselfhecalled"manofvocation"(Berufsmensch)
of themodernliberaldemocratic
criticalforthecontinuing
vitality
polity,
canbe fostered
andcharacters
thatitsdispositions
onlyina peculiarcontext
andthatthe
ofcivilsocietyhecalled"sectlikesociety"(Sektengesellschaft),
oftheliberal
declineofthecivilsocietyandtheconcomitant
degeneration
as one ofthecentralagendasforlatemodernpolitics.
selfmustbe restored
arenotseparated
inWeber'spoliticsofcivilsociety,
andsoulcraft
Statecraft
Webermaintains
that
norcan orshouldtheybe separated.
Second,however,
ofcivilsociety"wouldbe conducivetotheeducation
notany"revivification
of themodernself.Forhe is moresensitivethansome
and empowerment
tothefactthatthesimplepresenceofa vibrant
contemporary
Tocquevilleans
inandofitselfa coherent
associationallifedoes notoffer
guarantee
against
of"uncivilsociety."5
Notall forms
ofcivil
whatJohnKeanecallstheproblem
societyareconducivetoa robustliberaldemocratic
polity-someareinfact
to it. Througha genealogicalreconstruction,
detrimental
instead,Weber
a peculiarmodeofcivilsocietyas thesitewherehislibseekstoresuscitate
associational
lifeandtheuniqueontology
ofmoderalpoliticsofvoluntary
andinteract.
It is thistheoretically
ernselfintersect
elaborated
idealtypeof
acrosshislargerreflections
onmodernity
civilsociety,
andmodernicutting
zation,thatstabilizesthecriticalvistafromwhichWebersubstantiates
the
ofcivilsocietyfora vibrant
morphology
liberaldemocratic
citizenship.
Fromthisperspective,
then,it need notsurpriseanyonethat,privately
questionedin November1918 abouttheliberaldemocratic
reform
ofpostwar,defeated
Germany,
Weberrepliedinthefollowing
unambiguous
terms:
Foremostamongthese[reform
tasks],too, is the restoration
of thatprosaicmoral
"decency"[Anstandigkeit]
which,on the whole,we had and whichwe lost in the
war-our mostgrievousloss. Massiveproblemsofeducation,
then.The method:only
the"club"intheAmerican
sense[amerikanische
Klubwesen]
(andassociations
ofevery
kindbasedonselectivechoiceofmembers),
starting
withchildhood
andyouth,
nomatter
forwhatpurpose.6
My articlecan be summarized
as an attempt
to understand
thesesomewhat
references
unexpected
byWebertoa robustassociational
life,moralcharacandAmericaandto drawtheirimplications
terology,
forthecontemporary
ofcivilsociety.
politicaltheory
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200
POLITICAL THEORY /April2000
GEMEINSHAFT,GESELLSCHAFT,
AND AMERIKANISMUS
himsince
fromthementalillnessthathaddebilitated
Slowlyrecovering
travelspannedmuchofthe
wherehisextensive
1897,WebervisitedAmerica,
at theNew Worldis well doculatterhalfof 1904.7Weber'senthusiasm
of her
thecontrast
MarianneWeberunderscored
mentedin theBiography.
withthecritical
forAmericasharedbymost
contempt
husband'senthusiasm
whowereinvitedalongwiththe
of theotherGermanacademicluminaries
Weberwas overwhelmed
by thespectacleof theNew
Webers.8Certainly
a superbexpression
Manhattan
dominating
World:hesawintheskyscrapers
"themost
thatdefiedanyOld Worldnotionofbeauty,
ofmodernaesthetics
symbol. . . of whatgoes on here[in theNew World],"which
appropriate
measure]";he disstands"beyondboth[beautyanduglinessbytraditional
in
citywhicheven
"the
monstrous
another
Chicago,
supreme
symbol
covered
"anendof
the
American
spirit,"
York
was
the
crystallization
than
New
more
whichhe likenedto"a manwhoseskinhas beenpeeled
less humandesert,"
"modern
reality."9
areseenatwork"andtheultimate
offandwhoseintestines
Inotherwords,Weberappearsheretoisolatethetwoalmostoppositesignsof
tothe
"America"toEuropeanintellectuals-onebasedon a deepattraction
thatleads to the
and magnanimity
movement,
enterprise,
youth,vibrancy,
from
ofAmericaas "theNewWorld"andtheotheron repulsion
description
this
and sheermaterialism
alienation,
instability,
vulgarity,
theharshness,
If thelatter
"ultimate
modernreality"calledAmericahadcometo signify.
ofWeber'sgenintellectuals
foundwidesympathy
amonghighbrow
attitude
theformer
became
theAmerican
trip,
erationsuchas hiscompanions
during
ofEuropeanintellectuals,
especiallyin
ofthenextgeneration
symptomatic
thepostwaryouthmovement."'
ofAmericaintrigued
neither
ForWeber,however,
aspectofthemodernity
most-thatis,
a premodern
aspectthatarousedhisinterest
him;itwasrather
of
amongthenewsettlers
religioninAmericansociety.Thus,he discovered
as wellas intheolderpartsofthecounthiscase,Oklahoma,
thefrontier-in
senseofreligiosity
that
trysuchas NorthCarolinaandVirginia-apervasive
Duringan
accompanieda ratherstrictcode of social behavioror civility.
he said,
to an Oklahomasettlement,
expedition
which
Itis quitewrongtobelievethatonecanbehaveas onewishes.Intheconversations,
andthehumoris
liesinthetoneandthebearing,
thecourtesy
are,tobe sure,quitebrief,
shortofdelicious.
nothing
Even in Chicago,in comparisonwithwhichtheOklahomasettlement
tracesofthe
appeared"a more'civilized'place,"Weberdetected"distinct
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Kim/WEBER'S POLITICS OF CIVIL SOCIETY
201
ofthereligiousspirit(organisatorischen
organizational
strength
reliKrufte
a street
giosenGeistes)."On sighting
"Christ
in
posterproclaiming
Chicago,"
theWebersasked,"Wasthisa brazenmockery?"
whichtheyansweredwith
torepeathereWeber'senthusiastic
anempathetic
"No.""Itseemsredundant
inthereligious
oftheQuakersandBaptistsintheolderparts
interest
practices
ofAmerica.
the essay draftedimmediately
Naturally,
upon his returnwas called
"KirchenundSekteninNordamerika,"
tobe publishedsixteenmonthslater
intheFrankfurterZeitung
inanenlarged
(15 April1906)andlater,
in
edition,
theChristliche
Welt(June1906).Thelaterandmorescholarly
versionofThe
Protestant
Sectsin Gesammelte
Aufsdtze
zurReligionssoziologie
(1920) is
12 Thisseriesofessaysis remarkable,
also basedonthesametext.
inthat
first,
tothefactthatreligionwasthemostimpressive
itattests
socialphenomenon
inAmericatoWeber,although
healso didnotfailtonoticethenewlyemergingpowerofsecularmodernism
there,and,second,in thatWeberwas parinterested
inthesocialmanifestation
ofPuritanism
ticularly
intheformofa
sectlikeconstitution
ofsociety.ThatWeberwas instantly
moreby
intrigued
religiousphenomenathansecularmodernism
in Americacan be readily
explainedin partbythefactthathe had started
on TheProtestant
working
Ethicthepreviousyear-by thetimeofhisAmerican
trip,hemusthavefinisheda goodportionofit,forthefirst
partoftheessaywas publishedinthe
undSozialpolitikin
ArchivfiirSozialwissenschaft
1904,tobe followedbythe
secondhalfin 1905,inwhichhelocatedthesourceofmodernity
inthereligiousReformation,
inpreference
tothesecularRenaissanceand
consciously,
Enlightenment.
Thus,he held thattheseessays on Americansectswere
meantto "supplement"
TheProtestant
Ethic.13
Whatis notat onceself-evident
is thatWeberfound"theorganizational
ofreligionmostinteresting
strength"
inAmerica.Weber'sawe canbe attributedtothefactthatthesesectlikeassociationscouldnoteasilybe identified
by the theoriesof associationsreadilyavailable in contemporary
Germany-mostnotably,
bytheuniquelyGermanframework
ofGemeinschaft
versusGesellschaft.
Thisfamousdichotomy,
givena definitive
articulation
byFerdinand
Tonniesin 1887,hadtakenon a lifeofitsowninGermany
by
theturnofthecentury
andbecamesomething
ofa clichelaterinWeimar
politics. Regardlessof Tonnies'sown intention,
the vulgarizedformof this
had beenusurpedmostlybythemoreconservative
dichotomy
flankofthe
Germanliteratiwiththeirall-too-familiar
toneof fervent
antimodernism.
Accordingtotheromantic-antimodernist
reading,
Gesellschaft
was synonymouswiththemodern,
thusbyimplication
evil,realmofatomizedandmaterialisticindividuals
lackinga harmonious
whole-the sourceofall malaise
associatedwiththerevolutionary
socialtransformation
thatwastakingplace
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202
POLITICAL THEORY /April2000
societystoodfor
a gemeinschaftliche
By contrast,
Germany.
in Wilhelmine
home,church,neighbornotmodernin sucha reading:family,
everything
emotionof
thatinvokedan illusory
oranything
community,
hood,fraternity,
andcongeniality.4
security,
stability,
modesof
werereducedto twoantinomic
thesecontrasts
Analytically,
of a
The naturaland spontaneousintegration
associationalmembership.
from"particularism"
societywasseentodrawitsstrength
gemeinschaftliche
limitedtothosesharinga
is inprinciple
membership
(i.e.,thatassociational
(i.e.,thatdefining
features)
and "ascriptivism"
certainsetofparticularistic
whichin combinaofassociationalmembersareinherited),
characteristics
By contrast,
distinction.
tionprovidedthemostvisiblelocusfortheus-them
erodedthis
ofassociation
principle"
andvoluntarist
themodern"universalist
in themodernsocietyofatomizedindividuals
ushering
thereby
distinction,
was castin
Gemeinschaft
ofthestate.Whenever
anduniversalsovereignty
was drawnbetweenthese
itsantinomy
to Gesellschaft,
termsofitscontrast
and
versusuniversalist
and ascriptive
twosetsof principles-particularist
membership.5
modesofassociational
voluntarist
betweenTonniesandWebernotwithstandrelationship
The intellectual
and
ing,'6 Weberseemsto defytheconceptualdualismof Gemeinschaft
expeinlightofhistorical
Thatthisdualismwasunsustainable
Gesellschaft.
riencewas obvioustoWeber,forwhomtheverysocialforcesthatmostGertothemodernGesellschaft-the
ofhistimesaw as theantidote
manliterati
Protestant
religiousvaluesas embodiedin church,theacademicBildung
ideal, the Prussian bureaucraticestablishmentwith its moral selfto
infactthemaincontributors
andeventheJunkerdom-were
glorification,
of
the
foundations
was
undermining
that
rapidly
process
themodernization
in Germany.
Thus,forinstance,he isolatedthe
theallegedGemeinschaft
as itstomb;the
andbureaucracy
Protestant
ethicas thewombofmodernity
forcebehindthe
themaindriving
tohisanalysis,provided
according
Junker,
East Prussia.Underthe circumof theagricultural
rapidtransformation
of thechurchand bureaucracy
of theauthority
stances,a reestablishment
wouldonlydeepenthecollectiveanxietycausedby rapidmodernization.
theT6nnieseandualismwouldhaveappearedtoo thina
Even in Germany,
themodernexperienceforWeber.One might
to accommodate
framework
is seenby
andGesellschaft
between
Gemeinschaft
saythattheallegedtension
ofassociaandmodern
between
principles
premodern
Weberlessas a tension
17
institutions.
modesofmodern
betweentwodifferent
tionthanas a tension
AmericaforWeberdefiesthe
In a different
way,yetwithmoreclarity,
In America,heseemstohave
ofa Tonniesean
structure
paradigm.
antinomic
mode of modernsocietythatcan be
a different
discoveredor confirmed
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Kim/WEBER'S POLITICS OF CIVIL SOCIETY
203
graspedconceptually
in termsneither
of Gesellschaft
norof Gemeinschaft
models.Whathe calledsectlikeassociationsin Americawereno Gemeininthatvoluntary
consentofindividual
schaften,
members
theconstiformed
butneitherweretheyGesellschaften,
tutivefoundation,
in thatentryinto
theseassociationswas highlyrestricted
in principle.
Theywerevoluntary
associationsthatwerenevertheless
on a particularistic
predicated
principle
of congregation,
theintermediary
permeating
spherebetweenthestateand
individuals.
towhatwerecalledGemeinschaft
Theyborelittleresemblance
in contemporary
and Gesellschaft
wheresocietywas viewedas
Germany,
cohesiveor fragmentary,
holisticor atomistic,
organicormechanistic,
antimodernormodern,
notboth.It was bothin America.
yetcertainly
SECT CONTRACHURCH:
PARTICULARISMANDVOLUNTARISM
To underscore
thispeculiarity
ofAmericanassociational
life,we needto
turnto Weber'sfamouschurch-sect
He maintains
thatthecondichotomy.
ventionalcriteria
of differentiation,
suchas thestatutory
lack of "recognition"forthecongregation
bythestate,do notprovidea sufficient
causa difbetweenthetwoforms
ofreligiouscongregation.
ferentia
to
Instead,heturns
the ideal-typicalcontrastbetweeninstitution
(Anstalt)and community
(Gemeinschaft).
A "church"
sees itselfas an "institution"
a kindofdivinely
[Anstalt]
endowedsalvationfoundation
fortheindividual
dispensing
soulswhoarebornintoit
[Fideikomijistiftung]
andaretheobjectofitsefforts,
whichareboundtothe"office"
inprinciple.
a
Conversely,
"sect". . . is a voluntary
ofindividuals
community
[freieGemeinschaft]
purelyon the
basisoftheirreligiousqualification."'
It is interesting
to notethatWebertriesto isolatethenatureof sectlike
associationintermsofitsopposition
toAnstalt,
an analytical
conceptdevelopedbyOttovonGierke,whoputitas anantithesis
towhathecalledGenosGierke'sdichotomy
senschaft.'9
was drawnchieflyfromthe contrasting
modeofassociational
integration
bywhichheattempted
tocontrast
Anstalt's
mechanistic
solidarity,
eithercontractual
or bureaucratic,
withtheorganic
andspontaneous
ofGenossenschaft.
solidarity
The latterdrawsitsstrength,
Gierkebelieved,fromtheparticularistic
socialbondamongmembers
ofan
association-a feature
thatcannotbe madetoapplyuniversally
inprinciple.
Forinstance,
ethnic,
ornationalgroupswereviewedas moresponlinguistic,
cohesivebecausethemembers
taneously
ofthegroupcasttheirself-identity
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204
POLITICAL THEORY /April2000
to "others."The Anstalt
or contrast
in termsof their"natural"difference
precisely
andcohesiveintegration
modeofassociationlacksa spontaneous
distincelementsora visibleself-other
becauseitdispelstheparticularistic
cosmoAnstalttotheuniversal,
tion.Gierketracedtheoriginofthemodern
advocatedbythepoliticaland
individualism
politan,or"decontextualized"
was,accordinwhichsocialimagination
oftheEnlightenment,
legaltheories
ontherevivalofRomanlawconceptsthatfailedto
ingtoGierke,predicated
and the
conceptualrealmbetweenprivateindividuals
positan appropriate
dependson
thatgroupformation
in short,
Gierkemaintained,
publicstate.20
with
natureofhumansociation;thata socialimagination
theparticularistic
place forit, as in naturalrightstheories,cannotproperly
no appropriate
social natureof man;andthatan inappropriate
accountfortheirreducibly
altercannothelpbutturn
toanartificial
ofman'ssocialnature
understanding
orbureaucracy-all
themarket,
suchas contract,
nativeforsocialintegration
inGierke'sview.
too "thin"substitutes
the
pointforWeberwhenhe characterized
As forGierke,theimportant
toAnstaltis thatitis also
sectmodeofassociationintermsofitsopposition
thatthe
Weberalleges,forinstance,
orexclusivity.21
basedon particularism
inthe"ethical"qualitiesofits
interested
CatholicChurchis notparticularly
becauseitis vestedwitha powertoredeemtheirsinperiodilaypopulation
cally.Thus,thechurchmembersincludeperiodicsinnersas well as reliThisis whyWebercallsita Fideikomi3stiftung
giouslysincerepersonalities.
a Puritan
By contrast,
basedon levelinguniversalism.
above,an institution
and
thatembraceseverybody
is nota universalorganization
congregation
of
communion
"itis a sinnottopurgethesacramental
ForPuritans,
anybody.
,22
ofthosewhohave
Ittendstobe anelitistgrouporaristocracy
nonbelievers."
testofadmission,
usuallydecidedbya ballotofmembers.21
passedthestrict
ofproven
byvirtue
tosectsarethenewelitesandaristocrats
Thosebelonging
is a 'charqualityor,in short,charisma:"The possessionof suchfaculties
isma,'whichtobe sure,mightbe awakenedin somebutnotin all."24In this
between
distinction
lies, one mightsay,the affinity
clear-cutself-other
andWeber'ssects.
Gierke'sGenossenschaften
thisparticularistic
sectsfromthechurch,
thePuritan
Whiledistinguishing
also setsthemapartfromotherhistorical
examplesof
modeofmembership
on
sectlikeassociationsand,especially,fromthosepredicated mysticism
whofirst
itwas ErnstTroeltsch
sects."25
Although
Webercalls "pneumatic
of
forms
and
sectarian
between
association,
distinction
mystic
a
formal
made
betweenthetwo.In fact,Weber
Weberseemsfullyawareofthedifference
which
based on mysticism,
in sectarianmovements
showedgreatinterest
includenotonlyancientgnosticreligiousgroupsbutalso modernvarieties.
especiallyofTolstoyandDostoevsky,
His avidreadinginRussianliterature,
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Kim/WEBER'S POLITICS OF CIVIL SOCIETY
205
the
can be explainedinpartbythefactthathe saw themas fullyembodying
WhenWeberassertsthatRussianreligioussenofRussianmysticism.26
spirit
aredeeplyenmeshedin
sibilityand itsattendant
formof sectorganization
contrast
toPuritansectarianism
he attributes
itsmostdistinctive
mysticism,
thatis, "universal
brotherdifferent
modeof membership,
to theformer's
Based on whatWebercalled
hood"as opposedto thePuritanparticularism.
46
He believes
oflove,"themysticsectis inprinciple
"acosmism
opento all.~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
sectarianism
isthisuniversalist
formystic
thatthecausa differentia
tendency,
humanism
ofTolstoy'skind.At issue in
whichcharacterizes
theChristian
is also theparticularistic
natureofsectlikeassociations:"As a
thiscontrast
Puritanism
renounced
theuniversalism
ofbrotherly
religionofthevirtuoso,
Thiscontrast
abouttheprosaccountsinpartforWeber'spessimism
love."28
reform
of Russiain 1905.29By contrast,
liberal
pectof liberaldemocratic
democratic
inAnglo-American
societiesbecausetheir
politycouldflourish
reliesonthe"aristocratic
charismatic
ofpredessocialconstitution
principle
ofofficecharisma."3"'
andthedegradation
tination
Weberdoes not believethatthisaristocratic-particularistic
Naturally,
ofsectlikesocietynecessarily
one oftheintegral
characteristic
antagonizes
In his onlyendnoteinAmerelementsofpoliticalmodernity-democracy.
characterization
of aristocracy
and
ica, WebertakesissuewithTroeltsch's
heteronomous
democracyas reflecting
principlesof society.31
Especially,
of aristocracy,
WeberopposesTroeltsch'sundifferentiated
categorization
as basedona socialprinciple
ofexclusivity
whichis portrayed
andparticularismratherthanon thedemocratic
principleof universalequality.Instead,
a moresubtlecharacterization
Weberintroduces
byholdingthattheprinciarebasedonprinciples
ofexclusivity
andascriptive
plesofaristocracy
membership.By doingso, Weberintendsto showthatthedemocratic
modeof
formation
is inno wayself-contradictory,
exclusivecommunity
andfurtheran aristocracy
initsprinciple
more,a genuinedemocratic
societyresembles
of particularism-acrucialpointTocquevillechampioned.
In otherwords,
Weberagreesthatdemocracyand aristocracy
can be in tensionwitheach
as opposedtotheformer's
other,
yetnotbecauseofthelatter'sparticularism
butbecauseoftheascriptive
ofmembership
allegeduniversalism
principle
thatdemocracycannotaccept.Weberinsiststhattheliberaltendencyto
withconservative
ideasresultsmorefrom
equatearistocracy
antidemocratic
theGermanpeculiarity
inwhichthedomination
oftheJunker
establishment
stillpersists.
Weber'sunderstanding
of aristocratic
particularism
or exclusivity
and
also bringsoutan interesting
democracy
pointofcontrast
withAdamSmith
and Alexis de Tocqueville.WhenSmith,like Weber,understood
sectsin
tochurch,
hisprimary
focuswasonthebenefit
opposition
ofthesmallsizeof
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206
POLITICAL THEORY /April2000
oftheindividual
socialsurveillance
theconstant
in maintaining
theformer
of moral
process
sectarian
this
members'ethicalbehavior.Smithfound
upheld
was
honor
status
aristocratic
similartothewayinwhich
socialization
Tocqueville's
own.32
of
its
society
small-scale
toa closelyknit,
bybelonging
equivalent
lifeinAmericais thefunctional
associational
beliefthateveryday
on a
in Europeis also predicated
ethicalregimentation
of thearistocratic
in
disagreement
In essence,Weberis not
ofsmallscale.33
beliefinthemerits
theaffinity
whenheunderscores
withSmith'sandTocqueville'spostulation
inwhich
life
social
an
everyday
is,
anddemocracy-that
betweenaristocracy
Although
his
peers."34
of
eyes
watchful
the
"a manmustholdhisownunder
tothesize ofa group,he neverWeberseemswillingtoconcedeimportance
Weber'spointis
itself."35
essence
is
that
not
"but
yet
it
still
insists
that
theless
ofthesectlikeassociathatsmallscaleitselfhingesontheexclusivity
rather
socialorganizawitharistocratic
affinity
tionsinwhichhefindstheirstriking
Weber
byTocqueville,
reasonsfromthoseoffered
tions.Hence,fordifferent
claimthat
makestheTocquevillean
intoatoms,as ourRomantics
preas a massfragmented
"democracy"
whoeverpresents
is concerned.
mistaken
so faras theAmericandemocracy
ferto do, is fundamentally
rationalbutofbureaucratic
is usuallya consequencenotofdemocracy
"Atomization"
of "organic
thefavoredimposition
it cannotbe eliminated
through
ism and therefore
fromabove.The genuineAmericansociety. . . was neversucha sandpile
structures"
found
without
whoenters
whereeveryone
exception
Norwasita building
[Sandhaufen].
ofeverykind.)6
with"exclusivities"
[Exklusivitaten]
opendoors.Itwasandis permeated
thusbeingcharacterDespitethefactthatsectsarebasedonparticularism,
of sectsin termsof
earlier,Weber'scharacterization
ized as Gemeinschaft
neverhasa Tonniesean
ring.ForWeber'ssectsconspicuously
Gemeinschaft
inT6nnies'sGemeinschaftofparticularism
component
lackan important
natureof
fromtheascriptive
Thesedrawtheirstrength
thatis,primordiality.
Webercallsbeing"bornintoit"ora sheer"chance."37
groupformation-what
than
andauthentic
Thatis whyTonniesviewedthemas morestable,natural,
or Anstalt.In thisaspect,Tonnieseanunderstanding
eitherGesellschaft
Inconassociations.
closertowhatWebercallsherechurchlike
comesrather
is its
ofGemeinschaft
inWeber'scharacterization
whatis remarkable
trast,
bytheindithatis,consciousandfreechoiceandformation
nature,
voluntary
Weber'sGemeinschaft
socialgroup.In thisrespect,
vidualofthepurposive
intheAmerica,Weber
later
in
fact,
Gesellschaft;
to
Tonnies's
hereis closer
terms.
in
is
association
sectlike
Tonniesean
Gesellschaft
that
concedes
andnotcommuniof"societies"[Gesellschaften]
Thelatter[sects]arealways"artifacts"
ofFerdinand
Tonnies.Inotherwords,they
tousetheterminology
ties[Gemeinschaften],
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Kim/WEBER'S POLITICS OF CIVIL SOCIETY
207
values."The individual
neither
reston "emotional
needs"noraspiretoward"emotional
a member
ofthesocialgroup.Missingis
hisownpositionbybecoming
seekstomaintain
thatundifferentiated
without
which
peasant,vegetable-like
"geniality"
[Gemiitlichkeit]
Thecoolobjectivity
ofthesociation
Germanscanimaginenocommunity.
[Sachlichkeit]
oftheindividual
in thepurposive
thepreciseplacement
[Vergesellschaftung]
promotes
ofthegroup."
activity
[Zwecktatigkeit]
acrosstheconventional
dichotomies
thatareemployed
toaccount
Cutting
versusGesellschaft
formodernassociationallife,whether
or
Gemeinschaft
versusdemocracy,
Weber'schurch-sect
aristocracy
dichotomy
effectively
andparticularism-an
thelatter'svoluntarism
eclecticcombinahighlights
tionof associationalattributes
designedto producea mostrigoroussocial
In a sectlikesociety,
mechanism
ofmoraldisciplineofitsmembers.
associais in principle
tionalmembership
voluntary,
yettheentryandmaintenance
members
is notinconsiderable.
Fortojoin andremain
costfortheindividual
a memberofa sect,onecanrelyon no othersourcesbut"proving
oneselfin
life."39
Froman individualmember'sviewpoint,
thisemphasison achievementmustusherina terribly
insecuresociallife,inwhich"notobjectivized
andtraditions,
thereligiously
contracts
butrather
is seen
qualifiedindividual
as thebearerofrevelation,
whichcontinues
without
everbeingcompleted."
Theconsequenceforthesocialmilieuis notmerecommunal
but
congeniality
thatpromotethehighest"ethicalrigorism"
purposiveactivities
amongthe
members.40Despitethepowerful
mechanism
of social sanctionand disci"theformation
ofthesocial
pline,then,Weber'ssectlikesocietyrepresents
structure"
base" thatis designedto create
predicated
"uponan 'egocentric'
andsustainindividual
ethicalqualities.4Whilemaintaining
that"thistaskof
is present
morethaneverwithin
'proving'himself
thegroup,inthecircleof
his associates,"Weberinsiststhatit is "theindividual'sneedto constantly
attendto his self-affirmation
thatbinds the group
[Selbsbehauptung]"
In a sectlikesociety,
together.42
thus,Weberconcludesthatindividuality
and
sociality"weremutually
supplementary
andoperated
inthesamedirection,"
andfurthermore,
"theasceticconventicles
andsectsformed
oneofthemost
important
historical
foundations
ofmodernindividualism."43
Weber'ssocial
imaginary
is clearlydistinguished
fromhis contemporary
approachesto
modernsocietyprecisely
onaccountofthisemphasisonthepossibility
ofan
individual-centered
grouplife.
InWeber'sdialecticalpostulation
ofindividual
andgrouplife,itis importanttonotethatcivilsocietyis nota sitefortheopenmarket
forassociational
life,institutionally
guaranteed
bya setofformal
rights,
inwhichindividuals
can freelyentera groupandremainmembers,
although
theyareentitled
to
establishtheirownatanytime.Noris ita communitarian
paradisein which
emotivedesireofbondingandidentity
drawnfrom
sharedascriptive
qualities
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208
POLITICAL THEORY /April2000
sitein which
and(trans)formative
a disciplinary
It is rather
areparamount.
viacollectiveemphasison
arecultivated
andcivicvirtues
moraltraits
certain
andethicalqualities.Weber'srepeatedemphasison
achievement
individual
thebeliefthatthehighest
sectsreflects
inthePuritan
elements
particularistic
conductoflifecan be achievedonly
possiblesenseofdutyandmethodical
probesandreinforces
thatconstantly
environment
withinan organizational
shouldapplytotheireveryday
members
thatindividual
theethicalstandard
consentofthemembers,
tothevoluntary
according
life.Whileadministered
a
ofitsidentity,
thusa sectlikeassociationmustestablisha clearboundary
In Weber'ssectofexpulsion.
threat
anda constant
forentry,
highthreshold
by whatNancy
needsto be complemented
like associations,voluntarism
itloses itspowerofsanction
forotherwise
Rosenblumcalls "gatekeeping,"
Itmightbe saidthatfor
members.44
ofindividual
fortheethicaldisciplining
is a precondition
fora democratic
organizafunction
Weber,thisgatekeeping
tionofcivilsociety.
sanction
disciandindividual
Weber'srepeated
emphasisonassociational
pline,then,ushersin a newquestionthathas notbeenfullyexploredso far.
aretobe cultivated
andcivicvirtues
Thatis,whatkindsofmoralpersonality
civilsociety?To thistopicwe nowturn.
in thisdisciplinary
MODERNITY,MODERNIZATION,
AND THE "SECT MAN"
andmoralcharacassociations
inthemodesofformative
Weber'sinterest
theAmerican
trip.In 1910,forexample,Weberdelivterspersisted
longafter
oftheGermanSociologicalAssoaddressatthefirst
meeting
ereda lengthy
ciation,calling for a two-partcollectiveresearchintojournalismand
in Gerassociationallifeor,simplyput,thepublicsphere(Offentlichkeit)
hisresearchagendaforassociational
life,Weberbegan
many.In describing
in theGermanpublic
on thecontemporary
dynamism
withhis observation
He
man"(Vereinsmensch).
sphereandcalledthemodernself"associational
life
associational
thenquicklyproceededtodrawan analogywithAmerican
modesofassociation
different
thedecisiveinfluence
bywhichtounderscore
And he concludedthe
of variouspersonalities.
exertedon theformation
thatcontra"institution"
openingremarkswith the familiarstatement
[Urtypus]of all associationalmodes [in Amer(Anstalt),"thearchetype
ica] ... is thesectinthespecificsenseoftheword."ThisidealtypeofAnglolifeseemstopose forWebera finecounterexample
Americanassociational
thetwomainquestionsfortheresearchinthe
formulated
as
he
toGermany,
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Kim/WEBER'S POLITICS OF CIVIL SOCIETY
209
followingways.First,"thedemocracyin Americais no sand-pile";then
Wherenot?
"howdoesitstandtous? ... Where?Withwhichconsequences?
toa certain
Whynot?"Thesecondquestionis,"Howdoestheaffiliation
type
as such?"a question
ofpersonality
ofassociationrelatetotheinnerworking
he once again linkedto the Anglo-American
such as
counterexamples,
societies"inAmerican
"Greekletter
atlengthon
colleges.After
expounding
betweenassociational
thevariousaspectsoftherelationship
modeandperWeberrelatedthisquestionofformative
sonalityformation,
associationand
tothe"makingoftheindividuals
andthenthemakingofobjecpersonality
in contemporary
tive,publicculturalvalues[Kulturguiter]"
Germany.45
value-neutral
researchproposal,Weber'sattitude
Eveninthisseemingly
to its subjectmatter-which"rangefrombowlingclubs (Kugelklubs)to
politicalparties"-is farfrompositive.His problemis thatGermanassociationlifebredmostly
passiveandconformist
personalities.
Thus,forexample,
thepopularcultureoflocalizedsingingclubs(Gesangvereinskunst)
needed
to be examined,sinceitsmember
willbecomea personwho,toputitsuccinctly,
willeasilybecomea "goodcitizen"inthe
havesucha greatpredilection
passivesenseoftheword.No wonderthatmonarchs
for
entertainments
ofthatkind."Wherepeoplesing,youmaysafelysettle."Great,strong
passionsandgreatactionsarelackingthere.46
In otherwords,Weberhad problemswiththeorganizational
cultureof
theseassociations.
As heelaborated
inhispostwar
theGerpoliticalwritings,
manassociations
tendedtoemphasize"schoolboysubordination"
inthegovIncontrast
matters.
to"Englishclubs... [inwhich]all generningofinternal
tlemenareequal,"theyemphasized
a "training
forthediscipline
ofoffice"
and
"ritualizedconventions."
Weberwas also criticalof theseinternal
cultures
becausethisnonsensewas disguisedas personality
whichin fact
training,
was strictly
followedby themembers"in orderto ingratiate
themselves
in
higherplaces."LackinginWeber'sviewwas thegenuinecultivation
offree
andautonomous
whocantakeprincipled
personalities
moralaction-a crucialdefectthateventually
ledtovain"boasting
aboutthewealthofone'sparents"andzeal to be incorporated
intothe"society"(Gesellschaft).
Weber's
inGermanassociational
interest
lifewas,inshort,
motivated
byhissuspicion
thatit producedmenof passiveconformism
and that,mostalarmingly,
it
tendedto reinforce
authoritarian
politicsprevalent
in Weber'sWilhelmine
Germany.47
To morefullyaccountforWeber'simplication
ofhappilysingingburghandauthoritarian
ers,passivecitizenship,
politics,however,
we needtotakea
stepback and beginwithhis largerreflections
on modernity.
As is well
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210
POLITICAL THEORY /April2000
ofmodernity
withtwopotentimagesof
theproblem
known,
Webercaptured
and theHellenistic
petrification
"ironcage" of bureaucratic
theimminent
imageryof
contradictory
deities.This seemingly
"polytheism"
of warring
theprobfacesofthesamecoin.Whether
infactreflects
different
modernity
of objective,
is accountedforin termsof a permeation
lem of modernity
values,Weber
agitation
ofsubjective
reasonorofa purposeless
instrumental
insofar
as theycona singleproblem
viewedthesetwoimagesas constituting
moral
to theinertiaof modernman,who failsto takeprincipled
tributed
tohis
mantendstoactonlyaccording
toWeber,a modern
action.According
ofthosewho
convictions;
themajority
aesthetic
impulsetoexpressarbitrary
do notevenacton theirbeliefslead thelifeofa "cog in a machine."Some
havesuggestedthatthisproblemofmodernmanwas thecentralthemeof
Weber'svastunorganized
opus.49
Weberclaimed.An unflinching
conviction
Once thingsweredifferent,
one's
once
ina highly
on
but
innermost
issued
personality
thatrelied nothing
life-or, simply,lifeas a
methodicaland disciplinedconductof everyday
solelyfromwithinin thesensethat
duty.Thistypeofselfdrewitsstrength
actionwas determined
needto
byone's ownpsychological
one'sprincipled
fromEnlightenment
utilitarianism
itsdifference
gainself-affirmation-thus
identified
two).Also,thewayinwhichthisdeeplyintro(Weberfrequently
was materialized,
involveda
thatis, in self-mastery,
spectivesubjectivity
with
radicallyobjectivestancetowardoneselfandnature-thusitscontrast
valueandobjectiverationality
once
theromantic
self-indulgence.
Subjective
toWilhelmHennis,inwhichWeber
an "unbroken
formed
according
unity,"
formodernindividual
Considerthe
freedom.49
saw thegenuinepossibility
forinstance:
statement,
following
"ownconsideraThe "freer"theactor's"decision"-themoreit resultsfromhis/her
or irresistible
"affects"-themoremotivation
byoutercompulsion
tions,"undistorted
of"means"and"end."...
within
thecategories
fallsremorselessly
itself,
ceterisparibus,
the"action"is inthesensedescribedhere,i.e.,theless ithasthe
the"freer"
Moreover,
comesintoplay.
of a "naturalevent,"themoretheconceptof "personality"
character
tocerofitsinnerrelation
findsits"essence"intheconstancy
Thisconceptofpersonality
... [in]consistency
"values"andlife-meanings"
tainultimate
(Lebens-"Bedeutungen")
oflife,whichareturned
ultimate
valuesandmeanings
tocertain
ofitsinnerrelationship
rationalaction.`
intopurposesandthusintoteleologically
andindividual
ofmoralpersonality
then,
InWeber'spostulation
freedom,
and actionand the
twoclaimsof integrity
prevail-one betweenintention
thata freeactionis
Webermaintains
otherbetweenactionandconsequence.
means-end
derived
from
toformal
constraints
withthesubjection
compatible
calculations.A free action voluntarilysubjectedto causalityWeber
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Kim/WEBER'S POLITICS OF CIVIL SOCIETY
211
as pursuing
an"ethicofresponsibility"
characterizes
(Verantwortungsethik).
totheethicofresponsibility,
an actionis givenmeaningonlyas a
According
causeofaneffect,
thatis,onlyintermsofcausalrelationship
totheempirical
thatcausalityis aninverseexpression
world.Webermaintains
ofmeans-end
thatanactionis validatedintermsofcausality;thismeansineffect
narrative,
on a means-end
thatitfallsunderthechoicepredicated
Giventhat
scheme.51
as an ascertainable
an actionbecomessignified
meansto an end,then,an
ethicalquestionis reducedtoa questionoftechnically
correct
The
procedure.
ofthepossiblecausal effectof an
virtuebecomesa rationalunderstanding
oftheelements
ofan actioninsucha wayas
actionandwillfulreorientation
toachievea desiredconsequence.Byemphasizing
causalitythata freeagent
Weberprescribes
an ethicalintegrity
subscribes
to,in short,
betweenaction
andconsequences,
insteadofa Kantianemphasisonthatbetweenactionand
A freeactionconsistsofchoosingthecorrect
intention.
means.
In termsofconsequentialism
alone,then,Weber'sethicofresponsibility
fromutilitarianism.
Itis obvious,
byitselfbecomesutterly
indistinguishable
thatWebercompletely
however,
rejectsutilitarian
ethics;Weber'smodelof
is afterall preciselywhatJeremy
moralaction,thatis, Puritanasceticism,
52
Benthamsoughttoreplacewithhisutilitarian
ethics. Webercannotaccept
ethicsontwogrounds:
itpresupposes
a foundationalist
utilitarian
systemof
towhichthemeaningofhumanactionis reducedin the
humanpsychology
lastinstance,anditis basedon a hedonistaccountofhumanpsychology
or
whathecalls,rather
"thebalanceofpleasure[Lustbilanz]."s3In
disdainfully,
otherwords,Weber'sopposition
toutilitarianism
focuseson itstendency
to
resolvemoraldilemmaswithout
remainder
(a featureutilitarianism
shares
withKantianism)
andalso on itstreatment
ofthemoralselfas theagentof
utilityratherthanas thebearerof integrity
(a featurethatsharplydistinfromitsKantianalternative).54
guishesutilitarianism
FromWeber'sperspecreflectsanothermetaphysical
tive,theformer
foundationalism
thatis no
longerplausibleespeciallyin lightof thefragmented
valuespheresof the
modernworld;thelatterreflects
simplya distasteful
as well as unrealistic
viewofman.
Giventhisunambiguous
ofutilitarianism,
rejection
itis notsurprising
that
Weberintroduces
another
elementofwillfulsubjection
inhisunderstanding
offreeaction-thatis, a willfulsubjection
to an autonomously
chosenpurpose.A freeagentshouldbe abletochooseautonomously
notonlythemeans
butalso theend.In thisrespect,
Weber'sproblemarisesbecausethekindof
rationality
appliedin choosinga meanscannotbe usedin choosingan end.
Thesetwotypesofhumanreasonrepresent
categorically
distinct
modesof
further
rationality-aboundary
reinforced
bymodernvaluefragmentation.
Withnoobjectively
ascertainable
ofchoiceprovided,
a freeagenthas
ground
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212
POLITICAL THEORY /April2000
lifeas a whole,ifitis nottobe pertocreatea purposeex nihilo:"ultimately
guided,
butis insteadtobe consciously
torunonas aneventinnature
mitted
whichthe soul-as in Platois a seriesof ultimatedecisionsthrough
This ultimatedecisionand theKantianintegrity
chooses its own fate."55
theessenceofwhatWebercalls an
andactionconstitute
betweenintention
(Gesinnungsethik).
ethicofconviction
freedom
forWeberconsistsofthesetwoethics,
Intheend,thus,individual
willfully
subjection,
logicsofvoluntary
twoheteronomous
whichprescribe
fundathe
most
self.
thus
formulates
Weber
in
one
unified
together
brought
as, "How arehotpassion
mentalquestionthatdriveshisethicalreflections
in a singlesoul?"56Some contrary
to be forcedtogether
andcool judgment
and
hisansweris that"theethicsofconviction
comments
notwithstanding,
arenotabsoluteopposites.Theyarecomplementheethicsofresponsibility
do theyproducethetruehuman
andonlyincombination
tarytooneanother,
the"manofvocation"
Webercalledthecarrier
(Trager) ofthisunity
being."57
sociologyof religion,"personality"
(Berufsmensch)in the comparative
and "charismatic
individwritings,
(Persbnlichkeit)in theepistemological
inPuritan
man,
archetype
ual"inEconomyand Society.He findsitshistorical
of
is predicated
ontheexistential
meaninglessness
whosemoralpsychology
generates
anxietythatironically
psychological
thisworldandtheattendant
asceticism."
he calls "inner-worldly
themostactivesortofworldlyactivism
thatseekswithfanaticalzeal to renounceand,
It is a paradoxicalattitude
thisworldforthesakeoftheotherworld.To do so,a
totransform
moreover,
Puritanman strivesto achieveand maintainan "ethicaltotalpersonality
ofpurin whichsubjectiveformulation
(ethischenGesamtpersonlichket),"
a coherent,
ofmeans-end
causalityconstitute
pose andobjectiveapplication
For a systematic
says
whole.58
unityof lifeto be constituted,
systematic
under"the
andself-discipline
Weber,themostdecisivequalityis self-control
will."59
ofa purposive
supremacy
reinthatis constituted,
For Weber,it is thiskindof moralpersonality
lifehe
associational
in a uniquekindofdisciplinary
forced,andreproduced
Infact,thesemodesofformative
earlier.
as outlined
called"sectlikesociety,"
each other-thus
associationsandmodernselfcannotbe sustainedwithout
man"
"sect
(Sektenmensch),whichhe
his otherwise
enigmaticneologism
andlibofcapitalist
for
birth
foundation
the
as
the
anthropological
regarded
ofthe
thisgenealogical
torecognize
Itis important
ontology
eralmodernity.60
byhisrecogmodernselfsinceWeber'spoliticsofcivilsocietyis motivated
visionofthemodernproject
nitionofthetroubling
ironythatthiscoherent
Modof modernity.
understanding
generatesa tensionwithhis historicist
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Kim/WEBER'S POLITICS OF CIVIL SOCIETY
213
ona historically
ofcultural
is predicated
values
ern-ity
specificconstellation
has effectively
andideationalcontexts,
undermined
the
yetmodern-ization
forthemodernindividualidentity
normative
foundations
and disciplinary
civilsociety.Accordingto Weber'sfinelytunedtragicsenseof history,
in
short,themodernprojecthas fallenvictimtoitsownsuccess.61
as a Verfallsgeschichte
is clearto
Thisproblemof "late"modernization
Weberin whatwas goingon in Americancivilsociety.Callingthemall a
62
"Europeanization"of America, Weberpointedto two phenomena(re)feudalization
andbureaucratization.
In rapidlyEuropeanizing
America,
sectlikeassociations
intomereexclusivecastesand
secularization
hasturned
intostatushonorandprestige.
An associationalmemberethicalstandards
bothcultural
andmaterial-mere
shiptendstobe determined
byinheritance,
In termsoftheirorganizational
chancefromWeber'sperspective.
principle,
statusgroup"-due notto
thesenewgroupsare"leadingtowardaristocratic
63
itsparticularism,
I mustadd,buttoitslackofvoluntarism.Weberwas convincedthatAmericansocietywas on theroadtoEuropeanization,
in which
andunabletomaintain
theethicalstansocietywouldbecomerefeudalized
thesocialintegration
ofAmerican
civilsociety.
dardsthatoncesustained
Paris theoverallbureaucratization
ofcivilsociety.The
allelingrefeudalization
inAmerican
peculiarlackofbureaucracy
civilsociety,
Weberappearedcona fundamental
vinced,wouldnotlastandindeedwasundergoing
transformaofmorebureaucratization,
tionin thedirection
in whichthevoluntary
and
autonomous
civilsocietyis increasingly
state
displacedbyprofessionalized
and marketapparatuses.Thus,Weberloathedthe convergence
between
Americanand Germansocietiesin whichreligiousconcernsreflectmere
andethicalprobingis displacedbymereopportunism:
hypocrisy
"Onlythe
direction
in whichconventional
moveddiffered:
official
careers
'hypocrisy'
in Germany,
businessopportunities
intheUnitedStates."64
The congruence
of a vibrant
civilsocietyin
signaledforWeberan increasing
displacement
Americaand theconsequenterosionof theunifiedmoralpersonality,
in
which"thesubjective
dissolution
ofthisunity(die innereLiisungjener Einheit)-thedenigration
oftheBerufsmenschen-is
(Verfehmung)
obvious."65
ofmoralpersonality,
Againstthisdissolution
ofcivilsocirefeudalization
thequestionthatmotivates
ety,andoverallbureaucratization,
Weber'spolitical projectis,"Howis itatall possibletosalvage anyremnantsofindividual
freedom
ofmovement
inanysense?... Howis democ(Bewegungsfreiheit)
racyeveninthisrestricted
sensetobe atall possible?"66
onthistenStanding
sionbetween
andmodernization
Weber'spolitics
modernity
is,inshort,
ofcivil
whichaimstorecover
"sectman"underlatemodern
society,
circumstances.67
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214
POLITICAL THEORY /April2000
PURPOSE, CONTESTATION,
AND THE POLITICAL
I will
To further
sharpen
thecontours
ofWeber'spoliticsofcivilsociety,
compareit witha contemporary
theoryof civilsociety,especiallythatof
MichaelOakeshott.
ForOakeshott
twomainsubtexts
effectively
highlights
pertaining
to"libthathaveinformed
myinterrogation
so far-one problem
eralneutrality"
andtheotherto "uncivilor bad civilsociety."Oakeshott's
idealtypeof"civilassociation"containsan unflinching
beliefin theliberal
ofprocedural
principle
neutrality
andformal
ruleoflaw.Buthisownformulationalso discloseshisrecognition
cannotbe susthattheliberalneutrality
tainedwithouta substantive
sociocultural
contextand certainindividual
it.In itsconcernwith
characters
andvirtuesthatcan upholdandappreciate
be saidthatOakethesubstantive
foundation
ofa formal
ruleoflaw,itmight
shott'sprojectamounts
toa communitarian
of
defenseoftheliberalprinciple
This strategy,
neutrality.68
nevertheless,
obviouslyinvolvesa tensionsince
Oakeshott's
beliefinliberalneutrality
himfromexplicitly
endorsprohibits
the
formative
influence
of
civil
This
tensionushersin,as I will
ing
society.
accountoftheformative
that
argue,a suppressed
aspectsofcivilassociations
without
an educationofliberalvirtues
recommends
overtly
sayingso. Once
idealtypesofcivilassociationand"cives"
thisway,Oakeshott's
understood
whichilluminates
Weber'spoliticsof
revealan interesting
pointofcontrast,
civilsocietythattranscends
bothliberalandcommunitarian
projects.
association"(universitas),
In oppositionto an "enterprise
accordingto
inthatit
a "civilassociation"
organization
(societas)is a universal
Oakeshott,
is capableofembracing
heterogeneous
typesofselfandsmallerassociations.
assertion
onOakeshott's
that"civil"law
is predicated
Itsuniversal
character
withthesubstantive
actions.Itis not
doesnotinterfere
purposesofindividual
Oakeshott
likenscivillaw to a
butalso neutral.
onlyformalandprocedural
roadmap,whichonlysuppliesa "how-to"knowledge,
yetdoes notprovide
A roadmapora systemofroadsis neutral
totheindividual
any"where-to."
In thissense,thestate'ala civilmodecan
ordestination.
traveler's
direction
toleratewithinitsdomainheterogeneous
typesof selvesand associations.
is metwhentheyassenttotheprocedural
andformal
The onlyprecondition
the
tendstoidentify
ofcivillawandmoralpractices
prescriptions
(Oakeshott
ontothe
ofa civilassociationaretransposed
two).Once thecharacteristics
thatgovernssine
state,thestatebecomesseenas a societascumuniversitas
Hereinlies, accordingto
irae et studio-or, simplyput,purposelessly.69
of a civilassociationfroma bureaucratic
thecriticaldifference
Oakeshott,
enterpriseassociation.
Utterlydevoidof any substantive
purpose,however,an ideal typical
also rulessineiraeetstudio,Webersays,which"is thespecific
bureaucracy
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Kim/WEBER'S POLITICS OF CIVIL SOCIETY
215
natureofbureaucracy,
anditis appraisedas itsspecialvirtue."7,"
ForWeber,
is incapableofarticulating
a substantive
bureaucracy
purpose,insteadrelyingona formal
ruleofprocedure
only.CharlesLarmoreis right
inhis"praise
of bureaucracy"
when he criticizesOakeshottforfailingto understand
as theinstitutional
ofliberalneutrality.71
bureaucracy
Theironyis
expression
thatOakeshott's
idealtypeofcivilassociation,
whichis conceivedtocriticize
thepetrifying
effectofthemodemwelfarebureaucracy,
is definedby featuresthatLarmore-andWeberwouldcertainly
agree-sees as theessence
ofa bureaucratic
rule:purposelessness
andneutrality.
Webershowsa characteristic
ambivalence
towardbureaucratic
ruleespeto democracy.
ciallywithregardto itsrelationship
On one hand,he understandsthata preciseformulation
offormalrulethatcan be applieduniversally and neutrally
of governing,
improvesthepredictability
curtailsthe
exerciseofpoliticalpower,andthereby
contributes
arbitrary
totheempowermentofindividual
On theotherhand,he recognizesthatformalneurights.
is a highlyelusiveideal,andthatevenifachieved,itspurposelessness
trality
hasa detrimental
effect
on genuinedemocracy.
Webercanbe no lesscritical
ofbureaucratic
associations
thanOakeshott,
inshort,
yetforaltogether
oppositereasons.
Inparta subtlecriticism
ofHegel'sglorification
ofbureaucracy
as thesole
Weber'spointis thatbureaucracy
ofuniversal
has a
representative
interest,
toforma statusgroupofitsown,infactstriving
toestablish
itselfas
tendency
theonlyrulingcasteoverotherclasses,anditsseemingly
neutral
ruleis motivatedby a partialclass interest
thinlydisguisedas a universalinterest.72
Besidestheempirical
Weberalso maintains
thattheunicriticism,
however,
versal,formal,
ofbureaucracy,
purposelessneutrality
evenifachieved,will
contribute
tothelevelingofthewholepoliticalsociety,
directly
in
ushering
themerely"passivedemocratization."73
The criticalproblemWebersees is
that"in contrast
to thedemocratic
of smallhomogeneous
self-government
passivedemocratization
willturnthegoverned
units,"74
into,atbest,passive
beneficiaries
andsubjectsofthegoverning
activities
ofthebureaucratic
officials. Thishas a criticalimpacton thesubstantive
contents
oftheindividual
characters
andidentities;
thus,he says,"thebureaucratization
ofall dominationverystrongly
furthers
thedevelopment
of. . . thepersonality
typeofthe
professionalexpert(Fachmenschentum)."7sAnalyzingthe relationship
betweenbureaucracy
anddemocracy,
forexample,Weberholdsthatinsofar
as responsiveness
and accountability
to thepublicopinionare concerned,
canbe madedemocratic,
thussatisfying
bureaucracy
theprocedural
requirementsfordemocracy.
Theproblemis,as a resultofbureaucratic
rule,public
opinionitselfhasdegenerated
intomerely
"communal
action(Gemeinschaftshandeln) bornof irrational
sentiments."76
self-claimsnotwithContrary
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216
POLITICAL THEORY /April2000
rulehas
andbureaucratic
ofpassivedemocracy
thepurposelessness
standing,
ofa speintoa purposeitselfthatjustifiestheimposition
beentransformed
A genuforitscitizensattheexpenseofotheridentities.
cifickindofidentity
becomesa
andpassivedemocracy,
as opposedtoa procedural
inedemocracy,
forWeber.
characters
andindividual
questionofthenatureofcitizenship
can be a good exampleof
of liberalneutrality
Oakeshott'sformulation
of"cives"
withthenewidentity
forittendstoconflict
Weber'ssecondcritique,
a civilassociaselveswhoconstitute
imposedontheallegedlyheterogeneous
as a "persona"-a
describesthisnewidentity
tion.On one hand,Oakeshott
it can be
By implication,
sortof publicmaskone wearsas an associate.77
disposioftheirsubstantive
typesofselvesregardless
adoptedbydifferent
nameforthose
On theotherhand,civesis onlya different
tionsandfaculties.
or"relisimplyan "individual"
calledinvariouscontexts
whomOakeshott
whorealizesthat,byvirtueofsubmitgiousman"-thatis,a "freeagent"78
customs,andpracofmoraltraditions,
prescriptions
tingto theprocedural
This
purpose.79
ofchoosinga substantive
ticesonly,onecangainthefreedom
disvaluesthatsharply
setofsubstantive
a particular
typeofselfpresupposes
called"indiitfromothertypes,mostnotablywhathe variously
tinguishes
or"massman"thatareinneedoftransforvidualmanque,""anti-individual,"
with"a manlikeme,"80
mativeeducation.Ittakessomesortofhomogeneity
fora civilassociationto be able to sustainitself.
accordingto Oakeshott,
Oakeshott'sidealtypeofcivilassociationis, then,inclusiveandexclusive,
andcomor,in hisownwords,universal
andhomogeneous,
heterogeneous
all at once."
pulsory,
thata civilassociationis
assertion
One waytomakesenseofOakeshott's
it
to
be
that
at
once
seems
providesan educational
inclusiveandexclusive
to humanconduct,
intrinsic
freedom
is
Although
groundforfreeagents.
tobe eduis
not
an
something
its
exercise
nature,
art,
to
Oakeshott,
according
thiskindofmoraleducahedoesnotidentify
catedandlearned.2 However,
andobedience.
Learning
ofmoralrules,duties,
as anindoctrination
tionsimply
ofmoraleducation;itis
doesnotexhaustthecontents
knowledge"
"technical
individuals
thatprompts
ofthetechnical
learning
rather
anelusiveremainder
Itis onlyinthe
toreflect,
choose,andactinmoraltermsandautonomously.
corrective
"continuous
analysesand
contextof associationallife,through
receivemoraleducationthat
thatindividuals
in everyday
life,83
criticisms"
ofrules.One cannotlearntobe a freeagent
bylearning
cannotbe exhausted
fabricofan
moralandcustomary
unlesshe or she is partofan appropriate
inthatitcanembrace
is inclusive
life.Civilassociation
intimate
associational
to generate
homogeneity
yetitis exclusiveinthatitpurports
heterogeneity;
of cives is predicatedon thecompulsory
as cives.The universalidentity
as
selves.Despitetheclaimofneutrality,
moraleducationofheterogeneous
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Kim/WEBER'S POLITICS OF CIVIL SOCIETY
217
itis nottruethatOakeshott's
civilassociationis
Weberwouldhaveinsisted,
what
can
be
called
a
Platonic
of
with
politics thesoul-it simnotconcerned
politicsofthesoul.
plyaimsat,one mightsay,a laissez-faire
tension,
in
formulation
ofliberalneutrality
anditsinternal
In Oakeshott's
is moreinstrucfact,whathe chose not to give explicitconsideration
tothishomogetive-thatis,whathappenstothosewhorefusetosubscribe
neousidentity
qua cives?Thetypeofselfwhofailstolivebythis"unsought
of
called"thepoor,"whoareblamedfortheemergence
freedom"
Oakeshott
association"
inmodern
politicalsociety.4 Inmore
thecollectivist
"enterprise
intocives are,however,
urgentneed of educationand self-transformation
thosewhomOakeshottcalls the"moraleclectic."The moraleclecticis a
ethicsofhisorher
whorefusesto acceptthecustomary
moralperfectionist
ofnoncontingent
he orsheis
moreover,
truth;
worldandclaimsa knowledge
tochangethisworldaccordingtohisorher
whoattempts
a politicalactivist
truth.
The moraleclecticis a Platonicseerwhohas goneoutofthecave and
thecavemen."In makinga
seen thelightonlyto come back to enlighten
or otherworldly
contactwitha transcendental
claim foran unmitigated
a "charisma,"
a personalqualthemoraleclecticexhibits
sourceofmeaning,
to whatWebercalls "routine"
or what
itythatposes themostpotentthreat
Thisis whyinOakeshott's
calls"moralpractice."
cave,thecharisOakeshott
Themoraleclecis respected,
maticfigure
revered,
yetintheendostracized.
toa purelyprivate
needstobe confined
sphere;a Freudiansubtic'scharisma
limationis welcome,yetonce spreadout intoa publicsphere,charisma
wouldbe treatedlikean epidemicto be quelled.6 Charismahas to be subintocustoms,
andinshort"rouintoprivate
converted
sphere,
dued,confined
thedangerto civil associationand, by
In sum,forOakeshott,
tinized."87
lies in theliberation
ofcharismafromits
to individualfreedom
extension,
routineconfines.
at Worms-"HereI
To Oakeshott,
hence,Luther'sfamousdeclaration
thesubsequent
ofmodem
tragedies
stand;I cando no other"-foreshadows
willthat
Fortheepisodemarkstheadventoftheassertive
subjective
history.
fortheerosionofthemoralfabricofsocietyinwhichindiis heldresponsible
vidual freedomis embedded.The moralattituderepresented
by Luther,
ledonlyto"fanaticism"
and"follies."88
ForWeberas
toOakeshott,
according
watershed,
yetfora categorisignalsa historical
well,Luther'sdeclaration
illustrates
theessenceofmodern
individcallyoppositereason-itmovingly
ual freedom.89
ona princiThecontrast
couldnotbe clearer.Bothprojectsarepredicated
ofmodernbureaucratic
foundation
rule,seekingan alternative
pledcriticism
ofmodernliberalpoliticsin a pluralistically
organizedcivilsociety.Contra
civilassociations,
thegoal ofWeber'spoliticsofcivil
Oakeshott's
however,
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218
POLITICAL THEORY /April2000
moral
a moraleclecticwhocantakea defiant
tocultivate
societyis precisely
inan assoanddisciplined
empowered
action.Thiskindofselfis constantly
enumerated
ciationallifeinwhichthesenseofcollectivepurposeis sharply
sectThus,Webercharacterizes
sharedamongthemembers.
andvoluntarily
denouncedas
Oakeshott
inthesocialmechanism
likesocietyas culminating
In termsofitsemphasisonpurposeanddiscipline,
"domestica
disciplina."90
association"in Oakein short,Weber'ssectlikesocietyis an "enterprise
shott'sterms.91
ofcivilsocietyas a siteinwhich
withOakeshott's
postulation
In contrast
andeducated,furthermore,
tacitcustomsandmoralpracticesarepreserved
and
betweenthepurposeful
relationship
reinforcing
Weberpositsa mutually
competinatureofsectlikecivilsocietyandopencontestation,
disciplinary
andevenconflictor,in short,thepolitical.In oppositionto
tion,struggle,
"the essence of politics .
bureaucraticformalneutrality,
.
. is conflict,the
Whatmakesthisstatement
following."92
recruitment
ofalliesanda voluntary
and voluntary
of thepolitical,conflict,
is Weber'simplication
interesting
ofvoluntary
Politicalcontestation
dependsonthemobilization
associations.
created
associations;thus,Weberdefinespoliticalpartiesas "voluntarily
In turn,
associational
atfreerecruitment."93
voluntary
directed
organizations
activities
becomemorerobustwhentheassociatestakepartinpoliticalconsenseofcommonpurthelocusof identity,
forthatstrengthens
testations,
withCarl
pose, and individualdiscipline.Hereinlies Weber'saffinity
For
is equallyapparent.
ofthepolitical,yetthedifference
Schmitt's
theory
lifeandtheconseofassociational
Weber'semphasisontheexclusivenature
and
ushersina robustpluralism
purpose,andcontestation
quentdiscipline,
with
whereas
Schmitt's
preoccupation
withina civilsociety,
heterogeneity
inthe
a socialhomogeneity
is meanttogenerate
distinction
thefriend-enemy
activist
citizenof
moral
At
this
personality,
juncture
nameofdemocracy.94
associationallife stands
and voluntary
ship, the politicalcontestation,
Weber'suniquepoliticsofcivilsociety.Anditis inthislightthatthefollowing lament,whichconcludesWeber'sfamous"Science as a Vocation"
speech,makesmuchsense.
andabove
intellectualization,
rationalization,
Thefateofourage,withitscharacteristic
mostsublimevalueshavewithoftheworld,is thattheultimate,
all disenchantment
realmof
eitherintothetranscendental
drawnfromthepublicsphere[Offentlichkeit],
betweenindiofimmediate
lifeorintothebrotherhood
personalrelationships
mythical
thanmonumental,
noris it
rather
artis intimate
viduals.Itis noaccidentthatourgreatest
betweenindifortuitous
thattodayonlyin thesmallestgroup[Gemeinschaftskreise],
to the prophetic
pulsatein pianissimowhichcorresponds
viduals,does something
like fireand
[Gemeinden]
greatcommunities
sweptthrough
pneumawhichformerly
weldedthemtogether."
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Kim/WEBER'S POLITICS OF CIVIL SOCIETY
219
In sum,Weber'sprojectis to preserveand amplifytheelementof the
substantiate
whatheregardsas
political,a goalthatenableshimtonegatively
boththeliberalprinciple
Fromthisperspective,
offora "badcivilsociety."
lifeconceivedone-sidedly
andassociational
in
malandprocedural
neutrality
andpracticescan be activeaccomplicesin the
termsofcustoms,traditions,
ofbureaucracy
intoeveryday
to
expansionandpenetration
life,contributing
andevendocilecitizenry.
theformation
ofpassive,complacent,
conformist,
Whatis necessaryin Weber'sviewis insteadan activeandhighlyalertcitianddefiantaction,and
zenrythatis readyto takeautonomous,
principled,
lifethat
traitscan be bredonlyin a small-scaleassociational
suchcharacter
variousmeansof membership
emphasizespurposeand disciplinethrough
selection and sanctions. In contrastwith the liberal-juridicaland
modelsof civil society,one mightsay,Weberprocommunitarian-social
posed a politicalmodelbywhichhe stroveto imbuethelatemodern"iron
anddynamism.96
cage" onceagainwithvibrancy,
enterprise,
movement,
CONCLUSION: "BOWLINGALONE"
thatprecisely
atthemoment
whenthetriumph
of
Itis an ironyofhistory
inmanypartsoftheworld,civilsocietyin
civilsocietyis loudlyproclaimed
America,one ofitstraditional
seedbeds,is allegedlyin decline.Implicitin
is a moreprofound
thiskindofallegation
andtroubling
a
questionofwhether
liberaldemocratic
politycan sustainitselfon itsownterms.Identifying
the
orthodox
liberaldemarcation
ofstatecraft
andsoulcraft
as thesourceofthe
numberoftheorists
areturning
problem,an increasing
to civilsocietyas a
siteinwhicha certainkindofmoralpersonality
andcivicvirtues
conducive
to liberaldemocracy
is cultivated.
Weber'slargerreflections
on modernity
can also be understood
as drivenbythesimilarly
agonizingquestionofits
ithassuccessfully
sustainability,
especiallyafter
undermined
itsownnormativefoundation
inthecourseofrationalization
andsecularization.
Prominent
in thistroubling
tensionbetweenmodernity
and modernization
forWeber
was theproblemofthedisempowerment
ofthemodernliberalself.
Inthislight,boththeneo-Tocquevillean
andWeberian
canbe said
projects
tosharetherecognition
thatliberaldemocracy
cannotbe sustained
ina robust
formwithout
a uniquesociocultural
environment
thatcancultivate
a unique
kindofindividual
characters.
Seenthisway,bothprojects
criticize
theclassic
doctrineofliberalneutrality
thatrequirescitizenstoleavebehindtheirprivateidentities
beforeentering
thepublicsphereofrational
debateandcollectivedeliberation
andinturnstrictly
prohibits
politicsfromintervening
inthe
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220
POLITICAL THEORY /April2000
moralandciviceducationofitscitizens.Itis onthisbroadlycommunitarian
thattheWeberianand
ofliberalneutrality
criticism
and/or
civicrepublican
howpoliticsof civilsocietyconverge.This similarity,
neo-Tocquevillean
to the
degreesofsensitivity
ever,cannotlastlong,anditis in thedifferent
thattheydiverge.Especontentsof civilsocietyand individualcharacters
Berkowitz
calls the rightto
whom
Peter
those
cially compared
ofbad civil
tothepossibility
Weberappearsmoresensitive
Tocquevilleans,
AmyGutman
voluntarism,
To thisnaiveemphasison spontaneous
society.97
follow,
respondswitha question,andWeberwouldcertainly
ifithasin
activity
inAmerica,
aboutthedecreaseinassociational
Shouldwebe horrified
associations
thatexist,the
facttakenplace?Wecannotassumethatthemoresecondary
dependson the
probably
willbe. Moreofcivicimportance
better
offliberaldemocracy
natureofassociationsin Americathanon theirnumbers."8
ofliberaldemoNot all formsofcivilsocietyareconduciveto thevitality
to it.
craticpolity-somemightin factbe detrimental
ofassociations"
is enumerated,
thosecharacterisEvenwhenthe"nature
ononehand,
different
fromWeber'sproject.ForWeber,
ticsappearradically
andmagourcivilsocietyis topreserve
themostcriticalissueinrevitalizing
Modem
in
our
individuals
of
contestation
iron
cage
society.
elements
nifythe
so thattheycan chalneedto be engagedin variousassociationalactivities
inwhich
context,
everyday
lengeandcompetewitheachotherina concrete,
andchoosetheirultimate
todefine,
redefine,
required
theywillbe constantly
values and to takedisciplinedmoralactionsbased on theirchoices.For
inshort,
thecriticalissueis to"deepen"the
Weber'spoliticsofcivilsociety,
theself,ontheotherhand,or
self.To "broaden"
coreofthemodern
innermost
to develop"theI intotheWe" seemsto definesomeprojectsespeciallyof
In thisview,a desirableformof associapersuasion.99
right-Tocquevillean
and
tionallifeis frequently
imaginedin termsof communalcongeniality
intermsofsociability,
civicvirtues,
civility,
cooperagroupsolidarity-the
1X)In thefaceoftheallegedanomieanddisorderliness,
then,
tion,andtrust.
a pluralistic
ofthiskindofsolidarity
through
theissuebecomestherecovery
consequenceis expectedtoengenassociational
life,whichas anunintended
Thedifanda robustliberaldemocracy.
dera moreengagedpubliccitizenry
function
thatis assignedto themodem
lies intheprimary
in short,
ference,
individual
ofdefiant
thatis,betweenthecultivation
civilsociety,
autonomy
of individualsociabilityand the
in Weber'scivilsocietyand therecovery
in theright-Tocquevillean
civil society.
of social solidarity
enhancement
Weber'spoliticsofcivilsocietyintheendcannotaccepta simplecelebration
ofassociationallifeforitsownsake.
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Kim/WEBER'S POLITICS OF CIVIL SOCIETY
221
warnedthat"intheage ofvastconcentrations
SheldonWolinrecently
of
andgovernmental
corporate
power,thedesperateproblemofdemocracy
is
notto developbetter
butto developa fairersystemof
waysofcooperation,
contestation
overtime,especiallyhardtimes."'O'
Weberwouldwholeheartbutismore
edlyagreeandaddthatthequestionis notonlyaboutthe"system"
ofautonomous
critically
abouttheproliferation
anddisciplinedselveswho
It is a pluralistically
readilyriseup tojoin "contestations."
organizedcivil
societyWebercalledsectlikesocietythatis expectedtocultivate
thesemoral
Ifour"revivified"
civilsociety,
andcivicvirtues.
dispositions
can
however,
andfuzzyneighborliness,
breedonlycommunalcongeniality
Webermight
evensay-let people"bowlalone."Forintheabsenceofbetter
alternatives,
ironically,
defiantly
resisting
purposeless
grouppressure
cansometimes
be a
of"sectman."
morevisiblehallmark
NOTES
1. Arnold(1993), 195-96.
2. Berkowitz(1999), Galston(1991), Macedo (1990), Rosenblum(1989).
3. Gutman(1998), Rosenblum(1998), Shils(1997), Macedo (1997).
4. Barber(1999), Sandel(1996),Elshtain(1995).
5. Keane (1998), 114 ff.
6. LettertoFriedrich
Crusius,as quotedinMommsen(1984),323. A completeletter
is in
Biography
647/636,Baumgarten
(1964), 536 ff.,andGesammelte
PolitischeSchriften
(GPS)
(first
edition),482 ff.,all ofwhichMommsenclaimstobe mistranscribed.
Materialenclosedin
inthequoteis basedonMommsen'sclaims.Englishrendering
is alteredtoprovidea
parentheses
moreliteraltranslation.
ofAmericaforWeber'spoliticalthought
7. Fortheimportance
ingeneral,see Mommsen
(1974).Forthehistorical
detailssurrounding
Weber'sAmerican
seeRollman(1995).Diggins
trip,
(1996) makesbroadandat timesintriguing
on Weber'sattitude
observations
towardAmerica.
8. Biography
294/281.TheGermanacademicluminaries
whowereinvited
tothe1904St.
LouisWorldExposition
included
suchliberalthinkers
as E. Troeltsch,
A. vonHarnack,
W.Sombart,
F. Tonnies,andW. Windelband.
See Honigsheim
(1968), 11.
9. Biography
295/282-83,
298-300/285-87;
Baumgarten
(1964), 450-521.
10.Mommsen(1974), 72; Peukert
(1989), 267-71;Wohl(1979),42-84.
11.Biography
305/293.
300-02/287-89,
12.Mommsen(1974), 80.
13. Sects207/450.
14.Tonnies(1993); Ringer(1969), 265-66,164-71; Herff(1984), 36, 84, 136.
15.FormoreontheBegriffsgeschichte
ofthecategories
ofGemeinschaft
andGesellscha,ft,
see Riedel(1972).
16.For moreon WeberandTonnies,see Cahnman(1995).
17. In agreement
is AlexanderandLoader(1989), 106.
18. America578/9.
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222
POLITICAL THEORY /April2000
vols.1-3(1868-1881).There
Gennosenschaftsrecht,
Das deutsche
19.See hismonumental
themostfamousofwhich
Englishtranslation,
areseveraleditionsofthisseminalworkinpartial
areeditedbyA. Blackandtransis byF. W. MaitlandinGierke(1901). Morerecentselections
latedbyM. Fischerin Gierke(1990).
20. Gierke(1901),94, 98.
see Riesebrodt(1989),
21. For otherexamplesof Weber'suse of Gierke'scategories,
136-38.
22. Sects222 n.1/453n.9.
23. Ibid.,214-15/309.
458 n.27.
24. EconomicEthics259/287;cf.Sects227-31/316-18,
126-30.
25. Russia 152-64/63-65,
467.
26. Sozialpolitik
470.
27. Rejections491-92/333;Sozialpolitik
28. Rejections489-91/332.
29. Russia 164-65/65-66.
30. ES II 722/1205.
thesectand
between
ForwhatWebercalls"theelectiveaffinity
31. America580-81/12-13.
knew
certainly
(1931),617-25.Troeltsch
Cf.Troeltsch
see ES 11724-26/1208-09.
democracy,"
(1958), 149.In thesamebook,he
ofWeber's,as he cites"America"inTroeltsch
thiscriticism
byreemphasizalsocriticizing
GeorgJellineck,
Weberandprobably
without
naming
responded,
and
ofpredestination
natureoftheCalvinistdoctrine
ingthetensionbetweenthearistocratic
an essentially
religiousand
forexample,"Thisis still,however,
democracy:
egalitarian
modern
oftheNatuoftheconception
fromthepurerationalism
distinguished
aristocratic
idea,sharply
of Rousseau's
and fromthedemocratic
sympathies
ral Law in theperiodof Enlightenment,
totheCalvinistic
spirit"(ibid.,
foreign
senseis everywhere
inthestrict
teaching....Democracy
115-16).
32. Smith(1976), 309-38;cf.Macedo(1996), 242-52.
33. Tocqueville(1988), 604. Formoreon WeberandTocqueville,see Kalberg(1997).
34. ES II 723/1206.
35. America578/9.
443.
Sozialpolitik
36. Ibid.,580/10;Sects215/310;ES 11723-24/1207;
37. America578/9.
38. Ibid.,581/10-I1.
39. Ibid.,561/8.
40. Ibid.,579/10;emphasisadded.
470.
41. Sozialpolitik
42. America581/11;Sects234-35/320-21.
43. Sects235/321.
44. Rosenblum(1998), 64.
425-30/420-25.
442-43,447; cf.Biography
45. Sozialpolitik
toKarlBucherofFebruary
1909,inwhichhe
445. Alsosee Weber'sletter
46. Sozialpolitik
UnitedStatesto theGerinthesouthern
comparesthe"singingtalent"oftheblackpopulation
49).
"concurrent"
politicalpessimism(MWG 1116,
manchoralsocieties,highlighting
47. Democracy381-386/116-17.
with
see Hennis(1988) and(1996). Inagreement
statement,
48. Forthemostprogrammatic
book (Goldman1988) andthesistervolume
Hennisis HarveyGoldmanin hispath-breaking
manofvocationin
theidealtypeofthePuritan
goodinportraying
(1992),whichareparticularly
sociologyofreligion.Sharinga similarexegeticagendais TracyStrong
Weber'scomparative
beencuriously
neglectedin Weberscholarship.
(1992). The questionofselfhas untilrecently
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Kim/WEBER'S POLITICS OF CIVIL SOCIETY
223
ofWeberscholarship
thatcentered
Hennis'sconsciousrevivaloftheearliertradition
on philowas criticalin generating
thepresent
interest
in Weber'sconceptofthe
sophicalanthropology
in partbythechallengeofpostmodernism
anditsfocuson
modernself-an interest
prompted
see Jaspers(1926), Lowith([1931] 1960),
themodernself.FortheearlierWeberscholarship,
Henrich(1952), andLandschudt
(1969).
49. Hennis(1988), 93.
50. Roscher& Knies 132/191-92.
526/35.
51. Neutrality
52. Bentham(1982), 11 ff.
558/14.
53. Freiburg
ofthecritique
ofutilitarianismin
see Honig(1994),574.
54.Forthisformulation
general,
55. Neutrality
507-8/18.
56. Politics227-28/353.
57. Ibid.,250-51/368.
58. ES I 324/533.
19.Thestoryis ofcoursefarfromover.Forone,howcanthis
59. Protestant
Ethic116/118ethicsbe maintained
withoutcausingconflict?How can the
of heteronomous
cohabitation
be managed?Itis no wonderthatWeberdescribed
thepsychological
conflict
stateofa
potential
Inthisrespect,
Puritan
as hysteria
CharlesLarmore'ssubtle
(China456-58/232).
Berufsmensch
indication-andI am inclinedto agree-thatWeber'sgoal was to preserveand amplifythis
conflict
tocreatea constantly
potential
agonizingmoralagentmayprovideoneanswer(Larmore
in otherwords,yetit
1987,xiii-xiv,144-46).The Berufsmensch
maybe a unifiedpersonality,
doesnothavetobe a harmonious
soul.Mypointhassimplybeentotakeissuewithvariousreadtheabsoluteincompatibility
oftwoethicsinwhicheither
ingsthathighlight
rational
responsibiltheother.
ity(Schluchter1979)orvalueconviction
(Strauss1950)dominates
60. Letterto AdolfvonHarnack(5 February1906).See MWG IL/5,32-33.
61. Curiously
Frederic
Jameson
neglected
amongWeberscholars,
(1971) clearlybringsout
theseconceptualschematainWeber'sProtestant
Ethicthesisthrough
a Levi-Straussian
textual
analysis.
62. Sects208/302.
63. Ibid.,215/310;ES 1933/188.
64. Sects214/309.
65. SchluBwort
319.
66. Parliament
465-67/159;emphasisadded.
67. In agreement
is Wolin(1981).
68. ForOakeshott,
inthelightofliberal-communitarian
debate,seeFranco(1990),230-36.
69. Oakeshott(1976), 201, 144.
70. ES II 563/215-16.
71. Larmore(1987),40-41.
72. Biography
Parliament
500-502/190.
420-23/415-18;
73. ES II 569/985-86.
74. Ibid.,567/983.
75. Ibid.,576/998.
76. Ibid.,566/980.
77. Oakeshott(1976), 196-97.
78. Ibid.,112.
79. Oakeshott(1993), 28-30,33.
80. Oakeshott(1976), 129.
81. Ibid.,148-51.
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224
POLITICAL THEORY /April2000
82. Oakeshott
(1991),466.
83. Ibid.,474.
(1976),236, 303.
84. Oakeshott
85. Ibid.,27-31.
(1991),472.
86. Oakeshott
87. Ibid.,485.
88. Oakeshott
(1976),238.
89. Politics248-250/367.
90. Oakeshott
(1976), 284.
91. In agreement
is Turner
(1992), 151-53.
92. Parliament
481-83/173.
93. Ibid.,454-55/149.
94. Schmitt
([1928] 1983),234.
95. Science 107-11/30.
as opposedtothe
ofthepoliticalmodelofcivilsociety,
articulation
96. Fora contemporary
models,see Mouffe(1993), 60-73,althoughI disand communitarian-social
liberal-juridical
inthisassociation.
andSchmitt
ofOakeshott
agreewithherinterpretations
(1999), 187.
97. Berkowitz
98. Gutman(1998), 31.
99. Putnam(1995), 67.
100.Shils(1997),Fukuyama(1996),Elshtain(1995).
101.Wolin(1996), 115.
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SungHo Kimis an assistant
professor
ofpoliticalscienceat theUniversity
ofCalifornia
at Riverside.
He is completing
a booktitledOf 'Sect Man': The ModernSelfandCivil
whichis basedonhisdoctoraldissertation
thatwonthe1998Leo
SocietyinMax Weber,
StraussAwardoftheAPSA.His current
researchexploresempire,
nation-state,
and civil
liberalism
and examinesthediscursiveimportation
societyin turn-of-the-century
and
transmutation
contexts.
ofthesecategoriesinnon-Western
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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions