Annu. Rev. Anthropol.2001. 30:41-64
Copyright() 2001 by AnnualReviews. All rightsreserved
THE ORIGINOF STATESOCIETIES
IN SOUTH AMERICA
CharlesStanish
Departmentof Anthropology,Universityof California,Los Angeles, Los Angeles,
California90095-1553; e-mail: [email protected]
Key Words stateformation,culturalevolution,Andes,chiefdoms,states
* Abstract Theearlieststatesdevelopedin thecentralAndeanhighlandsandalong
thecentralPacificcoastof westernSouthAmerica.Theconsensusin thearchaeological
literatureis thatstatesocietiesfirstdevelopedin thecentralAndesin theearlypartof the
firstmillenniumC.E.A minorityopinionholds thatfirst-generation
statesdeveloped
as early as the late secondmillenniumB.C.E.in the same area.The Andeanregion
statedevelopmentin the world.This
constitutesone of a few areasof first-generation
areathereforerepresentsan importantcase studyfor the comparativeanalysisof state
formation.This articleoutlinesthe argumentsfor stateformationin SouthAmerica,
presentstheevidence,analyzestheunderlyingassumptionsaboutthesearguments,and
assessesthe SouthAmericandatain termsof contemporary
anthropological
theoryof
stateevolution.
SOUTH AMERICA
South America, a continentapproximately17,870,000 km2 in size, has been divided into as few as three and as many as two dozen different cultural areas
by anthropologists(Willey 1971, pp. 17-24). Borrowingon the earlier work of
Wissler (1922, pp. 245-57) and Bennett (1946, p. 1), Lumbreras(1981, p. 42)
provides the most common culturalgeographicaldivision of South America:the
Andes, the Llanos, Amazonia, the Chaco, the Pampas,and Patagonia(Figure 1).
First-generationstates evolved only in the central and south centralpart of one
area, the Andes. This area, referredto collectively as the central Andes, would
correspondto partsof Wissler's Inca areaand to all of Willey's Peruviancultural
area(Willey 1971, p. 4). Borderedon the west by the PacificOcean,this culturally
precociousregion stretchesfrom roughlythe Peru-Ecuadorborderin the north,to
the low forests of Peru and Bolivia in the east, and south to the southernpart of
the TiticacaBasin in Bolivia.
0084-6570/01/1021-0041$14.00
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41
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STANISH
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ORIGINOFSOUTHAMERICAN
STATES
43
THE CENTRAL ANDES
The centralAndes extends over 1,000,000 km2 and includes some of the world's
driest deserts, rugged mountainsidesand peaks, highland grasslands, and low
forests (Figure2). At the time of Europeancontact,the centralAndes was home to
severaldozen distinctethnicandlinguisticgroups.In spite of this diversity,the idea
thatthe centralAndes is culturallyunifiedand homogenoushas been a subtextin
anthropologicalandhistoricalstudiessince at least the Europeanconquest.A good
argumentcan be made thatsuch a bias developeddirectlyout of Inca and Spanish
Colombia
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Figure 2 The centralAndes.
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Arica
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44
STANISH
imperialpropagandathatpromotedthe culturalunity of empire.It is thereforenot
surprisingthat many definitions of the Andean or central Andean culturalarea
correspondratherneatly to the Incanimperialboundariesin the 1530s.
If one used the political and linguistic boundariesof the later firstmillennium
C.E., there would be a very differentpicture. Around C.E.600 there were three
relativelydistinctcultural,linguistic,political,andgeographicalareasin thecentral
Andes. The Moche culturedeveloped in the northerncoastal desert. In this area,
people spoke Mochicaandrelateddialects (Torero1990). In the centralhighlands,
the Wari state dominatedthe political landscape.Most likely, an ancestralform
of Quechuawas spoken in this region. The people of Tiwanakuruled the south
centralAndeanaltiplano,orhighplains.In thisregion,Aymara,Pukina,andrelated
dialects were the dominantlanguages in the sixteenth century,and we presume
that some form of proto-Aymara(Aru) and/orPukinawas spoken in this area at
the time of Tiwanaku.Each of these areashas its own researchtraditions.Given
thatthis discussionfocuses on the origin of the stateandthatmany archaeologists
point to these threeregions as home to the earlieststates,these areasstructurethis
discussion.
DEFINING THE STATE
Flannery(1998, pp. 15-16; 1999) makesthe essentialpointthatthe definitionof the
stateis a taskfor anthropologistsandpoliticalscientistsworkingwith ethnographic
or historicaldata.The role of archaeologists,in contrast,is to define the material
indicatorsof this phenomenonand then assess the datato definethe emergenceof
the state. The anthropologicaldefinitionsof the state, as well as its materialindicatorsin the archaeologicalrecord,areclosely linkedto the theoreticalframework
in which the concept of the state is developed. Definitionsthat focus on political
power and social classes tend to define states broadly,with many archaeological
cases fittinginto the definition.In most neomarxistframeworks,the existence of
social classes in and of itself is the defining feature of state organization.Silva
Santisteban(1997, p. 22), for instance,arguesthatthe existence of any monument
that is significantlylarge or elaborateenough to indicate group labor above the
household, is evidence for state organization.In his words, "... the presence of
a ceremonialcenter [is] tangibleevidence of the sociopolitical formationthat we
call a State"(Silva Santisteban1997, p. 101). A theoreticallysimilarposition is
advocatedby Haas (1987, p. 32), who also sees the exercise of economic power
to be the essential variablein the definitionof the state. In the Andes according
to this definition,largeearthenconstructionsreflectconcentratedeconomic power
and a state organization(Haas 1987, p. 22).
A more common view is thatmonumentalarchitecturalconstructionprecedes
the statein westernSouthAmerica.In this view, nonstatesocieties arefully capable
of amassingsufficientlaborto buildlargemonuments,usuallythroughreligiousor
"theocratic"means (Burger1995, p. 37; Fung Pineda 1988, p. 80; Moseley 1975,
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ORIGINOFSOUTHAMERICAN
STATES
45
1992). Moseley refers to complex, prestatesocieties as "civilizations,"in which
hierarchycan exist withouthereditaryrank(M.E. Moseley, personalcommunication). In this context, the ideology representsthe community,not individualsor
elite groups, and corporatearchitectureis created to provide focus for community ritualsand the materializationof chief ideologies (e.g. DeMarraiset al 1996,
Dillehay 1992).
In models thatemphasizethe religiousfunctionsof earlymonumentalconstructions, the state develops after the shift from a kin-based,chief "hierarchyat the
service of the collectivity"(Albarracin-Jordan
1996, p. 70) to a hierarchyheaded
by a stateelite thatacts largelyin its own interest.The stateis definedby a series of
factorsthat distinguishit from chief, kin-basedorganization.The relativeimportance of these factorsis based upon the particulartheoreticalframeworkin which
they are proposed. In the Andes, factors that have been proposed are generally
consistentwith the literatureon state formationfrom aroundthe world.
THE EMERGENCE OF COMPLEX SOCIETY
IN THE LATEPRECERAMIC PERIOD
At the beginning of the fourthmillennium B.C.E., all peoples in South America
lived in small hunting,gathering,and horticulturalcamps, or, on rare occasions,
in small semipermanentvillages. By 3000-2500 B.C.E.,the first fully sedentary
and complex societies developed on the Pacific coast of Peru. Social complexity
in the Andean archaeologicalrecord is generally indicated by the existence of
large monumentsthathave functionsbeyond domesticresidence and subsistence.
Andeanarchaeologistsreferto such architectureby severalterms,includingcorporate,civic-ceremonial,elite-ceremonial,ritual,or public architecture.Settlements
that have pyramids,courts, walled plazas, and so forth are considered to be organizationallymore complex thanpolitically egalitarianvillages. The theoretical
link between corporatearchitecture,a termfirstproposedby Moseley (1975), and
culturalcomplexity rests on the premise that the monumentswere built by, and
meantto be seen and used by, a social grouplargerthan a few families.
The Coast
Beginning around3000 B.C.E.,a few societies with a predominantlynonagriculturalsubsistencebase built corporatemonumentson the Peruviancoast. The site
of Aspero, located on the northernedge of the Supe River adjacentto the Pacific
Ocean, representsone of these early settlements.The earliest phases of corporate constructionbegan around2800-2000 B.C.E.(Feldman1987, p. 12; Moseley
1992a, p. 117) (dates uncorrectedunless noted otherwise). One large monument
is the Huaca de los Idolos, a flat-toppedpyramid 1500 m2 in size used for ritual
display (Feldman 1987, p. 11; Moseley 1992a, p. 115). Along with this pyramid,
Aspero has 12-15 hectares(ha) of domestic middenareas,and 17 otherpyramids
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46
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between 1.0 and 4.0 m high. Excavationsat the site reveal a patternof continually rebuiltconstructionsby a residentpopulation,a patternfound at many sites
throughoutthe coastal valleys at this time.
Perhapsthe largest settlement of this time period is located 2 km from the
coast in the Chillon valley and is known as El Paraiso. According to Quilter
(1985, p. 294) and Moseley (1992a, p. 119), the major constructionat the site
was in progress by 2000 B.C.E.,and it continuedto be occupied for two to four
centuries. The 100,000 tons of stone masonry constructionis found in at least
seven moundsthatform a giant U shape over 58 ha (Quilter 1985, p. 279). It has
a huge, 7.0-ha plaza located between the arms of the U. Many structureswere
elaboratelydecorated.In particular,one structurewas paintedred andhad a bright
orange burntfloor with evidence of fire rituals. Moseley (1992a, p. 120) notes
that artifactsinclude red pigment grinders,bird feathers, unfiredfigurines, and
fruittreebranches.Earlier,we believedthattherewas little evidencefor permanent
habitationat the site. However,later work indicatesthat it indeed had a resident
population(FungPineda 1988; Quilter 1991b, p. 427; Quilter1991a;Quilteret al
1991).
Another large Preceramicsite is known as Chupacigarroor Caral. Located
inland in the Supe valley, the site is an impressive50-ha Preceramicsettlement
that includes circularstructureswith ramps 50-80 m in diameter(Engel 1987),
25 pyramids up to 25 m high, and evidence of a sedentarypopulation (Silva
Santisteban1997, pp. 103-4).
The threesites of Chupacigarro,Aspero, andEl Paraisoare located in different
ecological zones. They representthe geographicallybroadsettlementdistribution
of majorPreceramicsites, includingthe immediatecoast, a site withina shortwalk
from the ocean, and an inland site well away from the marineresources.These
three examples indicate that the first monumentalarchitecturewas constructed
in differentecological zones, where access to marine and agriculturalresources
variedgreatly.
The CentralHighlands
During the late Preceramic,a widespreadbuilding and ritualtraditiondeveloped
among a numberof formerlyegalitarianhighlandcommunitiesas well. This has
been called the "KotoshReligious Tradition"by Burger& Burger(1980). At the
type site of Kotosh, Burger(1995, p. 47) describes two artificialmounds and a
series of superimposedtemples. The highest mound was 14 m high and had a
three-tieredplatformwith numerouschambersbuilt into the base. There are at
least 11 chambersand possibly up to 100 chambersat Kotoshitself (Burger1995,
p. 48; Izumi & Terada1972). A prominentfeatureof this architecturaltraditionis
smallbuildings,usuallyplasteredanddecoratedwith firepitsin the floor.One of the
most spectacularof these Preceramicstructuresis the Templeof the CrossedHands
at Kotosh.Othersites in the highlands,suchas Huaricoto,La Galgada(Griederet al
1988b),andPiruru(Bonnier& Rozenberg1988), have similarritualconstructions,
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STATES
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but the amountof laborand architecturalcomplexityof each site varies.Paintings
of serpents,niches in the walls, fire ritual,and repeatedburyingand rebuildingof
the structuresare some of the salient featuresof the KotoshReligious Tradition.
La Galgadais a particularlyimportantPreceramicperiod site thatparticipated
in the Kotosh tradition.Around 2300 B.C.E.,the people at this site constructed
elaborateroundchamberswith firepits. Significantfeaturesof La Galgadainclude
a circularcourt17 m in diameter,the existenceof "megalithicshafttombs"(Grieder
1988, p. 73; Grieder& Bueno 1985, p. 108), and exotic objects in the fire pits.
The architectureof the Kotosh Religious Traditionis differentfrom contemporarycoastal sites. In the highlands, corporatearchitectureis characterizedby
single, free-standingbuildings with separateentrancesand no internalconnections. Thereis no evidencefor site planning,restrictedaccess, or formaldesigns that
werereplicatedacrosssites (Burger1995,p. 51). In contrast,coastaltraditionswere
characterizedby much largerbuildingswith patternsof restrictedaccess, although
at least one site, Huaynunain the Casma, has a ventilatedhearthsimilar to the
KotoshTradition(Pozorski& Pozorski 1990). Certainly,in both coast and sierra,
monumentalarchitecturewas widespreadby the beginningof the second millennium B.C.E.
Late Preceramic States?
The late Preceramic period witnessed the emergence of the first nonegalitariansocieties in SouthAmerica.OnthePacificcoast, it is clearthatsome of theearliest settlementsdid not rely on agriculturefor a significantproportionof theirdiet.
Moseley (1975, 1985, 1992a, 1992b) has persuasivelyarguedthat many Preceramiccoastalpopulationswere basedpredominantlyon the exploitationof marine
resources.His "maritimehypothesis"has been supportedby excavations at Aspero, HuacaPrieta,and othersites (Quilter& Stocker 1983, but see Wilson 1981).
This work indicatesthatan economy based heavily on marineproductswas sufficient to supportthe constructionof monumentalarchitecture.
It is significant that cultigens are also found in Preceramicperiod middens.
While marineresourceswere the staplein coastalPreceramicsites, the inhabitants
also utilized both wild and cultivatedfood and industrialcrops (Feldman 1987,
p. 9; Pozorski & Pozorski 1990; Quilter& Stocker 1983) such as cotton, gourd,
legumes,achira,andsquash.OtherPreceramicperiodsites were locatedawayfrom
the littoral.Settlementssuch as Chupacigarroexploited a mix of plantagricultural
productsand the collection wild foods. Marineresourcesat the site were obtained
by exchange with othergroups and/ordirectexploitation.
In the highlandslarge Preceramicmonumentswere constructedin economies
based largely on rain-fedand small-scale irrigationagriculture,plus the elaboration of exchange networks (Fung Pineda 1988, p. 71). Burger (1995, p. 32, 53)
notes that marinefish bone and shell have been found at all Preceramichighland
sites that have corporatearchitectureand notes that the populationof Salinas de
Chao controlledsalt productionand exchange (butcf. Pozorski & Pozorski 1990,
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48
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p. 24). In short, there are solid culturallinks between the highlands, coast, and
even easternslopes in the late Preceramic(Bonavia & Grobman1979; Quilter&
Stocker 1983, pp. 554-55).
The consensus in the literatureis that the late Preceramicperiod represents
at most the developmentof ranked society typical of simple chiefdoms in the
evolutionaryanthropologicalliterature.Termsused to describe this organization
include "chiefdoms"(Feldman 1987), "societies with labor organizingleaders"
(Bawden 1999, p. 172) "centralized,nonstate polities," and "regionalcenters"
(Quilter 199 a). Certainly,the data indicatethat there was no one site that was a
center of a regionalpolity. Rather,there were a series of autonomoussettlements
of varyingcomplexityup anddown the coast. Few scholarsarguethatanypolitical
organizationas complex as the statedevelopedin the Preceramic.One exceptionis
Silva Santisteban(1997, pp. 100-2), who arguesthatthe pristinestatehad formed
by 2300 B.C.E.on the Peruviancoast.
THE INITIAL PERIOD
The Coast
The Initialperiod dates from circa 2000-1800 B.C.E.to circa 900-600 B.C.E.The
Initialperiodwitnesseda rapidgrowthin the size of sites, developmentof architecturalcomplexity,and general social complexity based on late Preceramicperiod
antecedents.Several regional architecturalstyles emerged in this period. One of
these is known as the U-shapedarchitecturaltradition,firstdescribedby Williams
(1971, also see CarrionSotelo 1998 for an example of a recent field study). The
ideal layout was composed of a high, flat-toppedpyramidmound flankedin the
frontby two projectinglinear structuresto form a large U.
The site of HuacaLa Florida,located 11 km inlandin the Rimac valley, is one
of the oldest of the classic U-shapedstructuresso farstudied(VonHagen& Morris
1998, p. 51). The main pyramidis 17 m high and the two projectingstructures
rise 4 m from base for approximately500 m. Constructionat the site began in the
eighteenthcenturyB.C.E.Burgerestimatesthatthe site required6.7 million persondays of labor.He notes that it is not even the largestof the U-shaped sites on the
coast. The little-knownsite of San Jacintoin the Chancayvalley is four times as
large,with a 30-ha plaza andtwo million cubic metersof fill (Burger1995, p. 61).
While centeredon the centralcoast of Peru, this U-shaped architecturaltradition
has been noted as far southas the Lake TiticacaBasin (Stanish& Steadman1994,
p. 13) and as far northas Piura(Guffroy 1989, pp. 161-207).
A second architecturaltraditionof the Initialperiodcenterson the construction
of sunken,circularcourts usually next to pyramids.This tradition,concentrated
northof the Chancayvalley, has been found in at least 50 sites. Many of these are
located in the Supe valley (Burger 1995, p. 76). A thirdarchitecturaltraditionis
knownas Cupisnique,characterizedby low platformpyramids,largestairways,and
rectangularcourts. Colonnadesand elaboratepainted sculpturesdistinguishthis
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STATES
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architecture(Burger 1995, p. 92). The architecturalcomplex known as Huacade
los Reyes at the site of CaballoMuertois emblematicof this late Initialperiodstyle.
Ware-felinemotifs executed as adobe friezes adornthis huaca (Conklin 1996).
One of the richest areas of the Initial period culture is the Casma valley. By
1400 B.C.E.or perhapsearlier,the site of Sechin Alto was the largestsettlementin
the WesternHemisphere(Burger 1995, p. 80, Moseley 1992a, pp. 123-24, Tello
1956). It is dominatedby a huge, stone masonryplatform300 m in length and
250 m in width thatforms the base of a U-shapedcenter.
Located near Sechin Alto is the site of CerroSechin. The oldest construction
at Cerro Sechin was built on a stepped platform with three levels (Samaniego
et al 1985, p. 173). In this early Initialperiod, the site covered only about5 ha. A
possible sunkencourtwas located in the frontof this pyramidand noted long ago
by Tello. Perhapsthe most outstandingfeatureof CerroSechin is the numerous
carvings in stone on the outer wall of the pyramid. These early Initial period
carvingsdepict macabrescenes of war,includingdecapitations,trophyheads, and
body parts,plus warriorsand victims in variousstates of subjugation.
The Casmavalley site of Pampade las Llamas-Moxekestandsas one of the most
importantInitialperiodsites in the Andes. The site has two huge artificialmounds,
plaza areas,otherbuildings,and a substantialhabitationarea.The Moxeke mound
measures 160 x 170 x 30 m and is decoratedwith elaboratefriezes along its
flanks.The second mound,known as HuacaA, measures140 x 140 m at its base
and reaches up to 9 m in height. Both of the mounds are aligned along a central
axis. These two alignedpyramidsdemarcatehigh-walledenclosures,a patternthat
suggests a surprisinglyhigh degree of site planning.Pozorski & Pozorski (1994,
p. 67) note thatmiddensup to 1.5 m deep are found at the edges of the corporate
architecture.This residentialdebris, at least 110 "administrative"
buildings,plus
the mounds and enclosures cover up to 200 ha, althoughthe total area of purely
residentialmidden and corporatearchitectureis less that75 ha.
The Casma valley data, as well as that from other valleys, indicate that the
northPacific coast was a majorareaof culturaldevelopmentin the Initialperiod.
However, the highlands also witnessed the rise of architecturallycomplex and
large settlementsas well.
The CentralHighlands
U-shapedstructureswere built at sites throughoutthe highlandsduringthe Initial
period. At La Galgada, ritual architecturalstyles shifted away from the earlier
fire-pittradition.Likewise, this period witnessed the constructionof a U-shaped
building on a Preceramic temple mound, and the continuation of large burials (Griederet al 1988b, pp. 202-3). Significant architecturalmonumentswere
erected at KunturWasi in Huacaloma,Poro Poro, at the site of Chavin, and at
dozens of other highland settlements(Burger 1995, pp. 109-112; Shady 1993).
Constructionat Chavin began by at least 900 B.C.E.,and possibly earlier (Rick
et al 1998, p. 208). The settlementwitnessedthe buildingof a numberof corporate
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50
STANISH
architecturalfeatures.Duringthis periodChavinwas the centerof a highlandstyle
of elite pottery,textile, and stone art.
The South CentralHighlands
The firstconstructionof corporatearchitecturein the south centralAndeanhighlands began in the TiticacaBasin around1300 B.C.E.Hastorf(1999) and her colleagueshaveuncoveredcorporatestructuresatthe site of Chiripa,locatedin Bolivia
in the south TiticacaBasin. These early small rooms were built with uncutstone,
hadplasteredfloorsandwalls, andwere sometimesbuiltlow into the ground.Over
time, this architecturalstyle became more elaborate.The plasteredarea became
larger,rooms were added to the exteriors,the floors were sunk deeper into the
ground,andwalled terraceswere builtaroundthe entirearchitecturalcomplex. By
900 B.C.E.,Chiripawas a nucleatedhabitationand ceremonialcenter spreadover
7.5 ha (Bandy 1999, p. 26).
By the firstcenturiesof the firstmillenniumB.C.E.,manypeoples builtelaborate
sunkencourtsin the entireTiticacaregion. Along with the corporatearchitecture,
a new suite of ritual artifactswas introduced.These include ceramic trumpets,
flat-bottomedbowls, and stone carvings (Chavez & Mohr Chaivez1975). In the
northbasin, the Qaluyucultureflourishedfrom as early as 1300 B.C.E.up to 500
B.C.E.The type site of Qaluyuis a largemoundandassociateddomestichabitation
areasthatcover at least 7 ha. Therearea numberof sunkencourtson the mound.A
stone temple wall was discoveredin Qaluyulevels at the site of Pucara,located a
few kilometersto the south(Wheeler& Mujica1981). OtherlargeQaluyusites are
found in Ayaviriand Putinain the north(Plourde 1999). In short,throughoutthe
TiticacaBasin from 1300 B.C.E.to circa 500 B.C.E.,a few peoples in some villages
startedconstructingelaboratecourtcomplexes,intensifiedinterregionalexchange,
and intensifiedritualbehavior.
Initial Period States?
There is a wide differenceof opinion regardingthe level of political complexity
in the Initialperiod.Accordingto Pozorski(1987, p. 15) andPozorski& Pozorski
(1994, p. 70), early Initial period Pampa de las Llamas-Moxekewas the center
of a "simple theocraticstate"with a populationof 2500-3000. It was linked to
othersites in the Casmavalley, placing Pampade la Llamas-Moxekeat the top of
a sitesize hierarchy.They point to numerouselite objects on Huaca A, including
turquoisebeads,figurines,andtextiles, which suggeststhatthis was a palace.They
likewise arguethattherewas both elite- and low-statushousing at the site and that
the entire settlementwas planned.Insteadof one single site thatcan be identified
as the firststate,they arguethatstatesdevelopedamonga numberof polities in the
Moche, Casma,Supe, and Chillon valleys in the northand centralPeruviancoast
(Pozorski& Pozorski 1987, p. 45).
Burger(1995, p. 75) views the Initialperiodas characterizedby 20 or so "weakly stratifiedsmall-scale societies with highly developed religious institutions."
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ORIGINOFSOUTHAMERICAN
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51
Burgernotes that there is no state architecturetypical of known states in the Andes, little evidence of economic specialization,an absence of workshops,and a
greatdeal of variationbetween settlements.Schreiber(2001) agrees, viewing the
Initialperiodas a time of simple chiefdomdevelopment.It is importantto emphasize our lack of systematic regional researchin the area. In those regions where
surveysareconducted,we finddozens of early sites with monumentalarchitecture
(e.g. Vega-Centenoet al 1998). In short,the Initialperiod culturallandscapewas
populatedwith thousandsof corporatebuildings on hundredsof sites of varying
sizes and complexity. The evidence suggests the existence of local polities with
little regional integrationwith no single site that can be described as a political
centerof a multivalleypolity.
THE EARLYHORIZON
The Early Horizon dates from circa 900 B.C.E. to 200 B.C.E.and correspondsto
the first pan-Andeanart style known as Chavin in the centralhighlands and the
coast. This periodcorrespondsto the last half of the MiddleFormative(1300-500
B.C.E.)and the early part of the Upper Formative(500 B.C.E.to C.E.400) in the
south centralAndes.
The Coast and Central Highlands
Therewas a widespreadcollapse of coastalpolitiesjust priorto the EarlyHorizon.
Constructionof architecturalmonuments was halted in progress at sites such
as Cardal,Mina Perdida,Taukachi-Konkan,Sechfn Bajo, Sechin Alto, and Las
Haldas(Burger1995, pp. 183-85; FungPineda 1988, p. 89; Greider1975, p. 101).
Likewise, a numberof sites with differentarchitecturalandpotterystyles were establishedin Casma,such as PampaRosario,San Diego, and Chankillo.Chankillo
has traditionallybeen interpretedas a fortress,but some recentinterpretationssuggest thatit servedritualpurposesinstead.Otherunequivocaldefensive sites were
establishedthroughoutthe region. In the Santa valley duringthe Early Horizon,
Wilson discovered a numberof fortifiedsettlements(1988, p. 100). Some argue
for an invasion of highlandersinto the coast duringthe Early Horizon (Pozorski
1987), while others feel that the evidence points to local changes (Burger 1995,
p. 189).
In contrastto the coastalcultures,the culturesof the highlandsprosperedduring
the Early Horizon. The site of Chavmn
increasedin size and power. Construction
at Chavin continued up to at least 400 B.C.E. and possibly two centuries later
(Rick et al 1998, p. 208). Regional data suggest an aggregationof the surrounding sites into a 42-ha settlementby 400-200 B.C.E.with a populationof 20003000 (Burger 1995, p. 168). At 20 times largerthan any surroundingsettlement,
Chavinemerged as a true political center.Exchange with other Andean regions,
includingthe coast, flourished,andthereis evidence of the importationof prestige
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goods andlocal economic specialization.The prosperitywas not limitedto Chavin.
Pacopampa,Kotosh,La Pampa,KunturWasi,andotherhighlandsites grew in size
and complexity as well (Silverman1996, p. 120).
The South CentralHighlands
From approximately400 B.C.E. to C.E. 200, the site of Pucaradominatedthe northern Titicaca Basin. Estimates of the size of Pucararange from 2.0-4.0 km2
(Erickson 1988). The main architecturalfeatureof Pucarais a series of massive
terracesthatlead up to a flat areawith three,stone-slab-lined,sunkencourts.The
largestcourtmeasuresabout 16 x 16 m in size and is 2.2 m deep (Chavez 1988,
Kidder 1943). A dense habitationarea is located in front of the large terraces.
Likewise, there are a numberof mounds that most likely held sunken courts as
well. Pucarapottery and sculptureshow links to contemporarycoastal Paracas
and Early Tiwanaku,with antecedentsin Chavin(Cook 1994, p. 186; Conklin &
Moseley 1988; Silverman1996).
The site of Tiwanaku,located in the southernTiticacaBasin, was occupied at
this time as well. We do not know the size and complexity of Upper Formative periodTiwanakubecause later constructionscovered 4-6 km2with temples,
pyramids,and other buildings. Limited test excavations at the site suggest that
Tiwanakuwas probablyaboutas large as Pucaraduringthe UpperFormative,but
this remainsspeculative.
EarlyHorizon States?
Obviously,for those who view Chupacigarroand Pampade las Llamas-Moxeke
as states, polities such as Chavin and Pucarawould be second-generationstates.
ManyarguethattheEarlyHorizonceremonialcenterswerecentersof regionalcults
or pilgrimagedestinationsthat,while complex, do not meet the definitionof a state
society (Burger 1989, pp. 557-60; 1995, pp. 193-200). Schreiber(2001) views
the Early Horizoncoastal and northhighlandpolities as complex chiefdoms, and
Moseley (1992a, p. 159) suggests the existence of two regionalpolitical spheres,
Chavin in the north and Pucara-Paracasin the south, that dominatedthe area as
oracle centers.
The regionalcult model was developedby Silvermanusing the site of Cahuachi
as a case study(1990, 1991). Silverman(1995, p. 27) arguesthatthis Nasca settlementdid not have a urbanpopulation.She views it as a "complexnon-statesociety
or rankedsociety or chiefdom-level society," but not a state-level organization.
This model providesa means by which a large settlement,with substantialarchitecture,could be constructedin a nonstatecontext.Burger(1988) likewise argues
thatthe EarlyHorizoncenterscould be analogousto the historicallydocumented
pilgrimage center at Pachacamac.In the pilgrimage center model, many of the
surface attributesof state organizationcan exist-large centers, widespreaddistributionof artstyles, and so forth-without the actualsocioeconomic hierarchies
thatanthropologistssee as centralto state organization.
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ORIGINOFSOUTHAMERICAN
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THE EARLYINTERMEDIATE
AND MIDDLEHORIZON
A poorly understoodculturethat is known as Gallinazo developed on the north
coast during the Early Intermediateperiod. In the Virn valley, the Gallinazo
Groupwas a town of severalthousandpeople (Bawden 1999, p. 187). Therewas a
substantialGallinazooccupationin the Moche valley as well. Gallinazois usually
believed to antedatethe Moche, although some evidence suggests at least some
chronological overlap between the two (Bawden 1999, p. 190). With large settlements, impressive platformpyramids,extensive agriculturalsystems, and the
like, some scholars have arguedthat Gallinazo was in fact a state-level society
(e.g., Fogel 1993). Certainly,many of the culturalpatternsseen in the Moche
culturehave directantecedentsto Gallinazo.
The CoastalMoche
In the northcoast, the late EarlyIntermediateperiod Moche culturedeveloped as
a multivalleypolitical entity by the fourthcenturyC.E.(Bawden 1999; Shimada
1994, p. 95; Wilson 1988). The capital of the Moche polity is located in the
Moche valley at the site of Moche. It is dominatedby two main pyramids-the
Huacadel Sol and Huacade la Luna.The largestof these two, the Huacadel Sol,
measures about 160 x 340 m in size and stands 40 m in height. It was one of
the largestprehispanicmonumentsconstructedin the WesternHemisphere.The
Moche capital is unequivocallyan urbansettlement,perhapsthe first true city in
the Andes. It is characterizedby a system of streets,canals, plazas, architectural
groups, areasof craft specialization,and so forth (Uceda & Mujica 1998).
Moche-relatedsites are found throughoutthe northcoast. Some scholarshave
suggestedthattherewere two Moche spheres,a northernand a southern(Shimada
1994). The famous site of Sipainin the northernvalley of Lambayequecontained
one of the most elaborateMoche burialsyet discovered.The date of the Lord of
Sipan burialis early in Moche culture,aroundC.E.150-200, which suggests the
simultaneousemergenceof elite centersof powerthatsharedMoche iconography.
Bawden providesa map of the early and middle Moche polity that suggests a discontinuousterritoryuntil Moche V, againreinforcingthe notion of a simultaneous
rise of the state culminatingin Moche as its capital.
The South CentralHighlands
The Upper Formativeperiod site of Pucaraended as a political center no later
thanC.E.400. AroundC.E.600, the Tiwanakustatebegan an aggressiveexpansion
out of the southernTiticacaBasin. The site of Tiwanakuis a vast, plannedurban
capital that sprawledover the altiplanolandscapein the southernTiticacaBasin.
At its height in C.E.800-900, Tiwanakuboasted an impressivearchitecturalcore
of pyramids,temples,palaces, streets,and statebuildings.Surroundingthe core of
the capitalwas an urbansettlementof nonelite artisans,laborers,and farmerswho
lived in adobestructuresup anddown the valley (Janusek1999). Currentestimates
suggest that the total urbansettlementcovers 4-6 km2 in area, with a population
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54
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in the Tiwanakuvalley rangingfrom 30,000 to 60,000 (Janusek1999, Kolata&
Ponce 1992). Largeareasof intensifiedagriculturalproductionareassociatedwith
Tiwanakuandpre-Tiwanakupopulationsaroundthe basin (Erickson1988, Kolata
1986, Stanish1994). The combinedpopulationof these settlementsandthe capital
itself wouldhavebeen quitesubstantialatthe heightof the Tiwanakustate,possibly
reaching 100,000 people in the Tiwanakuand adjacentKatarivalleys.
Tiwanakuartifactsandcolonies arefoundthroughoutthe circum-Titicacabasin
and beyond. A well-documented Tiwanaku colony is found in Moquegua
(Goldstein 1993). In the Cochabambaregion of Bolivia, Anderson & Cespedes
Paz (1998) arguefor a Tiwanakucolony (but see Higueras-Hare1996). Probable
colonial areashave been identifiedin the Larecajaregionof Bolivia (Faldin1990),
the Arequipaarea,andAzapa (Goldstein1995/1996). Recent settlementarchaeology in the TiticacaBasin suggests that the Tiwanakuselectively controlledareas
throughoutthe region. Tiwanakudid not, or could not, practice a small version
of Inca statecraftby incorporatinglarge, contiguous areas. Rather,it appearsto
have controlledeconomically and militarilystrategicareas, includingroads, rich
agriculturalareas,and resource-richzones.
The CentralHighlands
The site and culture of Wari represent an autochthonousexpansive state that
emergedin the middleof the firstmillenniumC.E.in the centralhighlandsroughly
parallelin time to Tiwanaku.The capital site contains about 200 ha of stone architectureand another300 ha of domesticresidencearoundthis architecturalcore
(Schreiber1987; 1992, p. 80). Up to 15 km2 of site area has been cited as being
partof the Wariurbancomplex (Isbell et al 1991, Schreiber2001). The proportion
of core architectureto domestic, nonelite architecture,and the overall size of the
site is quite similarto contemporaryTiwanaku.
Waristretchesfromthe Cuzco areain the southto Cajamarcain MiddleHorizon
1B (Schreiber 1992, p. 77). There are several provincial Wari settlements.
Pikillacta, located near Cuzco, is built on a grid, has 700 individual structures,
is 2 km2 in size, and is the center of intrusivegarrisonsof Wari settlementsin
the Lucre valley (McEwan 1991, p. 93-100). Likewise, the site of Jincamocco
in the Carhuarazovalley representsan intrusiveWarisettlementthat differs from
local sites based on size, artifactinventory,andarchitecturalplan (Meddens 1991;
Schreiber1992, p. 165). Like Pikillacta,the main enclosurewas laid out as a single unit. The site conforms to Wari architecturalcanons with large, subdivided
compoundsof patios surroundedby peripheralgalleries inside a single, large, and
well-definedrectangularenclosurewith a thickouterwall (Schreiber1992, p. 200).
These and other Wari sites indicate a rigidity of overall plan in Wariprovincial
architecture.
The EarlyIntermediateand Middle Horizon States?
The consensusin the archaeologicalliteratureis thatstatesexisted in the Andes by
the middle of the first millenniumC.E.(e.g. Berdichewsky 1995/1996, Flannery
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ORIGINOFSOUTHAMERICAN
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1995, 1998, Isbell 1987, Lumbreras1999, Marcus 1998). For the firsttime in the
Andes, as representedby Moche, we have unequivocalevidence of royal tombs
builtin restricted-accesstemples,cleareconomic specialization,the existence of a
road system, palaces, a warrior-basedelite, a regionalpolity beyond a single valley, and a fully urbanizedcapital.Likewise bothWariandTiwanakuhave palaces,
planned urban capitals, high populations, evidence of socioeconomic classes,
site-size hierarchies,expansionistpolicies, agriculturalintensification,economic
specialization, and colonial enclaves. The state originatedin Moche, Wari, and
Tiwanakuin the firsthalf of the firstmillenniumC.E.
CONTEXT
SOUTHAMERICAIN COMPARATIVE
Two assumptionsaboutthe natureof Andeancultureand historyunderliearchaeological researchin the region. One position views the Andes as culturallyand
historically unique. The position was developed as a coherent theory by Murra
(1968, 1972) and continues to hold considerableinfluence, particularlyamong
ethnohistoriansand ethnographers.This body of theory is known as "verticality"
The basic principlebehindthis theoryis thatthe "veror "zonalcomplementarity."
tical" stratificationof ecological zones in the Andes has affectedthe political and
economic strategiesof the pre-Hispanicpopulations.It furthermoreassumes that
this is uniqueto the Andes and,as such, has promotedthe developmentof a culture
understandableonly in its own terms.
Accordingto verticalitymodels,people strategicallylocate colonies to controla
diverseset of ecological zones even in nonstatecontexts.This geographicalpattern
allows the "complementary"ecozones to be exploitedby a single groupor polity.
Hypothetically,the resultingdistributionof colonies createsan archipelagoof isolatedlandholdingsover a numberof ecological zones. The overlapof archipelagos
results in a complex patchworkof differentethnic groupsand political units, creating a socioeconomic system unique to the Andes. Recent work suggests that
this perspectiveis not supportable.Throughoutthe world where the geography
is characterizedby a close juxtapositionof differentecological zones, complex
polities have securedeconomic access by similarstrategies.
The opposing perspectiveassumesthatmuch of Andeanhistorycan be understood as an example of anthropologicalprocesses typical of all human societies.
Fromthisperspective,the Andes providesa richcorpusof datato refineourmodels
of the evolution of state societies. It providesa numberof parallelsand contrasts
to otherareasof first-generationstate development.
Geography
One difference stands out between the Andes and other areas of first-generation
state evolution. The Andean culturalarea, defined conservativelyas the limits of
the Inca state in 1532, is exceptionallylong and covers a very rugged territory.It
stretchesfor over 4000 km up and down westernSouth America.To place this in
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56
STANISH
context, this is aboutthe same distanceeast-west from the Nile to the Indusriver,
an area that covers three regions of pristine state developmentin the Old World
(includingMesopotamia).
Giventhe vastdistancesin theAndeanculturalarea,a legitimatequestioncanbe
raisedas to whetherwe shouldview westernSouthAmericaas havingnot one but
threedifferentareasof first-generationstate developmentrepresentedby Moche,
Wari,andTiwanaku.Perhapsthe very notionof "pristine"statedevelopmentmust
be challenged,and insteadwe should find a bettercontrolfor the relativedegrees
of culturalautonomyin the formationof archaicstates aroundthe world.
Political and Economic Structure
The argumentthattherewere state societies priorto the Middle Horizonis weak.
In particular,we can pointto the lack of evidence of state-levelregionalintegration
priorto Moche.The modelthatbest characterizesthe pre-MiddleHorizonpolitical
landscape is a series of autonomousand semiautonomouspolities without any
evidence of complexitybeyond thatof a chiefdom society.
In contrast,the Moche, Tiwanaku,and Waripolities are similarto other firstgenerationstates aroundthe world. There is good evidence for the replicationof
distinctiveartistic,mortuary,andarchitecturalstyles in distantregions.Unlike earlier periodsthereis unequivocalevidence for an urbanizedcapitalcity. Marcus&
Flannery's(1996) descriptionof Uruk and Teotihuacancan also be used to characterizethese Andean state polities: the existence of "hyperurban"
capital cities,
"directcontrol of an irregularand noncontiguousterritory,and distant 'colonies'
or 'enclaves."'
Moche, Tiwanaku,and Wari also exhibit classic site-size hierarchiestypical
of first-generationstates. Albarracin-Jordan
(1996) and McAndrewset al (1997)
demonstratea four-tieredsite-size hierarchyfor Tiwanakuin its core territory.
Using moreflexiblecriteria,a six-tieredone is notedin a nearbyprovincialterritory
(Stanish et al 1997). Isbell & Schreiber(1978) argue for a four-tieredhierarchy
for Wari.For a majorMoche area, Wilson (1988, p. 336) defines a hierarchyof
sites thatincludesfive tiers.In all cases, the numberof site-size tiersis greaterthan
the precedingperiods, which suggests a differentiationof the settlementpattern
and administrativecomplexity at the time of state formation.
Population Sizes
The populationestimatesfor Initialperiod or Early Horizon sites such as Pampa
de las Llamas-Moxekeand Chavinare quite low, around2000-3000. In contrast,
estimates for the later polities such as Moche, Wari, and Tiwanakuare higher,
with publishedpopulationsin the 50,000-200,000 range (Kolata 1993, Schreiber
1992).
Johnson & Earle (1987, pp. 230-46) and Earle (1997) offer baseline data on
chiefdom and state demographicsat the high end of the literature.Simple chiefdoms have populationlevels in the low thousandsto tens of thousands.Complex
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chiefdoms,at least in Hawaii,havepopulationsbetween30,000 and 100,000, while
statesnumberin the hundredsof thousandsto millions. At the otherend, Renfrew
(1982) has suggestedthat some small stateshave as few as 2000 people. Feinman
& Neitzel (1984), using comparativedata from the Americas, note that almost
all middle-rangesocieties have a maximum of 31,000 people. An intermediate
estimate by Baker & Sanders(1972) suggests a figureof 48,000 as the threshold
between chiefdoms and states.In this regard,the populationestimatesfor hypothesized statesocieties in the InitialandEarlyHorizonperiodsis at the very low end
of populationestimatesfor archaicstatesfromaroundthe world.The demographic
size proposedfor the Middle Horizonpolities is more consistentwith the average
populationsestimatesin the literature.
Circumscriptionand PopulationPressure
The Pacific coastal valleys can be viewed as incrediblyrich "linearoases" that
pierce a virtuallyuninhabitabledesert. These valleys occur at somewhatregular
intervalsthat averagearound30 km and constituteclassic examples of a circumscribedenvironment.The highlandsand altiplano,in contrast,are far less circumscribed.In particular,camelidpastoralismis not restrictedto narrowzones butcan
be practicedover a very wide area.Unlike the coast, populationshad alternatives
to a single, rich, and restrictiveecological zone.
Systematic surveys provide data on population growth and densities. Earle
(1997, p. 65) notes thatin Mantarovalley, "... the populations... expandedand
declined in erraticcycles thatwere not evidentlyrelatedto resourceconditions,"a
patternsimilarto two othercase studieshe cites in DenmarkandHawaii.The data
fit the circumscriptionmodel only after the Waristate developed. In the Titicaca
Basin, there is a patternof very slow, continuous growth with a spike in Inca
& Mathews 1990, Stanish et al 1997). The data from
period (Albarracin-Jordan
these two highland areas supporta political economic model (Earle 1987; 1997,
p. 119), as opposed to strict populationpressuremodels. Likewise, even on the
coast, there remains little evidence of direct populationpressure.Wilson (1988,
p. 357), for instance, notes that in the Santa valley, "thereis little evidence of
populationpressureper se in the pre-statesystems ...," althoughhe goes on to
suggest thatit may have been a factorin othervalleys.
In spite of the circumscribednatureof the coastal environment,there is little
evidence for directpopulationpressureas a factorin statedevelopment.This also
appearsto be the case in the highlands. In short, localized populationpressure
does not appearto be a sufficientor necessary cause in Andean state formation.
However, at a regional level, there are correlationsbetween populationsize and
state formationthatremainsubjectto futuretesting.
Conflict and Warfare
Intergroupconflict is recognized as one of the key factors in the development
of political complexity (e.g., Marcus& Flannery 1996, p. 157; Redmond 1994).
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Warfareis presenton the Andean coast from at least the Early Horizon. Wilson
(1999) arguesthatconflict was presentin the Santavalley from the EarlyHorizon
until the developmentof Moche. Pozorski (1987) agrees that warfarewas central
to the formationof the first states in Santaand Nepefiabut arguesthat in Casma,
little conflict preceded the developmentof the first "theocratic"states. Conflict
does occur later on in the Casma with the arrivalof a "secular,militaristicstate"
around1000 B.C.E. (Pozorski 1987). Therefore,if Pampade las Llamas-Moxeke
is consideredto be an Initialperiod state, then warfarewas not a factor.If, however,the statedid not developuntilthe late EarlyIntermediateperiod,thenconflict
indeedwas a factorin the rise of the statein the Casmavalley as well. Iconographic
evidence and physical remains unequivocallyindicate that conflict and human
sacrifice, probablyof prisoners,was common in Moche society (Bourget 1997;
Donnan& McClelland 1999; Veranoet al 1999).
There is little doubt that militarismwas a majorstrategyin Moche expansion
on the coast. In the Santavalley,Wilson (1988, p. 333) and Shimada(1987) argue
for a militaryconquestby the Moche displacingthe earlierGallinazopopulations.
Defensive architectureis common on Moche period sites throughoutthe north
coast.
In the highlands, Earle (1997, p. 119) notes that warfarebegan early in the
Mantarovalley, subsided with the Wari conquest, then increased again prior to
Inca conquest.In the Titicacaregion, evidence of conflict and the developmentof
complex chiefly society arestronglycorrelated.In the EarlyandMiddleFormative
periods, there is little evidence of conflict. Then, in the Upper Formative,many
sites were located in defensive positions (but see Topic & Topic 1987), and there
is a pronouncedintroductionof trophyhead and othermilitaristiciconographyon
stone stelae and pottery.
WealthFinance
D'Altroy & Earle (1985) and Earle (1997) argue that centralto developmentof
complex society is the creationof a systemof financefor statepoliticaleconomies.
The key factorsincludethe existence of surplus-producingsubjectpeoples andpotential efficiency in production.From this perspective,the emergence of archaic
states in South Americacan be understoodas a conjunctionof favorableenvironmentalzones in a context of gradualpopulationgrowth.Populationspikes tend to
occur after state development,not before. The areas where states first developed
have the greatestcapacityfor sustaineddemographicincreaseand the intensification of production.As a generalrule, the northcoast riverswhere states took root
arelarge,while the southcoast riversarenot. The few exceptions supportthe rule;
largesouthernriverstendto be deeply entrenchedandprovideless opportunityfor
irrigation,while smallernorthernriversare connectableby intervalleycanals.
As mentionedabove, perhapssome of the richest areasin South America are
found on the northPeruviancoast where these large riversdischargeinto the sea.
Here,therichriverineresourcesarecombinedwiththe marineresourcesin thedelta
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areas. In the highlands, there are many productivezones outside of the Titicaca
Basin andnorthcentralhighlands.However,it is in these two areaswherea suite of
highly productivenaturalfeaturescombine.The Lake Titicacaregionhas the lake
itself, vast grasslands,rivers,andrelativelyclose access to the easternslopes. The
use of raisedfieldsnearthe lakeprovidethe capacityfor agriculturalintensification,
a techniquenot availablein otherareasof the highlands.In the northcentralAndes,
the availabilityof irrigableland is often cited as one of the primaryfactorsin the
development of complexity and the state in the Andes. Likewise, the highland
areashave access to pasturelands, rivers,and the eastern slopes. All three cases
of Moche, Tiwanaku,and Wari state formationare correlatedwith agricultural
intensification,intensificationof exchange relationships,and intensificationof
commodityproduction,observationsthatconformto the wealth financemodel.
Dynamic Cycling
Marcus (1992, 1993) and Marcus & Flannery(1996) have proposed a dynamic
model of episodic expansionand collapse of archaicstates. State polities emerge
throughthe incorporationof othergroups,creatingat least a four-tieredhierarchy
of settlement.As one polity peaks and begins to breakdown, formerlower-level
settlementsregain their autonomy,after which the process of consolidation,expansion, and dissolution continues again (Marcus 1998). This model works not
only for the Maya area,where it was originallyproposed,but can be successfully
used in many areasof state developmentaroundthe world, includingthe Andes.
Data from the Andes supportthis model. In the TiticacaBasin, Tiwanakudeveloped aftera periodof Pucaracontraction.Afterthe Tiwanakucollapse, smaller
Aymara-speakingpolities developedthroughoutthe area.Overa 1500-yearperiod,
polities expandedand contractedfor four cycles, ending with the Inca conquestof
the region. Likewise, in the northcoast, regionalresearchby Billman (1999) and
Wilson(1988) outlinea seriesof valleys andpeaksbeginningbeforethe emergence
of the Moche state.
Summary
South America provides an excellent case study for defining the processes of
first-generationstateformation.The dataindicatethatseveralfactorswere significant,includingcompetitionandwar,high resourceconcentrationin circumscribed
environments,interregionalexchange, the materializationof elite ideologies, and
ecological conditionsconduciveto populationincreases.Factorsthatdo not appear
to be significantincludelocal populationpressuresin circumscribedenvironments,
directcontrolof irrigation,or otheragriculturaltechnologiesby an elite. Localized
populationspikes appearafter the developmentof state societies. Irrigationsystems long predatethe developmentof states. Moche, Wari,and Tiwanakuare not
organizationallyidentical. There is virtuallyno evidence for any direct links between Tiwanakuand Moche, except for the most superficialof iconographicdata.
TherearegreaterlinksbetweenMoche andWari,butthese arelargelyiconographic
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as well and related to the fact that Wari seems to have had some political access
to former Moche territory. Moche culture emphasized platform mounds with continual rebuilding, probably on the accension of a new ruler or dynasty. Elaborate
elite burials are found in these pyramids. In contrast, we have yet to define a significant elite burial in Tiwanaku. Likewise, the focus of political ritual appears to
be the "kalasasayas" (stone enclosures) and sunken courts, and not the pyramids
themselves in Tiwanaku. The highlands and coast have different evolutionary trajectories, based in large part on the nature of resource distribution and availability
and political finance (T. Earle, personal communication). In general, models that
incorporate dynamic cycling and political economic theoretical frameworks best
explain the evolution of the state in western South America.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I thank B. Bauer, T. Earle, J. Haas, J. Marcus, M. Moseley, H. Silverman, and
K. Schreiber for their gracious assistance on this article.
Visit the Annual Reviews home page at www.AnnualReviews.org
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