NATURAL DISASTERS AND
CULTURAL CHANGE
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lIBRARY
7
Recurring tremors: the continuing impact
oj the AD 79 eruption ofMt Vesuvius
PENELOPE
M. ALLISON
'Many disasters have befallen the world, but few have brought
posterity so much joy.'
(Goethe in Knight, 1996: 11)
INTRODUCTION
Mt Vesuvius (Fig. 7.1) has had numerous eruptions, but the one that took place
during the early Roman Empire is the best known. Its notoriety stems largely
from its historical recording, which was the earliest written description of any
volcanic eruption. The extensive material record preserved by the deposits from
the eruption and first revealed to the modem western intellectual world in the
early eighteenth century can also take credit for this fame.
This particular eruption was a catastrophe for the many inhabitants of the
Bay of Naples (Fig. 7.2) at the time, but its impact on the wider Campanian
community or on Roman commerce in the first century AD was less dramatic.
Rather, its influence has been felt in other ways, both real and perceived, over the
many centuries since the original event. The discovery and excavation ofsites like
Pompeii and Herculaneum, destroyed during the eruption, have captured the
imagination ofmodem visitors and scholars alike and have coloured their percep­
tions ofthe original socio-economic significance ofthis event. Consequently, this
ancient eruption and the modem discovery of its resulting debris have had a
fundamental impact on modem scholarship concerning the socio-economics of
the wider Roman world. The archaeological material has also profoundly influ­
enced European art, European culture and a European sense of identity since the
eighteenth century. In tum, through this influence and its social and cultural
associations, these remains play an important role in the cultural and the
economic development of the region today, thus ensuring that the area will be an
active participant in the global village of the twenty-first century AD.
The purpose of this chapter is to contrast the impacts of the Vesuvian event on
its contemporary world with its effects on later inhabitants and on the world at
108
P.M. ALLISON
CONTlNUl
QI
..
~I
,
Figure 7.1
of Naples
Photograph:
View ofMt Vesuvius from Monte Faito to the south, looking across the Bay
I
(
P. Allison
large. I examine conditions in the periods before, during and after the eruption and
continuing up to the present day. I begin with a briefoutline ofVesuvius's volcanic
history and some ofthe reasons why the AD 79 eruption, in particular, has received
so much attention in recent history. This is followed by summaries of socio­
economic conditions in Campania leading up to and during the event. These are
compared to conditions in the region in the later Roman imperial period to
demonstrate that there is little evidence of any reduction in the region's produc­
tivity or in its contribution to Roman commerce as a result of this eruption. In
contrast, the final sections demonstrate that the repercussions have been most
dramatic for modem-day scholars and cultural tourists in their exploitation of the
materiaL.As a consequence, the effects on the productivity of the region today are
greater, and seemingly more positive, than any negative impact of the original
eruption.
THE ERUPTIONS OF MT VESUVIUS
Since its apparent formation from Monte Somma some 17,000 years ago
(Sigurdsson et aI., 1985: 335), Mt Vesuvius has erupted on a number of occasions.
Geological and archaeological evidence has been used to date the beginning of
the fifth volcanic cycle ofMt Vesuvius at 3760 ± 70 BP (i.e. (.1880-1740 Be:
Sigurdsson et al., 1985: 336; Rossi and Santacroce, 1986: 22-3). Written records
Figure 7.2 Map (l
Pompeii and HerctibJ
Map adapted by J. Love
indicate that twelVl
Santacroce, 1986: 2
by up to eleven
7-9). The last lll3;
reminders that thi
eruption in AD 79,
Palestine (Dio Casl
First, while com
6, 1-2) and Diode
f1rst century AD, it
eruption is the eaJ
of the event. The
known as Pliny tb
CONTINUING IMPACT OF THE ERUPTION OF MT VESUVIUS
109
Misenum
~g
Bay of Naples
oss the Bay
iplionand
5 volcanic
sreceived
of socio­
These are
period to
•produc­
prion. In
~n most
on of the
today are
~ original
:ars ago
:caslOns.
.rung of
740 Be:
records
~
(G)
CAPRI
o
10
zo
km
Figure 7.2 Map of Campania showing locations of Bay of Naples, Mt Vesuvius,
Pompeii and Herculaneum
Map adapted by J. Lovell and reproduced with permission
indicate that twelve eruptions occurred between AD 79 and AD 1631 (Rossi and
Santacroce, 1986: 26-9), with further eruptions in the twentieth century preceded
by up to eleven years of ongoing seismic activity (Frederiksen, 1984:
7-9). The last major event occurred in 1944, but earthquakes in 1980 were
reminders that this is still an active volcano. Besides the scale of Vesuvius's
eruption in AD 79, the impact of which was reputedly felt in North Africa and
Palestine (Dio Cassius, 66, 23), there are other reasons for its notoriety.
First, while comments by Roman authors such as Strabo (5, 4, 8), Vitruvius (2,
6, 1-2) and Diodorus Siculus (4, 21, 5), writing in the first century BC and early
first century AD, indicate a knowledge of Vesuvius's volcanic nature, the AD 79
eruption is the earliest for which there is a written record of the actual process
of the event. The celebrated Roman scientist, Gaius Plinius Secundus, better
known as Pliny the Elder, was killed by this eruption and his nephew, Pliny the
110
Younger, was asked by his historian friend Tacitus to give an account of the events
surrounding his uncle's death (Pliny the Younger, Ep. 16, 22). This account, and
that ofDio Cassius (66, 21-3) written in the late second or early third century AD,
also established this eruption as the earliest for which a precise date was recorded.
This date has been established as 24-25 August AD 79, although it has also been
argued that the eruption may actually have occurred in November ofthat year (for
references see Pappalardo, 1990: 209-10).
Not only may the precise date for this Vesuvian eruption be inaccurate, but the
scientific reliability of Pliny the Younger's detailed description of its process has
been called into question. The stylistic similarities between his description and an
anonymous poem about an AD 40 eruption of Mt Etna have suggested to some
scholars that Pliny's description was more a literary exercise, borrowing from this
earlier work, than an account of his actual observations (Wilsdorf, 1979: 40-1;
Copony, 1987: esp. 219-20, 227; see also Frederiksen, 1984: 9-11; for discussion:
Allison, 1992b: 11; Allison, in press). Given that this particular account was written
by a school-boy who was busy with his books at the time, rather than by his
scientist uncle, it should undoubtedly be used with considerable caution in any
interpretations of the stratigraphical and material remains. However, it is gener­
ally taken as being intrinsically linked to the physical evidence (e.g. Sigurdsson et
ai., 1982, 1985). In any event, this description is still the earliest historical record
of a volcanic eruption. It is frequently cited in archaeological, historical and
volcanological literature and the concept of an archetypal 'Plinian eruption' is
based on this account (see Blong, 1984: 3, 5, 6 passim).
This eruption is also notorious because of the nature of the burial of its victims
and their subsequent discovery and recovery. The area affected by the eruption
had been heavily populated. The deposit resulting from it wind-blown volcanic
ash followed by pyroclastic flows forming a deposit of up to 8 m, for some 70 km
to the southwest (Cerulli Irelli, 1975: 297) and mudflows forming a solid deposit
of up to 20 m to the west (D'Arms, 1970: 153) meant that much of the material
remains of these populated areas, including some of the inhabitants, had been
completely and irretrievably covered by the volcanic debris. With the exception of
a certain amount of disturbance through looting (see e.g. Bechi, 1834: 2; Cerulli
Irelli, 1975: 295; for further references and discussion: Allison, 1992b: 17-19,37­
9; Allison, in press), which seems to have begun soon after the eruption and to have
continued for the next 17 centuries, these remains maintained a remarkably high
level of preservation before being revealed to the modem western intellectual
world in the early to mid-eighteenth century. The investigation of the debris of
human activity resulting from this eruption both contributed to and profited from
the development ofwidespread intellectual interest in the classical world.
CAMPANIA BEFORE
CONTINUIN
P.M. ALLISON
AD
79
Before the event in question the Campanian region (Fig. 7.2) had had a long­
standing importance in the Mediterranean world in both the pre-Roman and
I
Roman periods. Histo
volcanic soils made I
agricultural settlement
river routes to the 00
colonists, not to meot
treaty between these !
subsequent revolts an<
domination of the ate
The main product
wine, olive oil and cc
produced e:l'..l'ortable
notably in the form I
Europe and the Gm
(Frederiksen, 1984: 3
the Campanian plain
tural production of I
1991: 63; see also Ko
Bay of Naples also
products to other pal
Another reason fC
consciousness of this
influential Romans ;
these properties to :
1991: 66), particuh
1970: 61-70). NOlI
parts of Campania.
Capri. Tiberius had
when life as a Rom
Some Roman aD
of productive agrio
luxury villas along
(Frederiksen, 1984:
unbroken line of cJ
(Strabo, 5, 4, 8). Il
their energies in R
had commercially
military positions I
evidence that SOIJ
commerce (D' Am
Many ofthe dw
luxury abodes of \1
remains of substa
elaborately decoI3
been discovered i.I
and lavish tastes 0
CONTINUING IMPACT OF THE ERUPTION OF MT VESUVIUS
lilt ofthe events
IUs account, and
lim century AD,
e was recorded.
it has also been
ofthat year (for
a:urate, but the
f its process has
aiption and an
gested to some
Nring from this
~ 1979: 40-1;
;fur discussion:
IIIlt was written
IU than by his
aution in any
ft, it is gener­
~ Sigurdsson et
IStOrical record
historical and
ID eruption' is
I of its victims
r the eruption
Iown volcanic
Fsome 70 km
I solid deposit
If the material
:us, had been
: exception of
34: 2; Cerulli
,: 17-19, 37­
Dand to have
wkably high
:a intellectual
the debris of
n:ofited from
dd.
had a long­
!toman and
111
Roman periods. Historical and archaeological records indicate that the fertile and
volcanic soils made this a much sought-after, and squabbled-over, area for
agricultural settlement. Its plains, sheltered bays and relatively accessible overland
river routes to the north provided important resources for Etruscan and Greek
colonists, not to mention local indigenous populations and invading Samnites. A
treaty between these Samnites and the Romans in the mid-fourth century, with
subsequent revolts and Roman expansionist interests, led to an increasing Roman
domination of the area.
The main products exported, in both pre-Roman and Roman times, were
wine, olive oil and com, while sheep and pig farming and fisheries probably also
produced exportable commodities. Evidence of this Campanian export trade,
notably in the form of amphorae, has been recorded in North Mrica, Western
Europe and the Greek East, dating from the mid-second century Be onwards
(Frederiksen, 1984: 300). Also, remains of substantial rural villas and farm sites in
the Campanian plains bear witness to the extensive and well-organised agricul­
tural production of this region from at least the early second century (Arthur,
1991: 63; see also Kockel, 1986: 519-66, esp. fig. 23; Moormann, in press a). The
Bay of Naples also provided useful and strategic harbours for shipping these
products to other parts ofItaly and the Roman world.
Another reason for the significance of this region to Rome, and our raised
consciousness of this, was that from the early second century Be many politically
influential Romans acquired land in the area (D' Arms, 1970: 1-17). Many used
these properties to seek 'asylum from the political jostling of Rome' (Arthur,
1991: 66), particularly during the last years of the Roman Republic (D'Arms,
1970: 61-70). Not only the aristocracy but also the imperial family owned large
parts of Campania. For example, Augustus had purchased the entire island of
Capri. Tiberius had at least 12 villas there (D'Arms, 1970: 73), to which he fled
when life as a Roman emperor became unbearable.
Some Roman aristocrats may have owned villas in inland areas which were part
of productive agricultural estates. However, most of their properties consisted of
luxury villas along the coast. Campania had once been the 'land of villages'
(Frederiksen, 1984: 31). By the first century AD, the Bay ofNaples consisted of an
unbroken line of these villas, such that it gave the appearance of a single town
(Strabo, 5, 4, 8). As well as acting as retreats for the privileged, 'who expended
their energies in Rome' (D'Arms, 1970: 160), these seaside properties may have
had commercially productive fishponds and oyster beds, and their strategic
military positions may also have been used to advantage. Written sources provide
evidence that some of these Roman elites were actively involved in local
commerce (D'Arms, 1980; Frederiksen, 1984: 305).
Many ofthe dwellings unearthed in Herculaneum are assumed to have been such
luxury abodes ofwealthy members ofthe Roman senatorial classes. However, the
remains of substantial town houses with colonnaded Hellenising gardens and
elaborately decorated in a style dating to the second and first centuries Be have also
been discovered in Pompeii. These indicate the also considerable disposable wealth
and lavish tastes of some of its citizens, who did not belong to this particular elite
112
CONTINUING
P.M. ALLISON
social group (see Zevi, 1995: 23-4). These Pompeians profited directly or indirectly
from the expanding markets and connections, not to mention the resulting influx
of foreign goods and a heightened awareness of a need for them, which Roman
interests brought to the region (Mouritsen, 1998: 92). However, this does not
mean that they owed their ailluence and urbanisation wholly to the Roman
influence and connections. Rather, as indicated in the public and private buildings
in Pompeii, there was a 'strong hellenistic influence' (Mouritsen, 1998: 63, 65; see
also Arthur, 1986), which could equally have emanated from pre-Roman connec­
tions in this region. While some Campanian towns became Roman colonies from
the late fourth and third centuries BC, it is perhaps significant that the town of
Pompeii did not receive this status until 80 BC. This particular Campanian town may
not have been ofspecific political, social or economic importance to the Romans
(Zanker, 1998: 4). Equally, its inhabitants were probably not particularly hospit­
able to a Roman presence. Such sentiments were undoubtedly widespread in the
Italian peninsula leading up to the Social War (see Mouritsen, 1998: esp. 28-9, 77).
In summary, Campania had been a productive agricultural and maritime region,
as well as a retreat for Roman aristocracy, before AD 79. As such it had played a very
active role in Roman commerce and in Roman social life. At the same time,
however, many ofthe inhabitants are likely to have maintained wealth and cultural
identities founded on pre-Roman traditions and networks.
Figure 7.3
Piles of gypgl
This material is likely
or restoration work was goa
restoration work
Note:
THE ANCIENT IMPACT OF THE AD 79 ERUPTION
Plwtograplt:
The AD 79 eruption of Mt Vesuvius had a devastating effect on the populations
of Pompeii, Herculaneum, Stabiae and the rural area to the west and southwest of
the mountain. However, this effect did not begin with the final event. Seismic
activity, the more extensive of which was probably an earthquake recorded in
AD 62, seems to have been plaguing this area for several years. Archaeological
evidence for ongoing damage and repair to, and probably abandonment of,
buildings in Pompeii can be shown to be related to more than one upheaval
beforethe AD 79 eruption (see Allison, 1992a, 1992b: 8-9,86-97; Frohlich and
Jacobelli, 1995, for discussion and references), suggesting that the Pompeians and
their near neighbours had been subjected to pre-eruption earthquakes, perhaps for
sometime. The experiences and the survival strategies of individuals were
undoubtedly considerably varied. Some proprietors seem to have stayed and
continued to patch their buildings (Fig. 7.3), while others may have retreated to
properties in less threatened areas, leaving slaves or freedmen behind to guard and
maintain their interests. Obviously, this latter situation applies only to the wealthier
inhabitant~ who had other properties where they could retreat. Some, who had
little property to protect, may also have decided that early abandonment ofthe area
was the best option. Some of the abandoned properties may even have been
reoccupied by others.
Thus, the evidence suggests that the effect of an impending eruption on the
local population may have been as significant as the eruption itse)£ In any event,
the landscape of centr.d
ofNaples, was first disI1lJ
recognition by the subsc
this eruption, the coasdi
the courses ofonce navi@
Claridge, 1980: 11; Des
extremely difficult for aJ
property. After the erup
(De Vita Caesarum, Titw
two ex-consuls. Their
survivors the land ofth(l
is often assumed that d
buried and archaeologil
Cerulli Irelli, 1975: ~
emperors (AD 69-96) '"
that imperial and senato
as much as, if not more
Apart from the two [1
reports about the immc
his account with his oVI
ex-consuls found when
J. Agee
lirectIy or indirectly
Ihe resulting influx
I:In, which Roman
ever, this does not
If to the Roman
d private buildings
II, 1998: 63, 65; see
e-Roman connec­
IlIaD colonies from
t that the town of
opanian town may
ICe to the Romans
IIlticularly hospit­
widespread in the
98: esp. 28-9, 77).
I maritime region,
thad played a very
U: the same time,
n!aIth and cultural
N
the populations
md southwest of
at event. Seismic
me recorded in
L Archaeological
bmdonment of,
Dl one upheaval
lJ7; Frohlich and
I: Pompeians and
_es, perhaps for
adividuals were
me stayed and
ave retreated to
iod to guard and
'to the wealthier
Some, who had
ment ofthe area
I!'VeD have been
I
mlption on the
If. In any eVent,
CONTINUING IMPACT OF THE ERUPTION OF MT VESUVIUS
Figure 7.3
113
Piles ofgypsum in garden ofthe Casa del Sancello lliaca in Pompeii
This material is likely to have been used for
the walls, suggesting that alteration
or restoration work was going on in this house, or that it was being used as a workshop for
restoration work
Note;
Photograph:
J. Agee
the landscape of central Campania, that is much of the southern part of the Bay
ofNaples, was first disrupted, possibly by earthquakes, and then devastated beyond
recognition by the subsequent volcanic eruption. It is estimated that, as a result of
this eruption, the coastline moved up to a kilometre further into the Bay and that
the courses ofonce navigable rivers were substantially altered (see Ward-Perkins and
Claridge, 1980: 11; Descoeudres et al., 1994: 3-4 and esp. fig. 3). It was probably
extremely difficult for any survivors to have located or identified any oftheir own
property. After the eruption, according to both Dio Cassius (66, 24) and Suetonius
(De Vita Caesarum, Titus 8), the emperor Titus himself went to Campania, and sent
two ex-consuls. Their mission was to supervise its restoration and to grant the
survivors the land ofthose who had perished in the catastrophe and left no heirs. It
is often assumed that these textual references pertained to the occupants of the
buried and archaeologically excavated cities of Pompeii and Herculaneum (e.g.
Cerulli Irelli, 1975: 293) but this is by no means established. While Flavian
emperors (AD 69-96) were known for their concern for social welfare, it is likely
that imperial and senatorial interest from Rome concerned villas oftheir own kind
as much as, ifnot more so than, the property ofthese local townspeople.
Apart from the two references ofDio Cassius and Suetonius, there are no further
reports about the immediate aftennath of the eruption. Pliny the Younger ended
his account with his own escape. There was no report ofwhat the emperor or the
ex-consuls found when they got there, or what sort ofrestoration they supervised.
114
P.M. ALLISON
The archaeological evidence in Pompeii suggests that no post-eruption restoration
was initiated. Rather, it points to considerable looting having followed the
eruption, although not necessarily immediately (see e.g. Parslow, 1995: 113).
Similarly, substantial villa complexes, such as that at the comparatively recently
excavated Villa A at Oplontis (De Franciscis, 1975), which reputedly belonged to
the Poppaeae family, the family of the emperor Nero's wife, provide no evidence
of any attempts to restore them to their former luxurious existence. Agricultural
villa complexes, which have been excavated in the area, also appear to give no
indication ofattempts to revitalise them after the eruption.
Lack of evidence for reconstruction and occupation after AD 79 is perhaps
partly a result oflack of attention, particularly during earlier excavations. After all,
much richer pickings were to be made from the AD 79 deposit. Many excavators
of Pompeii may have used techniques which limited their chances of finding
evidence of the 'renascita di Pompei'. Nevertheless, they had long considered the
possibility of such (see Cerulli Irelli, 1975: 291). The lack of evidence could
therefore conceivably be attributed to a disparity between the theory and practice
of the archaeologists rather than a complete lack of concern for the existence of
substantial post-AD 79 occupancy.
It is likely that the initially sterile volcanic soil would have been restored to an
agriculturally productive state within a few years (Cerulli Irelli, 1975: 293;
Widemann, 1990: 223-4). Certainly there is evidence that the area affected by
this eruption showed at least some occupation in later Roman periods (Cerulli
Irelli, 1975: esp. 295-8). However, no traces of any substantial urban centres have
been located to replace these buried cities.
Thus both archaeological and historical evidence indicates that Pompeii and
Herculaneum, and many other coastal, urban and rural properties, were largely, if
not totally, abandoned after the AD 79 eruption. The Sarno River, with its port at
Pompeii, seems no longer to have been useful for mercantile activity (see
Widemann, 1990: 230). Historical reports indicate that Stabiae recovered at least
temporarily (D'Anns, 1970: 154). However, in general, the zones which had
been buried by this Vesuvian eruption are largely missing from later historical
reports of Campania, and indeed from rigorous archaeological investigation.
Scholars consider the area to have been largely unoccupied until the Middle Ages
(Widemann, 1990: 2-30).
POST -AD 79 CAMPANIA
Despite these catastrophic effects on the population in the immediate vicinity of
Mt Vesuvius, the impact of the AD 79 eruption on Campanian social and
commercial activities and on the wider Roman world in the first century AD and
later was much less dramatic. Certainly Campania's heyday as a luxury retreat for
the Roman aristocracy seems to have come to an end about this time. However,
this demise was more the outcome of changing social and political conditions
in Rome than anything related to the AD 79 Vesuvian eruption. First, the
CONTINUING IMPAC
extravagant tastes of the Julio­
successors) were not shared t
inherited the properties oft:hciJ
and visit Campanian propettM
118-64). Likewise, leading Rc
the region. Unfortunately, this
first and early second cenbll:
informed. Nevertheless, the C"
term effect on the CampaniD
family members, friends and C(
Archaeological evidence, pi
ation that of the wine trade
markets which had once reo
Spain and Southern Gaul in
(Widemann, 1990). HO\vevCl
the growing population of F
changes in trading patterns til
ment within the Roman ceo
in certain export products (\lI
consumer preference for fm
consider the consumers as DUl
trade patterns. In any event. tI:J
many Roman provincial an:!
evidence of a decline in gena
of the second century AD (f
related to this Vesuvian erupti
The town of Capua, near 1
northern Campanian plain. 11
than Pompeii. However, iI
politically, economically and.
of Roman history from tb
(Frederiksen, 1984: 285-93).
second centuries AD, this wa:
coastal town ofPuteoli than I
maritime colony early in the
one ofthe few natural harbou
areas of the hinterland, grew
Campania (Frederiksen, 198
principal port, through wIl
Mediterranean, destined fo]
Johannowsky, 1976; Camoo
Puteoli and its environs resen
with considerable architectUl
of the Roman Empire. Hisa
trade connections and the
CONTINUING IMPACT OF THE ERUPTION OF MT VESUVIUS
pion restoration
• followed the
ow, 1995: 113).
IDtively recently
ally belonged to
ride no evidence
lICe. Agricultural
~to give no
D 79 is perhaps
r.ations. After all,
lil:my excavators
IDCes of finding
t considered the
evidence could
IDlY and practice
the existence of
11
restored to an
:IIi, 1975: 293;
area affected by
periods (Cerulli
.an centres have
at Pompeii and
,were largely, if
•with its port at
Ie activity (see
covered at least
IlleS which had
bter historical
I investigation.
Ie Middle Ages
IDte vicinity of
ian social and
:altury AD and
lIllY retreat for
IDe. However,
ia1 conditions
ion. First, the
115
extravagant tastes of the Julio-Claudian family (i.e. Augustus, Tiberius and their
successors) were not shared by the Flavian emperors, although the latter had
inherited the properties oftheir predecessors and later emperors continued to own
and visit Campanian properties at least into the fourth century (0'Arms, 1970:
118-64). Likewise, leading Roman families continued to acquire and use land in
the region. Unfortunately, this activity is less well documented than that in the late
first and early second centuries AD, of which writers like Suetonius kept us
informed. Nevertheless, the evidence indicates that the eruption had little long­
term effect on the Campanian interests of the Roman elite, beyond the loss of
family members, friends and colleagues, such as Pliny the Elder.
Archaeological evidence, particularly that of amphorae at Ostia and by associ­
ation that of the wine trade to Rome, has been used to indicate that Italian
markets which had once received Campanian products were importing from
Spain and Southern Gaul in the late first century AD in increasing quantities
(Widemann, 1990). However, Widemann (1986: 108) has argued not only that
the growing population of Rome was a factor in this increase, but also that
changes in trading patterns during this period resulted from a general develop­
ment within the Roman economy of the specialisation of particular provinces
in certain export products (Widemann, 1990: 227). This highlights a potential
consumer preference for French over Italian wine and emphasises the need to
consider the consumers as much as the producers in assessing the significance of
trade patterns. In any event, the disappearance of amphora types Dressel 2-4 from
many Roman provincial archaeological assemblages, which has been taken as
evidence of a decline in general Italian wine exports, did not occur until the end
of the second century AD (Tchernia, 1981: esp. 306-10), and is therefore un­
related to this Vesuvian eruption .
The town of Capua, near the overland access routes to Rome above the vast
northern Campanian plain, has received less attention in the modem literature
than Pompeii. However, it was a much more important Roman centre,
politically, economically and culturally, with its prestige spanning a long period
of Roman history from the third century BC until the fourth century AD
(Frederiksen, 1984: 285-93). While it may have suffered a decline in the first and
second centuries AD, this was related rather to the emerging importance of the
coastal town of PuteoIi than to any natural forces. From its foundation as a small
maritime colony early in the second century BC, the port of Puteoli, located in
one of the few natural harbours on Italy's west coast with access to the agricultural
areas of the hinterland, grew dramatically to become the economic centre of
Campania (Frederiksen, 1984: 319-37). More importantly, it became Rome's
principal port, through which passed most commodities from around the
Mediterranean, destined for the Italian peninsula and vice versa (see e.g.
Johannowsky, 1976; Camodeca, 1996). Archaeological evidence indicates that
Puteoli and its environs resembled Rome in size, and that it had been embellished
with considerable architectural and engineering works during the first centuries
of the Roman Empire. Historical records bear witness to the extent of Puteoli's
trade connections and the degree of its autonomy from Rome. It reigned
116
P.M. ALLISON
supreme as a vital port town in an agriculturally productive region at least until the
third century AD, when the port of Ostia, situated at the mouth of the Tiber, rose
to prominence as a harbour for Rome (see D'Arms, 1974).
The eruption ofMt Vesuvius seems to have had little bearing on the supply of
Campanian products and hence the affluence and importance ofthese Campanian
cities and the entrepot which they provided for these products to reach the wider
Roman market. Pliny the Elder's (Naturalis Historia III, 60) pre-AD 79 descriptions
of 'the lucky land of Campania' with its 'vine-covered hills whose liquid produce
is famous in every land and ennobles tipsiness' and of the competition of the
'divine patrons of wine and corn' for this region compares well with that of
Polybius (Historiae III, 91), which praises the plains in the neighbourhood of
Capua, in northern Campania, for their fertility, beauty and accessibility to the
sea, the local harbours for their trade to all parts of the known world and the cities
of Campania for being the finest and most impressive in Italy. Such descriptions
highlight that other parts ofCampania had long been prosperous and continued to
be so after Mt Vesuvius had erupted and devastated some areas.
In general, there is no historical or archaeological evidence for a break in
Campania's agricultural productivity or in the importance of the exportation ofits
products to the wider Roman world, which can be attributed to the destruction
of one of its productive areas. According to Frederiksen (1984: 43), by the second
century AD, the Bay of Naples had 'developed a density of population and an
intensity ofland use which had on this scale few parallels in the ancient world'.
The insignificance of this eruption to the Roman world meant that it and the
devastated cities became only a vague memory in folklore.
IMPACT ON THE MODERN WORLD
In contrast to its impacts on the ancient world, the AD 79 eruption of Mt Vesuvius
has had much more wide-ranging consequences for the modern world, especially
for European-based artistic and intellectual life of the eigtheenth, nineteenth and
even twentieth centuries. Ever since the Due d'Elbeufs's early eighteenth-century
discovery that high-quality marble and bronze statuary was to be had by simply
drilling wells into the volcanic debris to the south of Naples (parslow, 1995: 22­
3), the region has become a vital pilgrimage for classicists, artists, historians, politi­
cians, royalty, social aspirants, romantics, or just travellers. While many ofthe first
visitors were taken to Herculaneum, the main destination soon became the more
accessible and more extensively excavated Pompeii. Goethe was there; Winckelmann
was there; and so were Mark Twain and Freud. As British Ambassador to Naples
(1764-1800), Sir William Hamilton took a keen and scholarly interest in the
behaviour ofMt Vesuvius, in the excavations at Pompeii and Herculaneum, and in
the works ofart that were coming to light. He introduced many foreign visitors to
Naples to the wonders that Vesuvius was continuing to produce through the
excavations of its debris and he had a huge impact on the dissemination of
knowledge about them throughout the western world (Jenkins and Sloan, 1996).
CONTINl
Piranesi, Hogarth
and paint these ruin
these images and D
1855) further capno
interest in the rem
houses of Herculan
style-setters as R~
houses and palaces (
decorated with imi1
by the German aniSl
Pompeii and Hercu
domestic interiors.. ,
bronze and silver"
these sites were sin
been and continue
1992). One ofthe b
Pompeii (1834) - fil
the devastation off
The fame which
the twentieth ceDW
in European CulbD
the nature of this I
this place, not nC'Cl
their knowledge oj
a 250-year-old tr.
European culture :
symbolise, that hm
in our understand
interest among om
and its imagery J:
Brilliant, 1993; de
1997: 147-82; Mo
progeny in the OJ
compound an ene
resulted from Vest
IMPACT ON I
It is this long and
Vesuvian region,
Roman world, v
studies of Roman
ofMt Vesuvius t(
from a past sociel
CONTINUING IMPACT OF THE ERUPTION OF MT VESUVIUS
tat least until the
fthe Tiber, rose
on the supply of
bese Campanian
reach the wider
,79 descriptions
I': liquid produce
!lpetition of the
ell with that of
ighbourhood of
:essibility to the
:Id and the cities
ICh descriptions
lid continued to
for a break in
IJKlrtation ofits
the destruction
t. by the second
IIIlation and an
ancient world'.
that it and the
:Jf Mt Vesuvius
orId, especially
lIineteenth and
il:enth-century
bad by simply
ow, 1995: 22­
Ulrians, politi­
my ofthe first
:arne the more
Winckelmann
rdor to Naples
Ilterest in the
:meum, andin
~ visitors to
~ through the
&emination of
!iIoan, 1996).
117
Piranesi, Hogarth, William Gell and countless other artists were inspired to draw
and paint these ruins, and sometimes the freshly excavated finds. Publications of
these images and numerous guidebooks (e.g. Gell and Grandy, 1821; Breton,
1855) further captured the imagination of their extensive audience and stimulated
interest in the remains from the Vesuvian eruption. The wall-paintings in the
houses of Herculaneum and Pompeii were arduously copied and used by such
style-setters as Robert Adams (e.g. Trevelyan, 1976: fig. 31) to decorate the grand
houses and palaces ofEurope. Heinrich Schliemann's whole house in Athens was
decorated with imitation Roman paintings taken from the pattern book produced
by the German artist William Zahn, which had been copied from wall-paintings in
Pompeii and Herculaneum. A whole genre ofpanel paintings, set in Pompeii-like
domestic interiors, was also inspired by such paintings (see e.g. Winkes, 1993). The
bronze and silver vessels and bronze furniture fittings which were unearthed at
these sites were similarly copied and reproduced. Also, poems and novels have
been and continue to be written about Pompeii and Mt Vesuvius (e.g. Sontag,
1992). One ofthe best-selling novels ofall time- Bulwer Lytton's The Last Days of
Pompeii (1834) from which numerous films have been produced, was based on
the devastation ofPompeii.
The fame which this area has acquired means that even in the closing years of
the twentieth century, many who express, or wish to be seen to express, an interest
in European culture feel duty bound to visit the remains of Pompeii. However,
the nature of this pilgrimage is multi-faceted. Many tourists are inspired to visit
this place, not necessarily because it provides the material substance to develop
their knowledge oflife during the Roman period, but because they are following
a 250-year-old tradition of cultural tourism. It is often the contribution to
European culture and sense of European identity, which Pompeii has grown to
symbolise, that lures many visitors, rather than the actual role that this town plays
in our understanding of the Roman past. Similarly, there is growing academic
interest among otherwise Roman scholars in exploring how the Vesuvian detritus
and its imagery has contributed to more recent history (e.g. Ridley, 1983;
Brilliant, 1993; de Vos, 1993; Parslow, 1995; Jenkins and Sloan, 1996; Wyke,
1997: 147-82; Moormann, 2001). In other words, 'Pompeiana' and its neoclassical
progeny in the modem world, such as Bulwer Lytton's novel, have acted to
compound an enduring, and perhaps escalating, interest in the ruins that have
resulted from Vesuvius's eruption, rather than in the original ancient city itself
IMPACT ON ROMAN RESEARCH
It is this long and widespread history ofboth popular and scholarly interest in the
Vesuvian region, and not its actual role in the socio-economics of the ancient
Roman world, which is responsible for this region's high profile in modern
studies of Roman history and archaeology. The major importance of the eruption
of Mt Vesuvius to scholarship is that it has produced a wealth of material culture
from a past society, the likes of which have not been seen before or since, and
118
P.M. ALLISON
which also have their own long history ofinvestigation. Thus the investigations of
these remains playa major part in the development of an archaeology of historical
periods and provide a useful case study in which the relationships between
historical sources and archaeological data can be explored at length.
The excavations and the study of the towns and villas destroyed by Mt
Vesuvius cover some 250 years of changing approaches to archaeology. Unlike
other historical archaeologies of more modern periods, Roman archaeology, and
particularly the role of the Vesuvian region in it, has its foundation in eighteenth­
century scholarship (see Trigger, 1989: esp. 35-72), when archaeology was
largely an antiquarian endeavour. Roman archaeology has frequently been driven
by inquiries generated by the methodological and theoretical frameworks of the
more developed and dominant disciplines of history and art history. As a conse­
quence, the towns destroyed by Vesuvius have been used as quarries for works of
art or to provide the pictures for the ancient written sources. The material remains
are used to illustrate and elucidate points and issues in ancient texts (e.g. Clarke,
1991: esp. 2-12; George, 1997). The written sources often 'set the context' (Foss,
1997: 197) for the investigation of the material remains from this region (see also
Wallace-Hadrill, 1994: 3-8). Seldom is the relationship between the two
critically investigated (e.g. Leach, 1997). Because of a pre-eminent concern for
the Roman elite in most written sources about Campania, the efforts of
archaeological investigation have often been concentrated on the elaboration
of the lives of such individuals. For example, much effort has been expended in
linking houses and other material remains to known Roman individuals or their
families, such as Villa A at Oplontis to the Poppaea timilly, the Villa at Boscoreale
to Agrippa Postumus (D'Arms, 1970: 231-2; von Blanckenhagen and Alexander,
1990: 2-3) or the Casa diJulius Polybius in Pompeii to an imperial freedman (De
Franciscis, 1988: 20).
These material remains are seen to provide many of the answers, not only for
the lives of Romans in Campania but also for all Romans. The towns and villas
destroyed by Vesuvius have become the virtual reality of daily life in the whole
Roman world. For example, the evidence for wine or oil production and storage
equipment at the Villa Pisanella at Boscoreale has been used by Peacock and
Williams (1986: 32 and fig. 10) to demonstrate how food was produced in the
Roman world. The material remains at Pompeii, Herculaneum and the many
other excavated complexes in the region, such as these so-called 'villae rusticae',
can certainly give us greater insight into the functioning of a Roman world.
However, the use of the material remains from this particular region to present a
generalised picture of Roman practices risks creating a sense of uniformity
throughout the Roman world, which is not necessarily justified or justifiable.
Certainly scholars have recently become more aware that the practice of using
material culture from any particular Roman period site to constitute 'an authentic
body ofRoman material' (Barrett, 1997: 51), as opposed to non-Roman, is naive.
The long and complex pre-Roman history of the Campanian region and the
comparative lack of importance of towns like Pompeii to ancient authors should
warn us against using these material remains to solve questions which are
CONTINC'ING
generated through unreb
habit ofRoman archaeolc
to elucidate their findint
Roman world or to 'p
W allace-Hadrill, 1997: (
critiqued.
So the influence of tb
continues to be more e:
itself However, given I
modern scholars, I am no
that the specific geogGl!
complexity of their rebb
. CURRENT SOCIO-
Those who have perhaps
of Mt V esu vius are geDel
the mid-eighteenth ceo
attentions from well--diJ
volcanic ash in the area I
town or urban centre in
modern town of Pomp
ancient one. It has deve
the workforce for the ell
souvenirs for the visitoJ
can count among their
employed in the 'scaut (
In the late nineteenth
was a point of concern
construction of one of I
accompanying orphaJlal
modern town than do d
stay overnight here but
Just as the cultural tomi
visit the Sanctuary (Sop
pilgrims often do not ,
when the entry fee is w
ofmodern Pompeii is b
in the excavations, and
itinerary. Nevertheless.
Indeed, the AD 79 e
economic activities 3I
Campania. For over ""
have been eating in loe
CONTINUING IMPACT OF THE ERUPTION OF MT VESUVIUS
investigations of
logy ofhistorical
eiliips between
,a
Isttoyed by Mt
carology. Unlike
m:haeology, and
• in eighteenth­
m:haeology was
:ady been driven
.-reworks of the
1IJIy. As a conse­
Des for works of
JDaterial remains
I:Id:s (e.g. Clarke,
..: context' (Foss,
I region (see also
tween the two
Ialt concern for
• the efforts of
the elaboration
:en expended in
lividuals or their
Ia at Boscoreale
I and Alexander,
II freedman (De
r:n. not only for
and villas
R in the whole
tion and storage
'If Peacock and
lI"Oduced in the
I and the many
I 'villae rusticae',
Roman world.
ion to present a
. of unifonnity
d or justifiable.
cactice of using
II: 'an authentic
.oman, is naIve.
region and the
authors should
t>QS which are
lDwns
119
generated through unrelated texts or which lack regional specificity. However, the
habit ofRoman archaeologists and historians ofturning to this Campanian material
to elucidate their findings in ancient texts or in often far-reaching parts of the
Roman world or to 'provide an important reference point' (Laurence and
Wallace-Hadrill, 1997: 6) is often too deep seated to be easily broken or even
critiqued.
So the influence of the Vesuvian eruption on research into the Roman world
continues to be more extensive than its impact on the ancient Roman world
itself However, given the wealth of material remains that it has provided to
modern scholars, I am not proposing that it should be otherwise. Rather, I believe
that the specific geographical and cultural contexts of these remains and the
complexity of their relationship to the written sources should be acknowledged.
. CURRENT SOCIO-ECONOMIC IMPACTS
Those who have perhaps been even more seriously affected by the AD 79 eruption
ofMt Vesuvius are generations of modem-day Pompeians and Italian industry. In
the mid-eighteenth century, when the Bourbon kings of Naples turned their
attentions from well-digging in Herculaneum to the easier task of removing
volcanic ash in the area to the south of Mt Vesuvius, there was no contemporary
town or urban centre in the immediate vicinity (Parslow, 1995: 44). Rather, the
modem town of Pompeii has grown up as a result of the excavations of the
ancient one. It has developed to meet the demands both for accommodation by
the workforce for the excavations and its management and for the sustenance and
souvenirs for the visitors. Many of the current population of modem Pompeii
can count among their family generations of members who are or have been
employed in the 'scavi' (excavations).
In the late nineteenth century this growing town's lack of religious foundation
was a point of concern for the Catholic Church, and this was alleviated by the
construction of one of the largest basilicas in the region. This complex, with its
accompanying orphanage and hospice, 'il Sanctuario', brings more visitors to the
modern town than do the excavations. Visitors to the ancient site generally do not
stay overnight here but come in package tours from Rome, Naples or Sorrento.
Just as the cultural tourists, two-thirds of whom are foreigners, do not generally
visit the Sanctuary (Soprintendenza di Pompeii, 1999: 14), many of the religious
pilgrims often do not visit the 'scavi', except perhaps on one of those Sundays
when the entry fee is waived for Italian citizens. Thus the growth and prosperity
of modern Pompeii is based mainly on the Sanctuary and its visitors, employment
in the excavations, and on those cultural tourists who prefer to design their own
itinerary. Nevertheless, all this traffic is a ramification of the Vesuvian eruption .
Indeed, the AD 79 eruption of Mt Vesuvius has greatly enhanced the socio­
economic activities and international interactions of this particular part of
Campania. For over two centuries visitors to the ancient site and the Sanctuary
have been eating in local restaurants, staying in local hotels, and buying souvenirs.
120
P.M. ALLISON
Carts outside the gates of the excavations and the basilica, which belong to
members of local families with their own memories, have for generations been
selling imitation Roman statuary and Greek vases, jewellery reputedly made from
local coral or Vesuvian lava, religious paraphernalia, guidebooks, and postcards.
The impact of this influx of both national and international visitors has been
enormous. The success of this long-term trade can perhaps be witnessed in the
continued sale of1950s postcards, not as curios but as the mementos oftwenty-first
century visits. In the last decade the profitability of these enterprises to the local
community has also been apparent in the encroachment ofbusinesses from outside
the region. Many souvenirs are now also sold by non-locals in chrome and glass
jewellers' shops in the main street ofmodem Pompeii. Armani and Benetton shops
have sprung up, as has the ubiquitous McDonalds. The small town of Pompeii,
with a foundation in archaeological labour, is now part of the 'global village'. Ten
years ago even the national language was difficult for many of these Neopolitan
speakers, but today the children of Pompeii speak English with relish.
The modern economic impact of the Vesuvian eruption is much wider than
that on the local town. The lure of Pompeii as an icon of European civilisation is
an important element in Italy's status as a major international tourist destination.
Each day each of the several thousand visitors pays approximately $USIO to gain
entry to the excavations (Fig. 7.4). The special-purpose Circumvesuviana railway
Figure 7.4
Tourists in the Via dell' Abondanza in Pompeii
Note: These are a sample of some of the many thousands of tourists, usually foreign. whose visits
constitute a volume of traffic such as the city probably never experienced in ancient times and which
make a substantial financial contribution to the local and wider Italian economy
Photograph:
P. Allison
CONTI
system brings maJ
of Pompeii and t
site is one of the j
tourism. Since U
substantial contti
ongoing struggle
funds channelled
1998 when the S
archeologica di F
has undoubtedly
cultural propeltJ
attraction to fOI
contribute to the
CONCLUSIOl
As a natural dis:
eruption ofMt \
impacts have be
remains resultitli
imagination and
remains ava~
coloured the po
implicitly, of tht
frustrating lack.
this region after
also suffered till'
But this is not d
Those who
Pompeians, m(
economy. Am
European cultlJ
catastrophe has
in general hav
Vesuvian erupt
the interpretati.
approaches. Tll
traditions and (]
concerned
:I
process, of its !
wider Roman
impact that a •
changing impal
people located
1
CONTINUING IMPACT OF THE ERUPTION OF MT VESUVIUS
dl belong to
aations been
IIy made from
md postcards.
IlOl'S has been
llleSSed in the
:.ftwenty-first
5 to the local
,from outside
tJIIle and glass
menon shops
I of Pompeii,
I village'. Ten
Il'.' Neopolitan
121
system brings many ofthem effortlessly from Naples or Sorrento right to the gates
of Pompeii and the entrance turnstiles. Besides the Vatican and its museums, this
site is one ofthe jewels ofone ofItaly's principal commercial enterprises cultural
tourism. Since 1874 the funds raised from these entrance fees have been making a
substantial contribution to the coffers of the Ministero di Beni Culturali. The
ongoing struggle for the Soprintendenza archeologica di Pompeii to have these
funds channelled back into the site's preservation and upkeep was finally won in
1998 when the Soprintendenza was granted financial autonomy (Soprintendenza
archeologica di Pompeii, 1999: 2). In the meantime the eruption of Mt Vesuvius
has undoubtedly had an important impact on the maintenance of Italy's wider
cultural property and, therefore, on the economy of modem Italy. Its magnetic
attraction to foreign visitors and its inclusion in many travel itineraries still
contribute to the flow offoreign currency into the country.
L.
II wider than
c::ivilisation is
t destination.
US 10 to gain
viana railway
" whose visits
IlleS
and which
CONCLUSIONS
As a natural disaster causing cultural change in the Roman world, the AD 79
eruption ofMt Vesuvius can be considered minor. In contrast, its more important
impacts have been on modem society. The extensive and devastated material
remains resulting from this disaster have had an overwhelming impact on popular
imagination and have made a substantial contribution to the body of material
remains available for the research of the Roman world. This seems to have
coloured the perspectives of classical scholars and the wider public, if only
implicitly, of the significance of this area to the wider Roman world. Equally, the
frustrating lack of comparable archaeological evidence and of research efforts for
this region after AD 79 seems to have created an impression that Romans generally
also suffered through the removal, even temporarily, of this once profitable area.
But this is not the case.
Those who have been most affected by the AD 79 eruption are the dead
Pompeians, modem cultural tourists, and both the local and wider Italian
economy. A major factor in the modern impact of this eruption is a sense of
European cultural identity, which the substantial and accessible debris of this
catastrophe has inspired. The disciplines of history, volcanology and archaeology
in general have also been much affected. The remains from this particular
Vesuvian eruption contribute an enormous database to current scholarship, but
the interpretations ofthis database are also heavily imbued with past emphases and
approaches. Thus critical analyses of these interpretations examination of the
traditions and of the interplay of methods and objectives of the various disciplines
concerned
are needed for more informed understandings of the eruption
process, of its social and economic impact and of the place of its debris in the
wider Roman world. The AD 79 eruption ofMt Vesuvius epitomises not only the
impact that a natural disaster can have on its immediate victims, but also the
changing impact - even over two millennia that it can have on a wide range of
people located over the entire world, as well as on a region's economic fortunes.
122
P.M. ALLISON
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I am grateful to Robin Torrence and John Grattan for inviting me to take part in
the stimulating session at WAC4 in Cape Town. I also thank Robin, Eric Moor­
mann and Estelle Lazer for comments on earlier drafts. I am especially grateful to
Eric Moormann for providing me with two unpublished papers. Further thanks
are also due to Joyce Agee and to Jaimie Lovell for assistance with the illustrations.
Much of the final section includes information from personal observations and
discussions with local residents during the last 15 years of researching in ancient
Pompeii and living in modem Pompeii, generally for several months at a time. I
wish to acknowledge all the modem Pompeians who have accommodated me in
their town.
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