Trustees of Princeton University The Rationale of Japanese Surrender Japan Subdued: The Atomic Bomb and the End of the War in the Pacific. by Herbert Feis Review by: Harold Stein World Politics, Vol. 15, No. 1 (Oct., 1962), pp. 138-150 Published by: Cambridge University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2009572 . Accessed: 09/02/2012 20:45 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Cambridge University Press and Trustees of Princeton University are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to World Politics. http://www.jstor.org THE RATIONALE OF JAPANESE SURRENDER By HAROLD STEIN Herbert Feis,JapanSubdued:TheAtomicBombandtheEnd oftheWarin thePacific, Princeton, N.J.,Princeton University Press,i96i, I99 pp. $4.00. JAPAN SUBDUED is thelastofthefiveadmirable studies in which HerbertFeis has set forththe diplomatichistoryof the United Statesfromthe eventsthatled to Pearl Harbor to the surrender ceremony on the U.S.S. Missouri."Diplomatichistory"in the conventionalsenseis actuallyan inadequatedescription, forJapanSubdued is not limitedto thedoingsof the diplomats;it followsthe actionsof the extraordinary congroupof men in theUnitedStatesgovernment cernedwithwinningand endingthewar,usingor notusingtheatomic in sharpcontrast, thedoingsof theunhappygroup bomb;it describes, of vacillatingand conflicting statesmen, militaryand civilian,who surroundedthe Emperorof Japanand the Emperorhimself.To Feis diplomacyencompassesthe actionsof scientists, politicians,and genand is limited to erals never and the formal diplomaticnegotiations of diplomaticmessages. interchange In the openingchaptersof the book, Feis lays out with brilliant claritythe threeseparatebut overlappingplans for securingJapanese had decidedon in thespringof i945: surrender thatourgovernment CombinedAssault.Thiswas thedirectmilitary with (i) approach, an initiallandingon Kyushu, followedby a finalattackon Honshu. this were final andourarmedforces Theplansfor were given approval, turned in thisdirection afterV-E Day. Originally immediately it was of thisplanthatRussianentrance intothewarseemedso in support important;by May i945 neitherMarshallnor King regardedSoviet mindfulof the participationas essential,but Marshall particularly, lossesthatwe mightwell sustain,wantedRussianhelp to reduceour burdenand speedup theend. There is no doubtthatan Americaninvasionwould have brought to believe, abouttotalJapanesedefeat;and it is hard,almostimpossible, regardlessof the Japanesemilitarycode (Dulce et decorumest pro patriamori!) and the honorablestatusof military suicide,thatat on somepointtheEmperorwouldnothavesteppedin and insisted RATIONALE OF JAPANESE SURRENDER 139 surrender. Otherwise-if, forexample,theEmperorhad beenkilled in an airraid-theconsequences mighthavebeenappalling:without the ImperialRescript, the Emperor'spersonalorderto surrender, Japanese unitcommanders mightstillbe wagingguerrilla warfare on islandsin thePacific.The basicassumption, however, was reasonable: whatever theprocessof decision-making, sooneror latersomeone in theJapanese government wouldspeakforthenationand surrender, butthetimeofdecisionmighteasilyhavebeen(in ourthinking) insanelylate. (2) Inducement. The inducements we had in mindweremercy and tolerance, not compromise. From the Japanesestandpoint, our inducements werenot per se appealing.We wereinsisting on the defeat ofJapan:Japan's totalwithdrawal toitshomeislands, demilitarizationunderoursurveillance, Alliedtrialsofthosewe considered war criminals. All we werewillingtooffer wasthepromise thattotaldefeat wouldnotincludetheannihilation ofJapanand theImperialfamily. Obviously inducement ofthislimited scopewouldhaveno valueuntil Japanwas readyto acceptdefeat.Nor can one see muchpersuasive powerin promises thatRussiawouldnotenterthewar and thatwe wouldabstainfromdropping theatomicbomb-possible alternatives thatmightbe described as inducements inreverse. As Feisnotes,Stalin wouldneverhaveagreedto thefirst, presumably noris thereserious reasonto believethata threatof thebombwouldhavebrought the agoniesof decisionin Tokyoto thenecessary climax,sinceeventhe bombitselfcausedsurrender onlyafterthepassageof time.One can add thattheJapanese armywasstaking all on thedefense ofthehome islandsandwouldhavepretended-and theturnofthe didinfact-that tidewouldcomethen,and onlythen.Therefore, sincethe Japanese generals prophesied partialvictory anda compromise peace,a merciful defeat wasno substitute. (3) Shock:The AtomicBomb.It was thehope of Trumanand thosemostdirectly Stimson, responsible, thattheatomicbombwould bringa quickendto hostilities. It did,and it did so (forreasonsset forth surrender below)in theonlywaythatcouldcausean immediate and ofall Japanese on themainland, on thehomeislands, armedforces on hundreds of scattered islandsin thePacific-theImperialRescript. The carefully measured account thatFeisgivesofthelastdaysinTokyo showsthattheshockofthebombwasthespurthatcausedtheEmperor to takehisunprecedented thesecondbomb,theone action.Whether 140 WORLD POLITICS is lesscertain, onNagasaki, though probable, wasalsoessential dropped ended thataftertheEmperor and thosewhodoubtshouldremember the Councilmeetingon Augustio (afterHiroshima)withhis flat to avoidsurrender themilitary werestilltrying decisionto surrender, on AugustI4 (afterNagasaki). theirreversible byreversing at alternative notgivenseriousconsideration Therewas a further staff without invasion. The and blockade continued bombing thetime: ofJapan, Survey, havingseenthedevastation oftheStrategic Bombing probablybefore concludedthat Japanwould have "surrendered" aDecember before November 31. Feissetsthis i, I945, and"certainly" alternative becauseof theburningdesireof all sideas an unrealistic thathad oftheholocaust American fora farquickertermination leaders Beyondthat,itshould beengoingon solong;andofcoursehe is right. conof thedevastating of thetiming be notedthatwhilea prediction cannotbe ofstrangulation is reasonable, thesameassurance sequences WhatAmerisurrender. oftheactofgovernmental giventopredictions Japanese as wellas misery-the cancansayhowmuchsuffering-death or requireditspeopleto undergo mighthavepermitted government before itgaveup thefight? in respect There is moresubstantial foundation for speculation of a morerealistic alternative-invasion without to theconsequences bomb as a the wayof winningand endingthewar.The American as ourmilitary leaders calculated in I944 andI945, would casualties, up to a millionmen,with,conceivably, perhaps havebeensubstantial, military lossescan be moreeasily halfa milliondead.The Japanese forces estimated. thesamekindofdefense thattheJapanese Assuming in thePhilippines, whichledto 475,000 deadoutof630,ooo adopted thehomearmyof I,5oo,ooomenin i945 wouldhavelostin troops, about Butthecivilian casualties would killed onemillionanda quarter. been would also have stagand these havecontinued simultaneously, gering.The firebombraidon Tokyoin Marchi945 had killedand woundedmoremen,women,and children thantheatomicbombon of Japanwas on short Hiroshima.By Julythe civilianpopulation ofthericefieldswouldhavebeenabletodestroy firebombing rations; of perhapshundreds thenew crop.Deathand diseaseof thousands, thousands, perhapsmillionsof civilianswerenot faroffunlessthe for war endedin theverynearfuture.Such a fateas a substitute andNagasakiwouldhavemadeJapana nationkilledwith Hiroshima kindness. RATIONALE OF JAPANESE SURRENDER 141 II Whydidtheatomic Japantosurrender? Whycouldwe notpersuade inso quicklywhatevidentdefeatand continually bombaccomplish The could not do? devastation and military losses and creasing civil oftheJapanese preOrdinarily government. answerlayintheworkings tosuroritsarmedforces, ofwhatwouldcausea government, dictions In aboutgovernmental "rationality." renderarebasedon assumptions Secreour as were Acting ofearlysurrender based, thiscase,predictions that"all sensible JaptaryofState,Grew,onceputit,ontheassumption defeatafterthefallofOkinawaand inevitable anese"wouldrecognize It wasquite we couldthenpersuade Japanto surrender. thattherefore the wouldorshouldhaveknownafter truethatany"sensible" Japanese lossof OkinawathatJapancouldnotwinthewar; buttheergodoes mostof theFrenchpeopleand follow.Quitepossibly notnecessarily lookedon Churchill's chief assistants and his great Hitler certainly all thequantitative Dunkirkas a formofsuicidal nonsense; speechafter was seemedtoliewiththeNazis.ButEngland,likeJapan, advantages an islandnationand ardentpatriots giveup slowly.One can saythat in theeyesof was notHitler's;and rationality Churchill's rationality wasfardifferent fromours.Feis'saccountofthe theJapanese military toward oftheJapanese movement government stumbling slow,painful, a decision that reveals surrender whytheatomicbombcouldprecipitate ofa losingwarcouldnot.In summary, thecontinuing abominations theevents canbe setdownas follows: by on Okinawawas announced fighting The endingofthedreadful agreement us on June22, and thereseemsto havebeena widespread armedforcescould thattheJapanese withintheJapanese government no longerkeepus fromentering theseasaroundJapan.Yet it took before theJapanese twoweeksandtheEmperor's intercession personal wouldagreeto seekanymeansat all of surceasefrom government government continued fighting. Then at last,on July7, theJapanese This decidedto sendan envoyto Moscowto seekSovietmediation. moveon thepartof theJapanese and unrealistic belated,mishandled, The meaningof thephraseis is usuallydescribed as a "peacefeeler." moreprecisely, tomakea planwasan attempt theJapanese uncertain; deal. Even the mostrealistic leaders,includingthe of the Japanese of the thoughtquite vaguelythata rescinding Emperorhimself, of Korea) or (but of coursenottheliberation Treatyof Portsmouth wouldpersuade theRussians to somehow somesuchpromise persuade ustostopfighting. oftheEmperor thattheretention noting (It isworth 142 WORLD POLITICS of concernat thispoint;thisshadowydeal would was nota matter Alliedoccupation of Japan.)Sato,Japanothavepermitted obviously in stimulated neseambassador Moscow, perhaps bythegrimbuthopeful of his abode,unlikethe phantasmagoria in whichhis atmosphere werelivingin Tokyo,warnedthem-againand again,and superiors theirproposalwas preposterous. withgreatcourage-that tousetheSovietUnionas a shieldoriginated Thisunrealistic attempt of the Cabinet.When,on Julyi6, "the withthe civilianmembers andmakinganactive from seclusion wasemerging hisisolated Emperor wasbasedon the a peace,"hissupport oftheproposal effort toarrange whosevetopower fromMarquisKido.The military, advicehereceived theproposalonlyafterit overCabinetdecisions wasabsolute, accepted the whowastobe theenvoytoarrange wasagreedthatPrinceKonoye, and to officers be deal,was accompanied byhigh-ranking army navy interests. One is reminded ofourown themilitary whowouldprotect comdealon NATO: an American famousDefense-State Department manderplus Americantroopsplus Germanrearmament. Admiral AchesontoNewYorkto "OnePackage"Robbins shepherded Secretary withouralliesin orderto enforce theagreement; butour themeeting and alliesrecalcitrantly acceptedthehoneyof American participation thevinegar The Admiralcoulddo no ofGermanrearmament. rejected morethanstandbywhentheknotson hispackagecameuntied;the in ourdemocracy is frequently In Japan, roleofthemilitary difficult. themilitary fromsuchdisadvantages. did notsuffer The Japanese an alternative military developed proposalat thistime, whichwas composedof equal partsof rationalplanningand pure wishfulthinking.As Feis says," . . . theheadsof theJapanesemilitary organization thatwas doomedto extinction, stillavowed[justbefore Hiroshima]thattheywouldbe able to repeltheinvasionof Kyushu withgreatlossesto theattacking shipsand men,and thatwhenthis thePresident andtheAmerican happened military commanders would loseface,andthewilloftheenemyto acceptgreatlosseswouldbreak, andthustheAmerican government wouldbe receptive totheideaof a compromise peace"(p. io8). At leastto an American, the notionthatthe Americanswould abandonthefightbecauseofheavylossesseemssheerfantasy. Yet the oftheJapanese conviction thattheycouldinflict grievous losseson us if we did invadewas thoroughly realistic. "Therewereovera million and a halfmenin theJapanese HomeArmy.Of these,a groundforce ofaboutseventeen ableanddetermined divisions werebeingassembled in Kyushu, butwithbarelyenoughoil andammunition foronegreat RATIONALE OF JAPANESE SURRENDER 143 battle. ... Thousands ofplanes,mostly ofa sortthatcouldbeusedonly werebeinghoarded-asa specialassaultarmada forsuicideattacks, in the ofsecretsmallairstrips thatwas tobe launched fromhundreds interior" howeverprofound their (p. I07). The Japanese, therefore, of Americancharacter, wereon solidgroundwhenthey misreading promised tocauseserious lossestotheinvading from forces;butpartly understandable ignorance, partlyfromwillfulness, theyrefusedto readthehandwriting on thewall: Russia'sobviousmovetowardwar andourominous in thePotsdam Declaration, and utter threat "prompt destruction." The Japanese leadershad no reasonto doubt military thesubstantial evenifbasedmerely destruction" on a reality of "utter continuation ofour conventional air raids.Thesetheyexpected;and theywell knewalso thattheiranti-aircraft defenses werepractically destroyed. Whatever theweightof thekamikazeattacksagainstour ships,whatever the valorof theirgroundforcesimbuedso deeply withtheBushidoCode,theircitiesand theirpeoplewereboundto suffer, destruction almostunparalleled Evenifa compromise in history. peacehadbeenconceivable, itspricewouldhavebeenappalling. Therewerethreecharacteristics of Japanese governmental behavior thatprevented anyearlyororderly movestowardsurrender: (i) The interrelations oftheJapanese leaderswerecharacterized by and dishonesty double-dealing so standardized thatmanyindividuals used dishonesty probably as an ambiguouscloak to avoid decision; similarly, was of no morethanfleeting agreement significance. Thus SuzukibecamePrimeMinister bypromising "thathe wouldcomply withthejudgment oftheArmy"and byassuring theEmperor"that . . . he wouldimplicitly carryouttheEmperor's wishes."And again, theCabinetagreedthatthereshouldbe no comment on thePotsdam Declarationaboutsurrender termsfor Japan,pendingword from Russia,but merelypublication of a censoredversionwhichomitted thosepromises thatwouldhavehadthegreatest appealtotheJapanese people.Yet on thefollowing dayat a pressconference Suzukisaid, undermilitary pressureand withoutwarningTogo, the Foreign Minister, thattheDeclaration was "nothing but a rehashing of the CairoDeclaration," so therewas no "recourse butto ignoreit entirely and resolutely fightfortheprosecution ofthewar." (2) The secondaspect ofJapanese governmental behavior thatconditionedthe courseof Japaneseactionstowardsurrender was the strange role,bothconstitutional andtraditional, ofthemilitary leaders and theirown attitudes towardwar and peace.UndertheJapanese a Cabinetfellautomatically constitution, if eithertheWar or Navy 144 WORLD POLITICS Thusin ourtermsitmightbe saidthatthecivilian Minister resigned. Councilcouldarguewith members oftheCabinetandoftheSupreme couldrequestand evenbe grantedlimitedconcessions, themilitary, ofpower, butcouldneverbargainon equalterms. Usingtheirposition leaders("almost," sinceAdmiralYonai, thealmostunanimous military wantedto end the war and alwaysvotedwiththe NavyMinister, thenthenavyhad enteredthewar civilians-but almostunanimous againsttheUnitedStateswithreluctance)consistently rejectedany actionsthatwouldleadtosurrender, practical basingall on thesuicidal of theircommitment to this of thehomeislands.The extent defense to their Suzuki even objective was illustrated by unwillingnesspermit of thePotsdamultimatum, described to abstainfrompublicrejection above.Again,the day afterHiroshima, August8 in Tokyo,when Suzuki triedto "convokean immediatemeetingof the Supreme members saidtheycouldnotbe present." Council,someofthemilitary Even in the prolongedmeetings of the SupremeCounciland the Cabinetthatwereheldon August9 justaftertheyhad learnedofthe of warand thefallofthebombon Nagasaki,the Russiandeclaration thatanyreplyto Truman'snew ultimatum military leadersinsisted shouldnotonlyrequirethatthenational be polityand Imperial family forcesshoulddisarmthemselves, butalsothattheJapanese preserved, and thatall war criminals thattherebe no Allied occupation, be itself. prosecuted bytheJapanese government knewthattheseterms wouldnotbeaccepted, Any"sensible" Japanese of thepolityand theImperialfamily, savefortheprotection which then in the did the was implicit Declaration;why military leaders demanda policythatwouldmeanmoreatomicbombs,morenapalm and cruisers, bombs,moreshellsfromtheAlliedbattleships partialor hundredsof thousands or millionsof deaths,even totalstarvation, thatwe wouldnothavecarried on theabsurdassumption theinvasion Feis giveswhatis at leasta partialanswer:"For on to totalvictory? themsurrender meantat leasthumiliation and lossof career, at most and condignpunishment-death" disgrace (p. iig). (3) The positionof theEmperorwas the thirddecisiveelement The Emperor in thegovernmental had a rolethat process. customarily was lookedon bothbyhimand byhisgoverning officials as reigning, in theaffairs notruling.Imperialintervention of statewas almostas unthinkable as royalintervention in theUnitedKingdom-almost, but notquite.On Junei8, aftertheSupremeCouncildecided(i) that theinvasionbattleoughtto be riskedand (2) thatKido'splan for to secureSovietintervention shouldproceed, trying Kido,who knew RATIONALE OF JAPANESE SURRENDER 145 to theEmperor agreedwithhim,had to "persuade" thattheEmperor to theSoviets-lest knowthathe wantedan approach letthemilitary on thathalfof theagreefashion renegein characteristic themilitary of the thecompletion announced ment.On June22, ourgovernment Okinawacampaignand on the same day the Emperorurgedsix But oftheCounciltoseekan endofthewarbynegotiation. members again it was notuntiltwoweekslater,on July7, thattheEmperor, Kido'sadvice,proposedto SuzukithattheSovietsbe told following and of theEmperor's openlyof Japan'sdesireforSovietmediation to senda specialenvoy.Yet on Julyii, Togo cabledSato, intention desireforSovietintervention, tellinghimnot to revealtheJapanese thatthatwas exactlywhatwas wanted,a stating althoughexpressly the Presumably double-talk. governmental vividexampleof Japanese foron thenextdayTogo sentanother pursuedhis efforts, Emperor tosendKonoye desires andhisintention theEmperor's stating message as Feisputsit,"havingtakenone AndthentheEmperor, as emissary. wasquiescent." weakinitiative, arguedwith theEmperor thebombfellon Hiroshima, Thedayafter of thewar, a termination Togo andSuzukithatthereshouldbe quick thatbeganon actionwas delayeduntilthemeeting buttheessential ofNagasaki. intothewarandthebombing August9-afterSovietentry and a few civilian hoursof debate,withthe military Afterfifteen at 2:00 in the stillholdingoutfortheimpossible, Cabinetministers Suzukifinallycalledon theEmperorto decide,"in an act morning history." The Emperorhad prein modernJapanese unprecedented on andnowat request, Suzuki's to act his willingness expressed viously longlasthe issuedtheabsolutecommand:theVoice of the Sacred oftheImperial mystique. expression Crane,theultimate on Augustio, The Cabinetmeeting endedat 4:00 in themorning the authorized drafted Office promptly Tokyo time.The Foreign whichfullyacceptedthetermsof thePotsdamDeclaration message, the any demandwhichprejudices so longas it did not "comprise which of His Majestyas SupremeRuler."This message, prerogatives now finallyrealizedthatthe government showedthattheJapanese a by theSwedishand Swisslegations, warwas lost,was transmitted and not some clear indicationthatthe messagemeantsurrender appealsto Russia. liketheprevious compromise negotiated shadowy of War was still on thefollowing day theMinister Nonetheless, to theend in thisholywar." callingon thearmy"to fightdoggedly was recondition theJapanese WhentheAlliedreplywhichaccepted Once again debatewas resumed. ceivedon AugustI2, theanguished 146 WORLD POLITICS evenSuzukivacilopposedacceptance; andtheirsupporters themilitary lated.On AugustI3, therewas moredebate.On AugustI4, Kido (in Japanese) to theEmperorone of theAmericanleaflets brought acof the Japanese the people told Japanese which on Tokyo dropped ceptanceof thePotsdamtermsand of our reply.Kido warnedthe was nowknown,he mustactimthatsincethisinformation Emperor Once again the Emperor actionby extremists. to prevent mediately an imhis with Imperialauthority acceptedKido'sadvice,convoked had of theSupremeCouncil:thistimethemilitary mediatemeeting This themtoaccepttheAlliedoffer. ordered tocome,andtheEmperor wastheend. III in Japanare now knownto all; in I945 the Thesedevelopments wereworkingpartlyin the dark,thoughthey authorities American of Stateduringmostof did havesomelight.Grew,ActingSecretary hadan on Japanese matters, andDooman,hischiefadviser thisperiod, of the thesignificance ofJapan.Theyinterpreted knowledge intimate Suzukiand severalof the Cabinetin Aprilcorrectly: new Japanese enoughto seekan otherswereindeedsaneenoughand open-minded armyimposed-that trapthattheJapanese escapefromthedo-or-die is,theywishedto escapeiftheycould.Grewand Doomanalsounderpredicted meaningoftheImperialroleand rightly stoodthereligious toretain allowed were wouldcomeonlyiftheJapanese thatsurrender overopponents in On thiscrucialpointtheywerevictors theEmperor. wasthe thattheEmperor whoassumed, wrongly, theStateDepartment militarism. in thearchofJapanese keystone of Japanese The messages. Further lightwas castbytheintercepts efforts to knewoftheclumsyJapanese andhischiefadvisers President somekindof comforthesakeof ensuring secureSovietmediation whichwenton untilAugust8 whenMolotov promisepeace,efforts ofwar.Fromthesemessages SatooftheRussiandeclaration informed of lossand destruction recognition it couldbe deducedthatJapanese or admission oftotaldefeatwas stillrejected. wasreal,butrecognition surrender" was citedin The muchmalignedphrase"unconditional Trumanhad made it becausePresident incorrectly, theseintercepts on May 8 thatthewordsappliedonlyto the clearin his statement Togo; notthephrasethatbothered Butitwasobviously armedforces. fully were they before thedemandshe anticipated he was rejecting thembutbecausehe understood statednotbecausehe misunderstood to acceptweresuch themonlytoowell.WhatTogo wasnotprepared RATIONALE OF JAPANESE SURRENDER 147 as thegivingup ofKoreaand Formosa,theforbidding requirements of military activities, and American of thehomeislands. occupation It is thussurprising, in retrospect, thatat thebeginning of May such extremely knowledgeable peopleas Grewthought could thatsurrender be inducedby makingour termsclearerand by promising thatwe wouldnotseekto eliminate theImperialdynasty. Grewand someof hiscolleagues wereundulyoptimistic; theiroptimismseemsto havereflected a kindof unwillingness to recognize whatwas well known,theultimate of powerin military monopoly theJapanese Cabinetand SupremeCouncil-saveonlyforunpreceTheinarticulate dented intercession bytheEmperor. wasthatif premise sanemendesirepeace,theycan persuadeor outvote thebitter-enders. Recenthistorians have takena similarposition.Thus Feis quotes Ehrman'sGrandStrategy aboutthesituation on August2: "It was indeedas reasonable to deducefromthelatestdevelopments thatan atomicbombmightnowenablethepeacepartyto forcesurrender on as it was to deducethatthetwopartieswouldtogether itsopponents it. Togo and theEmperorweredesperate; acceptdefeatwithout but seemedto havereachedthe theystillcouldnotprevail.The situation pointwherethebomb-andperhaps thebombalone-wouldhavethe effect" in termsof persuasion, required (p. I04). Ehrmanis thinking whenthesituation required something quitedifferent. The basic conclusion-that a quick endingturnedon the bomb alone-is sharedregretfully by Feis and seemsundebatable; but the reasonforthisconclusion maybe putin a slightly different wayfrom his statedrationale. The "peaceparty"-Togoand his variably vacilnotforcesurrender latingcolleagues-could on the"warparty," because thewarparty's spokesmen, had thepower Anami,theWar Minister, ofliberum veto.Norwasthereanyvisiblechanceofpersuading Anami. He was notimmunefromassassination, thatdarkportent thathung overall the Japanese politicians. More important, his conductwas governed bya codein whichdeathforthefatherland wasas honorable as victory and surrender foranyreasondishonorable. The Minister of War could hardlybe persuadedto seek peace by the prospectof of thousands hundreds ofmilitary deaths, evenlessbytheprospect of thedeathsofmillions ofcivilians. Seenin theseterms, thepeace-party-war-party explanation is hardly fitting, forwhatwas neededwas nota stimulant forintellectual reconsideration, forpersuasion, forarousing thepeople,forencouraging theopposition: itwasan actthatwouldcausetheEmperor toperform hisunprecedented act:tospeakwiththeVoiceoftheSacredCrane. 148 WORLD POLITICS IV of theJapanese Feisgivesus notonlythisvividdescription governmentin action,butalsoan accountofthedoingsof ourowngovernbetween the is theextraordinary contrast ment.Mostsignificant perhaps that butreasonedmeetings dismaldaysin Tokyoand theworrisome precededthe decisionto droptheatomicbombon Hiroshimaand Nagasaki. oftheatomic It shouldbe unnecessary to notethatthedevelopment bombin theUnitedStateswas notsetin motionby a "powerelite." movedbya burning desire wasmadebyscientists Theoriginal proposal to destroy Hitlerand Nazism:theman who carriedthemessageto of livingscientists, mostlovingand Roosevelt was Einstein, greatest in Europecauseda questioning. Feis ofmen.The victory kind-hearted in Chicago givesa fascinating accountof a groupof atomicscientists who in earlyJuneI945 suggested knownas theFranckCommittee livesachieved thateven"thesavingofAmerican bythesuddenuseof atomicbombsagainstJapanmaybe outweighed bytheensuinglossof confidence and waveof horrorand revulsion sweepingovertherest publicopinionat home"(pp. oftheworldandperhapsevendividing ifthebombhadbeenreadya yearearlier, thesame 4I-42). Presumably, who raisedthesequesscientists groupof eminent and public-spirited on to useit without tionsin Junei945 wouldhaveurgedthemilitary hesitation to wreakvengeance on Hitlerand destroy theNazi power. This guess,however, The groupin factknewquite is parenthetical. wellthatno American couldtossasidea weaponthatwould president a termination bring quick of thewar and save Americanlives;he whichcouldbe triedwithout might,however, acceptan alternative recourse. thepossibility Theirproposedalterof ultimate abandoning ofthebombbefore a groupofUN observers, nativewasa demonstration followedup byvariousfurther to Japan steps,suchas an ultimatum eitherto surrender or to evacuatea namedarea,or a sharingof reforthedecisionwith"publicopinion"at homeand with sponsibility othernations. Theseviewswerenotlightly On therecommendation of rejected. President Trumanhad earlierappointed whatwas knownas Stimson, the InterimCommittee, Byrnes composedof Stimsonas chairman, thePresident, Bardand ClaytonforNavyand State,and representing scientists whowereleadersin ourwartime thethreeeminent research, ofHarvard, of MIT, and thePresident thePresident thePresident of as Feis emphasizes, theabtheCarnegieInstitution of Washington; RATIONALE OF JAPANESESURRENDER 149 withthepro(The contrast members was deliberate. senceofmilitary was The Committee in Tokyois dramatic.) cessesofdecision-making whichwouldbe raisedby (i) thewholerangeofquestions toconsider of thebomb,and (2) theuse disclosure oftheexistence theeventual Panel Advisory wiselysetup a Scientific ofthebomb.The Committee whohadbeenmakingmajorcontributions offourphysicists composed and threeNobel of thebomb:RobertOppenheimer, to thedevising Prize winners, ArthurH. Compton,E. 0. Lawrence,and Enrico Fermi. thePanel itsconclusions, wasreaching WhentheFranckCommittee it the Interim whatto recommend to Committee; was considering delayedmakingitsfinalreportuntilafterit had studiedtheFranck It thenproposed(i) thattalksbe inCommittee recommendations. itiatedwiththe UnitedKingdom,Russia,France,and China imto in "making contribute thisdevelopment aboutcooperation mediately the international but (2) on thebasicquestion, relations"; improved use." todirectmilitary advicewas "We canseeno alternative reluctant come has over and these deeply, who has long questions pondered Feis, thatwe shouldhaveantoagreewiththisadvice,thoughhe suggests weaponwasandwhatitwoulddo. nounced toJapanwhatourterrible theJapanmighthaveinfluenced Feisfeelsthatsuchan announcement his of the but owndescription proceedings esegovernment tosurrender, so improbable in Tokyomakesthisconclusion seem,to thisreviewer, On theotherhand,Feis'sopinionthatan announceas tobeimpossible. as theysay,is hardto "fortherecord," mentwouldhavebeenprudent dispute. dayon whatwouldhave Misconceptions fromI945 to thepresent causedJapanto surrender seemto havebeenpartlycreatedbya disof historical astasteforthehorror factand partlyby an underlying thatall nationssurrender forthesamereasonsand in the sumption glanceat WorldWar II surrenders sameway.Yet,as evena cursory willshow,thesamefactors do not to surrender thatlead one country problem surrender applyto others.DuringWorldWar II, thefirst battleat all, facingus was in NorthAfrica;here,afterno substantial theFrenchsurrendered acceptedDarlan'sclaim becausetheirofficers Petain'sactualpublic of legitimacy in ordering themto surrender; thought either becausetheofficers statements ofdenialwereoverlooked the"true"Petain,or becausetheexcusewas thatDarlanrepresented all theyreallysought. of In thecaseofItaly,surrender on (i) thedisplacement depended Mussolini thenewgovernand (2) ourassurance thatwe wouldprotect 150 WORLD POLITICS ment.The Italianslongsincehadhad no needforproofoftheirown folThe Italiannavy,whichhad remained intact, incapacity. military dismerely en masse;thegroundforces lowedordersandsurrendered integrated. of Heresurrender was a consequence Germany was quitedifferent. defeat.Whatwas notablewas thespeedyand effective vastmilitary capableof withno real centralgovernment of surrender execution taken not seriously.) was legitimacy (Doenitz's surrender. ordering continuathehopeless The Germanmilitary tradition didnotenvisage sawno virtuein mass and theGermanfieldmarshals tionoffighting wholearmieseven suicide.Theywerequitecapableof surrendering without Hitler'sapproval. and menwouldnot Officers situation. In Japanwe faceda different government to do so; no onein theJapanese surrender unlessordered as DarlandidforPetain;and fortheEmperor, couldserveas surrogate dominance of military by popularuptherecouldbe no overthrow risingor byvoteof theCabinetor Council(as withMussolini).The than notonlytowantpeacerather onlywaywastoforcetheEmperor to enforce even earlier-but probably April-and as he did in victory, therewas no WithouttheImperialRescript his wantby command. Whatwe neededwasnotmereadditional meansofsurrender. effective serveas justificathatwouldsomehow butsomething defeats, Japanese to endthefighting. fashion tionfortheEmperor in an unprecedented Andthatwaswhattheuseoftheatomicbombaccomplished. V questionforwhicha speculative Thereis one moretormenting answercan be suggested: ofhow ofI945 Pandora's boxwasopen;theknowledge Bythespring to makean atomicbombcouldnotbe unlearned;usedor notused dangerwas equallyreal.Whatthenwas againstJapan,itspotential tosecureinterattempts theeffect ofactualuseofthebombon postwar "But themind. . . control? answer: a persuasive national Feissupplies powerofthebombhadnot iftheexterminating maywonderwhether, tomake beenactually wouldhavebeenimpelled thenations displayed, tosave an effort evenasfaltering as theyhavemadetoagreeonmeasures frommutualextinction weapon"(p. i87). themselves bythisultimate
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