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Margins : A Journal of Literature and Culture
Anub"dar Kath" (On Translation)
Krishna Kanta Handiqui
In the last Boh"g1 issue of Chetan"2 Maulvi Saiyadur
Rehman presented a brief criticism of the speech of the president
of the Sahitya Sanmilani3. I would like to say a few things about
translation _ a topic that finds a place in the presidential speech
and also the criticism of that speech. The criticism quotes
something that was said in the speech, “For us, the more
translation is abjured, the better.” My view on this issue is that
the only way to resurrect the present weak, vigourless Assamese
literature is through translations. The argument is not against
original writings, but if we remain entirely dependent on original
writings, then we will only have those of our books about which
the president has himself said: “How long shall we have to remain
content with such stuff ?” In talking about the future direction
of Assamese literature now, we will have to see what methods
were employed in literatures as weak and emaciated as Assamese
at present. There is no need to give examples from literatures
such as English, French and German which have become well
established through long periods of concerted effort.4 Let us
look at the well developed Czech literature which had remained
emaciated for a long time and then suddenly grew into maturity.
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217
Our people have got to hear about the Czechs more since the
beginning of the Great War.5 They live in the Austrian provinces
of Bohemia, Moravia and many areas of Northern Hungary.
They are a Slavonic group of people. Like ancient Assamese
literature, ancient (at least from the eighth century A.D.) Czech
literature too was very prosperous. However, when Bohemia lost
its independence6 in the beginning of the seventeenth century
(1620) Czech literature was almost completely wiped out. Czech
language was no longer taught in the schools; numerous Czech
books were burnt. Czech literature had to face extreme suppression
under the unsympathetic Austrian regime. In the beginning of
the nineteenth century Czech literature experienced a sudden
resurrection. Then after some time the light of Czech literature
burnt so bright that in the history of literature there is hardly
anything comparable with this tremendous improvement
following extreme decline. But how did Czech literature revive
after being in the throes of death for almost two hundred years?
The root of this revival is in translation _ .” The early revival of
the Bohemian language was very modest and at first almost
exclusively translations from foreign languages were published.”7
Towards the later part of the eighteenth century a very brilliant
Czech, Dobrovský,8 appeared on the scene. Dobrovský wrote the
history of ancient Czech literature, did serious research on Slavic
linguistics, and made the future resurrection of Czech literature
possible. However, he wrote mostly in German and Latin and
not Czech. The real revival of Czech language and literature was
mainly ensured by the efforts of four others _ Professor
Jungmann,9 Professor Kollár,10 Professor Šafárik11 and Palacký.12
What did Jungmann do? He devoted himself to making
translations. He started publishing numerous Bohemian
translations of English and German texts. He also translated
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from French. Among his translations, Milton’s Paradise Lost is
of special importance. Besides, Jungmann compiled a large
dictionary13 and discussed linguistics. Anyway, it is through
translations that he began his literary life. Professor Šafárik also
published translations, but not as many as Jungmann. His
importance, along with Kollar and Palacký was in other things.
It is not that only these four were engaged in translations in this
age of new beginnings in Czech literature; there were other
authors, too, but they were less talented. There also appeared
another great translator whose name was Honk.14 He made
numerous translations from languages like German and Russian.15
Even after the establishment of a firm foundation for Czech
literature, the translation activities continued. In the second half
of the nineteenth century appeared the brilliant Jaroslav
Vrchlický.16 He has added to the glory of Czech literature by
writing some 250 books. There were translations also among
these 250 books – some 50 translations of poetry, over 35
translations of drama and 6 prose translations. What was the
need for so many translations by Vrchlický? In answer to this
question, a worthy critic has said, “.....before Czech literature can
become truly national, it must first be made international.” We
should pay special attention to this statement. The different ways
in which our writers respond to this will have a lasting effect on
the future of Assamese literature.
The same can be observed in the fully evolved literature of
Hungary. From almost the end of the ninth century to the
beginning of the eighteenth century Hungarian literature was
rich like old Assamese literature. From the first part of the
eighteenth century almost to 1772 A.D. it was in a very poor
state. The Hungarian language was no longer taught in schools;
Latin came to be used in the schools and the courts; and French
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and German were favoured in learned circles. But when, towards
the end of the eighteenth century the Austrian emperor Joseph
II sought to completely do away with the Hungarian language,
Hungarian law, rules, etc, then the whole Hungarian nation, hurt
at the curtailment of national freedom, prepared to devote itself
to recovering Hungarian national pride through reviving
Hungarian language and literature.17 Because of the great
improvement in Hungarian literature from 1772 to 1867 until
Hungary wrested full independence from Austria, and from then
until the present time there has been great progress in Hungarian
literature, and during this period some great writers in world
literature appeared. Hungarian literature is said to have undergone
a resurrection from 1772, i.e., from the later part of the eighteenth
century. What did the authors of this period do? Original writers
were certainly there, and among them some were talented, but
translation played an extremely important role during this
resurrection of Hungarian literature; translation became a highly
valuable component of this invigoration of national literature.
Báróczi started translating from French, Péczeli made
numerous translations from English and French. Baróti translated
Virgil and Virág translated Horace, and during this period of
literary consolidation, extremely valuable work was done through
translations by the scholarly Kazinczy who is compared with
people like Doctor Johnson and Carlyle. Kazinczy started
publishing various translations from Shakespeare, Goethe, Moliere
and others. From 1791, he started producing a large number of
translations of very carefully selected texts. When, in 1830, even
after Hungarian national literature was firmly established, the
Hungarian Academy of Science was formed with donations and
encouragement from the great Széchenyi,18 then the Academy
started publishing translations of the best works of foreign
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authors on History, Philosophy, Law and Science, including
amongst others almost all the standard works of English literature.
We will see the same thing if we study Yugoslav history.
Let us look at Serbia. From the thirteenth century onwards,
Serbian literature was going through both good and bad times,19
but this literature was being written in an artificial language not
understood by the common people. Serbian language was not
the vehicle of Serbian literature; Church Slavonic, a language of
old scriptures was the dominant language just as, in the political
arena, Turkey exerted an unnatural degree of dominance over
Serbia. The Serbian language was used for literature in a province
called Dalmatia which was not under Turkey, but in Serbia, the
main country for Serbian, the language was in a pitiable condition.
In the second half of the eighteenth century there appeared an
erudite person called Dositej Obradoviæ.20 If we leave aside the
literature of Dalmatia which is outside Serbia, then after 500
years of the appearance of Serbian literature, it was because of
the efforts of Obradoviæ that there was hope for the first
appearance of Serbian literature in Serbia. He is the first person
to have dared to write in the Serbian language of Serbia.
Obradoviæ first wrote an autobiography describing his eventful
life; and he knew quite a few languages of which he made good
use. He brought out a book of folktales with translations from
Aesop, Lessing and Fontaine and with original notes; and he
published a translation of church homilies; translated into Serbian
some moral precepts culled from the works of St. John
Chrysostom, and after some time also brought out a similar
translation of moral precepts from English. From the Italian he
translated some of the works of Svevo21 and Gozzi,22 and from
the English he translated some essays from Johnson’s Rambler
and some from the Spectator and from the Guardian. These were
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the first compositions in the mother tongue of the people of
Serbia. Serbian writer Mijatovic23 has said that the Serbian readers
are the creation of Obradoviæ. Karad• iæ24 the reformer who came
after Obradoviæ translated the Bible, and he did really valuable
work in writing a dictionary and a grammar, and making a
collection of Serbian folk songs.25
From the days of Obradoviæ and subsequently after 1804
when freedom from Turkey’s yoke was announced, Serbian
literature has achieved excellence, especially in poetry. The
influence of the example of translation that Obradoviæ set in
the early stages of Serbian literature remained even after him.
Among the works of foreign literatures translated into Serbian
are included many English texts – from Robinson Crusoe to
Paradise Lost . King Peter himself translated Mill’s work
concerning freedom. Scholarly texts of Darwin, Huxley, Berkeley
and others have been translated. Among the highly esteemed poets
some took to translating foreign poems. Hungarian literature was
once compelled to take help from other literatures, but how fortune
turns round! Now Hungarian literature in its turn was able to help
others. Popular Serbian poet Jovanoviæ26 translated the works of
Hungarian poets Arany27 and the famous Petofi28 besides the work
of other foreign poets. Laza Kostiæ29 and Stefanoviæhave translated
a lot from Shakespeare and the English poets respectively. Some
time ago, Bishop Uccellini translated Dante’s Divine Comedy and
dedicated it to the entire Serbian nation. Among novels, the works
of Dickens, George Eliot and others got translated long ago. Thus,
although English is not used in Serbia as it is used in our country,
the English language has been put to good use. The same holds
good in case of many other countries.
However, in the literatures mentioned above, good original
works also appeared along with the translations, and the real
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pride of a literature is in its original texts. Now, if the need for
translations was felt in spite of the publication of original work,
then no one can deny the fact that translations are all the more
necessary in a literature with just a few original writings most of
which are of poor quality.30
I am using the term translation in a very broad sense. In
view of the present condition of our literature, we may perhaps
talk of adaptations rather than translations. Real translations
are extremely difficult. There is a famous saying of Virgil that
translating Homer is more difficult than wrenching Hercules’
club from him, or, translating Kalidasa is more difficult than
wrenching the club from Bhima’s hand. Modern European critics
have vested very heavy responsibilities on the translator. The
Kavvar has said that “a perfect translation will be
German critic Ka
exactly like the original.” However, this is certainly an extreme
opinion. Another German writes in English that “the translator
can hope to realize the full meaning of the original only if he
can translate the exact impression, thought and feeling of each
particular sentence, each particular word without any loss
whatsoever.”31 It is doubtful if a translator has been able to follow
all such advice from the critics. Besides, if European critics say
that translating from one European language to another European
language _ both linked in terms of thought and language _ is
difficult, then it must certainly be even more difficult to translate
from a European language into a distant Indian regional language.
Similarly, it is very difficult to translate from a language like
Sanskrit with a rich vocabulary and numerous skills of
composition into a language like Assamese with a smaller
vocabulary and fewer skills. Translation is certainly very difficult
and the demands of the critics are also very harsh, but there is no
reason for us to be afraid. Eighteenth century French philosopher
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and aesthetician Charles Batteux,32 talking about translation in
his book on ‘theory of literature’33 said that translation could be
of two kinds. One kind of translation is so exact and beautiful
that it can replace the original. Such translation of verse is
impossible. This type of translation34 does not aspire to replace
the original, but only helps in realizing its meaning. Dryden calls
such translations ‘paraphrase’. The German scholar mentioned
earlier, however, does not even call these things translations at all;
he gives them a place below real translations. Even if he says that,
and even if the term ‘paraphrase’ is somewhat derogatory, there
is a need for simple translation of meaning, too.
If literary beauty is not lost, then sometimes translation can
be word for word, but to do a complete word for word translation
would be to destroy the literary beauty of the translation. Roman
poet Horace has mentioned this in his small book of verse called
Ars Poetica. However, scholarly and critical translations of various
ancient texts, original philosophy books, law books etc. are made
as word-for-word as possible. Such translations made under strict
rules are called metaphrase by Dryden. However, the translations
of even these texts _ if they are to be intelligible to the general
people _ must be simple with mainly explanations of the meanings.
Erudite specialists will make precise translations, but these will
not be for the general people. Similarly, translations of school texts
will also be different. Translations suitable for schools and colleges
are generally characterized by being word-for-word because exact
precision is the objective to be achieved. However, translations made
for the general public must not be of this kind because the main
aim to be achieved by such translations is beauty. The Latin text
Satyricon is not a text for university courses; for certain reasons, it
we translated a part of
cannot be one. Hence, when Professor Lo
Low
this book, he said that since his translation was not meant to be a
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text for a course, he has made it usable by the general people by
making a free translation.
Considering this condition of Assamese literature,35 there is
no need to listen to the critics referred to earlier. In many cases,
whether the critics will be fully satisfied or not is also not clear.
American litterateur Bayard Taylor translated Goethe’s Faust with
so much care and effort, and a few famous German critics praised
the translation, but presenting a long and detailed discussion of
the book in his critical work (published by the University of
Columbia), Juliana Haskell says that on the one hand Taylor’s
translation is not Goethe, and on the other it is not even English.
However, the critic cannot call his translation entirely useless because
there is no doubt that it has some specific good qualities. Exactly
in the same manner Matthew Arnold takes six English translations
and dismisses them as bad _ two for lacking action, another two
for not being straightforward in language, one for not being
straightforward in thought, and another for not being noble _
and thus shows them as unsuccessful. Keats wrote a poem
welcoming and praising Chapman’s translation, but Keats didn’t
know Greek, so who is he to judge? If it is then asserted that all
these translations are useless, and none has enriched English
literature, then nothing would be further from the truth. Matthew
Arnorld himself does not say such things. Even after being harshly
critical he says that the translation by Pope will be able to enthuse
the general people. Again, Bentley36 said that Pope’s translation
was a good poem, but it was not Homer at all. True, scholars well
versed in Greek and Latin may not see it as Homer, but to judge
from the standpoint of popular literature, for thousands of English
people who cannot read a single letter of Greek or Latin it is enough
if it is a good poem; and if it is indeed good poetry, then it will at
least give some sense of Homer.
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Let us take another example. Doctor Chalc
Chalchh has written a
book criticising the English translations of the prose plays of
the two famous dramatists of modern German literature
Hoffmann and Sudermann. Pointing out various errors in these
translations he says that the readers are deceived by such
translations and it also amounts to deceiving the two original
writers, and the translations are wrong. However, he would himself
not like to call these translations entirely weak and useless because
lots of good things are also there in them, and critics would also
certainly acknowledge these good things. Besides, no one can say
that English literature, poorer than German or French literatures
in translations, has not found nourishment from these
translations. There is no doubt that hundreds of readers who do
not know the original German are able to taste the beauty of
German literature through these translations; however, there is
also no doubt that better translations than these are needed.
We may now not worry about the kind of criticism mentioned
above. It is not a sign of good criticism to judge the first translations
of a literature with such criticism. Then what should our translations
at present be like? There is need for a thorough discussion on this.
Let us listen to the advice of Goethe. The great poet has mentioned
this subject in his autobiography. Talking about translation he says,
“Fortunately we Germans were first introduced to many great foreign
works through easy and enjoyable forms.” The crux of Goethe’s
assertion is that first these translations were not constant wrestlings
with the originals, not very precise and accurate translations, but
simple paraphrase-like translations. Goethe wishes to keep the precise,
accurate translations confined to the narrow bounds of the scholars;
he does not think that these translations can serve the general public.
During prosperous periods of literature powerful translators may
emerge and they may not pay attention to this argument, but for the
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condition in which our literature is at present, what Goethe says
from his experience is true to the letter. If such translations were
useful even for German literature at one time, then no one can doubt
that such translations would certainly be good for Assamese literature.
Let us take a bigger example than this. What Goethe has
said holds true for English literature of the Elizabethan Age. The
Elizabethan Age is a very rich age of English literature. Along with
original writings, there was a wave of translations in this age. One
translator even came to be called ‘Translator General’.37 The
translations were generally made from Greek or Latin, but most of
the translators knew little Latin, and their knowledge of Greek
was even poorer. Most of them made use of French and Italian
translations (of the original Latin or Greek) and all of them did
their translations without much regard for the original. Then the
translations must have been bad! But no, they were not bad at all;
as literature, they are of great value. The translators of this age
were first writers, translators only after that. As a result, “their
books carry with them the lively air of originals”38 They did not
just translate the Greek and Roman authors into a new language,
they brought them into a new age and a new sensitivity. Sir Thomas
North translated Plutarch’s Lives39 using a French translation,40
but this is considered the best Elizabethan translation. No surprise
in that because Sir Thomas ‘played upon English prose as upon an
organ’ and his translation had a beauty of its own. There were
translators who knew the original Greek and Latin, for instance
Philemon Holland, but even his translations did not reflect the
exact original. Many translation were done from Spanish and French
too; these also in the same manner.
In terms of scholarship, these translations must be of lesser
value. Inquisitive students of the twentieth century will leave these
and go for modern, research-based translations, but that does
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227
not matter. The translators just did not care about scholarship;
their only aim was to popularize these works among the people,
to acquaint them with foreign literary gems in their own mother
tongue. A translator wrote in his preface that the Romans once
won England with their swords, but now the English would defeat
the Romans by winning Latin literature through their writings.
From this one can understand how practical their objectives were.
Devoted researchers of today who seek knowledge for its own
sake would hardly make such claims. How much work these
translators who did not fear the originals actually accomplished!
Char
les Huiw
aley said that the Renascence in England became
Charles
Huiwaley
possible because of the enthusiasm of such translators. They are
the people who brought the English nation to a new kingdom of
thought and imagination. Shakespeare borrowed the plots of
some of his plays from the works of these non-scholarly
translators. Sir Thomas North’s translation of Plutarch (actually
a translation of a translation), Painter’s treasure-house of
translated tales The Palace of Pleasure and other such books
were of aid to all writers, the great ones and the minor ones.
Another example illustrating Goethe’s statement can be seen
in the literature of his neighbouring island some two hundred years
before his birth. Goethe’s statement will hold good for our dead
literature, too; in it future translators will find their own directions.
Hence, with enough respect for detailed, critical translations, for
translations done according to theory, and acknowledging the
usefulness of such translations, we can still come to the conclusion
that “now there is no need to keep wrestling with the original;
communicating the meaning of the original in a simple manner,
without contradicting the original is enough.” At places the translation
can be quite literal or word for word for the sake of being true to the
original if this does not harm the beauty of the translation.
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Keeping such general things in mind, every translator will
have to decide on his or her method in accordance with the special
qualities of the original text. As a result, each translation will
have its own kind of beauty, and these special qualities will be so
independent of anything else that one may say that the original
itself is not just one monolithic thing, and that the different
translations reflect the different possibilities of the original. At
present there are no examples to cite from out literature, but if
Gunabhiram Sarma’s and Ratnadhar Sarma’s translations appear
in the Hemchandra Granthavali, then they will be good
illustrations for what I have been saying here.
It is translation of this kind that will help in building the
foundation of Assamese literature. The place of translations of
this kind is certainly higher than the second class of translations
mentioned by Charles Batteux; nor is it low class ‘paraphrase’.
The ideal for this kind of translation is the kind produced during
the Elizabethan Age. The translators of this class are creative
writers first, and translators later. To take a distant example, one
can point out the Russian poet Zhukovsky.41 According to the
German critic Professor Bruckner, Zhukovsky is the most original
of all translators in world literature, and his translations have
become adaptations. Zhukovsky translated Homer’s Odyssey, but
the book he produced is not Homer’s Odyssey, it is Zhukovsky’s
Odyssey. The incidents are Homer’s, the chronology of the story
and the description are all Homer’s, but Zhukovsky has made all
this his own by adding a soft sentimental and moral touch. This
was only an illustration in the context of ideals for translation.
This was about translation that ended up as adaptation;
let us now talk about ‘free’ adaptations. It is completely different
from translation although Dryden has called it imitation and a
type of translation. Such adaptations are more difficult than
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229
translations because more originality is needed for them. If
translation is like wrenching Bhima’s mace from his hand, then
adaptation is like killing the lesser warriors of the Kauravas – if
not Duryodhana himself – with the mace. Often, the thought
and imagination of the original, brought into the confines of
one’s own imagination, seems unnatural. It is certainly difficult
to translate Meghaduta, but to take Meghaduta’s thought and
compose another poem like that is even more difficult. After
Meghaduta, several dutas appeared in Sanskrit literature, but none
of them is like Meghaduta at all. That is why I say that translation
is easier than free adaptation, and can be taken up by more people.
The only real novel in our literature, Manomati42 is an excellecnt
example of an adaptation inspired by originality. Even if not
endorsed by history, Dwijendralal’s43 Katyayan in his play
Chandragupta is a wonderful literary creation. However, it is not
impossible that the scholarly Dwijendralal was influenced in his
creation by what was retained in his imagination from his reading
of the Spanish playwright Echegaray’s44 Mariana . . . . . . . . . .45
Even if this inference turns out to be true it is not a matter of
shame for Dwijendralal _ such is the autonomy and originality
of this adaptation. From this one can see the difference between
translation that becomes an adaptation and autonomous
adaptation. Both are very difficult, and not everyone can attain
proficiency in them.
In regard to translation there is one more thing about which
one needs to be cautious. One will not be successful if any novel,
play, verse or story is taken up for translation into Assamese
without trying to find out if that text is suitable for translation
into Assamese. All the books by the same author may not be
suitable for translation, especially in this condition of Assamese
literature. Suppose some of the works of the great German poet
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Goethe are to be translated. If one just picks up any one of Goethe’s
works and starts translating, all the labour might go waste. He has
written many books out of which I think the following, if translated
into Assamese, should be able to find favour with the readers: first,
The Sorrows of Young Werther the book which was read seven
times by Napoleon, second, the play Clavigo, third, the novel called
Elective Affinities , fourth, Goethe’s autobiography. The
autobiography is important not simply because it is the record of
the life of a great man; with warm advice and simplicity, it is like a
novel full of true happenings. It is full of so many things – love
story (it is surprising that readers of the modern age seem to find
the pleasure of an imaginary love story in Goethe’s actual love
story), spoken language, written language, translation, university,
poetry and a host of other topics are introduced and briefly
discussed. I am not saying that Goethe’s other works cannot be
translated into Assamese. If a powerful translator appears, then
his best work Faust will certainly be translated. However, it will be
difficult for general readers to appreciate the beauty of some of its
portions (from the second part). Most of his other plays are rooted
in European history and legend, and hence their Assamese
translations will not be very interesting. The two long novels
Wilhelm Meister’s Apprentice and Wilhelm Meister’s Travels will
of
essor Thomas says it is
also not be so interesting. From what Pr
Prof
ofessor
clear that even European readers do not like these two novels. The
big novels of Victor Hugo, Dumas and others will be much more
popular, but people who come forward to translate Goethe’s lyrical
poems will find an endless mine of riches in his works. However,
only those who can create the beautiful rhythm of Assamese verse
(we have some writers who can do this) should attempt this.
All the books by the same author are not suitable for
translation. In case of some authors, most books are not suitable
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231
for translation. If we consider the work of the modern European
dramatists, then the works of Echegaray from Spain, Rostand
from France, Gogol, Ostrovsky from Russia, Hauffmann,
Sudermann from Germany, – these will be more popular with
our readers than the works of Ibsen, Jönsson, Strindberg, from
Scandinavia, and also perhaps Annunzio from Italy. However, it
is not quite right to make a general statement like this. It is better
to take each particular work by an author and try to determine
its suitability for translation.
For translations of the kind suggested above, there is
another important thing to consider. Many unnecessary parts
can be left out altogether because many a time certain parts do
not go well with our taste and experience. However, it’s a different
matter with detailed, ‘critical’ translations; we are not talking about
those. According to many, Manzoni’s I Promessi sposi is the best
novel in Italian literature. On the issue of translating this novel
into German Goethe said that the translator must leave aside
many things in the novel (things that the German readers would
not like). The same thing will apply in our case, too, particularly
when translating foreign novels and stories. In translating from
Sanskrit, many long sam"sas46 will have to be left out. Breaking
down each sam"sa and translating in that way will result in the
‘critical’ translation mentioned by Goethe.
Another thing to be noted about translation of drama is
that we do not have any skill in acting, and hence, the translation
will have to be of a literary kind.47 The translation of many
charming plays will not be appreciated because of the poor
condition of our stage and also because of the unpreparedness
of our audience. One must remember that there can be no
improvement in dramatic literature if there is no improvement
in the condition of the stage. In the history of literature, a very
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close connection is seen between the stage and literature. It is the
improvement of the stage in Japan that has resulted in a great
demand for many good translations of foreign plays (English,
French, Italian, etc.)
In case of the translation of poetry it is to be noted that
sometimes the prose translation of verse can be very beautiful.
Everyone knows about the English prose translation of Gitanjali.
Goethe too is for the prose translation of verse. Often, the
problems created by rhyme and rhythm are such that the
translation of a poem does not convey everything that is required.
Hence, depending on the situation, both prose and verse
translation of poetry should be done. Similarly, prose translations
of many free verse plays will also be quite beautiful.
There may be an objection about translation – the objection
concerning knowledge of the source language. We have very few
people who can translate from languages other than English; but
the translators will have no rest even translating from only English.
Also, the door of the English language can be used to enter into
all foreign literatures. It is good to know languages like German
and French, but there is no use sitting idle because of not knowing
these languages. There are beautiful English translations of many
good books in those languages. These are our sources. In
translating the stories of Nala and Damayanti and Sohrab and
Rustam the Russian poet Zukhovsky used German translations
because he did not know the source languages. When the Russian
historian Karamzin48 translated Julius Caeser into Russian, he
used a French translation as his source because he did not know
English. Victor Hugo’s novels were first translated into Japanese
from English translations of the novels, but later there were
translators who could translate from the original French. The
best examples of such translations are the translations of the
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233
Elizabethan Age mentioned above. Most of these were not
translations from the original Greek or Latin, but translations
of French or Italian translations. Among these, Thomas Nicolls’
translation of Thucydides49 is from the French translation of
the Latin translation of the Greek original. Although these simple
and free translations are not exact translations, they are beautiful
as literature, and hence they occupy a high position in English
literature of the age. Hence, if we do not know the original
language – such as French and German – we can just translate
those books from their English translations.50
II
One question that may arise in this issue is this: Will
translations from foreign literatures prove a hindrance to the
preservation of the national character of our literature? There is
actually no basis for such an anxiety. Let us take the example of
modern Japanese literature. Japan is at the boundary of the east,
more eastern than us. Numerous foreign books have been translated
into Japanese, but Japanese literature has not lost its national
character and has not become foreign. To maintain one’s national
character in a useful and practical manner one must accept the
good qualities of foreign cultures and still retain one’s national
character; otherwise it will be a national character of the “frog-inthe-well” variety. Let us discuss the issue of Japanese translations
properly for we can get many practicable hints from this.
The first thing is to observe the difference in what the
Japanese did by learning a foreign language and what we do by
learning a foreign language. Among foreign languages, Dutch
was the first to enter Japan. From the seventeenth century onwards
the Japanese Government did not allow any European nation
except Holland to have trade relations with Japan, and the
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Government also passed an order barring the Japanese from having
anything to do with European languages and literatures. Thus,
only a few interpreters could speak some Dutch. In the beginning
of the eighteenth century they requested the Government for
permission to read Dutch books. The permission was granted,
and from then the Dutch language was learnt – not in schools,
but with one’s own personal enthusiasm and hard work. After
learning Dutch, the clever Japanese did not just sit idle, they
dealt with all the difficulties of the foreign tongue, and got ready
to translate Dutch books. First books on medicine and similar
topics were translated. The physician Noro51 translated a book
of botany, and this was the first book of European science to be
translated into Japanese. After this, in 1774, Maeno52, Sugita53
and Nakagawa54 – these three and also with help from a few
others – translated a Dutch book on human physiology (Tafel
Anatomia) with a lot of hard work. The translation of this book
began in 1771, and the influence of this book on Japan’s
subsequent history has been such that Japanese scholar Dr
Dr.. Ukita
th
has said that ‘the 4 of March, 1771, was the day on which New
Japan was born. What he said was true. The translations from
Dutch continued. In the beginning of the nineteenth century
the Government also began to see reason, and its opposition to
foreign literatures weakened. The Government formed a
Translation Bureau, and Dutch language-expert Otsuki55 was
employed to make translations. In the non-government sector,
Udagawa56 translated some Dutch books of medicine, and the
Government later commissioned him also for translations. At
the same time, one writer used European books and wrote a book
on physics in 1826, and then another writer translated a primary
text of chemistry. After a few years there appeared others who
knew English and French. However, in 1848 the Government
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235
again turned against translation, and banned the study of Dutch
medicine except surgery. The Government perceived the influence
of foreign democratic thought as a threat, and opposed the spread
of foreign systems of knowledge among the people, and even
imprisoned some people. But it wasn’t possible to stop the flow
of this river in full spate. Takano57 who was imprisoned ran away
and started translating under another name. When the
Government tried to arrest him again, he committed suicide. In
1854 Sugita resigned from the government position of translator,
got into translation on his own, and published an eight-volume
translation of a book on the use of guns. Meanwhile, some
translations of books on medicine also were published.
We have talked about the translation of books of medicine.
There was improvement in the field of medicine because of these
translations, and thus national health in Japan improved. Then it
was the turn of political science, because without reform in the
field of political rule, knowledge, education and happiness can
hardly be stable. With the spread of western ideas the Japanese
started clamouring for autonomy/democracy. Although the
Japanese Government behaved cruelly at times it was basically
sympathetic towards the demands of the people: after all it was
their own government, not a foreign power. After about fifteen
years of agitation throughout the country Japan got its Parliament.
The first request for the formation of a parliament was received
in 1877 and the Imperial Diet was created in 1890. There was a
very intimate connection between the translation of foreign books
and the powerful popular demand for the autonomy of
democracy. Professor Ukita, Count Okuma, and Count Itagaki
said that the people got these political ideas through the enterprise
of the great Fukuzawa58 who started translating foreign books
on democracy (on topics like ‘The Rights of the People’, ‘National
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Rights’, ‘The Method of Debate in the English Parliament’, etc).
Mitsukari translated the civil code of France and another (Toku
Suke Nakae) translated Rousseau’s Social Contract, the book
which had proved to be the seed that germinated into the French
Revolution. Professor Hag
Hagaa59 has said that the translation of
Rousseau’s book resulted in the spread of democratic ideals
among the people in such a manner that according to many it
was because of this that the government had to promise in 1881
that within a period of 10 years constitutional rule would be
actualized. During this time Spencer’s …….,60 Buckle’s two
histories of civilization61 – books of this kind also contributed
to the spread of new ideas. Also, one must note the special
contribution of Nakamura’s62 translation of Mill’s essay on
freedom, the American Constitution and the farewell speech of
George Washington. Nakamura also translated Smile’s63 Self Help
and Character. At the same time, the government undertook a
very valuable work – the translation of an English encyclopedia
(Chambers’ Encyclopedia). On the other hand, Fujimaro Tanaka64
returned from abroad and published a book about foreign systems
of education and started translating. He translated some
American school laws and some books on education into Japanese.
Thus, with the help of translations and adaptations of
foreign books – we must especially note both these things – the
Japanese were taught many things about the western world and
they were thus led on the road of real education. There is hardly
any example of such devotion to education and learning in our
country. Fukuzawa also wrote some other useful books, most of
which were translations and adaptations. Another person who
made translations was the educationist Murakami in whose
French school the French language was taught. For this the French
Government gave him titles.
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237
We haven’t yet talked about the translation of literature. From
1771 we have reached almost near 1882 in our discussion. Modern
Japanese literature has still not appeared. Only, from what started
in 1771, a powerful age of education and political action has started.
Many government and private schools have appeared and in them
only English was not being taught as in India, but French, German,
Russian and Dutch languages were also taught in some. Western
science is gradually spreading. Compulsory primary education for
both boys and girls has started (1872). Towards the end of this
period (1877) the University of Tokyo is established (later to
become the Imperial University of Tokyo); and the idea of private
universities has also cropped up. Boys are being sent abroad for
higher education. Agitation continues in the field of politics,
Itagaki65 has established the Risshisha66 schools, and is spreading
the message of democracy/autonomy. Schools like these should
have been developed in India long ago, but that hasn’t happened.
From 1861, newspapers also were out, but it would still take some
more time for the appearance of monthly magazines. During this
period translation mainly helped in the spread of education, new
ideas and new thoughts. The Japanese did not have time yet to use
translation and improve literature. Along with the spread of
university education, philosophical books on Bentham’s67
Havvel
el’s psychology etc. were also translated, but the
utilitarianism, Ha
main elements that constitute literature, poetry, drama and novels
were still without the bright new influence.
Dr. Ukita has called 1771 the year of the birth of the new
Japan. 1882 is the year of the birth of new Japanese literature. In
1882, three Japanese writers together published some new poems
based on poems with foreign rhyme and rhythm. This also
included translations of poems by Longfellow, Tennyson, Grey
etc. This was the beginning of a new age in Japanese literature
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not because the new poems were particularly beautiful but because
they were the first Japanese poems written in a foreign style. Also
from 1882, translations of foreign plays, poetry, novels, stories,
etc. were taken up.
In 1883, a novel by Lytton68 was translated into Japanese,
and this was the beginning of the translation of foreign novels.
Some of the scientific novels of Jules Verne were also translated,
and novels were being written in a foreign style. Two persons
took special interest in the spread of foreign literature. One was
Professor Tsubouchi69 and the other an army sergeant-general
Ôgai Mori70 who was an expert in the German language. Ôgai
Mori came a few years after Tsubouchi to the work in the field
of literature, and Professor Tsubouchi is called the founder of
modern Japanese literature. Tsubouchi started a discussion of
English literature in his magazine Waseda Bungaku71, brought
out a Japanese translation of Julius Caeser, and wrote a large
history of English literature in Japanese. From 1889 Ôgai Mori
started his drive to popularize literature. It is somewhat surprising
that a doctor made immense contribution to the enrichment of
Japanese literature. The medical students of the Imperial
University at that time were taught German. After learning
German the patriotic Ôgai Mori translated many works from
German into his mother tongue _ the writings of many German
poets such as Goethe, Kleist72 and Heine73 He also wrote original
stories based on German examples, but he did real service to
Japanese literature by making many translations from the
prosperous German literature and by teaching methods of literary
analysis to the Japanese.
Another literary event which is noteworthy in this
discussion of translation in Japan is the establishment of the
magazine called Kokumin-no-tomo or Friend of the People by
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239
senior litterateur Sohô Tokutomi74 in 1887. This magazine started
publishing translations and discussions of foreign literatures.
Morita Shiken75 started translating French books like The Blind
Messenger, Jubel the Detective, and Les Misérables from English
translations into Japanese and publishing them in Kokumin-notomo. Other writers started producing various translations from
jinif77 etc. Working with another
Byron, Shakespeare, Calderon76,Tar
arjinif
person, Ôgai Mori brought out a journal – Shigarami sôshi.78
English literature was being discussed in Professor Tsubouchi’s
Waseda Bungaku, while discussions of German literature were
started in Shigarami sôshi. The spread of ideas about foreign
literature received a further boost when, in 1895, when the College
of Literature graduates from the Imperial University brought out
Teikoku Bungaku79 complete with discussions and translations of
foreign literatures. Among the numerous newspapers and
periodicals of Japan these three are very famous.
In this discussion of translation in Japan two women
translators have to be mentioned. One is Ôgai Mori’s sister80
who, like her brother, translated from German literature.81 She
translated Enoch Arden82 and other works. Together, they
translated Shakespeare. Victor Hugo’s Les Misérables was
of
essor Hag
translated twice. Then Pr
Prof
ofessor
Hagaa said that the late Koyo
83
was translating Notre Dame even on his death bed. Japanese
hi,84 famous for his translations of novels, said that
writer Noguc
Noguchi,
along with the spread of western education people started to
realize that the major western novels were far superior to the
earlier Japanese novels. In 1903 alone some 50 foreign novels
were translated into Japanese – the writings of important authors
like Dumas, Daudet, and George Eliot.
Various scholarly, philosophical, and scientific books were
also translated along with verse, drama and novels. The scholar
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Miyake85 says that the number of philosophy books in Japanese is
increasing every year, and that even without reading the philosophy
books, the general theories of philosophy can be known.
This was a brief description of translation work in Japanese.
Have these numerous translations of foreign books transformed
the literature of this far eastern country into an alien, foreign
literature? Let us listen to what the Japanese have said in answer
to this question. Discussing about the translations Professor Haga
says that “Fortunately we have now honestly accepted the
independent beauty and good qualities of western literature
without harming our own individual characteristics in the least.”
Another Japanese professor (Dr. Inazô Nitobe86) has summed
up all foreign influences as ‘Japanisation of European influences’.
It is not a superficial acceptance of European influence,
“European influence has simply helped our own mind in releasing
its wealth, in creating again its own ideas.” These are things said
from extensive experience, and nothing can be more valuable than
what is realised through experience. Translating from foreign
literatures will make our literature foreign – there is no basis for
such an anxiety. Translations from foreign literatures will help us
build the foundation of our literature just as the Japanese built
the foundation of their literature through translations.
There are several reasons why it is easy for us to make what
is foreign our own. First, because of the constant influence of
foreign education and civilization we see many foreign things as
our own; second, keeping in mind the universality of literature,
we can leave aside the purely foreign points; third, we can focus
on the autonomy and originality of the process of translation
and adaptation, in other words, on assimilation.
If in the twentieth century the Japanese have given an
example of assimilation then that is only a small repetition of
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241
history because at least twenty three hundred years before that
the Romans had shown their talent and skill in assimilating foreign
literature and culture. How did ancient Latin literature actually
begin? Mainly through translations from Greek. In the third
century B.C. during the real growth of Latin literature Livius
Andronicus87 translated many tragedies from Greek to Latin.
Livius also translated Homer. It was during this period that the
playwright Plautus88 also translated Greek plays and produced free
adaptations of Greek plays. After that even Ennius89 – whom the
Romans considered the father of their national literature –also
translated Greek plays into Latin. Cicero, even more famous than
him, also translated – among others, from the Greek poet Aratas,90
and the historian Xenophon.91 In his vast history of Roman
literature Professor Tajfel92 said that Cicero was especially gifted in
assimilating foreign ideas. He could transform them in new ways
and make them easily acceptable. In this way, Latin literature is
immensely indebted to Greek literature. However, compared to
Greek literature’s foreignness before Latin, European literature is a
thousand times more foreign for us or the Japanese. That is why
the example of the Japanese is so eminently suitable for us.93
The literariness of literature and its true pride certainly
does not depend on translation but on original writings, but the
relation between translation and original writings depends on
the condition of original writings. When talented writers appear,
when powerful poets, novelists, story-writers, playwrights and
scholarly writers appear then the place of translation will certainly
go down, but now when we do not have anything, translations
must come first. The original writers of today will certainly keep
writing. There are a few good writers among them; no one can
deny what is good. Translations will not present any hurdle in
their literary creations.
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Then what should we do? This question will naturally be
asked. The answer was given by the Russain empress Catherine in
the eighteenth century. Russian literature then was not spectacular
on the world stage. Compared to Assamese literature today it
was still very prosperous, but in European terms it was very
backward. Hence, in the second part of the eighteenth century
empress Catherine encouraged a translation revolution. The
empress herself took part in the work. In 1768 she allotted an
amount of 5000 rubles (nearly Rs. 8000 in those days) for
making translations from foreign languages. Many translation
bodies were formed; and a permanent translation committee was
constituted in the Academy of Sciences. Various books were
translated; some six hundred foreign novels were translated into
Russian. The principal of Kazan College, Verevcken, started
translating the entire French encyclopaedia of Diderot. The glory
of modern Russian literature is certainly not dependent on these
things, but these translations were useful in establishing the
foundation of literature and in creating a class of readers.
We have this ideal before us. However, differences in
capabilities will also be reflected in differences in actual work.
But there is no hurdle in following the ideal; it is with this ideal
that we shall have to start working. A large translation body needs
to be formed with a generous financial contribution. Nothing
will happen without tremendous enthusiasm, ambition and
patriotism of the people.
Our future translations will be divided into two kinds. One
will be concerned with the arts and literature, the other with
informative, academic work. The philosophical translations will
be in the middle, like King Trishanku.94 The first kind will mainly
consist of translation of stories, novels, plays, etc. Translation of
poetry is possible only in a very limited manner. The second
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243
kind will consist of translations of foreign books which are
authoritative but written in a simple, easy manner. We have already
talked about the method of translation.
Informative translations meant for the spread of education
should be such that there is not even a shadow of error anywhere.
The people cannot correct those errors. It is not proper to write a
book on a subject which one has only studied in a superficial manner
in college. There are English books on various subjects written in
easy, simple ways by real experts. The safe thing to do is to make
simple translations of these books. Special attention should be
paid to the fact that the informative books should be of use to all.
Even before Empress Catherine the creator of modern Russia Peter
the Great got foreign books on various subjects like history,
geography, law and science translated into Russian to be used in
spreading education among the people. The emperor especially
informed the translators that the translations would have to be
according to the sense and not the words.
This was about the need for translations in a literature in
its infancy. In a state of literary prosperity also translations
continue. Literature even then remains dependent on translation
for knowledge, education and ideals. There are permanent streams
of translations flowing into languages like English, French and
German. French and German are ahead of English in this matter.
There are no English translations of many foreign books.
Recently, when we sought English translations of a Latin book
called Saturnalia we found that in French there are three
translations of this book, but none in English. There are many
such examples. Russian thinker Prince Kropotkin95 said that there
are many more French and German translations of Russian books
than English translations; there is nothing to help English readers
but to tell them to read French or German translations. The
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German language is extremely rich in many things including
translations. However, in talking about his mother tongue, Prince
Kropotkin said that in terms of the beauty of translations,
Russian is superior to German, and hence, in terms of the beauty
of translations Russian is the richest language in the world.
Anyway, we have to be dependent on English. What has been
said about English is only in comparison with French and
German. Even in English there are thousands of translations of
foreign books, and if one knows only English even then one can
know, more or less, about the literature and the history of the
whole world. Besides, many original English books have been
translated into many languages of the world, but not into our
language. The Japanese writer Noguchi has said briefly that even
before the appearance of a single English grammar book in Japan,
Herbert Spencer became famous there. On the other hand, we
have spent nearly an age learning English, and yet our national
literature has gained nothing from our knowledge of English!
It’s something very unnatural. English is not the state language
of Serbia, it is not the state language of Japan, Bohemia, Hungary,
and yet English came to be used during the initial stages of
development of the literatures of these nations. I think all these
things will give us some inspiration.
Along with translations the need for other literary activities
has to be acknowledged – discussions of ancient literature and
history, and descriptions of various national folk songs, crafts,
trades, etc. But these cannot create readers, nor can the original
writers of today96 The readers we have now are mainly readers of
Bengali novels. Until talented original Assamese poets,
playwrights, novelists, story-writers etc. appear and create a truly
national literature, translation – with the help of other literatures
– will create a class of readers, spread knowledge, draw a picture
Margins : A Journal of Literature and Culture
245
of world literature and world history, and create a new age in
Assamese literature.
Translation of foreign literature will do another thing –
something that happened in Japan and will happen in our country
too. It will help spread ideas of democracy and equality without
which reform and novelty are not possible.
Addendum
Before ending this essay it will be good to give an example
from ancient literature. The sanjivani mantra97 of ancient times
is needed as an inspiration for the present. We have talked about
translations from Greek into Latin, but among ancient literatures,
the greatest occurrence of translation in seen in ancient Chinese
literature. During a period of nearly thirteen hundred years from
the first century A.D. almost towards the end of the thirteenth
century (67 A.D. to 1285 A.D) numerous Buddhist texts written
in Sanskrit and Pali were translated into Chinese. As a result,
besides the original Chinese literature, a huge corpus of Chinese
translations of Buddhist books was established. Many of these
translations have been lost, but even now there are some two
thousand of them. In certain cases the original Sanskrit or Pali
text has disappeared, but the translations remain. Among the
translators were a few Indian translators, too. Besides Fa-Hien98,
Hsuan Tsang99 and others many Chinese scholars came to India
and took the original Buddhist books with them. When Hsuan
Tsang returned home, his collected books had to be carried on
twenty horses. There are other examples of this kind.
We know of the Chinese scholars who came to India mainly
as Buddhist tourists, but many people don’t know how hard they
worked at translating Sanskrit and Pali texts into their mother
tongue. Besides writing his travelogue, Fa Hian translated quite a
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246
few books – some on his own and some with the help of a scholar
named Buddhabhadra. Similarly, Ising, a Chinese tourist who
came after him, returned to his country in the later part of the
seventh century (693-694) and translated 56 books into his
mother tongue. Hsuan Tsang devoted himself to translation in a
very big way. He returned to his country in 645. For 19 years
from his return until his death – first in Hong-Fu hermitage and
then in Che-En temple – he translated 74 different books into
Chinese. When Hsuan Tsang started translating he was at least
50 years old. When he finished the massive translation of the
Prajnaparamita Sutra100 he was nearly 66 years old. Three years
after that he died. One is surprised to observe the hard work of
the old monk. The emperor invited him to stay in his palaceso
that he coud do the translation of the Prajnaparamita Sutra
quietly. The emperor and the prince together wrote two prefaces
to his translations. There is no lively and nobler story about
translation than this in history.
Notes
(The notes are the translator’s notes unless mentioned that they are
the author’s.)
1
The first month in the Assamese lunar calendar. It begins in
the middle of April.
2
An Assamese literary magazine of the time. When the article
appeared in Chetan", Handiqui was in England, pursuing the Modern
History (Honours) course for his postgraduation. He had already
completed his MA in Vedic Sanskrit in first class from the University
of Calcutta, and his father, Radhakanta Handique and other friends
and relatives hoped that he would join the imperial civil service.
However, Handiqui showed no inclination for government service,
and went on a seven-year sojourn of Europe. During this entire period,
Margins : A Journal of Literature and Culture
247
he remained engrossed in his studies, staying mostly at London, Paris
and Berlin. He kept himself abreast of literary, cultural activities at
home, and hence his intervention in the Chetan" debate on translation.
3
Premier literary organization of Assam, concerned with
Assamese language and literature.
It is on the platform of the Sahitya Sanmilani that the Asom
Sahitya Sabha was formed. The Asom Sahitya Sabha is now considered
to be the most important literary, cultural organization of the
Assamese people.
4
Actually, however, Handiqui writes about both: (i) literature
with a glorious past going through a period of challenge and weakness
and then flourishing again through the intervention of translations;
and (ii) literatures such as English benefitting from translations even
during a period of promising growth and development.
5
The First World War (1914-1918).
6
The Czechs are now independent, not under Austria. In
October 1918, a new republic was formed with provinces like
uthor’
Bohemia, Moravia, Slovakia, etc. (A
(Author’
uthor’ss note)
7
As in this case, Handiqui does not give details of the source of
his quotations in this essay. One has to remember that he was writing
for the general public in an Assamese periodical, and did not feel the
need to follow the methodological requirements of research articles.
8
Josef Dobrovský (1753-1829), philologist and historian, one
of the great leaders of the Czech nationalist revival. He was a great
scholar of the Czech language, an antiquarian and a founder of
comparative Slavic linguistics. His Geschichte der böhmischen Sprache
und Litteratur (1792; “History of the Bohemian Language and
Literature”) included discussions of literary works which had suffered
suppression for long because of the Protestant religious character of
their content. He also wrote important and influential grammars of
Czech and of Old Church Slavonic. His grammar of Old Church
Slavonic paved the way for comparative Slavic studies.
9
Josef Jungmann (1773-1847), Boheminan poet and linguist;
prominent leader of the Czech national revival. He was Josef
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Dobrovský’s student. He compiled a very important Czech-German
dictionary (1835-1839) that proved extremely useful in the
improvement and development of Czech literature. He wrote and
published many Czech translations of important texts by authors
such as Chateaubriand, Goethe, Schiller and Milton. He also wrote
on Czech language and literature.
10
Ján Kollár (1793-1852), the Slovak pastor, poet and scholar
famous for his Slávy dcera (Daughter of Sláva, 1824), a lyric-epic
poem endorsing the cultural unity of the Slavonic peoples. His other
works include a collection of Slovakian folk songs, an important
essay promoting Slavic cultural unity, and a philological work dealing
with German root forms and Slovak dialects.
11
Pavel Jozef Šafárik (1795-1861), a pioneer of Slavonic
philology and archaeology, one of the important leaders of the Czech
national revival. He wrote a number of important books on the history
and language of the Slavs. These include Geschichte der slavischen
Sprache und Literatur nach allen Mundarten (1826; “History of the
Slavic Languages and Literature in All Dialects”); Slavanské
staro • itnosti (1837; “Slavic Antiquities”); and Geschichte der
sûdslawischen Literatur (1864; History of South Slavic Literature”).
12
František Palacký, was called the father of 19th century Czech
nationalism. A historian and politician, Palacký wrote a monumental
history of Bohemia in five volumes (1836-1867)
13
Jungmann’s five-volume Czech-German dictionary.
14
In identifying proper names from several European literary
cultures that have been reproduced by Handiqui in Assamese I have
been hampered by the difficulty of translating the phonetically spelt
names back into their original European forms. Names that have yet
to be definitely established have been printed here in bold, with English
spellings that approximately suggest the sounds of the Assamese words.
Any suggestions as to the identity of these authors may be
communicated either to the translator at [email protected]
or to the Editors at [email protected]
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15
249
Along with the translations the old books of Bohemia were
also being published. Bohemian writer Count Lützow said, “.....Even
the great writers considered editing and translating as important duties
that they had to perform for the nation.” The discussion on ancient
Assamese literature that has started is a good sign for the new age of
uthor’
Assamese literature. (A
(Author’
uthor’ss note)
16
uthor’
(Author’
uthor’ss note)
He died in 1912. (A
17
Hungarian writer Emil Rice has said that every good poem,
every good novel written during this period were far more useful than
uthor’
all the discussions in the meetings. (A
(Author’
uthor’ss note)
18
Count István Széchenyi (1791-1860) whose donation made
the establishment of the Hungarian Academy of Science possible.
During his travels in Europe, he was impressed by the modernity of
England and France, and longed to see similar progress in Hungary.
His donating a year’s income for the establishment of the Hungarian
Academy of Science is clear proof of his great desire to usher in
modernity in Hungary. Incidentally, during the entire period (19301948) in which Krishna Kanta Handiqui was the principal of
Jagannath Barooah College, Jorhat, he donated his salary to the
institution. In later life, too, Handiqui made large donations to
educational institutions and organizations working for social progress.
19
In these old days of Serbian literature, a lot of translations
were done from Christian and Byzantine literature just as there were
uthor’
uthor’ss note)
(Author’
translations from Sanskrit in old Assamese literature. (A
20
Dositej Obradoviæ (1742-1811), polyglot Serbian author,
linguist, philosopher. Considered to be the most important Serbian
representative of the Enlightenment, he greatly influenced Serbian
literary development through his writings. He translated some
European classic texts into Serbian.
21
Italo Svevo, pen name of Ettore Schmitz (1861-1928) Italian
novelist and short-story writer.
22
Count Carlo Gozzi (1720-1806), Italian playwright.
23
Cedomilj Mijatovic (1842-1932), Serbian writer,
statesman, historian.
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250
24
Vuk Stefanoviæ Karad• iæ (1787-1864).
Serbian folk songs are famous for their poetic quality. From
the time of Karad• iæ, a lot of folk songs and musical tunes have been
published. Nearly a hundred collections have been published and over
fifteen thousand Serbian folk songs saved from being forgotten. Over
thirty collections of Serbian folktales and moral precepts have been
published. Collections of the famous Serbian embroidery designs
have been published, and these have been preserved in museums.
(A
uthor’
(Author’
uthor’ss note)
26
Jovan JovanoviæZmaj (1833-1904) an important Serbian poet.
27
Janos Arany (1817-1882), considered to be Hungary’s greatest
epic poet. Incidentally, he was also a translator of Shakespeare.
28
Sandor Petofi, one of the greatest Hungarian poets. He was
born in 1823 and may have died in 1849 when he took part in the
Hungarian War of Independence and disappeared during a battle
between Hunagarian and Russian forces.
29
Laza Kostiæ (1841-1910), preeminent Serbian litterateur.
30
Handiqui is referring to the weak condition of Assamese
literature at that time.
31
These quotations, like some of the names (in bold) remain
untraced.
32
Charles Batteux (1713-1780), known for his translation of
Horace.
33
Probably Batteux’s Principes de la literature.
34
Handiqui means translation of verse which cannot be exact.
35
Once again Handiqui refers to the poor condition of
Assamese literature in the early decades of the twentieth century.
36
Richard Bentley (1662-1742), great English classical scholar.
37
Philemon Holland (1552-1637).
38
Charles Whibley in Cambridge History of English Literature,
Vol 4 [Cambridge, 1909] 3.
39
Plutarch’s Bioi parállçloi translated from the French and
published as Parallel Lives by North. Arguably the most famous of
25
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251
the Elizabethan translations, it was the source for many of
Shakespeare’s plays.
40
The French translation used by Sir Thomas North was by
Jacques Amyot.
41
Vasily Andreyevich Zhukovsky (1783-1852), generally
associated with early romanticism in Russian literature. He wrote
original poems and also produced important translations or
adaptations.
42
The second novel by the Assamese author Rajanikanta
Bordoloi, published in 1900. It is set in the backdrop of the last days
of Ahom rule in Assam and the Burmese invasion of Assam.
43
Dwijendralal Ray (1863-1913), Bengali writer and musician,
famous for his patriotic songs and plays.
44
José Echegaray (1832-1916), important Spanish dramatist
of the 19th century. He was also a mathematician and statesman.
Handiqui refers to his play Mariana (1892), considered to be one of
those plays in which Echegaray exhibits his susceptibility to new ideas.
Some of his plays also show affinities with Ibsen.
45
Here there are two lines in which Handiqui briefly compares
Dwijendralal’s play with Echegaray’s.
46
A sam"sa in Sanskrit is a grammatical mode forming a
compound word.
47
However, good examples of translation of foreign plays—
with certain portions left out—which are also suitable for the stage,
are Laurence Binyon’s translation of Shakuntala and Arthur Simonson’s
translation of Mricchakatika. These two translators are now English
poets. Readers who do not know Sanskrit will like these brief
translations better than translations involving exact transliteration.
(A
uthor's Note)
(Author's
48
Nikolai Mikhailovich Karamzin (1766-1826), Russian
historian, poet, critic.
49
Thucydides (c.460BC-c.395BC), Greek historian.
50
Up to this Handiqui’s essay was translated in the fourth issue
of the Assamese periodical Chetan" in the second year of its
252
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publication in 1920. The next issue of the journal contained the last
part of the essay. Thus, the long essay was serialised in two issues of
Chetan".
51
Noro Genjo (1693-1761), Japanese botanist, physician.
52
Maeno Ryôtaku (1723-1805)
53
Sugita Genpaku (1733-1817), scholar, translator.
54
Nakagawa Jun’an (1739-1786), Japanese doctor, botanist,
scholar.
55
Otsuki Gentaku (1757-1827).
56
Udagawa Genshu (1769-1834).
57
Takano Chôei (1804-1850).
58
Yukichi Fukuzawa (1835-1901).
59
Probably Haga Yaichi (1867-1927), Professor of Tokyo
Imperial University, and later President of Kokugakuin University.
60
The Assamese words are confusing here, but Handiqui may
be talking about one of the works of Herbert Spencer (1820-1903).
61
Handiqui seems to be talking about History of Civilization in
England by HenryThomas Buckle (1821-1862). The book was originally
published in two volumes, in 1857 and 1861. Buckle had planned to
write a monumental work, and these volumes came only in the beginning
of his total scheme, although he did not live to complete his project.
62
Nakamura Masanao (1832-1891), known by his pen name
Nakamura Keiu. Educated in England, Nakamura translated such
works as John Stuart Mill’s On Liberty and Samuel Smiles’ SelfHelp.
63
Samuel Smiles (1812-1904) whose writings emphasized hard
work, thrift and soundness of character, and enthused people to take
advantage of the socio-economic changes sweeping England and other
European countries in the 19th century.
64
Tanaka Fujimaro (1845-1909), statesman and educationist.
65
Itagaki Taisuke (1837-1919), one of the great Japanese leaders
who infused ideas of western liberalism into Japanese political
institutions.
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66
253
'Risshisha' implies self-help.
Jeremy Bentham (1748-1832), British philosopher considered
to be the founder of utilitarianism.
68
Handiqui must be talking about Edward Bulwer-Lytton
(1803-1873).
69
Tsubouchi Sh ôyô (1859-1935), Japanese writer, critic,
professor at Waseda University.
70
Ôgai Mori (1862-1922), Japanese doctor, translator, author.
71
Meaning ‘Waseda Literature’.
72
Bernd Heinrich Wilhelm von Kleist (1777-1811).
73
Heinrich Heine (1797-1856).
74
Pen-name of Tokutomi Lichiro (1863-1957).
75
Morita Shiken (1861-1897).
76
Handiqui seems to be referring to Pedro Calderon de la Barca
(1600-1681), Spanish dramatist and poet.
77
The Assamese word is confusing, but Handiqui may be talking
about the Russian author Ivan Turgenev (1818-1883).
78
The literary journal Shigarami sôshi was published during
the period 1889-1894.
79
Publication of Teikoku Bungaku continued up to 1920.
80
Handiqui does not provide the name of Mori’s sister. She
was Koganei Kimiko.
81
Handiqui gives a little more information on this, possibly
providing the name of the journal in which Koganei Kimiko published
her translations, but the Assamese words are somewhat confusing.
82
A poem by Alfred Tennyson (1809-1892) published in 1864.
83
The Assamese essay has the words “Notre Dame” in English.
84
One famous Noguchi was Hideyo Noguchi (1876-1928), a
bacteriologist whose work was of immense help to medical science,
but Handiqui probably refers to someone else.
85
Miyake Setsurai (1860-1945). Japanese philosopher.
86
A very important author, diplomat, teacher, Inazo Nitobe (18621933) was active in international politics and was a prolific writer.
67
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254
87
Livius Andronicus (c.284BC-c.204BC) Roman poet,
dramatist of the Old Latin period.
88
Plautus (254 BC-184 BC), major comic dramatist, credited
with establishing a Roman drama in the Latin language. Plautus drew
freely from Greek sources.
89
Quintus Ennius (c.239 BC-c.169 BC), considered to be the
first of the great Roman poets.
90
Aratas (c.315BC-240BC), Greek didactic poet known
particularly for his poem on astronomy, Phenomena.
91
Xenophon (c.430BC-c.350BC), Greek historian, philosopher,
famous for his Anabasis.
92
It is difficult to be sure about the spelling of this untraced
name. The Assamese word suggests that the name is pronounced
approximately as TOY-FEL. The Polish name Tajfel would be
pronounced as TAY-FEL. The only possible history of Roman
Literature seems to be the one by Charles Thomas Crutwell (1878),
running to 712 pages.
93
If someone says that in any case the number of translations
are far less than the number of original texts, then one just needs to
listen to what the Japanese writer Noguchi said. Among original
writings at them time there was a deluge of novels, but Noguchi said
that not even one among hundred such novels was good. At that time
the translation of one good foreign book was more valuable than a
hundred original Japanese books. Even after so many translations
were done Professor Haga expressed his desire for a series like the
Reklame Series of German literature. He said that for this one would
have to wait for the writers of the next generation. From this we can
understand how much the Japanese desired translations in their
uthor’
uthor’ss note)
literature. (A
(Author’
94
The name of a king described in the Bala Kanda of the
Valmiki Ramayana. Desiring to ascend to heaven in his mortal body,
Trishanku was fated to remain suspended in space. The word
‘Trishanku’ therefore suggests a compromise, middle-ground or an
in-between state.
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95
255
Prince Pyotr Alexeyevich Kropotkin (1842-1921), influential
Russian Communist thinker, author of books such as The Conquest
of Bread and Fields, Factories and Workshops.
96
Here we must acknowledge the entertaining capacity of the
uthor’
writings of Lakshminath Bezbaroa (A
(Author’
uthor’ss note)
97
The ultimate formula for successful resurrection.
98
Also called Fa-Hsien or Faxian, Chinese monk who came to
India in 402 AD. He translated a number of Sanskrit texts that he
had carried with him to China.
99
Also called Xuanzang (c. 602-664), Chinese Buddhist
traveller, monk, scholar.
100
Very important text of Mahayana Buddhism. Literally, the
Sanskrit “Prajnaparamita” means “perfection of wisdom.”
***